I.

Muslims in the Philippines and the Creation of the

ARMM

Muslims in the
Philippines and
the Creation of the
ARMM

This module is prepared by the

Institute for Political and Electoral Reform

With Support from the

United Nations Development Programme

Commission on Human Right, and
National Economic Development Authority
3rd printing

CITIZEN-VOTER EDUCATION SUPPLEMENTARY MODULE FOR MORO

I. Muslims in the Philippines and the Creation of the

ARMM

Historically, Muslims in the Philippines play a great role in national development. Mindanao has become the homeland of Filipino Muslims
even before the country has been occupied by the Spaniards. The region
is often dubbed as the land of the plenty for being rich in agricultural,
mineral, and marine resources. Filipino Muslims are recognized for its
resistance to foreign colonialism and such strong resistance contributed
in shaping their culture and way of life. Oppressed, disadvantaged, and
marginalized in what has become a predominantly Christian country,
the Moros history has become a continuing struggle of self- determination and self-rule. Moro was coined from the Spanish word Moors during the colonial period by the Spaniards to refer to the native Muslim
inhabitants.
The turn of the 20th century has become an unstable period for the region. For instance, settlers from Luzon and the Vizayas transformed
Mindanao into an arena for cultural, religious, and economic hostilities.
Lands for example, were titled in favor of northern settlers, against the
interest of the organic communities. Government also provided support
for the paramilitary groups such as the Ilaga, who regularly launched offensives on Moro civilians. Moro politicians were also disenfranchised
and replaced by government-supported settlers. Consolidating and representing the Moro struggle against these and representing the Moro
struggle against these oppressive initiatives, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was set up in the late 1960s. Though engaged in multiple forms of struggle, the MNLF, with the support of the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers (ICFM), began talks with the Philippine
government in 1974 to find a peaceful and political solution to the crisis.
These talks of course led to the Tripoli Agreement, which was signed
by MNLF Chairperson Nur Misuari and Defense Secretary Carmelo Barbero on December 23, 1976. The Tripoli Agreement provided autonomy
for 13 provinces and 9 cities in the southern Philippines.

However, talks regarding the details of autonomy entered a deadlock

when then Pres. Marcos insisted and implemented his version of autonomy, resulting in 10 out of 13 provinces voting for autonomy. It resulted
in the breakdown of negotiations between the Philippine government
and the MNLF.
The events of the mid-1980 at the national level overtook the regional
events, and on 1986 when the EDSA revolution deposed the Marcos regime and installed the revolutionary government of Corazon Aquino.
During Pres. Aquinos term, talks continued when emissaries were sent
to MNLF and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). MILF was
breakaway organization established by former MNLF Vice-Chairperson
Ustadz Hashim Salamat. The talks resulted to the Jeddah Accord.
Aquinos appointed commission to draft the new constitution also included a provision on autonomy for Mindanao and the cordillera regions.
Furthermore, Aquino also organized the Mindanao Regional Consultative Commission to draft the necessary autonomy bill, which was submitted to Congress. She emphasized that this is the new constitutional
process that will further implement the provisions of the Tripoli Agreement. In 1989, Congress passed RA 6743, or the Organic Act of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. With both the MNLF calling
for a boycott of the plebiscite, only 4 provinces Sulu, Maguindanao,
Lanao del Sur, and Tawi-tawi opt for autonomy.
The 20th ICFM in Istanbul called for the resumption of talks between
the MNLF and the Philippines government, and talks resumed in Jakarta, October 1993. Over and above the different amnesty programs and
the thematic concerns discussed, the Final Peace Agreement was signed
September 2, 1996.
As part of the peace agreement, Congress started drafting amendments
for the Organic Act. On February 2001, RA 9054, or The Expanded Organic Act for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao was signed
into law. Adding the province of Basilan and the Islamic City of Marawi,
but excluding the city of Isabela. RA 9054 remains the basic law that
defines the structure and functions of ARMM.
However, even after the peace agreement and the expanded organic act,

CITIZEN-VOTER EDUCATION SUPPLEMENTARY MODULE FOR MORO

I. Muslims in the Philippines and the Creation of the

ARMM
the region remains to be one among the poorest and least developed regions in the country. President Aquino in his talks about the situation in
ARMM cited that the reason for poverty is not because of lack of funds,
he cited a recent Commission on Audit findings that point to unaccounted funds (eg. None of the allocated budget for infrastructure was completed). It is seen that there needs to be change in framework to address
issues of poverty, corruption, and impunity.
Until recently, the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed the Framework of Agreement
on the Bangsamoro that will pave the way for the establishment of the
new autonomous political entity. It was signed in October 15, 2012 in
Malacaang Palace, witnessed by Pres. Benigno S. Aquino III, Malaysian
Prime Minister Dato Najib Tun Razak, and other dignitaries.

