Space for Women in the Mosque:

Trends, Texts, and Traditions

Md. Mokhter Ahmad

Lecturer in Islamic Studies
International Islamic University Chittagong
Dhaka Campus
mokhter_ahmad@yahoo.com
Phone: (Off.) 9670220-217, Mobile: 0172-540089
&
Muhammad Yousuf
Lecturer
Department of Islamic Studies
University of Dhaka
m_yousufdu@yahoo.com
Phone: (Off.) 9661920-59/ 4310, Mobile: 0172-222007

Abstract
The Ummah is beset with various problems of different dimensions. The West accuses the
Ummah of 'human rights violation, lack of democracy, absence of freedom (freedom of
expression, freedom of religion) and illiteracy, and as a safe breeding-ground of terrorism and
fundamentalism'. On the top of the list of allegations is the issue of women's rights. This paper
deals with the issue of 'women's space in the mosque', as one of the fundamental religious rights
of women. For this purpose, we shall examine the issue from different perspectives: the
prevailing trends, and the Qur'nic texts and the Prophetic traditions regarding it. At first, we
shall comprehensively study various trends developed across ages, and investigate the evidences
offered by those trend-holders in support of their views. Lastly, we shall try to prove that women
enjoyed unfettered, unconditional and full space in the mosque in the formative period of Islam,
and their exclusion from or marginalization in the mosque is a later innovation, which does not
have any thing to do with 'Islam'.

Introduction
Though the position of women is evidently worse in all societies, they are in the worst and most
degraded position in the Muslim society, despite the fact that when the issue is raised, the traditional
sharah connoisseurs would present a lot of evidences to the effect that Islam has emancipated
women from the shackles of distress, depression, and degradation and put them ultimately in the
highest status. The facts that contributed to women's degradation and catapulted them to the rear
are: Poverty, illiteracy, superstition, lack of religious knowledge, and misinterpretation of the Texts.
Some of the problems are to be found in deeply rooted cultural practices while some others are
created or are not solved due to the politicized context of discussing them. Women themselves are
sometimes causes for their sufferings due to their unwillingness to change the status quo.1
Women suffer from various problems in the Muslim society. Katherine Bullock divided their issues
into "public" and "private". She says: Public issues include those policies that result in excluding
women from the mosque, from decision-making in the community's affairs, and from leadership
roles; suppressing their roles outside the home; and confronting sexual harassment in the workplace.
Private issues consist of such practices as isolating women in the home, illiteracy; lack of Islamic
knowledge, marriage and divorce issues (the worst ones being seclusion, abandonment, forced
marriage, or abusive spouses [sexual or emotional], rape, and harassment), inheritance, economic
dependency, drugs, poverty (that can lead to prostitution), diseases, excessive control by men of the
household and control of young women by older men and women, and violence.2
2

Among the issues, the issue of 'women's space in the mosque' has struck us the most, due to some
two recent incidents in the world concerning it. One is a fatw issued on August of 2004 by the
'Tajik Council of Ulem', the country's highest Muslim body, 'prohibiting women from attending
mosque', terming it as a distraction to male worshippers, which was later on publicly supported by
the country's President Rakhmonov .3 The other is 'holding of a mixed-gender congregation of men
and women' for Friday Prayer on March 18, 2005 in New York City organized by the 'Progressive
Muslim Union' and the Prayer was led by a woman named Dr. Amina Wadud, an associate Professor
of Islamic Studies at Virginia Commonwealth University.4 Our personal bitter experiences are also
an added factor in this case. That is that while going out for shopping with our wives in hijb and
niqb, we searched a lot of mosques in the city of Dhaka on the arrival of appointed prayer-time in
order to manage a space for them for saying their prayers. But, quite regrettably, we were greeted
everywhere with a searing glace as if we had committed grave sin by even merely asking an
unspeakable question (which was simply 'is there any space for women in this mosque?'). It
happened that in most of the time of our going out for shopping, our female relatives could not say
their prayers due to the lack of any arrangement for them in the mosques. We were surprised
noticing that nobody took wrong when we went out with our wives for shopping, but all the hell fell
broken when we asked about women's space in the mosques of Allah, the most holy places on the
earth, only in order to serve Allah. Those two contradicting events within Muslim community as
well as our own experiences impressed us to take up the issue for examination in the light of the
normative sources of Islam, the Qur'n and the Sunnah, and unearth the true solution of the debate,
and with the objective that Allah's female servants no longer suffer the pangs of exclusion from the
mosque, the most sacred place of His worship.
We shall examine at first different conflicting views (Trends) along with the evidences and then
prove their fault and futility, and finally establish, in the light of the Qur'anic instructions (Texts)
and the Prophetic examples (Traditions), the fact that 'women have full access to and space in the
mosque'.

Different Trends And Their Historical Development

Due to prolonged obsession of the Ummah with the legacy of the earlier jurists, its unwillingness to
re-visit the primary sources of Islam for re-examining the controversial issues concluded by the
traditional jurists according to their cultural settings, social contexts, and political environment, on
the one hand, and the injustice and marginalization, discrimination and indifference shown to the
3

Muslim women across the centuries despite categorical Islamic stand on the moral equality between
women and men, and because of the rise of 'Feminist Movements' in the West and the Muslim
women's close contact with them, on the other hand, two extreme trends developed among the
Muslims about the issue of 'women's space in the mosque'.
The first trend, advocated by the 'ultra-conservatives', is bent on excluding women from the
mosques. This, though a traditional problem, has been re-raised by a recent ban on women's
entering the mosques imposed by the 'Tajik Council of Ulem' and supported by the Tajik President
Rakhmonov. And it is almost the usual phenomenon seen everywhere in the world.
Under the first trend, there developed another sub-trend which while permitting women's access to
the mosques wanted to limit that access by relegating them to the secluded quarters or introducing
separating wall, curtain, and/or barrier between women and men and imams. The mosques whereto
women have access suffer from this problem.
The second trend, held and propagated by several Feminist Movements, and supported by the
'Progressive Muslim Union' proffer as a solution to the problem of women's marginalization in the
mosques 'to open up the masjid for a mixed-gender congregation to be led by a female'.
Women enjoyed unbarred access to the mosque in the lifetime of the Prophet (sm). This is the
period when the Qur'n was revealed, the nascent Muslim community was formed and reformed,
different rules and laws were promulgated and practiced in the society, and the unethical, unjust
social customs and traditions were examined, sorted out, and replaced by Islamic principles,
policies, and practices. Being directed by the Qur'n, the Prophet (sm), in this era, freed the women
community from beneath the millstone of oppression, injustice, and inhuman treatment, and put
them into the summit of prestige and honor. He made them important and visible everywhere, and
ensured their active participation in every aspect of social life. He strongly encouraged their
participation in the two most significant acts of Islam from the very beginning of his mission:
praying and making war. His biography is the glaring example in this respect. He carried out those
two tasks (i.e., praying and making war) with his wives. Besides, he cautioned men not to prevent
women, their female relatives, from going out to the mosque. No textual or material record is found
to insinuate women's suffering any expulsion or marginalization in the mosque in this period.
Exception to this is an expressed desire of the Prophet (sm) to earmark and leave one of the doors to
his mosque especially for women.5 Still he never executed his desire.
4

Ab Bakr's (R.) era was more or less a continuation of the Prophetic period, so far as women's space
in the mosque is concerned, since it was too short, and he was too faithful to the Prophetic example
to allow any changes to women's situation.6
The first policy shift regarding women's space in the mosque, both theologically and practically,
took place during Umar's (R.) caliphate (634-44), which was perhaps due to his personal dislike for
one of his wife's going out to the mosque or an alleged tendency of flirtation and loitering on some
women's part. On the other hand, during his reign Islam expanded over a vast territory absorbing
within its dominance the Persian and the Roman empires, and concomitantly their attitudes and
cultures got fusioned with Islamic cultures and traditions.
Textual records of the period of Umar (R.) testify that he had arranged separate entrance, exit, and
ablution facilities in the mosque for women, which he strictly forbade for men's use. 7 He appointed
Sulaymn ibn Ab Hathmah as an independent imam for the women in the mosque. 8 He also
expressed his personal grudge at his wife's going out to the mosque, which she rejected outright
challenging him to dare to prevent her which he did not do. Nevertheless, he neither prevented nor
discouraged any other woman. Conversely, he conceded to one woman's argument and admitted his
fallacy publicly in the mosque. Above all, he himself narrated a hadth where the Prophet mentioned
who were really forbidden access to the mosque:
'Umar Ibn al-Khattb (R.) said: I see you, O people, eating of those two plants that are so bad, garlic
and onion. I saw the Prophet, peace be on him, require those who came smelling of garlic and onion to
leave the mosque. May those among you who are tempted by these two things have them cooked in
order to lessen the odor.' 9

