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Author(s): E. J. Hobsbawm
Source: Daedalus, Vol. 100, No. 1, Historical Studies Today (Winter, 1971), pp. 20-45
Published by: The MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20023989
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http://www.jstor.org
E. J. HOBSBAWM
to the History
of Society
essay
is an attempt
to observe
not to state a
and analyze,
or to express
is
this
where
(except
personal
clearly stated)
the author's preferences
and value
I say this at the
judgments.
are
outset
in order to distinguish
this essay from others which
or
for the kind of history
defenses
of
practiced
by their
pleas
This
credo
it
authors?as
social history does not need either at the
happens
com
moment?but
also to avoid two misunderstandings
especially
mon
in discussions
All
with
discus
heavily
ideology.
charged
sions about social history are.
The first is the tendency
for readers to identify authors with
this identification
the views they write about, unless they disclaim
even when
so. The
terms and sometimes
in the clearest
they do
or
to confuse
second is the tendency
the ideological
political moti
vations of research, or its utilization, with its scientific value. Where
or error, as is often
intention or bias produces
triviality
ideological
we
condemn motiva
the case in the human
sciences,
may happily
a
would
be
and
result.
life
However,
tion, method,
great deal simpler
of history were advanced
if our understanding
by those
exclusively
or in
on all
with whom we are in agreement
sympathy
public
in fashion.
is at present
and even private matters.
Social history
care to be seen keeping
it would
None
of those who practice
come under
with
those
who
the same
all
company
ideological
more
is
than to
what
historical
Nevertheless,
important
heading.
social history stands today
define one's attitude is to discover where
if
and
of unsystematic
after two decades
copious
development,
whither
it
might
go.
I
has
20
term
The
until
requires
terms
no
comment.
third meaning
the most common
of the term was certainly
and for our purposes
the most relevant:
"social" was used in com
with
bination
"economic
outside
the Anglo
Indeed,
history."
in
Saxon world,
the title of the typical specialist
this field
journal
before the Second World War
I
think
bracketed
the two
)
(
always
as
u.
in
the
Sozial
words,
fuer
Vierteljahrschrift
Wirtschaftsgeschi
E. 6- S., or the Annales
d'Histoire
E. ?r
chte, the Revue dHistoire
must
S. It
be admitted
that the economic
half of this combination
was
were
There
preponderant.
overwhelmingly
hardly any social
histories of equivalent
the numerous
caliber to set beside
volumes
to the economic
various
devoted
of
and
countries,
history
periods,
were
in
not
There
fact
economic
and
social
very many
subjects.
a few such works,
1939 otie can think of
histories.
Before
only
sometimes
authors
(Pirenne, Mikhail
impressive
admittedly
by
W.
and the mono
Rostovtzeff,
J.
perhaps Dopsch),
Thompson,
The
21
DALUS
or
even sparser. Nevertheless,
literature was
graphic
periodical
the habitual
in the
of
and
economic
social, whether
bracketing
or under
of the general field of historical
definitions
specialization
the more specialized banner of economic history, is
significant.
to
It revealed
the desire
for an approach
history
systemati
one. What
from the classical Rankean
interested
cally different
of this kind was the evolution
historians
of the economy,
and this
in turn interested
on
it
them because
the
threw
the struc
of
light
more
on
ture and
in
the relation
changes
society, and
especially
as
between
classes
and
social
Unwin
ad
groups,
ship
George
This social dimension
is evident even in the work of the
mitted.2
or
so
as
most narrowly
economic
historians
cautiously
long
they
claimed to be historians. Even J. H. Clapham
that
economic
argued
was of all varieties
the most
of history
fundamental
be
history
cause it was the foundation
of society. The predominance
of the
over the social in this combination
economic
had, we may suggest,
two reasons.
to a view of economic
It was
partly owing
theory
refused to isolate the economic
from social, institutional,
and
which
as with
other elements,
the Marxists
German
and the
historical
over the
to the sheer headstart
of economics
school, and partly
other social sciences. If history had to be
into the social
integrated
to come to terms
sciences, economics was the one it had primarily
with. One might go further and argue (with Marx)
that, whatever
the essential
in human
the
economic
the
of
social
and
inseparability
society, the analytical base of any historical
inquiry into the evolu
tion of human
societies must be the process
of social production.
a spe
of the three versions
of social history produced
None
field of social history until the 1950's,
at
cialized academic
though
one time the famous Annales
and Marc Bloch
of Lucien
Febvre
the economic
half of its subtitle
and proclaimed
itself
dropped
was a
war
social.
