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DOI 10.1007/s11712-014-9382-1
1 Introduction
Aristotle and Confucius consider a sense of shame to be a praiseworthy
disposition, each claiming that it forestalls bad conduct, stimulates good conduct, andif widespreadrenders a non-coercive form of government sufficient for achieving social order. These two philosophers differ, however, on the
question of whether social class and wealth necessarily affect our potential to
develop a sense of shame. By assuming that its development requires a
particular kind of upbringingone that is only available to freeborn males
from families of ample meansAristotle renders shame a possession guarded
by the prerequisites of social class and affluence. Confucius, on the other hand,
claims that almost anyoneregardless of class, wealth, or upbringingcan
acquire a sense of shame; and in the course of the Analects he presents us
with three strategies for cultivating a sense of shame in others regardless of
Thorian R. Harris (*)
Philosophy Department, University of Maryland, Baltimore County,
1000 Hilltop Circle, Baltimore, MD 21250, USA
e-mail: thor@umbc.edu
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their initial socioeconomic status. The best explanation of this difference between Aristotle and Confucius, however, is not that Confucius deploys methods
that Aristotle does not, but that they have competing views on the relative
fixity of dispositions. While Aristotle conceives of praiseworthy dispositions as
fixed character traits of individuals, traits which calcify as one reaches adulthood, Confucius allows praiseworthy dispositions a greater degree of plasticity
by conceiving of them as relational functions rather than individual character
traits. While it is tempting to put this debate in terms of the existence or nonexistence of fixed character traits, we might instead entertain a pragmatic
question: What difference does it make to conceive of praiseworthy dispositions, such as a sense of shame, as individual character traits or, following the
early Confucians, as relational virtuosity? That is, which conception of praiseworthy dispositions better fosters the development of a sense of shame? I will
argue that the Confucian conception of praiseworthy dispositions best supports
the development of a sense of shame.
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virtues. We feel ashamed, he says, either when others think that we, or those
whom we care about, have acted viciously,2 or when they think we (or, again,
those whom we care about) lack a particular virtueor other such honorable
thingspossessed by our peers (Rhetoric II.6; cf. Nicomachean Ethics X.9).3
For Aristotle, the emotion of shame is not an ethically neutral psychological
event, nor is it something everyone has an immediate capacity to experience.
It is, however, not the experience of shame but the sense of shame to which
Aristotle attributes the greater ethical significance.4 On Aristotles account of the
emotions they are simultaneously cognitive and affective. Each emotion is associated
with a particular affective sensation, either pain or pleasure. For example, shame, as we
have already mentioned, involves a painful sensation. This affective dimension to the
various emotions allows Aristotle to distinguish them from other types of psychological
phenomena, such as thoughts or perceptions. Yet if the emotions were merely affective
in nature it would be difficult to distinguish between the experience of fear, anger,
shame, emulation, envyand all the other emotions qualified with pain. Aristotle
accomplishes his taxonomy of the emotions by referencing their cognitive dimension.
The emotion of anger, for example, is not simply a painful experience; it is a painful
experience caused by a perceived slightthat is, the judgment that a specific person
has done something that we take to be an undeserved action that comes between us and
achieving our desired ends. Likewise, shame is not merely a painful experience; it is a
painful experience caused by conduct considered capable of bringing disgrace upon
The phrase is kakon erga, which translates as acting badly. It can denote acting clumsily, making a
mistake, even being slow to comprehend something; but it can also denote acting viciously, and this is what
interests us here.
3
Someone who loves what is truly noble or honorable (kalon) will naturally seek the virtues; hence, the
virtues are to be included in the set of honorable (kalon) things.
4
He is explicit about the distinction between these twothe emotion and sense of shameon at
least one occasion (Eudemian Ethics II.2). In that passage Aristotle contrasts what he calls the
capacity (dunamis) for shame with the affection. It is interesting that, in this passage, he defines
capacity is such a wayviz., the product of habitas to make it equivalent to what, in the
Nicomachean Ethics, he refers to as a state (hexis) rather than what he refers to, in that work, as a
capacity (dunamis). Regardless of whether we call this a Nicomachean-state or an Eudemiancapacity, the sense of shame is a character traita disposition. While the authenticity of this rather
unique passage has been questioned (see Rowe 1971 and Woods 1992), there are several other
passages where his mention of shame can only refer to a capacity, state, or what we are calling a
sense of shame. When, for instance, he discusses civic courage in the Nicomachean and
Eudemian Ethics he attributes it to shame (Eudemian Ethics III.1 and Nicomachean Ethics III.8;
cf. Magna Moralia I.19). In this case, it makes much more sense to suppose that the courageous
conduct of those with civic courage is due not to a feeling of shame (since this would seem to
require a failing on their part) so much as an aversion to shame. It is a disposition, not an affection
or feeling or emotion, which is at work; and it is this disposition that entitles a person to claim the
character trait of civic courage (see Nicomachean Ethics X.9 and II.7). Yet another reason to accept
this distinction appears when we contrast Aristotles comments on shame in book two and four of
the Nicomachean Ethics (II.7 and IV.9). In the former book he speaks of it as a praiseworthy trait,
while in the latter book he says that it is not characteristic of a good man. We would be wise
to follow Alexander of Aphrodisias and resolve this contradiction by utilizing the distinction
between the experience of shame and a certain capacity toward shame (cf. Cua 2003: 151, and
Van Norden 2002: 5253). Aristotle seems to have the emotion of shame in mind in the fourth
book of the Nicomachean Ethics: since the emotion of shame is most often a consequence of
shameful conduct, it is not something we would wish to find in mature individuals. It would be
praiseworthy, rather, to avoid any reason to feel shameand as it is the sense of shame that
facilitates this very thing, it is worthy of praise.