Later on, Umar's (R.) whole family became entrenched into the debate on the question of women's
access to the mosque. His son Abdullah was strongly in its favor, while his grandson Bill was
dead against it. Hadth literature recorded the incident.10
The debate was brought public when 'ishah (R.) befittingly criticized a hadth that made a
comparison between dog, ass, and woman as elements similarly interrupting man's prayers if
interposed between him and the qiblah. The hadth was about partial segregation. 'ishah (R.) burst
into protest saying:

'You compare us now to asses and dogs. In the name of Allah, I have seen the Prophet saying his
prayer while I was there lying on the bed between him and the qiblah. And in order not to disturb him,
I did not move'11

Another phenomenal social development of this period was the conversion of a huge number of
Persian pagans and Roman Christians into Islam, who brought along with them some of their
patriarchal social tendencies. 'Disrespect towards women' was deeply rooted in the pre-Islamic
paganism while the Christianity of popes and bishops was traditionally 'indifferent' towards women
due to its worldview and wrong concept of femalehood. This is why Saint Paul excluded them from
the religious ceremonies and prohibited their presence in the churches.12 The Bible says:
'The women should keep silence in the churches. For they are not permitted to speak; should be
subordinates as even the law says. If there is anything they desire to know, let them ask their husbands
at home. For it is shameful for a woman to speak in church. 13

However, this situation continued until the period of the Umayyads. During this period, the second
major change happened. Mu'wiyah (R.) first introduced guards for the Caliph (the Imam, because
Caliph was to lead the Friday service and Prayer) in the mosque. His subsequent successors later on
institutionalized this policy by making the office permanent appointing a secretary in the mosque,
who would receive the applicants seeking an audience from the Caliph and would decide also who
should be received and who sent away. In this way the Caliph ceased to become visible and
accessible to everybody,14 and thus women's possibility of making themselves audible and visible to
the imams became highly reduced.
However, women were not fully excluded until long later. In the third and fourth centuries of the
Hijrah, the major books on hadth literature were compiled and each book recorded the very hadth
where the Prophet strongly prohibited men from preventing their women relatives from the mosque.
Three centuries later15 the Hanbal imm, Ibn al-Jawz (died in year 597 of the Hijrah) wrote a book
on the laws that govern women in Islam and devoted his chapter 24 to 'women's Friday Service'. In
the subsequent development of the chapter, he theologized women's expulsion by raising three
questions. Firstly, on the question of rows he said, 'the prayers of men who are seated behind
women are worthless.'16 It often happened that men came mosque late, and were blocked by the
rows of women who had taken the pains to arrive on time. It is very easy to imagine the fatal next
step: ban women from the mosque, since the mere presence of women risked creating a problem.
6

So, Ibn al-Jawz asked the second question: 'Is it permitted for women to go to the mosque?' And
here is his answer: 'If she fears disturbing men's minds, it is better for her to pray at home.' 17 Finally,
he devoted a whole chapter to 'why women should avoid going out'. In it the very fact of going out
becomes a dangerous and impious act for a woman; he begins by saying: 'A woman should try to
avoid going out as much as she can.' 18
Thus, women's expulsion became theologically institutionalized. Since then there was no revision
and review of the case,19 and the situation continued until the female servants of Allah have become
declared strangers to the mosque of Allah

(i) The First Trend and its Examination:

The followers of this trend are divided into two groups: The 'anti-access group', and 'the prosegregation group or anti-integration group.'

The Anti-Access Group

Those who advocate total prevention and exclusion of women from the mosques tend to supply
three hadths in favor of their opinion:

i)

The main evidence of this group is the report of 'ishah (R.) who said:

'If the Messenger of Allah had seen what the women innovated after him, he would have stopped them
attending the mosques.'

20

After extensively investigating the tradition of 'ishah (R), Ibn Hazm, the great Andalusian Scholar
opined: 'the report of 'ishah (R.) is not authoritative and binding for a number of considerations:'21
Firstly, Allah sent Prophet Muhammad (sm) with a universal mission where he was ordained not to
prevent women from visiting the mosques. Allah certainly knew what the women would innovate.
Still He did not permit the Prophet (sm) to prevent women from going to the mosques on the
occasions of their innovating un-Islamic practices. Secondly, the Prophet (sm) did not see what they
innovated, and he did not prevent them. So we are not allowed to prevent them ex-hypothesi and
hence preventing them from attending the mosque will be wrong. Thirdly, there is nothing worse
than adultery and it was committed during the lifetime of the Prophet (sm). Likewise, the Prophet
(sm) speculated that women would later on immerse in loitering, flirtation, fornication,
demonstration, and body-exposure. Still on that account, he neither prevented them nor issued any
order to prevent them. Fourthly, if the statement of 'ishah (R.) is granted as prescriptive, still the
7

problem remains that not all the women were innovating, and as such it is wrong to suggest banning
the innocents for the guilt of others. Allah says, 'And no soul earns evil but against itself. No bearer of
burdens shall bear the burden of another ' (6:164)

Fifthly, Allah and His Prophet (sm) have the prerogative to abrogate any law. This right is not
vested to anyone after the Prophet's demise. But preventing women from mosques is tantamount to
this. Sixthly, if the innovation were taken to be a reason behind banning women from the mosques,
the most holy places on the earth- it would be best-suggested to ban them from the market-places,
which is not advocated by anyone, while the market-places are the worst places on the earth. Again,
'ishah's (R.) report is her own statement, not necessarily the Prophet's, and in the presence of any
clear statement from the Prophet (sm) nobody else's statement is granted as authoritative.
Moreover, it seems that 'ishah (R.) intended to make specific indication towards a specific
incident and to caution the women that had this sort of situation been prevalent in the lifetime of the
Prophet; he must have prevented them from the mosques. It may also be construed in the way of
general warning and admonition for some women's un-Islamic activities on the way to the mosques.
Otherwise, she was strongly in favor of permitting, and emphatically in disfavor of preventing
women from the mosques. In one of her reactions against a pro-segregation move, she said, " You
compare us now to asses and dogs. In the name of Allah, I have seen the Prophet saying his prayers while I
was there, lying on the bed between him and the qiblah. And in order not to disturb him, I did not move."

ii)

The second hadth in point is that of Umm Humayd (R.), who liked to pray with the
Prophet in his mosques, but he responded to her as follows:

"I know that you like to pray with me, but your praying in your home is better for you than your
praying in your house, and your praying in your house is better for you than your praying in your area,
and your praying in your area is better for you than praying in the mosque of your tribe, and your
praying in the mosque of your tribe is better for you than your praying in my mosque." So she ordered
that a prayer place be built for her in the furthest and darkest part of her house, and she always prayed
there until she met Allah (i.e., until she died).22

The hadth apparently seeks to put women away from the mosques into the darkest and furthest
corner of their homes. However there are various problems associated with this hadth:
The first problem is its 'specification' for Umm Humayd (R.), which might be out of some particular
problems to her, and a hadth of specific nature cannot be generalized. The second problem is the
8

'better than' formula. Perhaps, the 'better than' formula is expressed here due to its specific nature or
in order to avoid clear prohibition for women's participation in the mosques and as a result is
presented as an alternative. Thirdly, this hadth is in contrast with a well-known and wellauthenticated hadth about the merits of prayer in the Prophets Mosque. The Prophet (sm) said, '
Prayer in my mosque is thousand degrees better than praying in other place, except in the mosque alHarm'23

There are also two other problems:24

One of the problems is that of context. The above hadth could have come in the context of
performing part of the prayers at home and the rest in the mosque. This also applies to men. An
example of a hadth to that effect is as follows:
Allot your home some of your prayers, and do not turn them into graves. 25

