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Golden Horde Civilization
6. 2013

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E-mail: zolotayaorda.centr@mail.ru

Research Annual Golden Horde Civilization . 2013. . 6. 296 p.+ 20 p. of colored inserts
FOUNDER
State Budgetary Institution Shigabutdin Marjani
Institute of History of Academy of Sciences
of the Republic of Tatarstan
Usmanov Center for Research
on the Golden Horde History
Annual was founded in February 2008
Certificate of registration of the mass media
77-56244 given by Roskomnadzor
on November 28, 2013
Published once a year
Editor-in-chief
I.M. Mirgaleev
English texts editor
Roman Hautala (Oulu, Finland)
Executive editors:
R.S. Khakimov (chairman),
M.G. Kramarovsky, Istvn Vsry,
I.V. Zaytsev,
E.G. Sayfetdinova (secretary)

Editorial board:
V.V. Trepavlov (Moscow),
Yulai Shamiloglu (USA), A.A. Gorsky (Moscow),
E.S. Kulpin-Gubaydullin (Moscow),
D.M. Iskhakov (Kazan), V.A. Ivanov (Ufa),
Tasin Jamil (Bucharest, Romania),
A.K. Muminov (Astana, Kazakhstan),
E.D. Zilivinskaya (Moscow),
Zhao Zhu-cheng (Taipei, Taiwan),
N.N. Kradin (Vladivostok),
Ilyas Kemalolu (Istanbul, Turkey),
N.D. Russev (Kishinev, Moldova),
G.V. Vladimirov (Sofia, Bolgaria),
Hiroyuki Nagamine (Sapporo, Yaponia),
C. Enhchimeg (Ulan-Batar, Mongolia),
Victor Spinei (Bucharest, Romania)
Technical editor
L.S. Giniyatullina
Editorial Office Address:
420014, Kazan, Kremlin, entrance 5
Tel./Fax (843) 292 84 82 (reception), 292 00 19
E-mail: zolotayaorda.centr@mail.ru

6. 2013

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XIII XIV . ...........................................................................................121
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.. 1266 1312 . ..................................233


R. Hautala. Latin Sources on the Religious Situation
in the Western Mongol Uluses in the late 13th early 14th centuries ......................................................273

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..............................................................................................................................291
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Instructions to authors ............................................................................................................................293

G OLDEN H ORDE C IVILIZATION . 6. 2013

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Word from editor (I.M. Mirgaleev) ..........................................................................................................7
Greeting of State Counselor of the Republic of Tatarstan M.Sh .Shaimiev
to the participants of the III International Forum of the Golden Horde .....................................................9

Source study, historiography and methodology


Vasil'ev D.V. New Archaeological Materials from the Period of the Golden Horde Islamisation .........10
Mirgaleev I.M., Khamidova Ch.I. The Genealogy of Uzbek Khan s Ancestors
according to the Rashid al-Din s Shuab- pandzhgana .........................................................................22
Nizamuddinova N.M. Uzbek Khan in the Yuan shih .............................................................................26
Sabitov Zh.M. Sources on the Jochid Genealogy: A Critical Analysis ..................................................29
Savel'ev N.I. Plan of the Ruins of Sarai

...........................................................................................35

Sochnev Yu.V. Regarding the Evaluation of Reliability of the Information


on the Golden Horde Rulers' Confessional Policy containing in the Foreword
to the Uzbek Khan's Yarlyk ......................................................................................................................49