Current Electoral
and Governance
Issues in ARMM

The framework agreement will replace the current ARMM to a new

Bangsamoro Autonomous Political Entity, it is envisioned to be more
empowered and to have a more equitable system. However, the details
would require a democratic mandate. It shall include the formation of a
Transition Committee to draft the Bangsamoro Basic Law and it shall be
approved by Congress.
After the approval of the Organic Law, a plebiscite shall be conducted to
approve the geographical scope of the Bangsamoro. The people should be
involved and participate in the decision making process.
Meanwhile, a Bangsamoro Transition Authority shall provide for a transitory phase to bridge the period between the plebiscite and the 2016
elections. The Bangsamoro will have a ministerial form of government
to allow MILF and other political groups to democratically participate
in the elections. Political Parties will have a big role as citizen-voters
will be voting for political parties. The elections for the new Bangsamoro
government will be held in 2016.

CITIZEN-VOTER EDUCATION SUPPLEMENTARY MODULE FOR MORO

II. Current Electoral and Governance Issues in

ARMM
dents of election-related violent incidents happen, particularly in places
where warlordismwith its private armed groupsexists. The most
notorious areas considered as political and electoral hotspots coincide
with the presence of a large number of private armed groups.
This is especially true for ARMM where the bulk of private armed groups
abound. Electoral contests in the region normally coincide with the rise
of incidents of election-related violence, exemplified by the infamous
2009 Maguindanao massacre. ARMM election violence, along with violence arising out of the Moro conflict, forms part of the over-all political
violence in the area.
There is an urgent need to address and solve the problems of warlordism, political and electoral violence, and political dynasties, particularly
in the areas where they are prevalent and threatening to the growth and
strengthening of Philippine democracy.
The regional government of the autonomous region was instituted to address the cultural and religious distinctiveness of the region. Its relevance
is measured by how it addresses the basic needs of its constituents and
through the religious and cultural sensitivity of its responses.
However, the region continues to confront several governance and electoral issues that disregard the basic objectives of its creation. For so many
decades now, election violence had been one of the major problems that
hinder from achieving peaceful and honest elections.
Most election violence-related incidents are associated with another
phenomenon--warlordism. Both feed on each other to create situations
of electoral fraud and white terror that undermine the right of suffrage
among citizen-voters during the electoral exercise and eventually threatens democracy itself.
Election violence and warlordism are often the offshoot of dynastic politics and situations of close contests between or among political clans and
candidates, particularly in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM). They are part of the triad we often referred to as the traditional guns, goons, and gold politics in the country.

Other governance problems branch out from these roots. It impedes economic development in both the region and in a national level because of
pervasive corruption. Absence of peace and stability discourage potential investors from capitalizing in the development of the region. This is
unfortunate given the available resources in the region. Poverty for the
people becomes a major problem with lack of jobs available and inaccessible basic government services.
The people of ARMM should be vigilant in ensuring that the regional
and its component LGUs are open to the input of traditional and indigenous leaders, the people are consulted regarding policies and programs,
transparent in the processes of governance.
Citizen-voters then must continually engage the Regional Government
and its component LGUs to further mainstream their agenda and solidify
their place as stakeholders in all political and developmental processes.

In almost every election (and in between elections), hundreds of inci-

CITIZEN-VOTER EDUCATION SUPPLEMENTARY MODULE FOR MORO

III. Structure of Government

Structure of
Government

The structure of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao reflects

the structure of the national government. It has a legislative body that enacts policies to address the needs of its constituents in the region. These
policies are implemented by the executive branch. Equally important, the
regional government has the responsibility of managing the special courts that have
been created to address judicial needs.
Scope of Powers of the Regional Government
-

Administrative organization

Creation of sources and revenues

Ancestral domain and natural resources

Personal, family, and property relations

Regional urban and rural planning development

Economic, social, and tourism development

Educational policies

Preservation and development of cultural heritage

(see diagram on the next page)

The elective posts in ARMM have a three-year term, with a maximum
of three consecutive terms. ARMM also has an Executive Council that
advises the Governor on matters of governance in the region. It is composed of the Regional Governor, Vice-Governor, and Three Deputy Regional Governors representing the Muslims, Christians, and Indigenous
Cultural Communities.