A further problem is that this hadth is in conflict with a Qur'nic verse:

Those who commit fornication (fhisha) from your women, get four witnesses against them from
among you. If they should testify, then confine them to homes until death claims them or God opens up
a way for them." (4:15)

Confining women to the home was a legal punishment for fornication, provided that four witnesses
testified to her guilt. Therefore, it can be argued that it would be illegal to implement such a
punishment against an innocent woman. This is also in keeping with the character of Srat al-Nis'.
From its very first verse, a theme is established, that of a close bond with one's kin (arhm) and
cautiousness in one's relationships with them in order to safeguard oneself from God's punishment
(taqw). Such hateful practices as polygamy, wife beating, and home imprisonment were severely
restricted. The straight path was no longer wide open, but was narrowed down so that such practices
could be used only in tightly defined, exceptional circumstances.
Moreover, Ibn Hazm has raised suspicion about the authenticity of the hadth itself saying that one
of its narrators named Abdul Hamd ibn Al-Mundhir is unknown.26

iii)

The third hadth in point is the following one:

'A woman's prayer in her house is better than her prayer in her courtyard, and her prayer in her
bedroom is better than (afdalu min) her prayer in her house.'27

Unlike the previous one, this hadth seems to be free from the problem of 'specification'. Still some
other problems are found in this hadth. Firstly, the hadth though outlines a hierarchy of prayer
areas; these are within the boundaries of one's residence. Even there is no mention of mosque, and
more specifically 'other than mosque' formula in the hadth. So it is not relevant here. 28 Secondly,
the original text of this hadth is what Abdullh ibn Mas'd (R.) has narrated from the Prophet (sm):
A woman's prayer in her house is better than her prayer in her chamber, and her prayer in (her) mosque
is better than her prayer in her house.29

'Better than' formula is used here to indicate that praying in the mosque is more meritorious than
praying in the house. Thirdly, the hadth may also be a fragment or continuation of the hadth of
Umm Huamyd (R.), and in that case its application will be specified and hence no point arises here
in this context. Furthermore, if praying in the secluded areas of their residences were better for the
women, in all cases and circumstances, than praying in the mosques, the Prophet (sm) should have
despised them for or discouraged them from attending or could have felt uncomfortable by their
presence in the mosques. But the biography of the Prophet (sm) gives us just the opposite scenario,
where until his death, he welcomed, consulted, and contended them, responded to their queries, and
instructed them about the fundamentals and offshoots of the religion, everything in the mosque.
According to 'Jurisprudential Principle', 'the evidence lies with the last position'.
It also does not befit any Prophet to allow his followers to do what is not better or more beneficial
for them, especially when there are better alternatives in his disposal. The Prophet (sm) said:
It was a duty upon every Prophet before me to indicate his ummah to and encourage them upon the
best according to his knowledge, and to admonish them of the worst according to his knowledge. 30

Allah says about His Prophet:

Now a Messenger has come unto you from among yourselves, it grieves him that you should suffer, he
is ardently anxious over you. He is the most kind and merciful to the believers. (9:128)

iv)

This group appears to present another tradition which narrated that Umar (R.), the second
Caliph of Islam, prevented women from going to the mosque.

It is true that Umar (R.) was likely to prevent women from going to mosque, but only those who
stayed there for loitering, relaxation (istirwh), and flirtation, not those attending fard salt.

10

Khawla bint Qays said: 'We were women, in the Mosque (in Madna al-Munawwara), who may have
mixed with men at times and perhaps even flirted (ghazaln) and even harmed themselves in this
intermixing; so `Umar said: "I swear I shall make free women of you again." So he brought us out
(akhrajan) of the Mosque.'31

Keeping this problem in mind, Umar (R.) prepared for the women a separate entrance to and exit
from, and separate ablution facilities in the mosque, and he appointed Sulaymn ibn Ab Hatma (R.)
to lead women in separate congregation of Tarwh prayers at the far end of the mosque.
It is assumed that Umars (R.) dislike for his wife's going out to the mosque was, perhaps, due to
his perceived disruption on her part in maintaining the household chores as the wife of the Caliph
and a mother of a huge family because of his six marriages and several off-springs from them, 32 or
due to the incident of flirtation on parts of some women. Still Umar (R.) did not prevent her.

`Atika bint Zayd, the wife of `Umar, would ask `Umar permission to go to salt in the masjid and he
would remain silent. She would continue, "I swear I will go out unless you forbid me." She used to go
out for salt al-`Ish and salt al-Fajr . She was asked once: "Why do you go out like that, knowing
how jealous he is?" She replied: "And what prevents him from forbidding us?" 33
`Umar once said to her: "I swear that you know very well I dislike it." She said: "By Allah! I shall not

stop until you forbid me." `Umar replied: "I truly do not forbid you." And the day `Umar was stabbed
to death in the mosque she was present.34

How could Umar (R.) forbid her when he knew well the hadth of the Prophet (sm) about 'not
preventing women from the mosques? On the contrary, he himself narrated a hadth from the
Prophet (sm) which suggested more expressly not to deny their right to access to the mosque:
'If your women seek permission to go out to Salat, do not forbid them.' 35

The Pro-Segregation Group

There developed another group who while permitting women's participation in the mosque
advocates segregation between the sexes to be implemented through either by curtain, partition, and
wall or by distance. And a common scenario in almost all the mosques of the world is that if there is
any arrangement or space for women in them, those are not convenient and comfortable, rather
suffocating, lacking general public amenities, and relegated to the darkest corners.
11

This group seems to take evidence from Umar's (R.) introducing separate entrance, exit and
ablution facilities for women in the mosque which he forbade to be used by men.
But the example of Umar (R.) does not prove their stand. Because Umar (R.) made those separate
arrangements either for facilitating their participation, since there is no single evidence to mean
otherwise, or due to the alleged aberration of some women in the mosque which is supported by the
report of Khawla bint Qays (R.). It is also thought that 'Umar (R.) just carried out a desire of the
Prophet (sm) who wished, 'If we could only leave this door for the ladies.' The Prophet's Mosque had a
number of doors and Ibn Umar, who was always very scrupulous in following the way of the
Prophet (sm), was reported as never using this door, leaving it for the purpose mentioned by the
Prophet (sm).36
After extensively studying the case, Louay M. Safi says: 37 'the argument against women sharing the
main prayer hall is based on the principle of "corruption prevention" (dar' al-mafsid). The principle
states "whatever leads to unlawful practices (harm) is in itself unlawful. The principle, though not
widely accepted by Muslim jurists, has been extensively used to limit actions that are otherwise
lawful under Shar'ah. It was invoked by some jurists to reject the use of radio, TV, press, and other
inventions because these were used to promote corrupt practices. Indeed, by invoking the principle
of "corruption prevention" many good practices and devices could be declared unlawful, including
the use of the internet and popular governance, as both are open to abuse.
Employing the "corruption prevention" argument, a number of masjids has decided to assign
secluded quarters for women, and has placed many restrictions on women's use of the masjid
facilities. Assigning women to separate quarters during lectures and discussions does not "prevent
corruption" but rather "prevent education and spiritual growth".'
Safi then pointed out several problems associated with women's seclusion in the mosque: 'it is
detrimental to the spiritual and moral growth of women and the resultant development of the
community, will deprive them from taking active role in learning and thus the psychological and
emotional feeling of this passiveness will impede their ability to interact with the speakers, to ask
questions and offer comments, and finally, will deprive the Muslim community from the services of
a growing number of young Muslim women who do expect to take part in the community services'.
It may also cause some unwarranted problems like failure on women's part to anticipate different
movements of imm and may be even more confusing in case of imm's mistake and concurrent
12