History and culture


Voloshchuk M.M. Russian-Hungarian Relations during the Reign of Uzbek Khan (1313 1342) .........61
Zaynuddinov D.R. The Moral and Ethical Quality of Uzbek Khan
(according to the Arab-Persian sources) ...................................................................................................71
Zilivinskaya E.D. Religious Buildings in the Golden Horde from the Time of Uzbek Khan .................82
Iskhakov D.M. On Some Aspects of the Religious Situation in the Ulus of Jochi
in the Early Years of the Reign of Uzbek Khan .......................................................................................98
Kirichenko D.A. Warriors of the Golden Horde in Azerbaijan
according to Anthropological Research .................................................................................................106
Lapshin I.Yu. Questions of the Accession to Power and the Death of Uzbek Khan ............................112
Mys'kov E.P. Inheritance of the Supreme Power in the Golden Horde
in the second half of the 13th beginning of the 14th centuries ..............................................................121
Myts V.L. Painterly Image of Uzbek Khan on the Ambrogio Lorenzetti's fresco
The Martyrdom of the Franciscans ....................................................................................................129
Pilipchuk Ya.V. The State of Galicia-Volhynia and the Ulus of Jochi (1314 1341):
From Confrontation to Alliance ..

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G OLDEN H ORDE C IVILIZATION . 6. 2013

Pochekaev R.Yu. Administrative Reform of Uzbek Khan:


Background, Content, Consequences .....................................................................................................199
Rudenko K.A. The Bulgar Ulus of the Golden Horde during the Reign of Uzbek Khan
(according to archaeological materials) ..................................................................................................209
Seleznev Yu.V. The Uzbek Khan's Commanders of Tmen (an essay on the statistical notes) ............221
Uskenbay K.Z. Tanibek bin Uzbek on the Throne of Sygnak ..............................................................227
Khripunov N.V. Mongolian Dress of the Golden Horde Nobility in 1266 1312 .................................233

Articles in English
R. Hautala. Latin Sources on the Religious Situation
in the Western Mongol Uluses in the late 13th early 14th centuries ......................................................273

New books. Feedback and reviews


Books published by Usmanov Center for Research on the Golden Horde History in 2012 ..................281
Pochekaev R.Yu. The Golden Horde: Between Medieval Arab Chroniclers
and Contemporary Independent Historian
(review of the book: Yurchenko A.G. Golden Horde: Between Yasa and the Quran
(the beginning of the conflict). Compendium book. St. Petersburg: Eurasia, 2012. 368 p.: ill.;
Yurchenko A.G. Uzbek Khan: Between Empire and Islam (the structures of daily life).
Compendium book. St. Petersburg: Eurasia, 2012. 400 p.: ill

.282

List of abbreviations ...............................................................................................................................291


Instructions to authors (in Russian) ........................................................................................................292
Instructions to authors (in English) ........................................................................................................293

273


930.272

Latin Sources on the Religious Situation in the Western


Mongol Uluses in the late 13th early 14th centuries
Roman Hautala
(University of Oulu, Finland)
The present study considers the development of Catholic apostolate in the Mongol Empire in the 13th and 14th
centuries as integrated harmoniously into the generic competition of world religions on the nomads conversion.
This paper reflects the actual state of present research including a description of its two central points that concern
both information on the extent of the Catholic apostolate in the East and the methods of Gospel preaching among
the nomads.
Keywords: Mongol Empire, Eastern Catholic Missions, Mongols Islamization, Latin Sources, Nomads
Evangelization.