CITIZEN-VOTER EDUCATION SUPPLEMENTARY MODULE FOR MORO

III. Structure of Government

REGIONAL GOVERNOR

Chief Executive of the Regional Government

REGIONAL VICE-GOVERNOR

REGIONAL AGENCIES

Management of Special
Courts

THE REGIONAL LEGISLATIVE

ASSEMBLY
-

Speaker of the assembly

Basilan (3 seats)
Sulu (6 seats)
Tawi-tawi (3 seats)
Lanao del Sur (6 seats)
Maguindanao (6 seats)
3 seats per legislative
district

Mechanisms for
Peoples
Participation in the
Autonomous Region
in Muslim Mindanao

LOCAL CHIEF EXECUTIVES

Provincial Governor
Municipal Mayors
Barangay Chairpersons

Local Executive Agencies

LOCAL LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLIES

- Provincial Vice-Governor
- Provincial Board
- Municipal Vice-Mayor
- Municipal Councils
- Barangay Councils

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IV. Mechanisms for Peoples Participation in the

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
Aside from voting, the expanded organic act (RA 9054) and the Local
Government Code of ARMM (MMAA No. 25) provides for other mechanisms to advance democratization, peoples participation, and citizens
stake in governance in both the regional and local level. These specific
mechanisms are provided in the following statutes:

(Book I, Title One, chap. 4, sec. 28-30) the Regional government

should promote the establishment and operation of NGOs and POs.
LGUs may enter into joint ventures and other cooperative engagements
with NGOs and POs, and even provide financial assistance.
(Book II, Title Two, Chap. 5, sec. 64-71) the right of the people to
initiate the process of recall

(Art.III, Sec. 14) The right of the people to legislative initiative and
referendum

(Book III, Title One, Chap. 6, sec. 392-393) the Barangay must conduct a Barangay Assembly at least twice a year. All Barangay residents
that are residents of the area for at least six months, duly registered and
at least 15 years of age can participate.

(Art.IV, Sec. 3) There should be sectoral representatives for agriculture, labor, urban poor, indigenous peoples, youth and women

(Book I, Title Nine, Chap. 2, Sec. 123-130) the people have the right
to initiative and referendum

(Art. VII, sec. 6) The Appointment of 3 deputies (1 Christian, 1 Muslim,

1 form the indigenous peoples) by the Regional Government

(Book I, Title Two, Chap. 1, Sec. 35(d), Book III, Title Two, Chap. 3,
Art. 3, Sec. 441(b) for Municipalities, Book III, Title Three, Chap. 3, Art.
3, Sec. 452(b) for Cities, Book IV, Title Four, Chap. 3, Art. 3, Sec. 461(b)
for Provinces) Local Sanggunians must have sectoral representatives
from women, workers and and a third sector, to be determined by the
Sanggunian concerned

RA 9054

(Art. VII, sec. 13) The RLA should provide for a system of recall
(Art. XII, sec. 4(e)) Right of communities to consultations on issues of
permits, licenses, franchises, and concessions over natural resources in
ancestral domains
(Art. XII, sec. 12) The RLA should provide for the process of electing
5 representatives from the private sector for the Regional Economic and
Development Planning Board
(Art. XV, sec. 8) The Regional Government should promote the rights
of peoples organizations
MMAA No. 25

The people through their organizations can participate in Local Special Bodies (LSBs)
o Local Health Board (Book I, Title Five, Sec. 98-101)
o Local School Board (Book I, Title Four, Sec. 94-97)
o Regional Planning and Development Board and Local Development
Councils (Book I, Title Six, Sec. 102-106)
o Regional Reconciliation and Unification Commission and the Local Peace and Order Council (Book I, Title Seven, Sec. 117-119)

(Book I, Title One, chap. 1, sec. 3) LGUs should encourage the participation of the private sector, particularly in the area of delivering basic
services
(Book I, Title One, chap. 3, art. I, sec. 23-24) NGOs and other sectors
must be consulted for projects that may cause pollution, climate change,
depletion of non-renewable resources, loss of cropland, rangeland or forest cover, and the extinction of animal or plant species.

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