this
of
diversion
the
However,
purely
temporary
now been
the title by which
this great
journal has
for a quarter of a century?Annales:
?conomies,
soci?t?s,
well as the nature of its contents,
civilisations?as
reflect the origi
aims of its founders.
nal and essentially
global and comprehensive
Neither
the subject itself, nor the discussion
of its problems,
de
in
The
1950.
it, still
journals specializing
veloped
seriously before
few in number, were not founded until the end of the 1950's: we
years,
known
and
may
tory
22
and
not
of the Economic
History
president
academic
and
redefinitions
Society. However,
professional
shifts hardly explain much, though they cannot be overlooked.
was the
Far more
of the social
significant
general historization
young
such
sciences
took place
to have been
this period,
during
the most
DALUS
an
where
though much
("Take the
and
cook,
growth"),
factors outside
economic
economics
also determine
development.
In brief, it is now
to pursue many activities
of the social
impossible
in any but a trivial manner without
scientist
to
terms with
coming
social structure
and its transformations:
the history
of
without
were
societies.
It is a curious paradox
that the economists
begin
some
of social (or at any rate not
ning to grope for
understanding
when
the economic
) factors at the very moment
strictly economic
the
of
economists'
fifteen
models
historians,
years earlier,
absorbing
were
to
make
themselves
look
hard
than
rather
soft by for
trying
about
and
statistics.
except equations
getting
everything
can we conclude
What
from this brief glance at the historical
of
social
It can hardly be an adequate
history?
development
guide
to the nature and tasks of the
subject under consideration,
though
it can
certain more or less
explain why
subjects of
heterogeneous
research came to be
under
this
title, and
loosely grouped
general
in other social sciences
how developments
the
prepared
ground
for the establishment
of an academic
theory specially demarcated
as such. At most
it can provide us with some hints, at least one of
which
is worth mentioning
immediately.
of social history in the past seems to show that its best
with
have always felt uncomfortable
the term itself.
practitioners
to whom we owe so
They have either, like the great Frenchmen
as historians
to describe
themselves
and
much,
preferred
simply
as
or
as
or
men
to
their aim
"total"
who
history,
"global"
sought
in
sciences
the
contributions
of
social
all
relevant
integrate
history,
rather than to
any one of them. Marc Bloch, Fernand
exemplify
are not names which
can be
Lefebvre
Braudel, Georges
pigeon
as
holed as social historians
insofar
except
they accepted Fustel de
statement that "History is not the accumulation
of events
Coulanges'
in the past. It is the science of human
of all kinds which
occurred
A survey
societies."
II
Let us turn from the past to the present and consider
the prob
lems of writing
concerns
the history of society. The first question
can
societal historians
how much
from
other
social
sciences, or
get
indeed how far their subject is or ought to be merely
the science of
as it deals with
the past. This question
is natural,
society insofar
two
the
of
the
two dif
decades
past
though
experience
suggests
to it. It is clear that social
ferent answers
since
has
1950
history
been powerfully
not
and
the
stimulated,
shaped
only by
profes
sional structure of other social sciences
their specific
(for example,
course requirements
for university
and by their methods
students),
and techniques,
but also by their questions.
It is
hardly too much
to say that the recent efflorescence
in
of studies
the British
indus
a
once
trial revolution,
own
its
subject
grossly neglected
by
experts
because
the validity of the concept of industrial revo
they doubted
to the urge of economists
in
lution, is due primarily
(doubtless
turn
that
of
to
and
how
discover
governments
echoing
planners)
industrial revolutions
them
and what
happen, what makes
happen,
With
have.
certain
notable
consequences
sociopolitical
they
excep
in the past
tions, the flow of stimulation
twenty years has been one
25
DAEDALUS
in
developments
of
convergence
by
workers
from different disciplines
toward sociohistorical
problems.
is a case in
The study of millennial
point, since among
phenomena
on these
we find men
writers
coming from anthropology,
subjects
not
to mention
students
of
science,
political
history,
sociology,
so
as
am
econo
far
I
literature and religions?though
aware,
not,
mists. We
also note the transfer of men with
other
professional
to
at
least
work
which
historians
would
formations,
temporarily,
consider historical?as
with Charles Tilly and Neil Smelser
from
Sir
Eric
from
Everett
Wolf
and
Hagen
sociology,
anthropology,
from
economics.