Make-up sajdah (sajdah sahu). Moreover, when they feel ignored, they may end up talking to each
other and becoming unmindful to the discourse and discussion of imm. Besides, when they will
remain invisible, their problems and issues will not come up duly in the discourse.
Even a cursory investigation will reveal that during the formative years of Islam women
participated in public services, and shared the main hall of the Prophet's Mosque, so that they could
learn from the lectures and discussions of the Prophet, and they could be seen and heard by or they
could see and hear the Prophet. Ibn Abbs (R.) said:
Once the Prophet came out (for the ''d Prayers) as if I were just observing him waving to the people to
sit down. He then, accompanied by Bill, came crossing the rows till he reached the women. He recited
verse twelve of chapter sixty to them and asked: 'O ladies! Are you fulfilling your covenant?' None
except one woman said, 'Yes.' The Prophet said: 'Then give Sadaqah.' Bill then spread his garment
and said, 'Keep on giving alms.'38
Asm bint Abdur Rahmn reported on the authority of her sister: 'I memorized (surah) Qf, By the
Glorious Qur'an (Qf, Wal Qur'nil Majd) from the mouth of the Messenger of Allah on Friday, for he
recited it on the pulpit every Friday.' 39

Sharing the main prayer hall also allowed women to fully engage in public debate and influence
decisions affecting their lives and the life of the community. When Umar (R.) wanted to put a cap
on dowry, he was challenged by a woman, who was in the middle of the mosque, and pointed out
that the proposed policy violated Islamic law. She then cited the verse 20 of srah al-Nis. Umar
(R.) conceded saying, 'All people are more judicious than you Umar! The woman is right and the
man is wrong.' The proposed policy was never carried out.40
After comprehensively studying and investigating the available material records of the structures of
al-Harm al-Sharf in Makkah and the Prophet's Mosque in Madnah, and the textual sources of the
period of the Prophet, Nevin Reda41 proved convincingly that there was no existence of any barrier
separating the women from the men and making them invisible in the mosques. She said that in case
of al-Harm al-Sharf in Makkah, the practice continues unabated until today, and women enjoy full
access praying whenever and wherever they wish.
Moreover, the followers in a congregation, according to Islamic Jurisprudence, should either see the
imm or see those who are in front of him, and the lines between the people will be continuous
without any barrier or break. The jurists do not approve any congregation where the imm and the
13

followers are in different rooms, the lines are not continuous, and the followers behind the imm are
also not visible. Otherwise people would not have to come to the mosques for jam'ah prayers. They
would stay home and pray listening to the loudspeakers from their mosques, or through the
broadcasts from Makkah and Madnah. Still the rows of men and women may be demarcated
placing the men first, then the children, and at last the women, in line with the following hadth:
'Shall I direct you to that by which Allah grants remission from sins and increase in rewards? They
said: "Yes, O Messenger of Allah." He said: "the better rows for men are the front ones, and the
worst are the last ones. O women, when the men prostrate themselves, then lower your gaze, so you do
not see the private parts of the men due to the tightness of their loincloths.' 42

Men and women may also be placed in two separate divides of the mosque demarcating it in the
middle in order to avoid free-mixing which is discouraged by Islam. In this way, everyone from the
congregation, irrespective of gender, can avail of the privilege to directly participate in the
discourse.
But these are options or alternatives, not in any way any obligation, as is evident by the last part of
the just-mentioned hadith (i.e., 'O women, when the men prostrate themselves, then lower your gaze, so
you do not see the private parts of the men due to the tightness of their loincloths') .

(ii) The Second Trend and its Examination:

This trend is the other extreme pursued by several Muslim feminists supported by a network of
progressive activists. They claim that women have the legitimate right, sanctioned by the Shar'ah,
to be imm to mixed-gender congregation. They propose it as a solution for women's expulsion
from or marginalizing in the ultra conservatives' mosques. The 'Progressive Muslim Union', a
Muslim Feminist Movement based in North America, already organized a mixed-gender
congregation of men and women for Friday Prayer on March 18, 2005 in New York City. More than
a hundred men and women knelt in adjacent rows, with no curtain to divide them as Amina Wadud,
an associate Professor of Islamic Studies at Virginia Commonwealth University, led the Prayer. The
adhn was raised by another woman Suehyla Attr, who did not wear hijb. The Prayer was held at
the heavily guarded Synod House at the Episcopal Cathedral of St. John the Divine in Manhattan,
after several mosques refused to host it. Amina Wadud conducted the service primarily in English
with verses of the Qur'n read in Arabic.43
The advocates of this opinion base their argument on the following evidences and assumptions:
14

The Progressive Muslim asserts44 that the question is in fact about gender equality, women
empowerment, and the egalitarian ethos of modernity. They opine that, 'while the Qur'n is clear on
the moral equality of men and women, leadership in prayer is not to be any prerogative of men only.
It grew on historically and geographically bound traditions of an essentially patriarchal society'. AlSayyid al-Sbiq has discussed the criteria for leading prayer as: an ability to read the Qur'n,
knowledge of the Qur'n, knowledge of the teachings of the Prophet (sm), and being accepted by
the congregation. The following hadth, related by Ahmad and Muslim and reported by Ibn Mas'd
(R.), states that the Prophet (sm) said, "The imm of a people should be the one who is the most versed in
the Qur'n. If they are equal in their recital, then the one who is the most knowledgeable of the Sunnah. If
they are equal in the Sunnah, then it is the one who migrated first. If they are equal in that, then it is the
eldest. And one should not lead prayer in another's house without permission."

45

Al-Sbiq mentions that

the following people are prohibited from leading prayer: someone with a legitimate excuse not to
pray, and an incapacitated person. He then named the people who are discouraged from leading
prayer: an evildoer and someone who changes the religion. 46 Thus maleness is in no way a criterion
for leading prayer.
Perhaps, the Progressives' strongest argument on the general permissibility of women's leadership in
congregational prayers hinges on the hadth of Umm Waraqa (R.), an Ansri woman well-versed in
the Qur'n. The hadth, reported in Sunan Ab Dwd reads:
"The Messenger of Allah used to visit her in her house. And he assigned to her a muadhdhin who
would make the summons to prayer (adhn) for her. And he ordered her to lead ahl drih in prayer.
(ahl drih means: the people of her home, where dr means home, and can refer to one's residence,
neighborhood, or village which consisted of both men and women.) 47

On the other hand, the people of Umm Waraqa's (R.) home were so numerous that the Prophet (sm)
had to appoint a muadhdhin for her.48 The above-mentioned hadth is the reason why several
medieval Muslim scholars supported female leadership. These include Tabar, Muzan, Ab Thawr
and Ab Sulaymn Dwd ibn Khalf al-Isfahn, founder of the Zahirite School.49

Examination of Progressives' agenda and evidences

Hina Azam50 and Louay M. Safi51 have extensively examined the arguments of the Progressives and
showed the fault and futility of their agenda. According to them, it is based on 'common sense'
position and 'personal sensibilities', not on any sound reasoning and systematic methodology. The
'essence of Islam' is submitting to the 'Divine Will' which is communicated through the Qur'n and
15

exemplified in the Prophetic actions and statements. In order to arrive at any legal doctrine, or
hukm, one must employ a systematic methodology (either through following the already existing
one developed by the early jurists or by proffering a new one), to extract meaning from the sources,
the Qur'nic Texts and the Prophetic Traditions. The Progressives failed in both respects; violating
several basic texts and classical interpretive principles, and stumbling at providing neither a sound
critique of the traditional legal methodology nor an improved one to replace it.
Moreover, a general jurisprudential principle is that 'the rule (asl) in social laws (mu'malat) is
permissibility (ibhah), and the rule in religious observance (ibdat) is prohibition (tahrm). It
implies the permissibility of any activity in case of lack of evidence in the area of ordinary life
while it is just the opposite in case of ibdat. Salt is an ibdat and should be performed according
to the prescribed rules, without innovating anything new.52
The hadth of Umm Waraqah (R.), the strongest evidence of the Progressives, does not in fact
constitute any evidence for them because of some inherent problems with it. Firstly, the
trustworthiness of the reporters and thus the authenticity of this hadth are questioned by the
scholars.53 Baihaq, Hkim and Draqutn reported the hadth. Hakm said, 'Muslim advanced alWald ibn Jam (one of the narrators) as being authoritative. But this is a hadth with a single chain
of narrator (sunnah garba). I don't know of any hadth with a connected chain to the Prophet
(musnad) in this chapter other than this one.' Dhahabi concurred with his findings. Al-Mundhiri
said, 'Al-Wald ibn Jam' is the subject of dispute (fhi maql). However, Muslim has reported
through him.' Ibn al-Qattn said, 'Al-Wald's state isn't known.' Ibn Hibbn mentioned him in (his
book) Al-Thiqt (Trustworthy Narrators). But Ibn Hajar said, 'In his chain is 'Abdur Rahmn ibn
Khlid (a second questionable narrator) whose status is unknown (fhi jahla).'
Secondly, even if the hadith is accepted sahh, still its central point (i.e., dr in ahl drih) remains
confusing and highly speculative, partly due to the Progressives' interpretation of the word. As
Nevin Reda54 says: 'dr can be used to describe areas ranging from an individual home, to
neighborhood, to village, to the whole territory of Islam (Dr al-Islam). Often it is used to denote
the housing or area where a particular clan lived.' But actually the word 'dr' literally means 'her
home' which is evident from the fact that there are multiple variants of the hadth; while in Tabaqt
Ibn Sa'd, the word used is 'dr', Ab Dwd in his Sunan used the word 'bayt', which not only
means 'home' but also 'room within a home.' Thirdly, Ibn Qudmah opined that 'the permission for a
16

