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79 October 2011
Edited by
Sndor BERECKI
Editura MEGA
Trgu Mure
2012
Content
Preface ...................................................................................................................................................................... 7
Hrvoje POTREBICA
Religious Phenomena of the Hallstatt Communities of Southern Pannonia ............................................ 9
Marcella NAGYPl SMEGIGerg PERSAITSSndor GULYSTnde TRCSIK
Iron Age Hoard Found at Ikervr (Vas County, Hungary) in the Western Region of the
Carpathian Basin. A Study in the Reconstruction of the Cultic Life of the Hallstatt Period
in the Light of Archaeological and Scientiic Analyses............................................................................... 31
Zoltn CZAJLIKGza KIRLYAttila CZVEKSndor PUSZTABalzs HOLLGbor BROLLY
he Application of Remote Sensing Technology and Geophysical Methods in the
Topographic Survey of Early Iron Age Burial Tumuli in Transdanubia................................................... 65
Robert SCHOLTZ
Scythian Age Burials at Tiszalk.................................................................................................................... 77
Lszl SZATHMRY
Scythian Age Human Skeletal Remains from Tiszalk ............................................................................ 101
Florin GOGLTANJzsef-Gbor NAGY
Profane or Ritual? A Discovery from the End of the Early Iron Age from VlahaPad,
Transylvania.................................................................................................................................................... 105
Imola KELEMEN
he Archaeozoological Analysis of the Animal Bones Discovered in the Early Iron Age Pit
at VlahaPad .................................................................................................................................................. 133
Mircea BABENicolae MIRIOIU
Verlngerte, mehrstuige birituelle Bestattungen im DonauKarpaten-Raum
(5. bis 3. Jh. v. Chr.)........................................................................................................................................ 139
Aurel RUSTOIUSndor BERECKI
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age.
he Grave with Chalcidian Helmet from Ocna Sibiului .......................................................................... 161
Peter C. RAMSL
Late Iron Age Burial Rites in Eastern Austria ............................................................................................ 183
Maciej KARWOWSKI
An Ithyphallic Celtic Figurine from Oberleiserberg ................................................................................. 189
Jan BOUZEK
he North-Western Part of the Carpathian Basin in the Period of Early Celtic Princes ..................... 213
Zoltn PILLINGFerenc UJVRI
Iron Age Settlement and Cemetery from SzegedKiskundorozsma. Some New Data
on Iron Age Burial Rite at the Southern Part of the Great Hungarian Plain ......................................... 217
va TANKKroly TANK
Cremation and Deposition in the Late Iron Age Cemetery at Ludas ..................................................... 249
Gertrda BEZINOV
he Biritual Cemetery at uranyNitriansky Hrdok, District of Nov Zmky, Slovakia................... 259
Martin FURMAN
he Interpretative Value of Annular Ornaments for the Study of Early Celtic Populations
in the Middle Danube Area .......................................................................................................................... 273
Gabriela BREZANOV
Relections of the Contacts between Celtic Communities in North-West Romania
and South-West Slovakia in the Grave Inventories ................................................................................... 289
Jnos NMETI
Funerary Rites and Rituals of the Celtic Cemeteries in North-Western Romania
and a Comparison with the Funerary Discoveries in the Tisza Plain and Transylvania...................... 295
Tiberius BADER
Meine Begegnungen mit den Keltenfrsten: am Beispiel der Frstengrber von Ciumeti
und Hochdorf ................................................................................................................................................. 303
Paul PUPEZ
he Local Tradition Pottery from the Eastern Carpathian Basin Celtic Graves ................................... 317
Drago MNDESCU
Killing the Weapons. An Insight on Graves with Destroyed Weapons
in Late Iron Age Transylvania ...................................................................................................................... 343
Aurel RUSTOIU
he Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin.
Intercommunity Communication Strategies ............................................................................................. 357
Marija LJUTINAMilo SPASI
Celtic Newcomers between Traditional and Fashionable: Graves 63 and 67 from Karaburma .......... 391
Ctlin Nicolae POPA
Till Death Do Us Part. A Statistical Approach to Identifying Burial Similarity and Grouping.
he Case of the Late La Tne Graves from the Eastern Carpathian Basin............................................. 401
Beatrice S. KELEMENIosif Vasile FERENCZCristian C. ROMANDelia M. ROMANOana
PONTASimon SIMION
Cremated Human Remains from HunedoaraGrdina Castelului / Platou.
Additional Information Inferred by XRD, FT-IR and SEM/EDX Analyses .......................................... 413
Andreea DRGAN
Late Iron Age Burials in the Iron Gates Area. A Functional Approach to Funerary Expression
in the Late La Tne......................................................................................................................................... 425
Milica TAPAVIKI-ILIVojislav FILIPOVI
A Late Iron Age Grave Find from Syrmia .................................................................................................. 453
Marcin RUDNICKI
Finds and Context of imleul Silvaniei Type Bracelets North of the Carpathians and the Sudety ..... 461
Horea POPZsolt CSK
he Tumuli Necropolis from imleu Silvaniei ........................................................................................... 493
Mariana EGRI
A Warrior Never Dies. he Manipulation of Tradition in Early Funerary Contexts from Pannonia ... 503
Abbreviations...................................................................................................................................................... 531
Ocna Sibiului (Sibiu County, Hungarian Vzakna, German Salzburg) is a locality in southern
Transylvania, situated in an area having rich salt resources. he grave discussed in this paper was accidentally discovered in 1884. he context and details of the discovery are unknown, so the information regarding the funerary rite and ritual are missing, but some of the inventory was brought to the Brukenthal
Museum in Sibiu, and the artefacts are still in its collections (inv. no. A5731/13044; A5732/13045; A5738;
A5739; A5753/13066). he recovered inventory includes several pieces of sheet bronze, namely the cheekpiece of a helmet, four simple loops, two loops having three groups of knobs each, four discs and an object
of unknown use.
hese artefacts remained unknown to the scientiic community for a considerable period. Nearly
a century ater their discovery they were published for the irst time by Mircea Rusu (1969, 293294,
pl.147; RusuBandula 1970, 3739, 59, pl.18ab). When the famous grave with a helmet from Ciumeti
was published, Rusu also mentioned the group of artefacts recovered from Ocna Sibiului. He considered
that the inds come from a Celtic grave, the cheek-piece belonged to an Etruscan helmet and the bronze
discs and the loops were harness mounts, while not excluding the use of the loops with knobs as bracelets.