John Hicks
is
best regarded not as con
Yet the second tendency
perhaps
never be
as conversion.
must
it
For
that if
but
vergence
forgotten
way. On the other hand,
another way, we
shall be
if we
struck
look
at recent
the obvious
to ask
social scientists have begun
properly historical
it is because
to
ask
for
historians
answers,
questions
they
if they have sometimes
turned them
themselves
have none. And
it is because
the practicing members
selves into historians,
of our
Marxists
the
with
the
notable
of
and
others?
exception
discipline,
not necessarily Marxisants?who
have
accept a similar problematic,
a
now
are
few
not
there
answers.5
the
Moreover,
though
provided
made
social scientists
from other disciplines
have
who
themselves
expert in our field to command
respect, there are more
sufficiently
a few crude mechanical
who have merely
and
concepts
applied
a
dozen
For
Vend?e
several
models.
every
Tilly, there are, alas,
by
of Rostow's
others
Stages. I leave aside the numerous
equivalents
into the difficult
source
who have ventured
territory of historical
an
are
material without
of the hazards
adequate
knowledge
they
or of the means
encounter
over
to
of
and
there,
likely
avoiding
is one in which his
coming them. In brief, the situation at present
nonhistorical
and
combination
and
heuristically
useful,
DAEDALUS
level, they may provide us with useful metaphors,
concepts, or terms
aids in ordering our material.
( such as "role" ), or convenient
as models,
it may
from
their deficiency
Moreover,
quite apart
or
of sociology
constructions
social
be argued that the theoretical
(
most successful by excluding history, that
been
have
anthropology)
or oriented
is, directional
change.8 Broadly
speaking, the structural
in common
in
societies
illuminate
what
functional
have
patterns
our
is
with
their
whereas
what
of
differences,
they
spite
problem
Amazonian
tribes can
have not. It is not what
light L?vi-Strauss's
throw on modern
(indeed on any) society, but on how humanity
or
cavemen
to modern
industrialism
got from the
postindustrialism,
were
in society
and what changes
associated with this progress, or
for it to take place, or consequential
upon it. Or, to use
necessary
it is not to observe
the permanent
of
another illustration,
necessity
or
to supply themselves with food by growing
all human societies
what
this
but
when
otherwise
it,
function,
acquiring
happens
having
been overwhelmingly
fulfilled
(since the neolithic
revolution)
by
comes
the majority
of their societies,
of peasants
forming
to be fulfilled by small groups of other kinds of agricultural producers
in
and may come to be fulfilled
ways. How does
nonagricultural
I do not believe
this happen
and why?
that
and social
sociology
are
at present
however
helpful
anthropology,
incidentally,
they
us with much
provide
guidance.
current
I remain
of most
On the other hand, while
skeptical
as a framework of the historical
societies
of
economic
analysis
theory
I am
(and therefore of the claims of the new economic
history),
for the histor
inclined to think that the possible value of economics
is an essentially
ian of society is great. It cannot but deal with what
in
the
element
dynamic
history,
namely
process?and,
speaking
social production.
and on a long time-scale,
globally
progress?of
Insofar as it does this it has, as Marx
saw, historical
development
built into it. To take a simple illustration:
the concept of the "eco
to
nomic surplus," which
the late Paul Baran revived and utilized
to any historian
fundamental
such good effect,9 is patently
of the
of societies, and strikes me as not only more objective
development
in terms of
and quantifiable,
but also more
primary,
speaking
the
Of
than, say,
Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft.
dichotomy
analysis,
course Marx knew that economic models,
if they are to be valuable
cannot be divorced
from social and institu
for historical
analysis,
com
tional realities, which
include certain basic types of human
classes
munal
28
or
kinship
organization,
not
to mention
the
structures
and
Ill
How are we to write the history
or model
me to
a definition
produce
here, or even a checklist of what we
Even if I could, I do not know how
ever, it may be useful to put up a
DALUS
The history
of society
that of
is, among other
(2)
things,
in
and
definable
specific units of people
living together
sociological
as well as of human
terms. It is the
(as
history of societies
society
distinct
from, say, that of apes and ants), or of certain types of
(as in such terms as "bour
society and their possible
relationships
or
or
of
the
of
geois"
"pastoral"
society),
general
development
as a whole. The definition
a
considered
of
in
this
humanity
society
sense raises difficult
even if we assume that we are de
questions,
an
as seems
we
objective
fining
reality,
reject as illegit
likely, unless
as
imate such statements
in
1930
differed
from
"Japanese
society
even if we eliminate
For
the confusions
between
English
society."
different uses of the word "society," we face
a ) because
(
problems
the size,
and scope of these units varies, for
complexity,
example,
at different historical
or
and (b)
stages of development;
periods
one set of human
because what we call society is merely
interrela
tions among several of
scale
and
into
varying
comprehensiveness
are classifiable
or
which
often
simultane
themselves,
people
classify
In extreme cases such as New Guinea
or
ously and with overlaps.