2
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In their respective essays on shame in the early Confucian literature, Bryan W. Van Norden and Antonio S.
Cua make a verbal distinction between the emotion of shame and the sense of shame; yet their accounts of the
sense of shame are rather different from Aristotles notion (Van Norden 2002; Cua 2003). First of all, neither
Van Norden nor Cua discuss the role of affective dispositions, but discuss the sense of shame in purely
cognitive terms. Van Norden, for example, defines the sense of shame as the recognition of shameful conduct
(Van Norden 2002: 5052). Yet the affective dimension to the sense of shame significantly impacts any
discussion of its necessary conditions. Cuadrawing upon Aristotles comment in Rhetoric II.6, that we feel
shame in regard to bad things, whether present, past, or futurecharacterizes the sense of shame as
prospective shame. Cua is right to attribute an action-regulating function to Aristotles account of the sense
of shame, in addition to the action-evaluating function presupposed by the experience of shame (Cua 2003:
184, n22). However, there are two problems with Cuas account. First of all, Aristotle is not discussing the
sense of shame when he mentions the time-referents of the emotion in Rhetoric II.6. Aristotles point here is
not that we can anticipate future shame, and so act to prevent it; rather, he is simply saying that future events,
no doubt future events that strike us as inevitable, can cause us to experience shame. In short, he is talking
about the emotion of shame, not the sense of shame. Even if we place Cuas claims on solid textual footing,
there remains a second problem that has to do with the way he characterizes the sense of shame. The sense of
shame, on Aristotles account, is neither always nor necessarily prospective. It is certainly useful in its
prospective dimension, as anticipation, but it is not limited to the future. Our sense of shame might very well
include an aversion to being associated with anyone whom we discover to have done something shameful in
the past. In that case, the referent is retrospective, not prospective.
6
Again, only with a clear distinction between emotion in the sense of a disposition and emotion in the
sense of a felt experience can we make sense of Aristotles seemingly contradictory claims in the
Nicomachean Ethics that, on the one hand, the emotions are part of virtue (1106b17, 1105b26, 1104b14,
1106b17, 1106b25, and 1107a9), capable of praise and blame (1109b3032), and so must be voluntary
(1109b3032), and on the other hand, that the emotions are not capable of blame or praise (1105b29
1106a1), and so cannot be part of virtue, and are not voluntary (cf. 1109b30 ff.).
7
For the connection between the sense of shame and noble love and hatred, see Nicomachean Ethics X.9.
8
On the praiseworthiness of a sense of shame see Nicomachean Ethics II.7; on a sense of shame as a character
trait, see footnote 4 above.
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virtues. As Myles Burnyeat aptly puts it, shame is the semivirtue of the learner
(Burnyeat 1980: 78).11
Even upon reaching adulthoodwhich, for Aristotle, is the age of 21 (see
Politics VII.17)a sense of shame continues to stimulate the further refinement
of our character virtues.12 It is also said to be constitutive of several character
virtues, such as temperance and liberality. Furthermore, a sense of shame is
thought to prevent vicious acts; this is because a sense of shame orients us in a
certain way toward the experience of shame. If we have a sense of shame we
are not only aware of shameful things nor simply averse to having cause to feel
ashamed. A sense of shame also involves a kind of imaginationone that
projects possible shameful outcomes (see Rhetoric II.6 and Eudemian Ethics
II.2). Combined with the fear of dishonor that is part of a sense of shame, this
projective imagination contributes to our ability to avoid shameful conduct. It is
also an effective deterrent to acting out of character whenever personal gain
or comfort might compete with noble action.13
Besides its significance for the character virtues Aristotle saddles the sense
of shame with an interesting political function. At the end of the Nicomachean
Ethics he entertains the idea that anyone with a sense of shame could be
stimulated by legislators to excellence, and urged forward by the motive of
the noble, on the assumption that those who have been well advanced by the
formation of habitsthe very habits that produce ones sense of shamewill
attend to such influences (Nicomachean Ethics X.9). This approach to
governing contrasts sharply with the form of legislation Aristotle reserves for
those without a sense of shame. Lacking shame, and driven by a desire for
their personal conceptions of pleasure, such persons are to be corrected by
pain like a beast of burden (Nicomachean Ethics X.9). In short, one can rule
those who possess a sense of shame in a dignified and edifying fashion, yet
one cannot avoid using the threat of punishment and brute force upon those
who lack a sense of shame.
11
In his reading of the argument at Nicomachean Ethics X.9, Burnyeat chides David Ross for translating
eugeneia as gently born, which, Burnyeat says, has aristocratic overtones irrelevant to the argument, even if
Aristotles sympathies happened to run in that direction (Burnyeat 1980: 89, n7). Burnyeat cites two passages
to support his contention: Rhetoric II.15 and Politics III.13. At most, these passages can support the claim that
class and wealth are not sufficient for good character; even so, Burnyeat has given us no reason not to
conclude that class and wealth are prerequisites of good character.
12
As we have already mentioned, one of the two possible causes of shame is aretaic disparity or lacking a
virtue possessed by one of our peers. Incidentally, this is also the cause of the emotion Aristotle refers to as
emulation (zlos) (see Rhetoric II.6). Yet these two emotionsshame and emulationshare more than a
common trigger. Aristotle says that the pain of emulation stimulates us to overcome the aretaic disparity
between our peers and ourselves. Yet if aretaic disparity is said to cause the pain of emulation, might it not also
cause the pain in ones experience of shameand have a similar consequence? If emulation causes us to
cultivate a better character, the same must be true of shame.