Chronologically the entire assemblage was dated to the LT B.
he ascribing of the grave from Ocna Sibiului to the Celtic period in Transylvania, the identiication
of the helmet as an Italic or Italo-Celtic type, as well as the dating of the burial to the LT B or towards the
end of the 4th century BC were accepted aterwards by other specialists, sometimes with certain variations,
for example by Crian (1971, 152153, ig.1; Crian 1973, 59, no.41), Zirra (1971, 176, n. 34, 182183,
ig.3/11; Zirra 1975, 52, pl.2A/12, who considered that the bracelets with knobs from Ocna Sibiului,
having analogies in the Lower Danube area, attest the connections between the Celts and the indigenous
populations), Gum (1991, 102), Ferencz (2007, 129), etc.
Recently, Teleag (2008, 39, nr.143, 240, 441, nr.949, pl.176/57) reopened the discussion regarding the funerary inventory from Ocna Sibiului and especially about the cheek-piece. He considered, similarly to Rusu, that the cheek-piece and the pointed bronze object belong to an Italo-Celtic helmet which
should be dated to around 300 BC or slightly later. he artefact would have arrived in Transylvania in
Iron Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin, 2012, p. 161181
the same way as other iron or bronze helmets (from Ciumeti, Siliva and Apahida), during the eastward
expansion of the La Tne culture.
hen some years ago, while writing the Ocna Sibiului entry for Lexikon zur keltischen Archologie,
Aurel Rustoiu noted the following: he cheek-piece belongs to a Greek helmet of Chalcidian type, having
mobile cheek-pieces (type V of Plug). he remaining pieces are harnessing elements. Taking into consideration the chronology of the helmet piece, the grave of Ocna Sibiului can be dated to the irst half of
the 4th century BC, preceding the Celtic horizon from Transylvania. he discovery illustrates the connections established between the Carpathian Basin and the northern Balkans before the arrival of the Celts
in Transylvania (Rustoiu 2012a). Recently Stoyanov (2005, 649) also noted that the cheek-piece from
Ocna Sibiului belonged to a Chalcidian helmet.
he recent accumulation of valuable information regarding the Chalcidian helmets from the northern Balkans, as well as the observations of Sndor Berecki concerning the inventory from Brukenthal
Museum in Sibiu, allow a re-evaluation of the discovery from Ocna Sibiului and a wider discussion
regarding the importance of this burial site. Starting from these primary data, the irst aim of this article
is to re-analyse the entire assemblage to determine the precise chronology of the grave. he second aim
is to identify the cultural milieu to which this funerary assemblage is belonging, in the wider contexts of
southern Transylvania and northern Balkans.
he funerary inventory
All artefacts from the grave of Ocna Sibiului were made of a bronze alloy and ater discovery were
mechanically cleaned. Due to this fact their surface is heavily scratched, the actual colour being light
brown, whereas the un-cleaned areas are brownish-grey to greenish. Aside from that the artefacts are
remarkably preserved, the alloy being of excellent quality.
1. he cheek-piece (Pl.1/11; 2/11)
he right cheek-piece of a helmet, made of bronze sheet, is partially damaged on the upper side. It has a semicircular
curved edge towards the back and serrated edge towards the front. A small perforation (of about 0.2cm) on the lower
side allowed the helmet to be tied under the chin. Other two perforations having nearly similar dimensions (of the
initial three, one being on the damaged area) are on the upper side. heir role was to hold the hinges which allowed
the itting of the cheek-piece on the helmet. he edges were slightly curved inward, and on the inside is an incision
surrounding the edge, at 0.5cm from the rim. he height of the piece is of 13.5cm while the width is of 8.5cm.
2. he simple loops (Pl.1/710; 2/710)
he inventory also contains four simple loops having morphologically diferent shapes, but similar dimensions and
functionality:
a. Bronze loop, mould-made, having a semicircular cross-section. Diameter: 6.5cm (Pl.1/7, 2/7).
b. Bronze loop similar to the irst one, but having a diameter of 7.5cm (Pl.1/6, 2/8).
c. Bronze loop having a U-shaped cross-section. Diameter: 7cm (Pl.1/9, 2/9).
d. Bronze loop similar to the previous one, but having the diameter of 7.5cm (Pl.1/10, 2/10).
3. he loops with knobs (Pl.1/12; 2/12)
he two bronze loops with knobs were also diferently made, as the simple ones:
a. Bronze loop, mould-made, having a semicircular cross-section. hree groups of three knobs each are symmetrically placed on the external side. Diameter: 6.5cm (Pl.1/1; 2/1).
b. Bronze loop having a U-shaped cross-section and three groups of four knobs each are symmetrically placed on the
external side. Diameter: 7.5cm (Pl.1/2; 2/2).