Amazon
sets
these
various
same
define
the
tribes,
may
group of
in
this
is
rather
fact
But
this
people,
though
improbable.
normally
is
neither
with
such
relevant
units
group
congruent
sociological
as the
nor with
certain wider
systems of relationship
community,
of which
the society forms a part, and which may be
functionally
to it (like the set of economic
essential
or nonessential
relations)
( like those of culture ).
as self-classifi
or Islam exist and are
Christendom
recognized
a
class of societies
cations, but though
they may define
sharing
are not societies
certain common
in the sense
characteristics,
they
in which we use the word when
or modern
talking about the Greeks
in many ways Detroit
Sweden. On the other hand, while
and Cuzco
a
are
today part of
single system of functional
interrelationships
one economic
few would
of
(for example,
part
system),
regard
them as part of the same society, sociologically
speaking. Neither
would we regard as one the societies of the Romans or the Han and
a
those of the barbarians who formed, quite
part of wider
evidently,
we
of
with
How
them.
do
define
these
system
interrelationships
units? It is far from easy to say,
us
solve?or
evade?
though most of
some outside criterion:
the problem by choosing
territorial, ethnic,
or the like. But this is not
political,
always satisfactory. The problem
more
is
than methodological.
One of the major themes of the history
of modern
societies
is the increase
in their scale, internal homo
30
and techniques
in between),
the
31
DAEDALUS
sense) as the backbone
the society is exposed
then allow
formation
IV
I should like to conclude by surveying
the actual
Consequently,
in the past decade or two, in order to see
social
of
practice
history
it suggests. This
and problems
future approaches
what
procedure
inclina
that it fits in both with the professional
has the advantage
tions of a historian
little we know about the actual
and with what
have
attracted
of sciences. What
progress
topics and problems
are the
most attention
in recent years? What
What
growing-points?
answers to such questions
are the interesting
The
do
people doing?
not exhaust analysis, but without
them we cannot get very far. The
or distorted
or?
consensus
of workers may be mistaken,
by fashion
as
case
a
as is
in such
the study of public disorder
field
the
obviously
32
?by
we
work
around
in social
history
the following
strict quantitative
effect?or
techniques. One welcome
to arouse a greater
in historical
interest
been
has
side effect?
problems
of
33
DAEDALUS
structure than social historians might have shown without
kinship
a modest
this stimulus,
demonstration
effect from social
though
not to be neglected.
nature
The
and prospects
anthropology
ought
of this field have been
to
make
debated
further dis
sufficiently
cussion unnecessary
here.
a certain
deter
Urban
also possesses
history
technologically
a
is
lim
mined unity. The individual
normally
city
geographically
its
with
ited and coherent unit, often
and
specific documentation
even more
lends itself to research on the
often of a size which
of urban problems which
scale. It also reflects the urgency
Ph.D.
the major, or at least the most dramatic,
have increasingly
become
in modern
and management
industrial
of social planning
problems
tend to make urban history a
societies. Both these influences
large
container
and sometimes
with
indis
ill-defined,
heterogeneous,
contents.
It includes
about cities. But it is clear
criminate
anything
to social
at least
that it raises
germane
history,
problems peculiarly
in the sense that the city can never be an analytical
framework
for
must
a
it
be
economic macrohistory
of
(because
part
economically
as
it
a
is
found
self
and politically
larger system),
only rarely
a
contained
city state. It is essentially
body of human beings
living
a
in
and the characteristic
of
way,
process
particular
together
in modern
societies makes
urbanization
it, at least up to the pres
ent, the form in which most of them live together. The technical,
out of the
of the city arise essentially
social, and political problems
in
interactions
of masses
of human beings
close
to
living
proximity
one another;
mere
those
and even
stage-set
in which
cities
history must
only because
34
era have
of the industrial
the vast
quantity
remain a central
it brings
so far been
con
produced,
in this field. However,
urban
concern of historians
of society,
if
of work
out?or
can
bring
out?those
specific
aspects
change
are
most
place.
DALUS
classification13
about which we
contemporary
in
terms.
(Here historians might
yet very little
quantitative
at the methods
look
and preoccupations
of social anthro
carefully
L. Girard and a Sorbonne
while
team are
pologists,
pursuing?as
minologies
know as
doing?the
ulary.14)
Again,
36
of
such
systematic
there
are
quantitative
degrees
of
study
class.