The nomads Islamization in the western regions of the Mongol Empire has been subjected to
careful analysis by a number of Russian, Tatar, and Western researchers. The prevailing opinion is that
the nomads conversion to Islam was predetermined by certain socio-economic reasons, which did not
leave room for the proselytes' personal religious sympathies. Regarding the Ilkhanate, the gradual
ideological rapprochement between the Mongol administration and the conquered population of Persia
has been presented as the most natural explanation for the nomads' Islamization [30, p. 8 10, 39, 50, 63,
65 66, 91; 27, p. 177 178; 39, p. 18, 160; 6, p. 177]. The researchers of Golden Horde history, as well,
have reconstructed inevitable and logical processes of the steppe rulers' acculturation by the Muslim
commercial elite [12, p. 196; 85, p. 17; 76, p. 65; 77, p. 16; 78, p. 78].
In this way, the nomads' conversion has been presented as the result of a collective recognition of
urgent political or economic benefits, realized in the khans' radical change of personal religious
orientation [27, p. 253].
An alternative approach to the study of the nomads' conversion to Islam has been developed by
Western scholars who studied the religious policy of the Mongol rulers of Persia in the late 13th century.
Following Charles Melville s pioneering study [37, p. 159 177], a number of Western researchers of the
Ilkhanate of Persia subjected to detailed analysis information of the Muslim sources on the religious
ground of internal political struggle among the Mongol ruling elite, which led to Ilkhan Ghazan s rise to
power. If Western scholars do not question the fact that both Ghazan s accession in 1295 and Islam s
installation as the state religion were events of profound importance that contributed to the subsequent
Islamization of Persian Mongols, then the very political motivation of Ilkhan has been subjected to
radical revision. A detailed analysis of the Muslim sources revealed that Ilkhan Ghazan s religious
orientation was determined by the religious leanings of those groups of Mongols who provided him with
the most substantial military support against his political rivals. This implied that the most active
political groups of the Mongol elite had converted to Islam before Ghazan s rise to power. Besides, a
number of Persian sources of Sufi origin point to the wide distribution of Islam among rank-and-file
nomads in the period significantly outpacing the official proclamation of Islam as the state religion [34,
p.172 174; 14, p.121 124; 3, Ch. VI. p. 1, 9; Ch. VII. p. 36 37; 44, p. 389].
The conclusions of these studies suggest that the nomads' confessional leaning was not necessarily
determined by certain social causes and could well be the product of their personal religious sympathies.
It can be assumed that the nomads' Islamization was not determined exclusively by the political interests