woman to lead a mixed-gender congregation of her household in prayer was specific to her, since no
other woman was appointed a muadhdhin (by the Prophet), as was the case with her.'55
In the same way, it was never recorded that a single woman, throughout Islamic history, has done or
claimed to do such an action, neither in the Prophetic period not in the later best of the periods. 56
This by itself constitutes a clear proof of the invalidity of this opinion. Otherwise, it might have
been done by the best-qualified and the most knowledgeable 'Mothers of the Believers', especially
the most brilliant 'ishah (R.), and by the numerous illustrious women scholars across Islamic
history, jurisprudential references and narration experts.
Fourthly, when the permission was being awarded to 'Umm Waraqa' (R.) there were two very
learned and prominent companions of the Prophet (sm) present in Madnah, Salmn al-Frs (R.)
and Uthmn ibn Affn (R.) (who could not participate in the battle of Badr due to some problems
of their own), but they were not asked to pray behind her. Instead, they led their own prayers in the
mosque of the Prophet. On the other hand, Umm Waraqa (R.) was given the responsibility, as she
was the most-versed in the Qur'n among her remaining family members, men and women, after
departure of her others for the battle, and as her house was a few miles away from the mosque of the
Prophet. Ysuf Al-Qaradwi states: 'Any woman well-versed in the Qur'n like Umm Waraqa may
lead her family members, including men, in both obligatory and supererogatory prayers, especially
the Tarwh prayers.57 This is also a dependable opinion in the Hanbal School of jurisprudence.58
Lastly, the majority of scholars have understood this hadth as referring to woman leading other
women in prayer, whether obligatory or supererogatory. 'ishah (R.), Umm Salamah, At', althawr, al-Awz, al-Shfi', Ishq, and Ab Thawr reported the matter as desirable. Ahmad ibn
Hanbal also opined the same. Ab Hanfah (R.) regards the matter as undesirable, but if such
congregational prayer is done, it will be sufficient for the women who perform it. Al-Sha'b, alNakh', and Qatdah said: 'they can lead in supererogatory prayers, not in obligatory ones'. 59 It is
reported by a number of hadth that women can lead other women in congregational prayers.
Rai'tah al-Hanafiyah reported from i'shah that she led women in prayer and stood among them in
an obligatory prayer.60 At' reported that 'ishah used to say the adhn, the iqmah, and lead
women in prayer while standing among them in the same row.61 'Ammr al-Dahn reported from a
woman of his tribe named Hujayrah that 'Umm Salamah led us (women) in the 'Asr prayer and
stood among us (in the same row)'.62 Ibrhm al-Nakh' reported that ''ishah used to lead women in
17

prayer during the month of Ramadn while standing among them in the same row. 63 Ikrima
reported from Ibn Abbs, 'A woman can lead women in prayer while standing among them.64
In fact, upon claiming and staging a woman-led mixed-gender Friday Prayer, the Progressive
Muslims uncritically embraced western feminism with the objective of obliterating all gender
differences. Unlike western feminists' tendency to erase God from the scene, the Progressives
adopted a roundabout way arguing 'there is no standard left-but men'. 65 As a result, like western
feminists, the Progressives, under faulty assumption, were forced to find all their values in relation
to men, and they thought: a woman can never be a full human being until she becomes just like a
man-the standard.

Women's Space in the Mosque: The Islamic Perspective

The early mosque was not only a place for prayer, but a center for many other activities as well. It
functioned as a school where people learned their religion, and the Parliament where the community
discussed new laws and affairs of state. It was also the courthouse where judgments were passed,
and the community center where families met their friends and neighbors and held their
celebrations. In short, it was the hub and center of public life for the emerging Muslim nation.66
In Islam, the masjid is a place for spiritual growth and development for all Muslims, and should be
equally accessible for both genders. The Qur'n has set the spiritual and moral equality of men and
women in explicit and unequivocal terms:
Allah has prepared forgiveness and great rewards for the Muslim men and women; for the believing
men and women; for the devout men and women; for the truthful men and women; for the men and
women who are patient and constant; the men and women who humble themselves; for the men and
women who give charity; for the men and women who fast; for the men and women who guard their
chastity; and the men and women who are exceedingly mindful of Allah. (Al-Ahzb 33:35)

Both men and women, the Qur'n stresses, have a moral obligation to develop themselves spiritually
and morally, and to fulfill their social responsibilities. The masjid is, and has always been, the center
of moral and spiritual learning and growth.67
In the Prophetic period the mosque was the lighthouse of all religio-socio-cultural functions for men
and women irrespectively. Thus none has the right to deprive women of their space in the mosque.
Those who compel them to stay at home citing a hadth (that their homes are better for them than
18

the mosques), they undoubtedly commit sin and fall under the category of those who are prohibited
by the Prophet (sm) pertaining preventing women from the mosque.68
Women enjoyed full access to the mosques in the early Islam. But several tendencies developed
later on, as already has been shown, ranging from debarring to limiting their access by introducing
segregated quarters for them in the mosques. As we are ordained by Allah to refer any dispute or
debate to the Qur'n and the Sunnah (4:58-59), we shall investigate those two primary sources in the
following analysis in order to see the extent of women's access to the mosques. For any conclusion
drawn by bypassing these two sources will lead us towards getting lost or going astray.69

The Qur'n
The Qur'n provides interesting evidence for women's access to the mosque during the normative
period of Islam. Nevin Reda has meticulously examined the Qur'n and made the following
observations:70
"A close examination shows two kinds of verses that contain relevant information. The first kind
consists of general verses that deal more or less with all Muslims. They are usually in the male
plural, which, in Arabic, can include women. On the other hand, the female plural does not include
men. The second kind are gender-specific and specify women, either by the female plural or by
referring to a specific person (e.g., Mary). I will first examine the general verses and then the
specific verses.
All Muslims are asked to pray in every mosque and to take their adornments:
Say: "My Lord has commanded justice and that you look toward (Him) at every mosque" (7:29)
O children of Adam! Take your adornments to every mosque(7:31)

Several verses talk negatively of those who prevent believers from mosques and warn them of
severe punishments (e.g., 2:114, 8:34, 22:25 and 48:25):
Who is more unjust than one who prevents [believers] from celebrating God's name in His mosques
and strives to ruin them? It is not fitting that such should enter them, except in fair. Disgrace will be
theirs in this world and exceeding torment in the world to come. (2:114)

The above verses indicate the right and obligation of every Muslim to participate in the mosque's
activities. The context suggests that this applies to "the believers", regardless of gender. The
19

participation of women is not stated explicitly in the above verses. However, it is clearer in the
gender-specific verses.
Two verses specify women's relationship to group prayers. The first is as follows:
The male believers and the female believers are each others' allies. They enjoin good and forbid evil,
establish prayers and pay the alms, and obey God and His Messenger. Upon these God will have
mercy. God is Almighty, All-Wise. (9:71)

The word awliy', which has been translated as "allies," signifies a close working relationship. It
can also be translated as "friends, protectors, neighbors, or followers." It comes from the root
waliya, which means to be near or adjacent to somebody or something. The same term is used to
describe the relationship between the Muhjirn (Makkan immigrants) and the Ansr (Madnan
helpers) (8:72) and between God and His " close ones" (10:62). The above verse signifies
togetherness in prayers as well as in enjoining good, forbidding evil, giving alms, and obeying God
and His Prophet. These activities clearly have a public aspect to their fulfillment and are mandated
for both men and women.
The second gender-specific verse is addressed to Mary, as follows:
O Mary! Humble yourself before your Lord, prostrate yourself, and bow down with those who bow
down. (3:43)