To
of
use
sociopolitical
vocab
Theodore
Shanin's
divisions
of
problem
at any given
stratifications.
the
relation
time,
and
them.
be
sectors
of society.
without
the nonslave
understood
slaves, and without
It might be argued that for the self-definition
of
to
the nineteenth-century
middle
classes
the
European
capacity
over
exercise power
(whether
through property,
people
keeping
the patriarchal
and
servants, or even?via
family structure?wives
over
of
not
direct
and
exercised
them
children),
power
having
selves, was essential. Class studies are therefore, unless confined to
a
restricted and partial aspect, analyses of society. The
deliberately
most
Le Roy Ladurie's?therefore
go far beyond
impressive?like
the limits of their title.
that in recent years the most direct ap
It may thus be suggested
come
proach to the history of society has
through the study of class
we believe
in this wider
sense.10 Whether
that this reflects a correct
we
or whether
of the nature of post-tribal
societies,
perception
it down to the current
influence of Marxisant
history,
merely
put
the future prospects of this type of research appear bright.
In many ways
the recent interest in the history of "mentalities"
to central
marks an even more direct
methodological
approach
prob
It has been
lems of social history.
by the tradi
largely stimulated
tional interest in "the common people" of many who are drawn to
social history. It has dealt largely with the individually
inarticulate,
undc ^umented, and obscure, and is often indistinct from an inter
or in more
est in their social movements
of so
general phenomena
an
cial behavior, which
also
interest
in
includes
today, fortunately,
37
DAEDALUS
in the
fail to take part in such movements?for
example,
as well as in the militant
or
worker.
socialist
passively
a
treatment
This very fact has encouraged
dynamic
specifically
as those of the
to
of culture by historians,
studies
such
superior
those who
conservative
of poverty" by anthropologists,
though not uninfluenced
by
so
and pioneering
their methods
They have been not
experience.
or not
studies of an aggregate
of beliefs and ideas, persistent
much
there has been much valuable
thought about these mat
?though
of ideas in action and,
ters, for example, by Alphonse Dupront17?as
more
in situations
of social tensions and crisis, as in
specifically,
so much
Grande Peur, which has
Lefebvre's
sub
Georges
inspired
sources for such
of
work.
The
nature
has
sequent
study
rarely al
to confine himself
lowed the historian
to
factual
study and
simple
to
He
has
outset
been
construct
from
the
models,
exposition.
obliged
that is, to fit his partial and scattered data into coherent
systems,
without
which
than anecdotal.
be little more
The cri
they would
is or
terion of such models
its components
should
ought to be that
a
fit together
and provide
to both the nature of collective
guide
in specifiable
action
social situations
and to its limits.18 Edward
of preindustrial
concept of the "moral economy"
Thompson's
Eng
land may be one such; my own analysis of social banditry has tried
to base itself on another.
Insofar as these systems of belief and action are, or imply, im
arises,
(which may be, as occasion
ages of society as a whole
or
its
its
either
and
transformation),
permanence
images
seeking
to certain aspects of its actual reality,
insofar as these correspond
us closer to the core of our task. Insofar as the most suc
they bring
or customary
so
cessful such analyses have dealt with
traditional
even
with
im
sometimes
such
societies
under
the
cieties,
though
their scope has been more
limited.
pact of social transformation,
For a
and
characterized
fundamental
by constant,
rapid,
period
a
the in
change, and by
complexity which puts society far beyond
even
or
dividual's
the
models
deriv
grasp,
experience
conceptual
a
con
able from the history of culture have probably
diminishing
tact with the social realities.
even
not
any longer be very
They may
in
useful
the pattern of aspiration
of modern
society
constructing
("what society ought to be like"). For the basic change brought
in the field of social
about by the Industrial Revolution
thought has
on
been to substitute a system of beliefs
progress
resting
unceasing
can be
as a process,
toward aims which
for one rest
specified only
on the
can be described
of permanent
order, which
assumption
ing
"culture
38
some concrete
social model,
normally
or
drawn from the past, real
imaginary. The cultures of the past
the cul
their own society against such specific models;
measured
can
measure
tures of the present
them only against possibilities.
in introducing
of "mentalities"
has been useful
Still, the history
to the discipline
of the social anthropologists
something
analogous
is very far from exhausted.
into history, and its usefulness
studies of social conflict,
of the numerous
I think the profitability
more careful assessment.
riots to revolutions,
from
requires
ranging
attract research today is obvious. That they al
Why
they should
are
crucial aspects of social structure because
they
ways dramatize
cer
in
not
is
doubt.