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of the ruling elite, but it could also be a result of the Muslim preachers' proselytizing activity among the
lower nomadic strata, which proved to be more effective than the missionary work of other world
religions.
In such a way, the nomads conversion to Islam should not be seen as an initially predetermined
event. For example, some Russian and Western researchers indicate the need for deeper analysis of the
Buddhist missionary activity in the Golden Horde [79, p. 189; 5, p. 50]. Latin sources, on the other hand,
provide a valuable evidence of Nestorian sustainable impact on the western regions of the Mongol
empire that competed rather successfully with the nomads growing Islamization [74, p. 92, 110; 48,
p. 106, 175].
The present study considers the development of Catholic apostolate in the Mongol Empire as
integrated harmoniously into the generic competition of world religions on the nomads' conversion. This
paper reflects the actual state of my research including a description of its two central points that concern
both information on the extent of the Catholic apostolate in the East and the methods of Gospel
preaching among the nomads.
Perspective of the nomads' conversion to Christianity according to Latin sources
Due to the diplomatic exchanges of King Louis IX of France (1248), the idea of the Mongols'
conversion to Catholicism gained widespread popularity among the Western spiritual circles after the news
of the alleged baptism of Khan Gyk reached Europe [43, p. 158; 26, p. 12; 47, p. 98 99; 48, p. 74 76; 60,
p. 9; 7, p. 476; 61, Ch. IX. p. 522 523; 11, p. 77; 82, 20; 75, p. 569 570; 9, p. 58; 33, 80, 87; 10, p. 428; 69,
Lib. XXXII. cap. 41]. Belief in the nomads coming conversion was reinforced by the news of the Golden
Horde prince Sartaq's baptism along with thousands of his subjects (1254) [48, p. 77 78; 36, p. 168 169,
288 289; 23, p. 185 188]. This news stimulated the organization of an extensive missionary activity of the
Mendicant Orders which consisted in the foundation of the Catholic convents network on Mongol territory
during the second half of the 13th century [48, p. 78; 45, p. 94; 23, p. 148 149].
The subsequent political rapprochement between Western Europe and the Ilkhanate, contributed by
the attempts to establish an anti-Muslim alliance, was invariably accompanied by the expectations of
Mongols' conversions. Ilkhan Abaqa's conversion to Greek Orthodoxy (1265) and the further Catholic
baptism of his ambassadors in the Council of Lyons II (1274) were portrayed in Latin sources as a
Divine auspice of the coming Mongols' communion to the Roman Church [48, p. 106; 60, p. 10; 52,
p. 298 301; 66, p. 71 72; 62, p. 200, 219, 222, 544]. Subsequently, Abaqa's new delegation (1277)
contributed to the Papal curia's confidence in the impending conversion both of Persian and Chinese
Mongols [48, p. 85; 49, p. 260; 62, p. 230 238; 50, Vol. XIII..a. 1278 cap. 17 22]. The news of the
ilkhan Arghun's rise to power (1284) contributed to similar enthusiasm strengthened by the hope of the
potential re-conquest of the Holy Land with the support of baptized Mongols [27, p. 169; 58, p. 939; 48,
p. 102; 31, p. 246; 61, p. Ch. IX. p. 531 532; 40, p. 105; 25, p. 565; 1, p. 426 427].
Western missionary expectations are reflected in several treatises of Ramn Lull who represented
the Mongols as primitive pagans sincerely eager to the knowledge of the True God [71, p. 134; 67, p.
263 266; 60, p. 278 279; 16, p. 57 58, 69 71; 46]. However, his assessment changed dramatically in
parallel with an increasing nomads Islamization witnessed in the last years of Arghun's reign. From the
late 1280s Lull manifested obvious concerns about the potential threat of the Mongols' conversion to
Islam and called upon the Papal curia for an immediate intensification of the Mongol apostolate [72, p.
202 203; 28, p. 175; 48, p. 119; 15, p. 66; 8, p. 200; 24, p. 12, 150 151; 21, Vol. I. p. 373]. Lull's
concerns were confirmed by the Dominican Ricoldo of Montecroce, who had the misfortune of
personally witnessing the diffusion of Islam among the Middle Eastern Mongols [18, p. 69, 7128, p. 264;
67, p. 245 246; 29; 55, 266, 276, 281, 285; 17, p. 162 170].
Franciscans also delivered disappointing news from the Golden Horde starting with the first
documentary evidence of the foundation of Catholic convents in Crimea (1287) [64, p. 290; 81, p. 143
144; 15, p. 88; 48, p. 89 95; 7, p. 502 503; 82, p. 57; 62, p. 471 472, 544 545; 21, Vol. II. p. 443 444;
63, p. 248 250]. Subsequent reports on the Franciscan missions were invariably accompanied by
indications of a sizable reinforcing of Muslim influence in the Golden Horde [48, p. 107, 161; 15, p. 140;
45, p. 98; 61, Ch. IX. p. 25; 62, p. 470; 68, p. 501 506; 41, p. 108 112; 21, Vol. II. p. 72 73]. Already in
the 1320s Dominican William of Adam considered Golden Horde as a Muslim state, while the Venetian