4. he bronze discs (Pl.1/36; 2/36)
Four bronze discs forming two pairs were also found:
a. Disc made of a cast bronze plaque, having a convex shape and the edge decorated with oblique, parallel incisions,
in relief. his decorated edge is separated from the convex body of the disc by a circular groove. he itting system
consists of a semicircular loop. Diameter of the disc: 5.2cm (Pl.1/3; 2/3).
b. Disc nearly similar to the irst one but having the diameter of 5.1cm (Pl.1/4; 2/4).
c. Disc nearly similar to the irst one but having the diameter of 6.5cm (Pl.1/5; 2/5).
d. Disc nearly similar to the irst one but having the diameter of 6.5cm (Pl.1/6; 2/6).
5. Piece having uncertain functionality (Pl.1/12; 2/12)
Bronze piece consisting of three morphologically distinct parts: an upper elongated, pointed part, having a hexagonal
cross-section; a central part having a globular shape with a central perforation, perpendicular to the axis of the piece
(diameter of 0.8cm); a tubular lower part having a groove towards the lower end. Dimensions: length: 8.5cm; width of the
base: 2.3cm; length of the itting perforation: 3.1cm; diameter of the itting perforation: 0.6cm. he functionality of this
piece is diicult to identify so far, but a series of analogies may suggest some interpretations which will be detailed below.
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 163
he most important item for determining the chronology of the entire funerary inventory is the
cheek-piece. he object has no analogies amongst the types of north Italic helmets, nor in temperate
Europe, but it is similar to some cheek-pieces belonging to Chalcidian helmets.
he name of this type was established at the beginning of the 19th century by Furtwngler, who studied a series of inds from Olympia and noted that they are diferent from the Corinthian and Attic helmets,
being represented on Chalcidian black-igure pottery dated to the 6th century BC. his is the origin of the
name chose by the German scholar for this type of helmets. He cited as an example an amphora from the
Pergamon Museum in Berlin on which one such helmet is depicted (Furtwngler 1890, 170; Dintsis
1986, pl.63/6; Pflug 1988, 137, ig.1). he Chalcidian helmets were widely distributed from the 6th to
the 3rd century BC. hey are present in Greece, southern Italy and the north-eastern part of the Balkan
Peninsula, and in regions around the Black Sea. However, despite this wide area of distribution, they have
never been comprehensively analysed.
Emil Kunze created a general typology based on the inds from Olympia, dividing them into seven
typological groups (Gr. IVII), from which two (Gr. VVI) comprise forms which could not be ascribed
to the irst four groups or were hybrids (Kunze 1967, 137). Later, this typology was reined by Pflug
(1988, 138, ig.2), who retained the irst four groups and the seventh one deined by Kunze, the result
being a series of ive types, from which the last one consists of helmets having hinged cheek-pieces.
Contemporaneously, Dintsis (1986, 136141) proposed a typology based mainly on the shape of the
cheek-pieces. However, as previously noted, in comparison with the typology proposed by Dintsis, the
one created by Plug also allows the identiication and further addition of other new variants of the basic
series (Ognenova-MarinovaStoyanov 2005, 521).
During the last two decades a series of studies have been published concerning the typology, chronology and distribution of Chalcidian helmets in the eastern and northern parts of the Balkan Peninsula and
in the Black Sea region, ofering a clearer perspective on the role and frequency of use of these artefacts
in the afore-mentioned areas (Gum 1991, 93100; Teran 1995, 8589, ig.10; Ognenova-Marinova
Stoyanov 2005; Stoyanov 2005; ernenko 2006, 86; Teleag 2008, 235239; Lazr 2009).
Returning to the cheek-piece from Ocna Sibiului, the artefact belongs to a helmet which can be
ascribed to the Plug type V. his type includes the helmets having hinged cheek-pieces. In general the
shape of the cheek-pieces difers from one item to another, but a tendency to adapt some forms already
used for other types of Chalcidian helmets can be observed.
he piece from Ocna Sibiului (Pl.3/1) has close analogies amongst the cheek-pieces discovered in
the sanctuaries from Olympia (Pl.3/2) and Dodona (Pl.3/3) (Kunze 1994, 7374, ig.71; pl.26/2a), as
well as the relief-decorated piece from Tithorea (Pl. 3/4), in central Greece (Andriomenou 1976). At
the same time the shape of this cheek-piece is similar to some helmets belonging to the Plug type II, for
example the inds from ShipkaGolyama Kosmatka tumulus (Pl.3/5) or from Dolna Koznitsa, both in
Bulgaria (Ognenova-MarinovaStoyanov 2005, 527, no. 1213, pl. 3/24; Teleag 2008, 237238,
no.29, 46/b) or the miniature golden helmet represented on the handle of a sword from the so-called
Grave of Philip II from Vergina (Andronicos 1984, 142145, ig.99101).
he Chalcidian helmets were very popular in the northern and north-eastern Balkans. he examples
belonging to type V are mostly concentrated in the region between the Balkan and Rodopi Mountains, as
well as in north-eastern Bulgaria, a series of inds being documented northward of the Danube (Fig.1).
he Chalcidian helmets of type II are also numerous. As Plug, amongst others mentioned, aside
from the standard type (Pl.4/1) another local variant of the basic type was created in the eastern Balkans
dated later than the Greek inds (Pflug 1988, 141142). he inner edge of the cheek-pieces belonging
to this variant is straight and serrated (Pl.4/2). hese pieces are the predecessors of the richly decorated
silver and golden helmets from the Lower Danube basin (Pl.4/45), for example those from Agighiol,
Cucuteni-Biceni, Peretu, Coofeneti and the Iron Gates region (Gum 1991, 99; Ognenova-Marinova
Stoyanov 2005, 519521). he helmets of type II are concentrated between the Balkans and the Rodopi
Mountains, but are to be found mostly in north-eastern Bulgaria (Fig.2).