the
to
here strained
Moreover,
breaking point
in and
cannot be studied at all except
tain important problems
into
not
of eruption, which do
merely bring
through such moments
and
that is normally
the open so much
latent, but also concentrate
illustrated
in terms
of
the
for the benefit of the student, while?not
phenomena
magnify
our documentation
least of their advantages?normally
multiplying
less would we
about them. To take a simple example: How much
know about the ideas of those who normally do not express them
ex
or at all in
selves commonly
but for the extraordinary
writing
is so characteristic
which
of
of
articulateness
plosion
revolutionary
of pamphlets,
the mountains
and to which
letters, articles,
periods,
court de
and speeches, not to mention
the mass of
police reports,
and
bear
witness?
How
the study
fruitful
positions,
general inquiries
can be
revolutions
of the great, and above all the well-documented,
which has
of the French Revolution,
is shown by the historiography
been studied longer and more intensively perhaps than any period of
returns. It has been, and
visibly diminishing
equal brevity, without
the historian.19
still remains, an almost perfect
for
laboratory
to isolate
in
the
of
lies
this
The danger of
type
temptation
study
a
context
overt
crisis
from
wider
of
the
of
the phenomenon
society
This
transformation.
great
danger may be particularly
undergoing
when we launch into comparative
studies, especially when moved
( such as how to make or stop rev
by the desire to solve problems
or so
in
is not a very fruitful approach
olutions ), which
sociology
common
one
in
have
riots
with
cial history. What,
another
(for
say,
even
It
be
be
trivial.
insofar
may
illusory,
example, "violence") may
an anachronistic
as we may be
criterion,
imposing
legal, political,
or otherwise,
on the
stu
which
historical
phenomena?something
same may or
are
to
dents of criminality
avoid.
The
may
learning
not be true of revolutions.
I am the last person to wish to
discourage
39
DAEDALUS
an interest
in such matters,
since I have spent a
good deal of pro
time on them. However,
we
in
them
to
studying
ought
define the precise purpose
of our interest clearly. If it lies in the
transformations
of society, we may find,
that
major
paradoxically,
our
the value of
itself is in inverse propor
study of the revolution
on the brief moment
tion to our concentration
of conflict. There are
fessional
or about human
things about the Russian Revolution,
history, which
can
on the
discovered
be
only
by concentrating
period from March
to November
1917 or the subsequent Civil War; but there are other
matters which
cannot emerge
from such a concentrated
study of
brief periods of crisis, however dramatic and
significant.
and similar subjects of
in
On the other hand, revolutions
study (
can
a
movements
into
be
social
wider
)
normally
integrated
cluding
field which does not merely
lend itself to, but requires, a comprehen
sive grasp of social structure and dynamics:
the short-term
social
as such, which
and
labeled
stretch
transformations
experienced
or
over a
a few decades
are
not
generations. We
period of
dealing
a continuum
out
with
chunks
carved
of
of
simply
chronological
or
with
but
brief
historic
growth
development,
relatively
periods
as the very
is reoriented
and transformed,
society
during which
( Such periods may of course
phrase "industrial revolution"
implies.
cannot be
include great political
but
revolutions,
chronologically
The
such
crude terms
delimited
of
by them.)
popularity
historically
as
"modernization"
hension
or
"industrialization"
indicates
certain
appre
of such phenomena.
are enormous, which
is
of such an enterprise
The difficulties
are as yet no
of
studies
the
there
adequate
eighteenth
perhaps why
as social processes
for any
nineteenth
century industrial revolutions
are
one or two excellent
works
local
and
country,
regional
though
now available,
and
such as Rudolf Braun on the Zurich countryside
on
It may be that a
Oldham.20
early nineteenth-century
John Foster
can
at
be
to
such phenomena
present derived
practicable
approach
in
not
has
economic
from
(which
history
inspired studies of
only
in the field
science. Workers
dustrial revolution ), but from political
liberation have naturally
and history of colonial
of the
prehistory
in an exces
been forced to confront such problems,
though perhaps
and
studies
have
African
perspective,
proved par
sively political
to
recent attempts
to extend this
approach
ticularly fruitful, though
the political
India may be noted.21 In consequence
science and po
litical sociology dealing with the modernization
of colonial societies
can furnish us with some useful
help.
40
of the colonial
situation
societies?for
and so
example, by the truncation of their economy
cial hierarchy?which
also result from colonization,
but the interest
of the colonial
situation does not
on the
that
depend
assumption
colonial society is a
of
noncolonial.