13
Because a sense of shame is responsive to the conduct of those whom we care about and not merely our
own conduct, a sense of shamewhen coupled with moral imaginationwill benefit not only those who
possess it but their intimates as well. Yet the social benefit of a sense of shame goes further. In addition to
seeking to prevent the disgraceful conduct of those whom we care about, because our sense of shame renders
the disgraceful action of our intimates as painful to us as if we had done it ourselves, a sense of shame allows
us to learnand thus morally benefitfrom the disgrace of others.
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the man from Qi who begs for brew and meat from anyone leaving offerings
at the grave of their ancestors (Mencius 4B33). When this mans wife and
concubine discovered how he came by his meals, Mencius imagines that the
two women felt shame (xiu ). While Aristotle says that the disgrace of those
whom we care about can cause us shame, he is unlikely to have imagined that
one might feel shame if just one person in the community acted in a disgraceful manner. Yet this is how Mencius describes King Wu : if there was one
bully in the realm, Mencius says, King Wu took this to be a personal affront
and was ashamed of it (Mencius 1B3).20
In addition to thinking of shame as an emotion, there is some indication in the
Analects that shame can also be a disposition. At one point Confucius claims that if a
ruler instructs the common people with his personal example, keeps them in line with
ritual proprietyhis people will have a sense of shame; moreover, they will correct
themselves (Analects 2.3; see also 13.20). While one might wish to translate chi
simply as a feeling of shame, the emotion by itself would be incapable of explaining
how this approach to rulership could generate lasting effects, or how it could enable the
people to order themselves. While the sting and moral motivation occasioned by a
momentary sensation of shame may be suffered without lasting effect, the efficacy of a
general sensitivity to shame may be more reliable. Furthermore, a sense of shame is
lodged in the person while a sensation of shame can depend almost entirely upon
external stimuli. Hence, when we translate chi as a sense of shame, we simultaneously name a disposition in the people with lasting effects, and explain how social
order might stem from the people themselves rather than simply from external sanctions such as punishments.21
Beyond the sociopolitical significance of the sense of shame, Confucius sees it as
also contributing to a persons moral cultivation. When an aversion to experiencing
shame is combined with a projective moral imagination strong enough to anticipate
shameful outcomes, shameful conduct can be more successfully avoided. Confucius
says that it was because they would be ashamed if they personally did not to measure
up (to what they said) that the ancients, in speaking, did not exceed themselves
(Analects 4.22). Just as those who use restraint and still miss the mark are rare indeed
(Analects 4.23), lacking a sense of shame can get one into trouble.
This extended regard for the conduct of others appears to stem from King Wus rather inclusive sense of
personal responsibility. King Wu is recorded in the Analects as having said, If any of the Hundred Clans
commit a transgression, let the punishment be visited upon me alone (Analects 20.1). It appears that this
sagely form of responsibility is also asymmetrical. In the same passage the sage-ruler Yu is quoted as
saying, If I should personally commit an offense, let not the punishment be visited upon the inhabitants of the
myriad regions; if the inhabitant of the myriad regions commit an offense, let the punishment be visited upon
me personally. While this inclusive and asymmetrical responsibility is characteristic of the Confucian sages
sense of personhood, Mencius suggests that even a sage will place certain limits upon it (see Mencius 4B28
and 4B29).
21
Which is the other approach to rulership mentioned in Analects 2.3.
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habits in order to instill the noble sentiments that are constitutive of a sense of shame.22
The significance of these habits, cultivated in ones youth, cannot be overstated for
Aristotle: It makes no small difference whether we form habits of one kind or of
another from our very youth; it makes a very great difference, or rather all the
difference (Nicomachean Ethics II.1). When Aristotle contemplates those who, due
to an inadequate upbringing, lack the noble sentiments (and, consequently, a sense of
shame), he considers them beyond the reach of rational argument and simply in need of
law and punishment. In effect, Aristotle sees no hope for the ethical growth of anyone
who lacked a sufficient upbringing since even rational argumentation on ethical matters
presupposes a proper set of habits.23 Rather than seek ways to develop their character,
he spends his time focusing on the next generation and outlining the laws best suited to
the institutionalization of proper upbringing.