As concerns the provenance of the helmets from the Balkans, probably some of them were made by
workshops from Greece or from the colonies on the Black Sea coast. Others were produced in the local
milieu by cratsmen trained in Greek workshops. he ethnic origin of these cratsmen is irrelevant. hey
possessed outstanding knowledge regarding the technology of precious metals and bronze alloys, and had
close connections or were subordinated to the lites and leaders of the northern Balkans communities.
he latter were the main consumers of luxury products, and thus they imposed various trends, symbolic
Fig.1. Distribution map of Chalcidian helmets Plug type V in the northern Balkans
(see the list of discoveries in Stoyanov 2005 and Teleag 2008).
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 165
Fig.2. Distribution map of Chalcidian helmets Plug type II, the hracian variant
(black squares) and the silver and gold parade helmets (white squares) (see the list of
discoveries in Teran 1995; Ognenova-MarinovaStoyanov 2005; Teleag 2008).
and also from other areas, as well as the silver and gold helmets derived from the bronze Chalcidian ones,
illustrate the existence of excellent technological knowledge regarding metal processing in the region. A
helmet recently discovered in the Golyamata Mogila tumulus, near Malomirovo and Zlatinitsa villages in
Jambol region, eastern Bulgaria, was decorated on the top with a snake having three heads (Agre 2011,
8490, ig. III/2124), a symbolic motif which is also present, for example, on a decorated plaque from
the Letnica hoard (Kull 1997, ig.4/10), which is probably showing mythological scenes. his example
again demonstrates the practice of adapting certain Greek material representations to the practical and
ideological needs of the local elites.
On the other hand, a series of helmets from the northern Balkans bears signs of ancient repairs.
his is the case of some helmets from Judelnik or Budeti (Pl.4/3), in which the hinged cheek-pieces were
replaced by ixed ones (see Teleag 2008, 235236, 436438, with detailed illustrations of the repairs).
hese repairs are of lower quality in comparison with the higher technology involved in the manufacturing of the helmets, which suggest that some of the local leaders lacked access to the services of top class
artisans, like those who made similar products for the prestigious aristocratic courts from hrace.
Chronologically the earliest examples from the north-eastern Balkans, belonging to the standard
type II, come from Bulgaria (Ruec, Obretenik, Sadovec, Branievo, Razgrad), being dated to the 5th century BC (Teleag 2008, 235, 435436). he majority of these pieces, and mostly the hracian variant
of the Chalcidian helmets, were used during the 4th century BC, whereas from the middle of this century
the so-called parade helmets, made of silver or gold, also appeared (Teleag 2008, 235237, 436438).
As for the chronology of the helmets with mobile cheek-pieces, they appeared in Greece as early as the
beginning of the 5th century BC, to judge from their presence on contemporary painted pottery (Pflug
1988, 143, ig. 10). he helmet from Tithorea, with cheek-pieces having a similar shape to that of the
example from Ocna Sibiului, was dated to the beginning of the 4th century BC (Andriomenou 1976, 199),
whereas the inds of the same type from Olympia belong to the irst half of this century (Kunze 1994,
7374). E. Teleag has given the same dating to other helmets of type V discovered in funerary contexts
from Bulgaria and Romania, for example those from Zavet, Mortogonovo, Klnovo, Fcu and Zimnicea.
(Teleag 2008, 236, 438440), but some might have also been used slightly later according to the chronology recently proposed by Mndescu (2010, 158159).
herefore the dating of the helmet from the grave at Ocna Sibiului can be narrowed down to the irst
half of the 4th century BC and as late as the beginning of the second half of this century. his chronological
delimitation corresponds to the ethnic and historical evolution from Transylvania and northern Balkans,
an aspect which will be discussed below.
he remaining pieces of the Ocna Sibiului funerary inventory are harness mounts. According to
their dimensions, the simple loops and the discs can be paired, while the loops with knobs have diferent
sizes. he mentioned discs have analogies made of silver or bronze in a series of funerary inventories or
hoards, being associated with other elements of harness ittings. For example similar objects are present in
the hoard containing harness mounts discovered at Craiova (Pl.5/2) (Berciu 1969, 133, ig.102; Berciu
1974, 150151, ig.69; Kull 1997, 214, ig.7/18), or in the graves from Peretu (Pl.5/1) (Kull 1997, 215,
ig. 8/1113) and Agighiol (Pl. 5/3) (Berciu 1969, 6768, ig. 41/16; 47/13, 5; Berciu 1974, 7678,
ig.32/7, 911; Kull 1997, 246, ig.24/4043). hree silver discs are associated with a simple loop and
with other decorative harness elements in the recently discovered tumulus from Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa
(Agre 2011, 116118, ig. III.IV-15/ab 16).
Loops with knobs are frequently associated with other harness mounts, for example in the grave
from Gvani (Pl.6/1) (Kull 1997, 283, ig.39/18; SrbuHaruche 2000, 140, ig.37) or in the one
from Panagjurite (Pl.6/2), dated to the 4th century BC (Kull 1997, 296297, ig.49/20). he presence
of such loops in the inventories of some graves lacking weaponry or harness equipment (for example in
the grave from EnisalaMovila 6-B, m. 5, Simion 1971, 118, ig.31/g; Simion 2003, 279, 314, ig.14/5),
sometimes linked in groups of two or three as in the case of a grave from Ciucurova (Pl.6/3), or another
from Zimnicea (Simion 1976, 159163, ig.10/3; Simion 2003, 155, ig.1/4; Alexandrescu 1980, 22,
ig.50/8) indicates that the functionality of these objects was diverse. hey could have also been used as
garment accessories. he manner in which they were used as connecting elements for belts and straps is
also indicated by a series of loops discovered at Magdalenska gora (Pl.6/4) (Hvala Et Al. 2004, pl.35/3
6; 45/812; 71/25; 159/113; etc.). Loops with knobs were in use during an extended period in the area
north of the Danube, up to the late La Tne and even later, and having various functionalities (see Rustoiu
1996b, 106107).