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275

Marino Sanudo Torsello evaluated the feasibility of a crusade against Khan Uzbek [73, p. 46 49; 32,
p. 22, 65 66; 15, p. 140 141].
However, missionary reports were not without optimism supported by the evidence of khans'
personal sympathies to the Mendicants. A Franciscan letter of 1287 testifies the Khan Noghai's decisive
support to missionaries in their conflict with Muslim residents of the Crimean city of Solgat [21, Vol. II.
p. 443 445; 63, p. 248 250]. Missionary reports also refer to the Catholic baptizing of Toqto'a Khan
(1308) despite numerous, but no less contradictory evidences of Arab sources regarding the Toqto a s
sympathies to Shamanism or Buddhism [86, p. 32; 80, p. 187 188; 28, p. 272 273; 48, p. 156 157; 56,
p. 418; 15, p. 98 99; 38, p. 433; 62, p. 502 503; 21, Vol. II. p. 72 73, 243 257, 260, 265 274; Vol. III.
p. 122, 170 177; 84, p. 174, 196, 202, 206, 274, 277, 424, 437, 486, 514].
There is some controversy among researchers regarding information on the baptism of Khan, named
Coktoganus, and his subsequent burial in the cemetery of the Franciscan Monastery near Sarai: while
there are some prerequisites to match him with Khan Toqto'a, the most probable version is to identify
Coktoganus with the Toqto'a's brother Kutugan [80, p. 185; 28, p. 272 273; 48, p. 157; 15, p. 99; 4,
p. 557].
Franciscan documents evidence the favorable attitude of Khan Uzbek whose pro-Islamic
sympathies had not prevented him from providing official patronage to the Catholic missions (1314),
reinforced by the support of his converted relative mentioned in the papal greeting letters under the name
Abuscan. Khan's friendly relations with the Roman curia remained uninterrupted during the whole reign
of Uzbek contributing to the expansion of missionary work in the Eastern regions of the Golden Horde
and Chaghadayid ulus [76, p. 66; 48, p. 92 93, 96 97, 157 160; 5, p. 419; 15, 96 97, 140; 45, p. 93; 7,
p. 502 503; 61, Ch. IX. p. 25; 65, p. 53, 56, 74; 62, p. 441, 482, 521, 548 551; 68, p. 527; 41, p. 108
112; 21, Vol. II. p. 73, 107, 125 126, 226; Vol. III. p. 43 46, 170, 175, 178 181, 210 211; Vol. IV.
p. 26; 51, p. 187].
Methods of nomads' evangelization
To the present research the most interesting questions are: how Latin missionaries presented the
Catholic doctrine? And how they persuaded the nomads of its superiority in comparison to other
religions? Unfortunately, the extant texts of preachers discourses do not give an exhaustive answer to
these questions. In the case of William of Rubruck, an indication of Divine Punishment to the pagan ruler
did not help bring Khan Batu to Christianity. His subsequent description of religious dispute in the
presence of Khan Mngke leaves an impression that Mendicants were prepared to clash with rival World
religions instead of the Gospel's preaching to nomads [22, p. 96 97, 249 251]. Dominican Ricoldo of
Montecroce and Franciscan Paschal da Vittoria mention their intensive quoting of the Bible. However
neither missionary indicates exactly what was the structure of their discourses [17, p. 162 170; 68,
p. 501 506].
The Western preaching manuals could give more substantial information. However, in this case as
well, attempts to answer the questions meet significant difficulties. These difficulties are determined by
the fact that the Western writers did not produce any more or less adequate manual for mission among
the nomads. According to Jean Richard, missionaries in the East had to use the manuals dedicated to the
apostolate among the Catholics, instead of the pagans [49, p. 259, 266].
The Mendicants' sermons invariably included quotations from the Bible that were useful, according
to Thomas Aquinas, for the doctrinal education of Catholics, but of little effect among the infidels who
did not recognize the absolute authority of Scripture [11, p. 10]. However, the Missionaries' Book form
Codex Cumanicus, composed by Franciscans in the Golden Horde in the 1330s, provides valuable
information about the missionaries' attempts to adapt themselves to local conditions. Golden Horde
Franciscans used the Qipchqs' vocabulary and folk material to both present the Catholic doctrine more
comprehensibly and to demonstrate the imperfection of the pagan beliefs [20; 83, p. 484, 493].
Additional information is available in the missionary theoretical treatises. Appropriateness of the
use of these works, in turn, is often not quite reasonable. Opus Majus of Roger Bacon is one of the most
studied medieval treatises, partially due to the inclusion of the consideration of the Mongol apostolate s
methods. On the other hand, both the popularity of his work within the Franciscan community and its
influence on the development of the Eastern apostolate is quite doubtful [70, p. 29 30; 67, p. 227; 11,
p. 66; 54, p. 373 374]. By contrast, the influence of Ramn Lull's works is not questioned. However, in