Aristotles commitment to upbringing as the sole source of a sense of shame renders
this disposition contingent upon certain socioeconomic factors. For instance, Aristotle
assumes that slaves are incapable of undergoing a proper upbringing. While he does
allow that slaves have a (diminished) capacity for virtue, he says that their excellence is
defined in terms of their social function as slaves.24 Furthermore, slaves are said to lack
any deliberative faculty, and it is doubtful that Aristotle suspected them capable of a
sense of shame. Aristotle also considers gender a limiting factor, leaving proper
upbringingas he discusses itan opportunity only for freeborn males. In addition
to these social preconditions, a boy only stands a chance of a good upbringing when his
parents are beyond the constraints of economic necessitythere is, in other words, a
22
Among the habits Aristotle suggests, I can distinguish three kinds. First, there are what we might call
environmental habits. These include the ancient Greek customs (said to be practiced in ancient Athens) of
molding and stretching the body of the infant to habituate it to good posture, or plunging a child into a cold
river and dressing them in very little clothing to stimulate a healthy constitution and temper them against the
miserable conditions associated with military affairs. Similar processes of habituation can be found in the
history of Sparta, where making ones bed from reeds or traveling at night without a lamp were each meant to
cultivate martial dispositions. A second kind of habituation concerns ones associates. When outlining proper
upbringing in the Politics, Aristotle recommends that the young be kept away from slaves as much as possible,
as well as from intemperate individuals. He also disapproves of children observing artworks or religious rites
that depict shameful conduct. With our association with things as well as with persons, Aristotle comments,
we always like best whatever comes first. And therefore youth should be kept strangers to all that is vulgar
(Politics VII.17; translation amended). As the ancient Greek proverb has it, If one lives with a lame man, one
eventually walks with a limp. The third kind of habit concerns our own behavior. In the Nicomachean Ethics
Aristotle says that we become virtuous persons by engaging in virtuous behavior (II.4). One is, of course, not
yet virtuous in character simply because one acts in a virtuous fashion. In addition to such conduct, one
mustamong other requirementsenjoy behaving virtuously. Yet one of the results of repeated virtuous
behavior is a habituation to the pleasures of virtue. It is thought that a proper upbringing, through its
facilitation of virtuous behavior, affords us the opportunity to come to delight in such behavior.
23
Aristotles position here (that ethical philosophy is incapable of convincing anyone of the merit of what is
noble, let alone correcting ones bad habits, if one does not already have the noble sentiments) can be
explained by his pragmatic approach to the justification of normative ethics. As Iakovos Vasiliou has argued,
Aristotle understands ethics to be a unique field of study because it requires the student to be in a certain
disposition before study begins. To be able to learn from lectures on ethics the student needs to already take
pleasure in what is noble. Hence, Aristotle relies upon a certain kinship to excellence among his students of
ethics and does not attempt a foundational justification of normative ethics independent of this prerequisite of
youth (Vasiliou 1996). It is interesting that Vasiliou attempts to minimize the implications of this interpretation
of Aristotles ethics by suggesting that if ones upbringing were inadequate a new upbringing could be
offered (Vasiliou 1996: 794). This, however, flies in the face of Aristotles comments on the gradual, and near
perfect calcification of our habits (see Nicomachean Ethics VII.10, Magna Moralia II.6, and Rhetoric I.11).
24
For developed accounts of role-specific virtues see MacIntyre 1981; Nagy 1999, and Nussbaum 1986.
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it the one we find in the Mencius. Confucius and Mencius are, however, committed to the potential irrelevance of class, and endeavor to promote shame in others
regardless of their economic situation.
A revolutionary with respect to the social norms in his own day, Confucius claimed
that a persons class was insufficient to determine his or her worth. This social outlook
impacted the way he understood his role as educator: The Master said, Instruction
precludes social class (you jiao wu lei ) (Analects 15.39); I have yet to deny
lessons to those who, drawing upon their own stores, can only offer a gift of dried meat
to their superiors (Analects 7.7). Even if one does well to ignore social class, the same
cannot be said for wealth or poverty. Each is capable, according to the early Confucian
literature, of preventing the development of a sense of shame. While the wealthy are
said to be prone to arrogance, we are warned in the Mencius that commoners without
reliable means of support will not have reliable heart-minds; if they lack reliable heartminds, nothing will put a stop to their roguishness and villainy (Mencius 3A3).
Poverty stimulates thinking in terms of profit, gain, or the acquisition of wealth. This
is an individuating way of thinking, which places ones interests in direct competition
with the interests of others (Mencius 1A1). Confucian ethicswhich involves yi and
shameis distinctly integrating, socially consummating. It requires considering the
perspectives of others and developing ones conduct to include their interests. This is
why it is often remarked in the Confucian canon that if ones primary aim is wealth, one
cannot live as a consummate ( ren) person (Analects 4.5, 8.4, 8.13; Mencius 3A3; Liji
43.2/166/810).
Despite the tendency for poverty to prevent or corrupt ones proper affective
dispositions, including ones sense of shame, there are famous counter-examples within
the early Confucian traditioneach suggesting that the ethically negative consequences of poverty may be mitigated. There is the legendary sage-ruler Yu who was
faultless, in Confuciuss estimation, and yet ate simple food, wore coarse clothing, and
lived in a humble dwelling (Analects 8.21). Then there is the example of Confuciuss
best student, YAN Hui .
The Master said, A person of substance is this YAN Hui! A single bowl of food, a
single dipper of drink, and a place in a back alleyother people would not be
able to endure his hardships, yet for YAN Hui they do not affect his happiness. A
person of substance is this YAN Hui! (Analects 6.11; cf. 7.16)
This capacity to overcome the negative impacts of ones poverty is discussed in
Analects 1.15. One of Confuciuss students, Zigong who was poor at one time,
but had recently acquired wealth through his own initiativeasks his teacher what he
would think of someone with a similar history: someone who, when poor, was not
obsequious and, when rich, was not arrogant. Confucius replies that such a person is
fine for all that, but not as good as someone who, regardless of poverty or wealth,
enjoys ritual propriety (li ) and the way (dao ). As ZHU Xi comments on this
passage,
Ordinary people are overwhelmed by the experience of poverty or wealth and do
not know how to get a handle on themselves; it is no wonder that they come to
have these two defects. If one is not obsequious or arrogant, it is simply because
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one knows how to get a handle on oneselfyet this is not yet enough to enable
one to extricate oneself completely and stand clear of the influence of wealth and
poverty. Hence Confucius response, It is sufficient. Still it is barely sufficient,
and there is something more to his instruction. When you are happy, you think
and feel broadly, comport yourself in comfort, and forget about your poverty;
when you delight in the rites, you find your ease in their excellence, your
happiness in their patterns, thus forgetting about yourself and your wealth.