he bronze piece having a tubular lower half and a pointed upper half, previously discussed by the
present authors (RustoiuBerecki 2011), was considered the itting element of a crest or plume of a helmet (Rusu 1969, 293; RusuBandula 1970, 3738; Teleag 2008, 441, no.949). he images on Greek
painted pottery indicate that these Chalcidian helmets had ornamental crests on their top (Dintsis 1986,
pl.63/2, 4, 6; 64/1, 5; Pflug 1988, 143144, ig.10). In certain cases traces of soldering have been observed
at the point which these decorative elements, probably made of organic materials, were itted (Stoyanov
2005, 648). In other situations the helmets were decorated on the top with other types of ornaments, also
soldered (probably with tin). his is the case of the snake with three heads itted on the helmet from the
Golyamata Mogila tumulus at Malomirovo-Zlatinitsa, previously mentioned, or of the spiral ornaments
on other helmets (Dintsis 1986, pl.67/12). Still, the object from the grave at Ocna Sibiului is not an
ornament of this kind. he piece is lacking any trace of soldering, whereas the tubular base does not permit its itting on the top of the helmet.
A series of artefacts having a close similarity are later documented in the early Roman imperial period.
hey consist of bronze ittings belonging to the type of musical instruments used in military contexts,
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 167
called cornu (Feugre 2002, 5759, ig. 5763). A fragment of this kind discovered at Murrhardt, in
Baden-Wrttenberg (Nuber 1988, 110, ig.80), is a good example.1 hese musical instruments appeared
in the Etruscan world and, much earlier, in Greece. Still, the dimensions of the piece from Ocna Sibiului
are much smaller than those of these potential analogies, so this functional identiication is less convincing. In conclusion the bronze object is not a itting element of a crest, as previously suggested. Today its
functionality is diicult to establish, but the present hypotheses are pointing more likely to military equipment or harnessing.
Summarising all these observations, in the light of the chronology of the cheek-piece and of the
remaining pieces of the funerary inventory, the grave from Ocna Sibiului can be dated to the irst half of
the 4th century BC and the beginning of the second half of the century. Other arguments for this dating
can be ofered by the general interpretation of the ethno-historical evolution of the Transylvanian region
in this period as will be presented below.
he grave from Ocna Sibiului in the ethno-historical context of the inner Carpathian and northern
Balkan region at the beginning of the Late Iron Age
A number of details regarding the chronological identiication of the grave from Ocna Sibiului are
provided by the analysis of the ethno-historical context in the study area. his period corresponds to the
horizon preceding the Celtic colonization in Transylvania. he irst Celtic groups arrived in the eastern
part of the Carpathian Basin and in Transylvania at the end of the LT B1 and the beginning of the LT B2,
according to a series of funerary discoveries. Aterwards, in LT B2, new groups occupied territories in the
region (Fig.3). he amalgamation of colonists and indigenous communities determined the appearance
of some new communal identities expressed by a mixed or hybrid material culture, diferent from that
identiied in other Central European areas. Chronologically this period corresponds to the last three or
four decades of the 4th century BC (see further on this subject in Rustoiu 2008, 6590; Rustoiu 2012b).
Ocna Sibiului
25
100 km
Fig.3. Celtic cemeteries dating to LT B1/B2 (circles) and LT B2 (black dots); fortiied settlements in Maramure
(triangles); indigenous cremation graves from Olteni and Ocna Sibiului (black squares).
1
We are grateful to our colleague Silvia Musta (Cluj-Napoca) for suggesting these analogies and interpretative possibility.
he Celts did not occupy the entire territory of Transylvania. he fortiied settlements from
Maramure, as well as the burials and the settlements from eastern Transylvania (amongst which those
from Olteni are signiicant), illustrate the existence of some local communities which continued to evolve
without being signiicantly inluenced by elements of La Tne culture (Fig.3). At the same time the nature
of the settlements, the funerary rites and rituals and their assemblages seem to suggest that these communities were more likely oriented toward the cultural environment outside the Carpathians (Rustoiu 2008,
6590; Rustoiu 2012b, both with further bibliography).
In contrast, in southern Transylvania a series of early funerary discoveries have been documented
for example the sites of Vurpr and Toarcla (Horedt 1944) illustrating the Celtic colonization of the
region (Fig.3). Similar to other colonized areas, an amalgamation of elements of La Tne and indigenous
cultures has been documented. However, despite this ethnic and cultural mixture the Celtic warlike lites
maintained and expressed a particular identity through the use of certain speciic symbolic elements.
From this point of view the panoply of weapons, consisting of a long sword, a spear and a shield, played
an important role. hese weapons were sometimes accompanied by helmets, for example the Italic bronze
helmet discovered in the surroundings of Haeg (for the type and distribution see Schaaff 1974, 188189,
n. 20, ig.31/2 and ig.32), or chariots for example that from Toarcla. Although some of the Celtic warriors managed to reach Greece and the northern Balkans, more likely as mercenaries, the La Tne suite of
arms remained the main symbolic element of personal and group identity.
A cremation grave with the remains placed in a cist, discovered in a tumulus at Plovdiv, is relevant
from this point of view. he funerary inventory contains the usual range of arms, including a ritually
bent La Tne sword and several spears, together with a La Tne brooch. he funerary oferings consists of
numerous Greek and local vessels, including lamps. he burial probably belonged to a Celtic warrior who
died around the middle of the 3rd century BC in hrace and who can be recognized due to the presence
of the range of arms and of some garment accessories. Details of the funerary rite and ritual point more
likely to the practices and beliefs of the local community in which the warrior met his end (for the funerary inventory and its interpretation from various perspectives see further in Bouzek 2005, 9799, ig.79;
Emilov 2010, 8082, ig.47). Anastassov (2011, 235) also considers that this grave can be related to
the mercenary activity of some Celtic groups hired by various rulers of the Hellenistic period. A similar
situation can be also noted in the case of some graves recently discovered at Ohrid (Gutin Et Al. 2011),
in which the funerary ritual and the suite of arms are of La Tne type, whereas other elements of the inventory point to a certain cultural hybridity.