The term used for "with those who bow down" is ma'a al-rki'n. Rki'n is the masculine plural
form. It may or may not include women, but it must include men. The feminine plural would have
been rki't which is not used in this context. So, Mary is ordered to pray with a group that includes
men. Also interesting is the preposition ma'a, which means "with," not "behind," "away from," or
"segregated from" in any way."
Nevin Reda,71 then, explained that the women enjoyed full access to the three 'most important
mosques' of Islam, i.e., the Aqs Mosque, the Ka'bah and the Prophet's Mosque. She mentioned that
Mary is presented in Qur'n as praying in al-Aqs Mosque in the mihrb which is the inner
sanctum72 to which only a selected few like David, Solomon, and Zachariah, had access, and it
means that she had full access to that mosque. She is also presented as not being segregated from
men, since Zachariah entered the mihrb when she was there and talked with her (3:37). In case of
other two high-ranking mosques, it is thought that in the Prophet's mosque his daughter Ftima is
20

buried next to him,73 and Hagar was buried with her son Ism'l inside the Ka'bah, especially in the
apse, which is considered part of the sanctuary.
Thus, from the above-mentioned Qur'nic evidences, both gender-neutral and gender-specific
verses, it can be safely concluded that women had full access to the mosque and that praying next to
men was considered normal and legitimate.

The Sunnah
The Sunnah, the Prophet's statements, actions, and confirmation or approval, contains ample
evidences for women's unbarred and uncontested space in the mosque, and their active participation
in all the activities performed there, even to the extent of influencing decisions and decision-making
process affecting their lives and the life of the community. When Umar (R.) wanted to put a cap on
dowry, he was contested by a woman from the middle of the mosque, and pointed out that the
proposed policy violated Islamic law. Umar (R.) conceded and that policy was never carried out.
As directed by the Qur'n (3:159), the Prophet duly consulted everybody of the community about
everything, whether trivial or big, ranging from sending and receiving foreign missions to
announcing planned expeditions and strategic plans for the future. Even the apparently simple
decision to install a mimbar (pulpit) in the mosque was treated by the Prophet as a matter that
concerned all Muslims.
The Prophet used to say the Friday prayers standing, leaning against a palm trunk. One day he
announced that standing made him tired. Tamm al-Dr answered: 'Why not build a pulpit like I have
seen in Syria? The Prophet asked their advice on the question, and they agreed to the suggestion. 74

Women not only visited the Prophets mosque due to its special distinction, but also visited all the
mosques inside and outside Madnah.75 The followings are some of the related examples:
Abdullah ibn Umar said that people were saying Fajr prayer in the mosque of Qub, while a man
approached them and said: 'Revelation (why) has come to Muhammad tonight with the command to
direct his face towards Ka'bah in prayer. You should also direct your face towards Ka'bah.' So they
instantly changed their direction.76

Ibn Hajar says: In a narration concerning the event of the change of Qibla, Suhaila bint Aslam
reported, 'Women turned around and took men's places while men turned around and took women's

21

places, and thereafter they completed the remaining two sajda (prostration) in the direction of alMasjid al-Harm (Ka'bah)'.77
Amr ibn Salamah narrated from his father Salamah that upon his (Salamah's) return from the Prophet
(sm) with all the necessary instructions about salt, he was selected to be the imm of the
congregational prayers of his tribe despite his tender age, because he was the best-versed in the Qur'n
among his tribesmen. He had a short cloth which could not cover his whole body in salt. Once a
woman from amongst the congregation rose up and told: "Would you not manage to cover the buttocks of
your imm? 'Then, Salamah mentioned, they purchased a cloth and made a long gown for me' 78

Women's frequenting the mosques continued unabated, even in the situations of growing concern
about losing chastity in their ways to the mosques. Imm Ahmad reported a story about a woman
who was violated of her chastity when she was on the way to the mosque in darkness to participate
in Fajr congregation. She raised the matter to the Prophet (sm) who even after identifying the rapist
forgave him, due to his strong and sincere repentance to Allah. 79 The Prophet (sm) neither prevented
nor discouraged women from the mosques even after this horrendous incident.
A further deep investigation will reveal that the hadiths relating women's space in the mosques may
be divided into three categories.
First: This category includes those hadths that speak of the merits and virtues of congregational
prayer. For example, the following hadith:
The Prophet said: "Congregational prayer excels twenty-seven times to the solitary prayers." 80
"Prayer in congregation is twenty degrees and some above better for any individual than praying in his
house or market, for when he performs ablution (wud) doing it well and goes out to the mosque, he
has no other objective before him but prayer. His position is raised a degree for every step and sins are
expiated, till he enters the mosque, and when he is busy in prayer after having entered the mosque. As
long as he remains in the mosque, the angels continue to invoke blessing on him chanting, 'O Allah,
show him mercy and pardon him! Accept his repentance.' (And the angels continue this supplication
for him) so long as he does not do any harm in it, or as long as his ablution is not broken." 81

These hadths are categorical in implying that praying in congregation is far superior to praying
individually. The hadths are also general and gender-neutral in implication, and according to
'jurisprudential principle', 'The general statements shall be interpreted as general unless there is
evidence to indicate otherwise.' Since there is nothing in the sources to suggest that the above rule
22

about superiority of congregational prayer is applicable to men only, there is no reason and right to
exclude women from such rewards.
Second: This category incorporates those hadths that vehemently prohibit men from preventing
women's going out to and participating in the mosques. Despite clear Qur'nic stand on the spiritualmoral equality of men and women, and his own practices entertaining women in the mosques, the
Prophet, recognizing the tendency of some men to be overprotective of their female relatives,
unequivocally cautioned the Muslim community against it.
"Ibn Umar narrated, the Messenger of Allah said," Don't deprive women of their share of the masjids,
when they seek your permission. Bill said: By Allah, we would certainly prevent them. 'Abdullah
said: I say that the Messenger of Allah said it and you say: we would certainly prevent them!" 82
Ibn Umar also narrated: The Prophet said, 'Allow women to go the mosques at night.'83
Ibn Umar again narrated from the Prophet: 'Do not stop the female servants of Allah from the
mosques of Allah.'84
Abu Huraira narrated: The Prophet said, ' Do not stop the female servants of Allah from going to the
mosques, but let them go in modest dress.'85

Rather, the Prophet would often shorten his congregation in order facilitate and encourage women's
participation. It is authentically reported that the Prophet said:
On many occasions I start prayer with the intention of prolonging it and then shorten it on hearing the
cry of a baby for fear of keeping his mother away from attending him, and thus causing his pangs. 86

Third: This category encompasses a long list of hadths wherein the causes, occasions, and
purposes of women's attending the mosques in the Prophetic period are recorded. Abdul Halm Ab
Shuqqah has examined various aspects of their participation and pointed out twelve shari'ahmandated areas and aspects.87 He provided many evidences in support of each and every aspect.
Women attended the mosques in order to participate in the congregational prayers. They performed
there the obligatory prayers, especially Fajr, Magrib, and 'Ish prayers, the supererogatory prayers,
the ''d prayers, the Jumah prayers, and some other occasional prayers like Funeral prayer, prayer
for vow, prayer for rain, prayer for eclipse etc.