(Zhu 1983: 5253)
The Confucian ideal involves cultivating this ability to get a handle on oneself so as
to be indifferent to wealth and poverty (see Analects 14.32, 7.16)to be at ease in
poverty, to treat wealth at the expense of yi as so many floating clouds (Analects
7.16), and to focus instead upon cultivating the way (dao).
This sort of indifference is certainly neither easily cultivated nor readily found in
others. The early Confucian literature, however, proposes two general approaches to
developing it in others. 27 The first approach is to address the economic hindrances
directly, aiming to change the circumstances by supplying basic goods to the poor (and,
ostensibly, depriving the arrogant of their wealth). The hope is that a change in
conditions will prevent the negative impact of poverty and wealth. The second approach, on the other hand, is to prevent the effects of poverty and wealth by producing
an internal change in a person. This approach has more in common with the Hellenistic
philosophies of Stoicism, Epicureanism, and Pyrrhonian Skepticism than with
Aristotles commitment to the equipage of virtue and shame. It is also the approach
that the early Confuciansfor several reasons we will get toregard as the most
promising of the two.
The first approach is described in the Analects as enriching the people (fu zhi )
(Analects 13.9). When Confucius visited the state of Wei , he remarked on its
abundant populationa great asset to any state built upon agrarian prosperity. When
asked what more could be done for such a teeming population, he replied enrich
them.28 After that is accomplished, Confucius says, one should teach them. A ruler can
set out to cultivate his people only after he has supplied their material prosperity (see
Hall and Ames 1987: 145).
A fuller picture is developed in the Mencius:
Duke Wen of Teng asked about running a state. Mencius said, The affairs
of the people cannot be neglected. The Book of Odes says In the daytime they
gather reeds, in the nighttime they braid rope; with urgencythey repair their
roofs, they begin to sow the various grains. The peoples way of doing things is
such that, without reliable means of support, they will not have reliable heartminds. If they lack reliable heart-minds, nothing will put a stop to their roguishness and villainy. To compel them to turn to crime, only to come along afterwards
to punish themthis is to lay a trap for the people. How can those who are
27
It is expected that someone in authorityclassically, the ruler of the statewill implement both approaches; but we can see various contemporary applications for these approaches if we assigned them to
those with other types of authority: parents, teachers, older friends, elder siblings, and so on.
28
There are several ways to do this. By not taxing the people to desperation or assigning them public works
during the time of the harvest, and by providing for orphans and the elderly, a ruler enriches his people.
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consummate in their social position lay a trap for the people? Therefore, excellent
rulers must be respectful and frugal, treating their inferiors with ritual propriety,
and taking from the people only the prescribed amount. (Mencius 3A3)
While Mencius acknowledges the value of the peoples material prosperity, he does not
see it as sufficient to produce a sense of shame or the other proper affective dispositions. As he puts it, when the common people are well fed, warmly clad, at leisure in
their homes, but without instruction, they are no different from animals. Because the
sage [sc. Yao ] was worried about this he employed Xie as Minister of Education,
who then taught the basic human relationships (renlun ) to the common people
(Mencius 3A4).29
We must, however, attend to the protreptics of this advice from the Analects and
Mencius. Very often the Confucian philosopher will speak with an eye not to proper
description so much as to good results. A pragmatic notion of truth is quite germane to
the interpretation of Confucian philosophical utterances. As such, mention of the
peoples prosperity as a prerequisite for edifying rulership may be best understood as
advice to rulers intended to encourage the sentiment: Do not expect people to listen to
your counsel or follow your example until you have provided for their basic needs. It
is, however, possible for persons to respond to the moral example of their rulers despite
poverty and need. 30 In fact, when he was asked about the relative value of food,
weapons, and the ruler, Confucius gave first place to the ruler:
Zigong asked about proper governing (zheng ). The Master said, Its simply a
matter of making sure there is sufficient food, sufficient weapons, and that the
common people trust their ruler. Zigong asked, If I could not have them all but
were forced to give one up, which of these three should be the first to go? The
Master replied, Give up the weapons. Zigong asked, If I could not have them
both but were forced to give one up, which of the remaining two should be the
first to go? The Master replied, The foodeveryone dies once they grow old;
but if the common people do not trust their ruler, nothing can get established.
(Analects 12.7)
Poverty might, in fact, make transforming the people even easier. As Mencius
argues, The people of Qi have a saying: Even if you have cunning, it is better to
take advantage of circumstances; even if you have a hoe, it is better to wait for the right
season. Now is a time when things are easygiven that the state of Qi, whose ruler
Mencius is advising in this passage, has the necessary territory and population for
prosperity and security. Moreover, Mencius continues,
concerning the absence of true kings, they have never been so rare as they are in
the present era. As for the maladies the common people have suffered on account
of diseased governments, they have never been pushed to such extremes as they
Aristotle makes similar remarks about the ethical degradation among the vulgar rich (see Adams 2001).
Confucius responds this way to the historical rulers, Duke Wen and Shun of Yu . If we accept an
analogy between rulers and teachers, we could include YAN Huis response to Confucius, despite the poverty
of the former, as another example.