Taking into consideration the previously mentioned arguments, the grave from Ocna Sibiului has to
be dated before the Celtic colonization in Transylvania (especially in southern Transylvania), more precisely before the last quarter of the 4th century BC. his dating is also supported by the general chronology
of the artefacts from the funerary inventory, in particular with regard to the helmet. he funerary inventory demonstrates a diferent manner of expressing the warrior identity, diferent from that characterising
the Celtic milieu, but related to the environment of the military and aristocratic lites of the northern
Balkans. hus in order to discuss the cultural signiicance of this grave, the analysis has to be oriented
towards the situation from the study area and to the events which characterised the period preceding the
Celtic colonization.
he grave from Ocna Sibiului is not an isolated example (Fig.4). he cremation grave (probably
from a tumulus, see MedeleBugilan 1987, 102, 125126; Gum 1991, 95) from CuptoareSfogea
(Pl.7/12), in the region of Banat, containing a Chalcidian helmet (Oprinescu 1987; for important corrections regarding its context, chronology and cultural identiication see Gum 1991, 93102), as well
as the similar helmet (Pl. 7/3) from Mercina (Vrdia commune, Cara-Severin County), discovered
sometimes between 1910 and 1915 in the area of the village at the ind-spot named Vraki Breg, and
today preserved in the Museum of Vrac (Brukner Et Al. 1974, 547548, ig.255256; Medele mss,
2
A series of confusions still persists in archaeological literature regarding the actual location of this discovery. For example,
the place of discovery is recorded as Nerina (Mercina), near Vrac, Vojvodina (Lazr 2009, 16, no.13), a confusion introduced by Brukner Et Al. 1974, 547, the caption to ig.256 also indicates the Vrac Hills (Vraki Breg). he same place of
discovery was located at Vrac (Urac?) by Pflug 1988, 142, n. 30) or even at Zsidovina, an evident confusion with Jidovin
(now Berzovia, Cara-Severin County), from which a Greek-Illyrian helmet has been found (for this confusion of location see
Lazr 2009, 16). Florin Medeles research led him to identify of the place of discovery on the area of the southern or western
slopes of the Vrac Hills, which at the beginning of the 20th century were within the territory of the village of Mercina, now
part of Romania, in Vrdia commune, Cara-Severin County (Medele mss.)
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 169
s.v. Mercina). his helmet, probably also from a funerary context, suggests the same connections with the
southern CarpathianBalkan area evidenced by the funerary rite and ritual of the grave from Cuptoare
and to be dated around the middle or in the second half of the 4th century BC (see Gum 1991, 101).
Tisa
rive
MA
RAM
Danube
UR
river
Ocna Sibiului
BANAT
Mercina
Gvani
Agighiol
Cuptoare
Peretu
Vraca
Zimnicea
Svetari
25
100 km
Fig.4. Distribution map of the graves from the northern Balkans, Transylvania and Banat (black dots)
and the Greek colonies on the Black Sea coast (black squares).
Mircea Babe has remarked that the inventories of some graves from the southern Carpathian
Balkan area indicate the existence of a hierarchy among the aristocracy from the Lower Danube region
and a local interpretation of the southern means of expressing status. For example, the burials of the
princes from Agighiol, Sveshtari or Vraca are constructed on the basis of a Macedonian model while the
funerary contexts from the north of the Danube, like those from Peretu or Gvani, have a simpler architecture but a lavish inventory, whereas other burials, for example those from Zimnicea, Fcu and Fntnele
can be attributed to some lower rank members of the local aristocracy (Babe 1997, 232233). he graves
of the same type from Ocna Sibiului and Banat can be also ascribed to this social level which characterized
the periphery of the northern Balkans cultural environment.
his social and also functional hierarchization meaning a distribution of the social and perhaps
religious functions within this structure is also suggested by the aspect of the helmets and of the parade
military equipment, made of precious metals and richly decorated with symbolic and mythological scenes,
in contrast with the simpler military equipment recovered from the graves belonging to lower rank warriors (Pl.8).
In this context is has to be also mentioned that these helmets played an important role in the airmation of the social and symbolic status of the owners. In general the headgear as a symbol of authority,
laic or religious, is frequently used, from prehistory to the modern times, in various societies. Amongst
them can be mentioned the caps worn by the military and religious Dacian aristocracy, or the crowns
worn by diferent medieval and modern monarchs of Europe. he shape and nature of such items difers
from one culture to another according to particular aesthetic and symbolic criteria speciic to the society
that has created them, albeit the idea of symbolically marking the leaders head is similar (see for example
Babi 2001). Within a study regarding the Greek-Illyrian helmets of the end of the Early Iron Age in western Balkans, Blei (2007) pointed to the multiple signiicances of such objects: emblems of rank, symbols of a warlike hierarchy, subjects of votive oferings or sacriices etc. Taking into consideration these
observations, it might be signiicant that the cremated remains of the deceased from CuptoareSfogea
were placed in the helmet before being laid in grave. A similar practice has been encountered in other situations belonging to diferent historical and cultural environments. For example in a grave from Svrin
(probably dated to the 4th3rd centuries BC) the cremated human remains were placed in an iron helmet
covered with a bowl, the reuse of the headgear as urn being very clear in this case (BarbuHgel 1999,
109; Ferencz 2007, 44, no.19). In a tumulus burial from Popeti (tumulus no.4; 2nd1st century BC) it was
noted that some of the cremated human remains had been placed in a bronze helmet (Vulpe 1976, 203).
hese practices illustrate the symbolic role played by helmets, which was maintained in funerary contexts.