23

'ishah said, "Women used to offer their prayers with the Messenger of Allah and then they dismissed
while wrapping their heads in the scarps, without being recognized because of darkness."88

Even in case of the most occasional prayers like 'prayer for eclipse' their participation was
wholehearted and overwhelming. Asm bint Ab Bakr (R.) narrated such an event where she along
with ''ishah (R.) and a group of other women joined the congregation for 'prayer for eclipse'.89
Women also attended the mosque to observe I'tikf or to meet those who were in the state of I'tikf,
Al ibn al-Husain narrated from Safiya, the wife of the Prophet that she went to Allah's Apostle in
order to visit him while he was in i'tikf in the mosque in the last ten days of Ramadn. She had a talk
with him for a while, and then she got up in order to return home. The Prophet accompanied her unto
the gate of the mosque...90

Their presence was sometimes with the objective of: earning knowledge, participating in public
gathering, attending the ceremonies, and making marriage-offer. Ftima bint Qays (R.) was present
during such an announcement. She said:
'I was in the front row meant for women and it was adjacent to the last row of men, and I heard Allah's
Messenger deliver sermon sitting on the pulpit'91

Once a woman approached the Prophet (sm) with a marriage-offer on her part with him. The
Prophet gave her a glance of unwillingness Then the Prophet (sm) married her with a simple
dowry to one of his companions.92 Ibn Hajar says: 'at that moment the Prophet was in the mosque.'93
Again, in other occasions, women would go to the mosque only for meeting the believing women,
gossiping with them and/or spending break hours or spare times. Khawla bint Qays (R.) said:
'We, women, in the periods of the Prophet, Ab Bakr, and the early period of Umar, would in the
mosque befriend, knit, and sometimes make mat'. Umar said: 'Surely, I shall pull you out of the
mosque'94

They often went there for 'witnessing judgments and their procedures, serving (e.g., sweeping) the
mosque, and attending the injured. Bukhri recorded that the Prophet pitched a tent for the treatment
of Sa'd ibn Mu'd (R.) who sustained injury in the medial arm vein in the battle of Khandaq. 95 The
Prophet pitched another tent for Rufaida Aslamiyah whose husband was a man of Ban al-Gifr96
Abu Huraira narrated, 'A black man or a black woman used to sweep the mosque and he or she died.
(According to another report of Bukhr: Ab Huraira said, 'to the best of my knowledge it was a woman)

97

24

The Prophet asked about her (or him). He was told that she (or he) died. He said: "Why did you not inform
me? Show me his (her) grave." So he went to her grave and offered her (his) funeral prayer.'

98

Historical records show that women also slept in the mosque. Bukhr constructed a chapter in his
Sahh under the title of "Women's sleeping in the mosque" where he recorded a hadth from 'ishah
(R.). She said, 'that slave girl came to Allah's Apostle and embraced Islam. She had a tent or a small room
with a low roof in the mosque. Whenever she called on me, she had a talk with me' 99

It has become evident and established, beyond any shred of doubt, from the previous examination,
that women's participating in the mosques were very usual, unbarred, and unlimited in the
'formative and normative' years of Islam. This is why Ibn Hazm observed, 'Hadths on women's
participation for congregational prayers in the mosque are innumerable, continuously recurrent
(mutawatir), and extremely authenticated that none but an unknowledgeable can deny it.'100

Conclusion:
It transpires from the foregone analysis that women like men, due to their moral equal status, had
full space in the mosque, the center for all religious, cultural, and intellectual activities, in the
Prophetic period, the sole normative period of Islam. The situation remained unchanged until
Umars (R.) caliphate who first introduced segregation between the sexes. Then, in the sixth
century of Hejira Ibn al-Jawz doctrinalized women's exclusion by raising the question of women's
interruption of men's prayer. Later on, this total exclusion got institutionalized in the hands of the
ultra-conservatives who sought to find a basis of their stand in the hadth of 'ishah (R.) which
was, in fact, a hypothetical statement from her and hence does not serve in any way as a normative
principle. In the meantime, 'Feminist Movements' grew significantly in the West with the objective
of asserting strongly women's identity erasing all patriarchal institutions, and as 'religion' was
thought to be the source of these patriarchal institutions, any role of religion is vehemently negated
or obliterated from their policies. The Muslim women who came in close contact with them realized
their marginalized position, got influenced by their sisters' movement, and then they themselves
started movements to better their conditions. Some of these movements took men as the standard of
any change and thus claimed the right to leadership in prayer. Muslim Feminists, unlike Western
Feminists, seek the basis of their claims in the normative sources of Islam, and thus the advocates of
'women's immah' proffered the hadth of Umm Waraqah (R.). But of quite different implication,
Umm Waraqh (R.) led her family members, including men and women, in the prayer with the
command of the Prophet, because of her most versedness in the Qur'n among her family members,
25

and it is allowable according to the majority of Muslim scholars. The hadth also lacks any element
to be of generalized application. Evidently all of these trends and later developments contrast
starkly with the Qur'nic indications and the Prophetic practices exemplified in the 'ideal period' of
Islam. As al-Qurn and al-Sunnah are the only authorities for the Muslims, in line with the
instructions of these authorities women should be given back their legitimate right to complete
access to and full participation in the mosque without putting any barrier. Still the rows of men and
women may be separately demarcated in order to avoid any unwarranted situation.

Notes:

26

Katherine Bullock, "Toward the full inclusion of Muslim Women in the Ummah: An Activist's Perspective,
The American Journal of Islamic Social Science, Vol. 19, Fall 2002, Number 4, p.72-74
2
Ibid., 70
3
http://www.exorthodoxforchrist.com/tajikistan_-_women_barred.html
4
http://www.islamonline.net/Englsih/News/2005-03/19/article06.shtml (quoting The New York Times)
5
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall bi al-thr, (Beirut: Dr al-Fikr), Vol. 03, p.114
6
Nabia Abbott, "Women and the State in Early Islam," Journal of Near Eastern Studies, no. 1 (1942), p. 114
7
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall, Vol. 03, p. 131 & Vol. 4, p. 119
8
Ibid, Vol. 3, p. 131
9
Ibid., Vol. 03, p.118-19
10
Ahmad 'Abd al-Rahmn Al-Bann, Al-Fath al-Rabbn Li Tartb Musnad al-Imm Ahmad ibn Hanbal alShaybn ma'a Sharhih Bulgh al-Amn (Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth al-'Arab), Vol. 5, 1: 1331-36
11
Fatima Mernissi, Women and Islam: A Historical and Theological Enquiry, trans. M. J.
Lakeland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), p. 70
12
Abdul Khaleque, Nari (The Women in Islam), (Islamic Foundation Bangladesh, June 1995), p. 14
13
Bible 1: Corinthians, 14: 34-35
14
Fatima Mernissi, Hidden from History: Forgotten Queens of Islam, trans. M. J.
Lakeland (University of Minnesota Press, 1993), p. 79 (citing Al-Jhiz, Al-Hijb; pp. 25ff)
15
Ibid. p. 81
16
Ibn al-Jawz, Kitb Ahkm al-Nis (Beirut: Al-Maktabah al-Asriyyah, 1980) p. 201,
Quoted from Fatima Mernissi, Hidden from History: Forgotten Queens of Islam, p. 81
17
Ibid., Al-Jawz, Kitb Ahkm, p. 202, Mernissi, Forgotten Queens, p. 81
18
Some earlier scholars addressed the issue, but to some limited or fragmented extent. See, for example, Ibn
Hazm, Al-Muhall, Muhammad al-Ghzal, Min Hun Nalam, 5th ed. (Cairo: Dr al-Kutub al-Hadthah,
1968), p. 185-95; Nevin Reda, Women in the Mosque: Historical Perspective on Segregation, The
American Journal of Islamic Social Science, Vol. 21, Spring 2004, Number 2, p.77-97. Also remarkable
is Abdul Halim Abu Shuqqah, The Tahrirul Mar'ah F Asrir Rislah, trans. 'Rasuler s. Juge Nari
Shadhinota, by Maulana Muhammad Mozammel Hoque, (Bangladesh Institute of Islamic Thought,
November 2002) 2nd part
19
Ibid., Al-Jawz, Kitb Ahkm, p. 209, Mernissi, Forgotten Queens, p. 81
20
Ab Dwd Sulaymn ibn al-Ash'ath, Sunan, (Cairo: Dr al-Ma'rifa), vol. 1, p. 154, Number: 569
21
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall, Vol. 03, p.115-16
22
Al-Bann, Al-Fath, Vol. 5, 2:1337
23
Nsir al-Dn al-Albn, Arwu al-Gall, (Beirut: Al-Maktabat al-Islm), vol. 4, p. 143, Number: 971
24
Nevin Reda, Women in the Mosque: Historical Perspective on Segregation, The American
Journal of Islamic Social Science, Vol. 21, Spring 2004, Number 2, p.92
25
For al-Bukhr's hadth, see Ahmad ibn 'Al ibn Hajar al-'Asqaln, Fath al-Br bi Sharh al- Bukhr
(Beirut: Dar al-Ma'rifa), vol. 1, 8:52, p. 528
26
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall, Vol. 03, p.115
27
Ab Dwd, Sunan, vol. 1, p. 154, Number: 570
28
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall, Vol. 03, p.116-17
29
Ibid., Vol. 03, p.116
30
Ibid., Vol. 03, p.115
31
'Al al-Dn 'Al al-Muttaq ibn Husm al-Dn, Kanz al-`Umml (Halb: Maktabat al-Turth al-Islm, 1971)
vol. 8, p. 326, Number: 23131 (citing from Ibn Sa`d's Tabaqat).
32
M. Gharbullah Islamabdi, Ashara Mubashar (Emdadia Library, Lalbagh, Dhaka May 1996), p. 120-21
33
Ibn Ab Shayba, Musannaf, Vol. 1, p. 106.
34
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall, Vol. 3, p. 139
35
Imm Ahmad, Musnad, Vol. 1, p. 40
36
Ab Dwd, Sunan, vol. 1, p.154, Number: 571
37
http://blog.lsinsight.org/2005/03/women-and-masjid-between-two-extremes.html
38
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 2, 13:19, p. 466, Number: 981
39
Abdul Halm Ab Shuqqah, The Tahrrul Mar'ah Fi Asrir Risalah, trans. 'Rasuler s. Juge Nari
1