29
30
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have in the present era. Those who are hungry are easy to feed; those who are
thirsty are easy to hydrate. Confucius said, The influence of ones good example
(de ) spreads faster than establishing posts and transmitting commands. In the
current era, were a state of ten thousand chariots to practice consummate government (renzheng ), the common people would delight in it like someone
who is freed from being strung upside down. Now is the time when you
can, with half the effort it took someone in antiquity, achieve twice as
much. (Mencius 2A1)
If the influence of moral rulers is increased by hardship, we might expect a simultaneous increase in their ability to stimulate the sense of shame in their people.
Turning to the second approachthat is, effecting a sort of internal change
in othersthe Analects appear to present us with three separate methods for
cultivating both indifference to wealth and poverty, and a sense of shame. They
are setting a good example, elevating the worthy, and the pedagogy of
fate. The first means for cultivating shame in the common people is mentioned
in Analects 2.3: Instruct them with your good example (de ), keep them in
line with ritual propriety (li )the common people will have a sense of
shame.31 In other contexts in the Analects, de can denote authority, excellence,
even kindness; it is attributed to horses, houses, and commoners. However,
within a political context, de contrastsdomesticallywith commands and
punishments, andinternationallywith martial conquest. De refers to the
influence of ones personal example.
The Analects discusses two ways this personal influence is acquired.32 One is
the de facto political influence enjoyed by those born into the ruling family.
This source of de clearly allows for abuse, and the Confucians say what they
can to encourage rulers to use their influence to good results. This is perhaps
why Confucius, in Analects 2.3, appends the expression, keep the people in
line with ritual propriety; this renders explicit the moral requirements of
effective rulership. The other way to gain personal influence is through a
process referred to as accumulating de (chong de ) (see Analects 12.10,
12.21), which essentially involves establishing ones social and political influence on the bases of personal merit.
The early Confucians are convinced that nothing exercises as much influence on the
common people as the personal example of their rulers and exemplars. Set a good
example and your commands become superfluous; even if someone tries to bribe one
of your subjects, they will not act contrary to your example. Yet if you set a bad
example, even commands cannot stop them from following it. As Confucius remarks,
The example of the exemplary person (junzi ) is the wind, the example of the petty
person (xiaoren ) is the grass; as the wind blows upon the grass it is sure to bend
The full passage reads, Instruct them with commands, keep them in line with punishmentsthe common
people will be evasive but without a sense of shame. Instruct them with your good example, keep them in line
with ritual proprietythe common people will have a sense of shame; moreover, they will correct
themselves.
32
There are, no doubt, other ways to acquire it, but the authors of the Analects appear to purposively leave
them out. Of the two they mention, the first is a fact of the dynastic system of government of the time, while
the latter is the Confucian attempt to improve and augment that system.
31
337
(Analects 12.19).33 No doubt the Confucians overstate the power of exampleif only
to properly affect their audience. But there is something to learn from this general
sentiment.
To follow the example of others, in this context, is to conduct oneself in similar
terms (to adopt the ritual proprieties they exemplify, for instance), but also to adopt the
abiding desires and sentiments of these persons (Liji 43.1/165/78; cf. 43.2/166/20). It
is true that one might follow another persons example with an obsequious motive,
seeking advancement by courting the favor of a superior. HAN Feizi warns of
this tendency, graphically depicting its effects, and suggests that a ruler hide his true
desires if he wishes to avoid this sort of result. However, subordinates can also be
motivated to become more like their ruler or an exemplarin both deed and heartmindout of a feeling that is similar to what Aristotle calls emulation (zlos). When
you see another persons excellence, Confucius implores us, think to become like them
in this regard (Analects 4.17). He also describes himself as someone who, upon seeing
something done well (shan ), is afraid he will never grasp it himself (Analects 16.11).34
If this is how we are to understand the influence of personal example, there is a
surprising result for our account of the Confucian program for the development of a
sense of shame. If the good example of a ruler is capable of cultivating a sense of
shame, it is only capable of doing so on the basis of emulation. These two emotions,
tangentially related on Aristotles account (see Rhetoric II.6, II.11), are ranked on
Confuciuss own. Emulation comes first, as it is our admiration for others that develops
our own sense of shamepresumably when we realize the various ways in which we
fall short of the person we admire. There is brilliance to this approach to developing a
sense of shame in others. While direct remonstrance often causes our listeners to defend
their conduct instead of listening to our criticism, if we can present them with a good
example (if not our own, then at least that of another), we leave the person free to
acknowledge their faults without any unnecessary harm to their dignity.35
The second method for developing a sense of shame in others is elevating the
worthy (jushan or juzhi ) which involves granting station and salary to
persons based on merit. In a world where wealth was gained largely through a process
of official commission, and ones clothing, utensils, and diet invariably reflected ones
social and political status, the ruler had tremendous control over the substance of social
elevation and demotion. Were rulers to promote only those who accumulated de, it
was assumed that the common people would be transformed. Presumably the force of
this kind of meritocracy is not simply emulation, but perhaps self-interest. As it is
expressed on another occasion, this social program makes the people eager and
industrious (Analects 2.20; cf. 7.8). If the common people think they can gain wealth
by accumulating de they will prize de. While they may at first attribute only an
instrumental value to it, they may eventually come to value de intrinsicallyand if
they do, they will have acquired a sense of shame since their concern for de will
33
Confucius seems to be borrowing the expression from the Shangshu (Book of Documents), where a
minister admonishes his ruler, You are the wind, the commoners below are the grass (er wei feng, xia min
wei cao , ) (Shangshu 49/46/9).
34
Although Confucius is not speaking in the first person here, it would still be fair to take this statement as an
adequate reflection of his own desires (see Analects 7.22, 7.28, and 7.32).