F. Medele already suggested that a connection might have existed between these ritual practices and a cult
of the head that was attested among populations from the Balkans (Medele mss., s.v. Cuptoare).
Returning to northern Balkans society in the 5th3rd centuries BC, it has to be also noted that other
material expressions, visible in the archaeological record were also used to display a particular status.
Amongst such evidence can be mentioned the large fortiied settlements sometimes having defensive
works inspired by Greek models, for example the brick walls from Coofenii din Dos and Bzdna (Babe
1997) the rich hoards containing numerous gold and silver objects, the burials with funerary chamber
and lavish inventories, but also the smaller fortiied settlements and funerary structures, all of which are
pointing to a hierarchy of the communities and of their elites.
Although it was discovered over a century ago, the funerary inventory from Ocna Sibiului provides
a series of important details concerning its composition and chronology, but mostly about the general
ethno-historical contexts in northern Balkans at the beginning of the Late Iron Age.
he grave is dated to a period covering the irst half and the beginning of the second half of the 4th
century BC. his dating is supported by the chronology of the fragment of Chalcidian helmet and its association with harness mounts speciic to the same period. As a result, the grave from Ocna Sibiului is not
Celtic, while the cheek-piece does not belong to an Etruscan or Italic-Celtic helmet as it was previously
suggested. he burial precedes the Celtic horizon in Transylvania. Its composition illustrates the cultural
connections between southern Transylvania (and Banat) and northern Balkans in the period which both
antedates and continues during the reigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great.
Northern Balkans society was characterized by inluence from both the Greek and Macedonian
models, by an interpretation of these models in a particular manner and also by a pronounced symbolic
and functional hierarchy. he hracian aristocracy the upper social layers of the Odrysians, Getae or
Triballi expressed their social position and privileged status through the use of well-deined material
symbols. Amongst them the tumulus burials with funerary chamber and lavish inventories eloquently
support this idea. he internal social hierarchy of these lites can be observed in the diferentiation of the
inventories and personal military equipment within the funerary ceremonies (Pl.8). From this perspective
the grave from Ocna Sibiului, as well as the discoveries from the Banat, at CuptoareSfogea and Mercina,
illustrate the practice of simpliied copying of the northern and north-eastern Balkan model, deining the
periphery of this phenomenon. he funerary inventory of the grave from Ocna Sibiului, especially the helmet and the harness equipment, functionally imitates the equipment of the warlike lites from the south
of the Carpathians, even if the latter is far from the ostentatiousness displayed in the northern Balkans
region. he Celtic lites had imposed, many years ater the interment of the deceased from Ocna Sibiului,
another cultural model and new ways of expressing identities, deined by other functional and typological
structures of military equipment.
As mentioned above, the helmets had multiple functional and symbolic meanings. his fact may
also explain the well-delimited distribution areas of certain helmets which otherwise had diferent typological and manufacturing origins. Teran (1995, 8586, ig.5) noted nearly two decades ago that the
so-called Greek-Illyrian helmets are mainly encountered in the Illyrian communities from the western
and north-western Balkans, whereas the Chalcidian ones were mainly used in the north-eastern Balkans.
Gum (1991, 100102) also identiied a chronological and typological succession of the helmets from the
north of the Danube, relevant for the study of inter-cultural connections. For the end of the Early Iron
Age, Gum noted the presence of some Greco-Illyrian helmets in the western part of nowadays Romania.
he group includes the helmets from Gostav in Oltenia, Ocna Mure in Transylvania, Berzovia (former Jidovin) in Banat, and the beautifully decorated helmet recently recovered from the Timi River, at
Gvojdia (MedeleCedic 2003). hese pieces illustrate the relations established by local or immigrant
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 171
military lites with regions from the western and north-western Balkans in the 5th century BC, and deine
the limit of the distribution area of such artefacts. he Chalcidian helmets from Transylvania and Banat
(Fig.4) underline a similar mechanism, albeit that they draw attention to the social models which characterize the hracian environment in the 4th century BC.
Finally, it has to be also mentioned that for the chronological interval between the end of the Scythian
horizon in Transylvania (around 450 BC) and the beginning of the Celtic horizon (350330/320 BC), of
roughly a century, archaeological evidence is limited. he funerary contexts or their contemporaneous
settlements are missing. Still, the main cause is more likely the actual state of research. he grave from
Ocna Sibiului may suggest a possible direction for future investigations, at least for the areas covering the
limits of the Transylvanian plateau.3
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List of igures
Fig.1. Distribution map of Chalcidian helmets Plug type V in the northern Balkans (see the list of discoveries in
Stoyanov 2005 and Teleag 2008).
Fig.2. Distribution map of Chalcidian helmets Plug type II, the hracian variant (black squares) and the silver
and gold parade helmets (white squares) (see the list of discoveries in Teran 1995; Ognenova-Marinova
Stoyanov 2005; Teleag 2008).
Fig.3. Celtic cemeteries dating to LT B1/B2 (circles) and LT B2 (black dots); fortiied settlements in Maramure
(triangles); indigenous cremation graves from Olteni and Ocna Sibiului (black squares).
Fig.4. Distribution map of the graves from the northern Balkans, Transylvania and Banat (black dots) and the Greek
colonies on the Black Sea coast (black squares).
List of plates
Pl.12. Funerary inventory from Ocna Sibiului.
Pl. 3. Chalcidian cheek-pieces. 1. Ocna Sibiului; 2. Olympia; 3. Dodona (ater Kunze 1994); 4. Tithorea (ater
Andriomenou 1976); 5. ShipkaGolyama Kosmatka (ater Gold der Thraker 2007). 13, 5. without scale.