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Shadhinota, by Maulana Muhammad Mozammel Hoque, (Bangladesh Institute of Islamic Thought,

November 2002) 2nd part, p. 180-81 (citing Muslim, Sahih)
Sayyid Sbiq, Fiqh al-Sunnah (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1992), vol. 2, p. 137-38
Reda, Women in the Mosque, The American Journal, Vol. 21, Spring 2004, Number 2, p.80-86
Al-Bann, Fath, vol. 5, 6:1454.
http://www.islamonline.net/Englsih/News/2005-03/19/article06.shtml (quoting The New York Times)
http://blog.lsinsight.org/2005/04/islams-encounter-with-american-culture.html
Sayyid Sbiq, Fiqh al-Sunnah, vol. 1, p. 199
Ibid.,, vol. 1, p. 199.
Wiebke Walther, Women in Islam, (Markus Wiener Publishing, 1981), p. 111 (citing Ibn Sa'd, Kitab alTabaqat al-Kabir, vol. 8, p. 335)
Ibid., p. 111
Fatima Mernissi, Forgotten Queens of Islam, p. 33
http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1416_0_25_0_C
http://blog.lsinsight.org/2005/04/islams-encounter-with-american-culture.html
This is what Allah says in the Qur'an warnig us when he dispraised the disbelievers: (Or have they
partners (of Allah) who have made lawful for them in religion that which Allah allowed not?) (42:21).
The Prophet also warned against any innovation in Islam in the following hadiths: 'Whoever innovates in
this matter of ours (i.e., religion) whatever is not in it, that innovated thing is rejected.' (Bukhari and
Muslim). 'Beware of innovated matters, for every novelty is perversity.' (Ahmad in his Musnad)
Al-Albn, Arwu al-Gall, vol. 2, p. 255-56, Number: 493
http://www.muslimwakeup.com/main/archives/2005/03/002706print.php. Reda, Women in the Mosque,
The American Journal, vol. 21, Spring 2004, Number 2, p.91
Ibn Qudmah, Al-Mughn,(Cairo: Dr al-Hadth, 1995), vol. 2, p. 465
The prophet said about the superiority of this period: 'The best period is my period, then that of my
companions, and then that of the successors of my companions.'
http://www.islamonline.net/fatwaapplication/English/display.asp?hFatwaID=122751
Az-Zarkash, Al-Ifsh 'an Ma'n al-Sihh, vol. 1, p. 145
Ibn Qudamah, Al-Mughn, vol. 2, p. 465
Ab Bakr Ahmad ibn Husain ibn 'Al al-Bayhaq, Al-Sunan al-Kubr,(Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyah,
1994), vol. 3:761, p.187, Number: 5355.
Al-Bayhaq, Al-Sunan, vol. 3:761, p.187, Number: 5356
Ibid., vol. 3:761, p.187, Number: 5357.
Al-Hfiz, Al-Diryah , vol. 1, p. 169.
Ibid., vol. 3:761, p.187, Number: 5358.
http://blog.lsinsight.org/2005/04/islams-encounter-with-american-culture.html, Yasmin Mogahed argues
'There is no standard left-but men.' Her argument is found at: http://usa.mediamonitors.net/content/view/full/13887
Reda, Women in the Mosque, The American Journal, Spring 2004, vol. 21, Number. 2, p. 78 (Citing J.
Pederson "Masdjid" Encyclopaedia of Islam (EI) VI: 655a-659b, 649a-b.
http://blog.lsinsight.org/2005/03/women-and-masjid-between-two-extremes.html
Ab Shuqqah, The Tahrrul Mar'ah, trans. 2nd part, p. 180-81
The ultimate reference and the supreme source of legislation of Islam is the Book of Allah, and the
purified Sunnah of the Prophet. The Prophet said in his valedictory address: "I left among you that which
if you hold on to it you will never go astray after me: the Book of Allah, and my Sunnah."
Allah said: 'And whoso opposes the Messenger after the guidance (of Allah) has been manifested unto
him, and follows other than the believer's way, We appoint for him that unto which he himself has
turned, and expose him unto hell a hapless journey's end.' (4:115)
Reda, Women in the Mosque, The American Journal, Spring 2004, vol. 21, Number. 2, p.80-83
Ibid., 83-84
The meaning of the word 'Mihrab' is disputed among the Qur'anic scholars. Majority says that it means 'a
recess in the mosque indicating the prayer direction' while others say that its meaning is 'the inner
sanctum of a holy place'.
Reda, Women in the Mosque, The American Journal, p. 85 (citing L. Veccia Vaglieri, "Fatima," EI, 2:845a)

Ibn Sa'ad, Tabaqt al-Kubr, (Beirut: Dr Sdir) vol. 1, p.250.

Ab Shuqqah, The Tahrrul Mar'ah, trans. 2nd part, p.181
76
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 7, 8:32, p. 506, Number: 403
77
Ibid., Fath, vol. 1, p. 506-07
78
Ab Dwd, Sunan, vol. 1, Number: 585
79
Abu Shuqqah, The Tahrrul Mar'ah, trans. 2nd part, p.181 (citing Silsilatul Ahadith al-Sahihah,
Number: 200, vol. 2, p. 601)
80
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 2, 10:30, p. 131, Number: 645
81
For Muslim's hadths, see Muslim ibn al-Hajjj al-Qushair, Sahh Muslim bi Sharh al-Nawaw, (Beirut:
Dr-Ih'y al Turth al-Arab), vol. 3, p. 65-66
82
Ibid., Sahh, vol. 4, p. 161
83
Ibid., Sahh, vol. 4, p. 161-62
84
Ibid., Sahh, vol. 4, p. 161
85
Ab Dwd, Sunan, vol. 1, p. 153, Number: 565.
86
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 1, 10:65, p. 201, Number: 707
87
Abu Shuqqah, The Tahrrul Mar'ah, trans. 2nd part, p.184-99
88
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 2, 9:27, p. 195, Number: 578
89
Ibid., Fath, vol. 2, 11:29, p. 402, Number: 922
90
Ibid., Fath, vol. 4, 33:8, p. 278, Number: 2035
91
Muslim ibn al-Hajjj al-Qushairi, Sahh, vol. 18, p. 83-84
92
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 9, 67:35, p. 180-81, Number: 5126
93
Ibid., vol. 9, 67:50, p. 206, Number: 5149.
94
Ibn Sa'ad, Tabaqt, vol. 8, p. 296
95
Al-'Asqaln, Fath, vol. 1, 8:77, p. 556, Number: 463.
96
Ibid., Fath, vol. 7, p. 415.
97
Ibid., Fath, vol. 1, 8:74, p. 554, Number: 460
98
Ibid., Fath, vol. 1, 8:72, p. 552-53, Number: 458.
99
Ibid., Fath, vol. 1, 8:57, p. 439, Number: 439.
100
Ibn Hazm, Al-Muhall, Vol. 3, p. 113-14
74
75