35
Something like this is at the heart of the classical narratives concerning Shun of Yus relationships with his
villainous family members. For more on the efficacy of indirect communication, see Jullien 2000.
338
Thorian R. Harris
overwhelm their concern for personal gain whenever de and personal gain conflict.
Furthermore, though the program of elevating the worthy utilizes ones concern for
wealth and ones self-interest in general, it enables one to pursue these interests in such
a fashion that one is also serving the interests of the community.
Coming to the third method, we often hear Confucius complaining about the lack of
focus on the part of his students and contemporaries. As he puts it on one occasion, I
have not yet met a person as fond of de as he is of female beauty (Analects 9.18). On
another occasion he remarks, It is not easy to come by someone who does not seek an
official salary after a mere three years of study (Analects 8.12). To deal with the force
of these distractions, which are capable of undermining ones sense of shame with its
implied concern for de, Confucius devised a third methodwhat I am calling the
pedagogy of fate (ming ). The Confucian notion of fate, which draws upon a robust
tradition of thought, covers the propensities of ones birth, death, lifespan, health, the
failures or success in ones career, social rank, as well as ones wealth and poverty. It did
not, however, control ones every action; nor was it instigated by supernatural forces
similar to the Greek Moirai or an Abrahamic God, but by the unfolding of circumstance
(tian )a spontaneous and natural consequence of forces beyond ones control. By
classifying things such as professional advancement, wealth, and poverty as matters of
fate, Confucius sought to help his students focus on accumulating de. If successful in
this task, this method would no doubt disarm poverty and wealth of their negative
effects, and help preserve ones sense of shame. However, when Confucius spoke of fate
it is likely that he was engaging in a self-consciously protreptic utterance aimed at these
effects, and not necessarily intending to accurately describe affairs; fate, in other words,
was nothing more than a useful fiction for Confuciusa pedagogical strategy.36
The viability of these three methods presupposes that Aristotle is wrong to think that
a capacity for shame can only be developed in ones childhood. One of the things that
distinguishes Aristotle and Confucius is a disagreement on the fixity of moral traits
(dispositions, capacities, states). Aristotle thinks that children are relatively malleable,
but that this is the only time one can be molded; as one approaches maturity, one
becomes fixedup to the point where one develops traits of character that can be
sharply distinguished from the force of circumstance. By contrast, Confucius is committed to the possibility that even adults might take on radically new traits.
37
339
choose them for their own sakes, and thirdly his action must proceed from a firm and
unchangeable character (Nicomachean Ethics II.4; emphases added). Each of these
agent-specific criteria for the attribution of virtue seeks to separate the contribution of
the agent from the force of circumstance. However, it is the last criterion that drives
home the notion that a virtue must presuppose the individual-specificity and fixity of
traitsin this case, of a state of character (hexis). Aristotle, in short, is committed to
what John Doris has described as trait-relevant behavioral consistency (2002). While
the character trait of courage may involve context-dependent and agent-dependent
differences in our overt behavior, we can only be said to have courage if we consistently
engage in the trait-relevant behaviorif we are courageous in all manner of situations
and even, or especially, in those circumstances when courageous behavior is difficult.38
It is because Aristotle thinks of praiseworthy dispositionssuch as the virtues, or the
sense of shameas consistent traits of character that he is forced to neglect the moral
education of those who did not benefit from a proper upbringing.
Confucius, on the other hand, does not conceive of the sense of shame or other
praiseworthy dispositions as traits of character in a similarly individualistic fashion. We
may speak of these dispositions as traits of character, but these dispositions are not true of
persons in isolation. They are true of persons only within their social contextstheir roles
and relationships. This is a specific form of what is sometimes called situationism: an
idea that works as a corrective on our fascination with agency and character by claiming
that praiseworthy events, even praiseworthy tendencies, are more the result of the
situation than agents (see Doris 2002). 39 Situationism, according to Doris, denies the
consistency but not the stability of character traits. We may act compassionately across a
range of situations when these situations share important similarities (hence, the trait of
compassion can be said to be stable); but if situations become too dissimilar (especially if
these situations make compassionate actions more difficult), it becomes less likely that we
will continue to act compassionately. In that case, we cannot be said to be consistently
compassionate. If these two claims were both true, traits like compassion would seem to
be more aptly applied to situations than individuals.
Put another way, we might think of situationism as a deflationary account of
character. As I understand it, Doris is arguing in favor of a position akin to John
Deweysone that correlates character with context, and takes any ascription of a
disposition or habit to an individual to be nothing more than an abstraction away from
the person-in-context. As Dewey puts it,
Habits may be profitably compared to physiological functions, like breathing and
digesting. The latter are, to be sure, involuntary, while habits are acquired. But
important as is this difference it should not conceal the fact that habits are like
functions in many respects, and especially in requiring the cooperation of organism
and environment. Breathing is an affair of the air as truly as of the lungs; digesting an
affair of food as truly as of tissues of stomach. There are specific good reasons for
the usual attribution of acts to the person from whom they immediately proceed. But
to convert this special reference into a belief of exclusive ownership is as misleading
38
For the normative significance of differences between agents and situations in Aristotles ethics, see
Nicomachean Ethics II.6.
39
Situationism, as Doris uses the term, is not a thesis about the situation-dependency of value.
340
Thorian R. Harris
as to suppose that breathing and digesting are complete within the human body.