)
replica
a more
is
A central preoc
There
.specific advantage.
perhaps
in
of
workers
this
field
has
been nationalism
and nation
cupation
and here the colonial situation can provide a much closer
building,
to the
approximation
general model. Though historians have hardly
come
to
can be
with
which
it, the complex of phenomena
yet
grips
called national (ist) is clearly crucial to the
of
social
understanding
structure and dynamics
in the industrial era, and some of the more
in
has come to recognize
it.
interesting work
sociology
political
The project conducted
Stein
on
Eric
and
others
Rokkan,
Allardt,
by
"Centre Formation,
and Cultural
pro
Nation-Building
Diversity"
vides some very interesting approaches.22
invention
of the past two hundred
The "nation," a historical
immense
whose
years,
significance
today hardly needs dis
practical
raises
the
several
crucial
of
cussion,
questions
history of society, for
the change in the scale of societies,
the transformation
of
example,
ones
social
into
linked
with
di
systems
unitary
indirectly
pluralist,
rect
smaller societies
(or the fusion of several preexisting
linkages
into a larger social system ), the factors
the boundaries
determining
of a social system ( such as territorial-political
and
others
of equal
),
are these boundaries
To
what
extent
im
significance.
objectively
of economic
which neces
posed by the requirements
development,
sitate as the locus of, for
the
example,
type
nineteenth-century
a territorial state of minimum
or maximum
industrial economy
size
in
extent do these
To what
circumstances?23
requirements
not
the
and destruction
of
automatically
only
imply
weakening
earlier social structures, but also particular
of
degrees
simplification,
given
41
DAEDALUS
and centralization?that
standardization,
is, direct and increasingly
"center" and "periphery"
exclusive
links between
(or rather "top"
to fill
extent
is the "nation" an attempt
and "bottom")? To what
of earlier community
the void left by the dismantling
and social
structures
which
could
function
as, or
by inventing
something
a
the
of
substitutes
for,
consciously
produce
symbolic
functioning
or
(The concept of the "nation
society?
community
apprehended
then combine
these objective
state" might
and subjective
develop
ments. )
more
The colonial and ex-colonial
situations are not necessarily
suitable bases for investigating
this complex of questions
than is
European
history, but in the absence of serious work about it by the
and twentieth-century
of nineteenthhistorians
Europe, who have
been hitherto?including
the Marxists?rather
baffled by it, it seems
history may form the most convenient
likely that recent Afro-Asian
starting-point.
V
us toward a
the research of recent years advanced
on
I
cannot
me
the
table.
Let
point
put my cards
history of society?
to any single work which exemplifies
the history of society to which
we
to aspire. Marc Bloch has given us in La so
ought, I believe,
indeed an exemplary, work on the nature
ci?t? f?odale, a masterly,
of a certain type
of social structure, including both the consideration
illuminated by the
of society and of its actual and possible variants,
into the dangers
and the much
method,
greater re
comparative
to enter here. Marx has sketched
I do not propose
wards of which
a model
out for us, or allows us to sketch for ourselves,
of the ty
How
far has
the long-term
pology and
societies which
remains
ahead of its time as were
historical
transformation
and evolution
as
almost
and
of
far
immensely
powerful
the Prolegomena
of Ibn Khaldun, whose
own model, based on the interaction of different
types of societies,
in
has of course also been fruitful, especially
ancient,
pre-history,
and oriental history.
of the late Gordon
Childe
(I am thinking
there
have
been
ad
and Owen
Lattimore.)
important
Recently
vances toward the
those
study of certain types of society?notably
based on slavery in the Americas
of antiquity
(the slave-societies
and those based on a large body of peas
appear to be in recession)
ant cultivators. On the other hand the
to translate a com
attempts
me so far as
social
into
strike
prehensive
synthesis
history
popular
42
state of
the remarkably flourishing
noting, and welcoming,
to be a social historian. Even those of
the field. It is a good moment
name will not want to
us who never set out to call ourselves
by this
without
it
disclaim
today.
References
1. See
the
remarks
of A.
J. C. Rueter
in IX
congr?s
international
des
sciences
Tawney,
Studies
in Economic
History
(London,
1927),
pp.
xxiii,
33
39.
Press,
1949),
introduction.