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his case, it should be noted that the Lull's treatises were devoted to the Muslim apostolate. Lull's only
work dedicated to the preaching among the Mongols (Liber Tartari et Christiani) shows his obvious
incompetence in the matter [70, p. 33; 59, p. 278 279; 11, p. 70 71].
There is no doubt regarding the widespread use of Thomas Aquinas's works by the Catholic
missionaries in Europe. On the other hand, the very application of his works to the conditions of the
Eastern apostolate is usually ignored or questioned. Certainly, his Summa contra Gentiles does not
directly consider the problems of preaching among the nomads. However, Aquinas seems to be closest to
the problem of this sort of preaching. Aquinas points to the need to resort to rational argumentation while
attempting to convert the Gentiles, who had no concept of the existence of the One God. In addition to
this statement Aquinas elaborated the most extensive theoretical justification for the existence of
universal human cognitive processes with an innate desire to conceive the Almighty [28, p. 264; 35,
p. 208 210; 2, p. 30 31; 11, p. 10]. The description given by Ricoldo of Montecroce in regard to his own
missionary activity in the Near East provides an opportunity to appreciate the degree of Aquinas's
influence on the development of the Eastern missions [17, p. 162 170]. On the other hand, the Aquinas
treatise seems to be too theoretical to answer the practical needs of Eastern missionaries [70, p. 51 52].
To answer the main questions of the research it is necessary to resort to the alternative category of
sources. Usually the papal messages to Mongol rulers are considered as the formal Roman Curia's
documents claiming universal supremacy of the Holy See [36, p. 157 159]. However, a more detailed
analysis of their content reveals the possibility of using papal letters as a precious source for the Eastern
mission.
In the first place it should be noted that the first Papal messages to khans had a direct impact on
Aquinas's theoretical work [42, p. 59 60; 53, p. 72 73; 23, p. 31 32]. Furthermore, the analysis of letters
provides insight into the missionary strategy looking toward the baptism of Mongol rulers as the most
effective method of the nomads' collective conversion [28, p. 263; 49, p. 259]. Popes resorted to various
types of persuasion of khans including the emphasis of potential political benefits. The researchers of
Franco-Mongol diplomatic relations tend to underestimate the significance of the Papal replies to the
Ilkhanid offers of anti-Muslim alliance. Usually the researchers accentuate the lack of political discourse in
the papal letters [57, p. 79 95]. However, papal messages contain the requirement of khans baptism in
exchange for the alliance's conclusion, pointing to the use of diplomatic negotiations as a special tool of
missionary work [13, p. 127 129; 21, Vol. IV. p. 227 228; 62, 231, 441; 50, Vol. XIV. a. 1278 cap. 17 22].
Every Papal letter to khans constitutes a reasoned discourse on the need to convert. Starting form
the first letters to Khan Gyg and over the next century, the Popes invariably begin their messages by
describing the imperfections of human nature, appealing to the innate rational desire of khans to conceive
the Almighty. Then the news of potential salvation follows, which consists in a communion with the
True Faith and in the necessity of baptism. In any case, the Popes finish the message with an emphasis of
personal authority in determining the true path of salvation by the power inherited from Christ [53,
p. 72 73; 65, p. 256; 23, p. 31 32, 119 120, 185 188; 13, p. 125 129, 154 155, 158 160, 187 189; 50,
Vol. XIV. a. 1278 cap. 17 22; Vol. XV. a. 1329 cap. 97].
Every Papal letter to khans was brought by missionaries and every Papal message included the
provision of spiritual powers to the representatives of the Holy See. Missionaries were obliged to deliver
the message and transmit its content orally in the presence of the Khan [19, p. 388 389; 69, Lib. XXXIII.
cap. 46]. In such a way, Mendicants physically replaced the Pope and verbally reproduced his sermon to
Khan.
In addition to diplomatic duties, the Papal envoys were directly involved in the development of the
Eastern apostolate. Often Papal envoys founded new convents in the Mongol Empire, such as in the case
of Beijing Archbishop John of Montecorvino [13, p. 154 155; 68, p. 342 355]. It would be logical to
assume that the Papal envoys and their confreres in the East used the methods of persuasion
recommended by the Holy See in both addressing the Mongol rulers and in everyday Evangelism among
ordinary nomads.

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About the author: Roman Hautala researcher, Historical branch at the Faculty of Humanities, University of
Oulu, PhD (History) (Oulu, Finland); virisequisque@hotmail.com


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