Honesty, chastity, malice, peevishness, courage, triviality, industry, irresponsibility
are not private possessions of a person. They are working adaptations of personal
capacities with environing forces. (Dewey 1922: 1719)
When Aristotle attempts to ascribe character traits exclusively to individuals, thus
separating character from conduct, he commits himself to what Dewey would describe
as an individualistic account of character traits (Dewey 1922: 18; cf. Nicomachean
Ethics I.8).
Among the classical Chinese philosophical schools, the early Confucians were not
alone in adopting the notion that character traits were situation-dependent. In SUN Wus
Sunzi Bingfa (Sunzis Art of War) we are told that a good general does
not think of courage as a trait of individual soldiers, but as the product of terrain. On
the day they are ordered to attack, the soldiers sitting will have tears soaking their
collars, the soldiers laying on their backs will have tears running off their cheeks, yet
throw them into a situation where there is no escape, and they will have the courage of
ZHUAN Zhu and CAO Gui [two traditional exemplars of courage] (Sunzi
Bingfa 11/12/56). In a similar vein, HAN Feizi claims that honesty is the product of
public attention. When cheap goods are placed in a hideaway, even ZENG Shen
and SHI Yu [that is, two exemplars of honesty] may be suspected (if the cheap
goods go missing); yet if you suspend a hundred gold-pieces in the marketplace, even a
great thief will not grab it. Because no one will know (the thief), ZENG Shen and SHI Yu
can be suspected with regard to what was in the hideaway; because (the thief) is sure to
be known, a great thief does not grab the gold suspended in the marketplace (Hanfeizi
46/138/13). The Confucian variety of situationism, by contrast, focuses more upon
familial relationships and their analogs than upon terrain and public attention. For
Confucius, a sense of shame is not the possession of an individual alone but is
practiced by individuals within specific relationships.40 When discussing the three
40
Anyone who reads Confucian ethics as a virtue ethics may question the validity of this claim. A supporter of a
virtue ethics interpretation, Eric Hutton has recently argued that Doriss situationism cannot apply to Confucian
ethics. According to Hutton, the Aristotelian notion of character [is] about as widespread in the East Asian
philosophical tradition as in the Western philosophical tradition (Hutton 2006: 37), and an emphasis on robust
character traitsespecially the consistency of character traitsis a central feature of Confucian ethics (Hutton
2006: 40). When he turns to the Analects to support his claims, Hutton discusses the trait of ren (which he
translates as benevolencea translation that might very well beg the question). Linguistically speaking, he says,
this must surely be a trait of people: Confucian texts often speak of the [ren ren] ren person or [ren
zhe] one who is ren (Hutton 2006: 40). Furthermore, a careful reading of Analects 4.5 reveals an emphasis not
merely upon the stability of this trait, but its consistency as well: If the gentleman abandons ren, how can he merit
the name [of gentleman]? The gentleman does not go against ren even for the amount of time required to finish a
meal. Even in times of urgency or distress, he necessarily accords with it (Hutton 2006: 41). I do not think one
can doubt these claims; they are, however, incapable of supporting Huttons initial claim about Confucian ethics.
First of all, while ren might be said to be a trait of persons, we may still ask what it is to be a person? As David
Hall and Roger Ames have argued, a person in Confucian thought is a focus in a field of relationships, which
would suggest that ren could be relational instead of an individualistic or consistent character trait (Hall and Ames
1998). Secondly, when it comes to the issue of the gentleman (junzi) in times of distresswhat, we should ask,
allows the junzi to maintain ren? Drawing upon the Analects it would seem that a good answer to this question is
the company the junzi keeptheir relations and relationships (cf. Xunzi on li , situation). When The Five
Modes of Proper Conduct (Wuxing pian ) discusses praiseworthy dispositions (de zhi xing ) this text
is explicit that they are social in origin, but also relational practices (for the relation-dependency of ren , for
example, see Wuxing pian 5 [Holloway 2005]).
341
methods for developing a sense of shame in others we were not, after all, simply
discussing techniques for the cultivation of the sense of shame, but were discussing
certain relationshipsbetween ruler and subject, teacher and studentin which a sense
of shame is practiced. These relational practices are integral to the affective disposition
of the sense of shame; it is not something an individual could ever possess in a selfsufficient fashion as one might possess an Aristotelian character virtue.
To conceive of praiseworthy dispositions, such as the sense of shame, as relationdependent dispositions brings with it both promise and risk. Since relationships are more
malleable than character traits understood individualistically (we can find ourselves in
new relationships much easier than we can change our habits) we can expect relationaldependent traits to be more malleable than individualistic character traits. This accounts
for the Confucian conviction in the near universal availability of moral cultivation. Yet
greater malleability cuts both ways: if it gives us hope that even adults with an
inadequate upbringing can come to have a sense of shame, it should also give us cause
to fear that anyoneabsolutely anyonemight cease to have a sense of shame if their
relationships somehow deteriorate. This is one of the risks involved in the Confucian
conception of praiseworthy dispositionsa conception, however, that makes the development of a sense of shame possible regardless of socioeconomic considerations.
Acknowledgments For their comments on early drafts of this paper I wish to thank Jim Tiles, Roger Ames,
Jeremy Henkel, Kevin Delapp, the participants of the 6th International Philosophy Conference of the South
African Society for Greek Philosophy and the Humanities (especially Rachel Bothma, Mojalefa Koenane,
Josephat Obi Oguejiofor, Bret Oliver, and Pascah Mungwini), and two anonymous reviewers. I wish to also
thank Mike and Brenda Wingfield, of the University of Pretoria, for their hospitality while I was in South
Africa.
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