4. Two
from
the same document
and Social
Studies
(Economic
quotations
Social
Conference
Board,
Istanbul,
Aspects
of Economic
Development,
illustrate
the
motivations
this new
behind
1964)
may
divergent
pre
of the board:
"Economic
occupation;
By the Turkish
president
development
or
in the
areas
is one of the most
retarded
growth
economically
important
. . . Poor
which
the world
confronts
countries
have made
questions
today
a
of this issue of
is to them
ideal. Economic
development
high
development
associated
with
and a sense
of sovereignty."
political
independence
By
Daniel
Lerner:
"A decade
of global
with
social
and
experience
change
us. The
economic
lies behind
has been
decade
with
development
fraught
in every part of the world,
to induce
economic
without
efforts,
development
to accelerate
cultural
economic
without
chaos,
producing
growth
disrupting
societal
to promote
economic
without
equilibrium;
mobility
subverting
. . .will
Sir John Hicks's
is characteristic:
complaint
"My 'theory of history'
a
. . .
nearer
to the kind of
was
good deal
thing that
by Marx
attempted
Most
to order
of [those who
believe
ideas can be used by historians
their
. . .
so that the
course
can be fitted
of history
into
material,
general
place]
use the Marxian
or some modified
would
version
since
of
them;
categories,
be
not
43
DALUS
6. Thus
Marc
Ferro's
of
sampling
first weeks
of
in the
grad
the
of a retrospective
been
thought
equivalent
it would
for
and
telegrams
revolution
nonhistorical
M.
purposes.
sent
resolutions
of
may
of opinion
1917
de
development
La R?volution
Ferro,
to Petro
the
plainly
doubt whether
is
1917
One
survey.
opinion
public
the earlier
of without
have
research
the
February
on New
the conference
not
I do
such
regard
creasing
devices
for
as historical.
complexity"
in History,
Trends
inserting
may,
They
1957),
an
For
1968.
J., May
direction
into
of course,
be
societies
as
"in
true.
2.
chap.
version
English
N.
Princeton,
this
of
see
article,
important
Social
Science
Infor
11. Cf.
"At
the
stake
societal
p. 233.
12. This
is in progress
under
of Stockholm.
work
of Professor
the direction
Sven-Ulric
Palme
at the
University
13.
For
the
possible
about
discussions
America.
14.
See
N.
Cliffs,
A.
et
des
typologie
in Latin
Relations
in the New
Slavery
p. 221.
1969),
J.: Prentice-Hall,
"Vocabulaire
Prost,
of Race
"The History
M?rner,
and E. D. Genovese,
Magnus
in L. Foner
ica,"
wood
between
and
classification,
divergences
reality
the complex
socioracial
hierarchies
of colonial
familles
World
see
the
Latin
Amer
(Engle
Cahiers
politiques,"
"The
Shanin,
(1966),
16. Class
has
example,
I, 298-299.
Peasantry
as a Political
long
A.
been
the
central
in IX
J. C. Rueter
of
preoccupation
international
congr?s
17. A. Dupront,
et m?thodes
"Probl?mes
Annales:
lective,"
?conomies,
soci?t?s,
3-11.
1961),
18.
14
Review,
Sociological
dune
histoire
civilisations,
social
des
de
16
historians.
sciences
for
See,
historiques,
la psychologie
col
(January-February
a
I mean
connection
between
together"
"fitting
systematic
establishing
and sometimes
of the same
different,
unconnected,
syn
apparently
parts
drome?for
the beliefs
of the classic
liberal
example,
nineteenth-century
in both
a
structure.
individual
bourgeoisie
patriarchal
liberty and
family
By
19. We
look
historians
44
Factor,"
17.
forward
with
to
the
comparable
time
when
opportunities
the
Russian
Revolution
will
century.
provide
R.
Braun,
und
Industrialisierung
Volksleben
. . . im 19. und
Foster's
thesis
20.
Jahrhundert
is being
21.
Stokes, who
in African
history.
Asian
Nationalism:
22.
Centre
Eric
prepared
Rentsch,
(Erlenbaeh-Zurich:
Rentsch,
(Erlenbaeh-Zurich:
for publication.
1965).
J. O.
the results
of work
of applying
this, is conscious
doing
E. Stokes,
Resistance
Movements
Traditional
and Afro
in India
The Context
of the 1857 Mutiny-Rebellion
is
( forthcoming ).
Formation,
Nation-Building
held
August
28-September
and
Cultural
sary
role
of
economic
the
state
in economic
Report
on
1, 1968.
as a
has developed
Though
global
capitalism
its
in
the
real
units
of
fact
tions,
development
units?
U.
French,
German,
British,
political
due to historic
accident
but also
( the question
purest
Diversity:
economic
certain
S. economies?which
development,
remains
open
even
in
interac
territorial
be
may
) to the neces
the era of the
liberalism.
45