Pl.4. Chalcidian helmets. 1. Standard type II from Ruec; 2. hracian type from Bal; 3. Repaired helmet from
Budeti; 4. Silver helmet from Agighiol; 5. Silver helmet from Peretu (13. ater Lazr 2009; 4. ater Kull
1997; 5. ater Srbu 2006; 13, 5. without scale).
Pl.5. Assemblages of harness elements containing silver discs. 1. Peretu; 2. Craiova; 3. Agighiol (ater Kull 1997,
without scale).
Pl.6. Assemblages of harness elements discovered in graves and containing loops with knobs (12) and diferent
forms using loops with knobs. 1. Gvani; 2. Panagjurite (ater Kull 1997); 3. Ciucurova (ater Simion 1976);
4. Magdalenska gora (ater Hvala Et Al. 2004).
Pl.7. 1. Inventory of the grave from CuptoareSfogea (ater Gum 1991); 2. Helmet from MercinaVracki breg (ater
Brukner Et Al. 1974, without scale).
Pl.8. Diferent levels of hierarchization (according to the structure of the funerary inventories) of the aristocracy
and the warlike lites in the northern Balkans and on its periphery (see also Fig.4). Legend: A. Agighiol; B.
Peretu; C. Gvani (ater Kull 1997); D. Zimnicea, grave C1D (ater Alexandrescu 1980; Srbu 2006); E.
Ocna Sibiului; F. CuptoareSfogea (ater Gum 1991).
3
1
4
8
2
5
9
6
10
12
11
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 175
3
7
1
8
5
2
10
11
12
3
2
Plate3. Chalcidian cheek-pieces. 1. Ocna Sibiului; 2. Olympia; 3. Dodona (ater Kunze 1994); 4. Tithorea (ater
Andriomenou 1976); 5. ShipkaGolyama Kosmatka (ater Gold der Thraker 2007). 13, 5. without scale.
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 177
4
5
Plate4. Chalcidian helmets. 1. Standard type II from Ruec; 2. hracian type from Bal; 3. Repaired helmet from
Budeti; 4. Silver helmet from Agighiol; 5. Silver helmet from Peretu (13. ater Lazr 2009; 4. ater Kull 1997;
5. ater Srbu 2006; 13, 5. without scale).
Plate 4. Chalcidian helmets. 1. 'standard' type II from Ruec; 2. 'Thracian' type from Bal;
3. repaired helmet from Budeti; 4. silver helmet from Agighiol; 5. silver helmet from
Peretu (13. after LAZR 2009; 4. after KULL 1997; 5. after SRBU 2006; 13, 5. without scale).
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 179
3
4
Plate6. Assemblages of harness elements discovered in graves and containing loops with knobs (12) and diferent
forms using loops with knobs. 1. Gvani; 2. Panagjurite (ater Kull 1997); 3. Ciucurova (ater Simion 1976);
4.Magdalenska gora (ater Hvala Et Al. 2004).
Plate 6. Assemblages of harness elements discovered in graves and containing loops with
knobs (12) and different forms using loops with knobs. 1. Gvani; 2. Panagjurite (after
KULL 1997); 3. Ciucurova (after SIMION 1976); 4. Magdalenska gora (after HVALA ET AL. 2004).
2
Plate7. 1. Inventory of the grave from CuptoareSfogea (ater Gum 1991); 2. Helmet from MercinaVracki breg
(ater Brukner Et Al. 1974, without scale).
hracian Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age | 181
E
F
Plate8. Diferent levels of hierarchization (according to the structure of the funerary inventories) of the aristocracy
and the warlike lites in the northern Balkans and on its periphery (see also Fig.4).
Legend:
A.
Agighiol;
B. Peretu;
C. Gvani (ater Kull
1997); D. to
Zimnicea,
grave C1D
Alexandrescu
1980;
Plate 8. Different levels
of hierarchization
(according
the structure
of (ater
the funerary
inventories)
Srbu 2006); E. Ocna Sibiului; F. CuptoareSfogea (ater Gum 1991).
of the aristocracy and the warlike lites in the northern Balkans and on its periphery (see also Fig.
4). Legend: A. Agighiol; B. Peretu; C. Gvani (after KULL 1997); D. Zimnicea, grave C1D (after
ALEXANDRESCU 1980; SRBU 2006); E. Ocna Sibiului; F. CuptoareSfogea (after GUM 1991).
ABBREVIATIONS
ActaAA
ActaArchHung
ActaArch Carpatica
ActaArch Kbenhavn
ActaB
ActaMN
ActaMP
ActaTS
ActaUL
AFN
Agria
AIH
AJB
Alba Regia
Analele Banatului
AnnalenWien
Angustia
AnthrKzl
Apulum
ArchAustr
ArchBaltica
ArchBulg
Archechch
ArchE
Archrt
ArchHung
ArchIug
ArchKorr
ArchKzl
ArchPol
ArchRoz
ArchS
ArhMold
ArhPregl
ArhRR
ArhVest
Arrabona
ASF
ASM
AuF
Balcanica
Banatica
BAR
BAW
BCS
532 | Abbreviations
Beitrge UFM
BerRGK
BHAUT
BMA
BMAK
BMBistria
BMM
BMMK
BMP
BT
CA
CAJ
Carpica
CCA
ComArchHung
Corviniana
Crisia
CurrA
Us
Dacia (N. S.)
Abbreviations | 533
JahrOM
JAM
JAS
JBAA
JEA
JPM
JRA
JSP
KK
Kzlemnyek Kolozsvr
Litua
MAB
Marisia
Marmatia
MatArch
MatStar
MAZ
MBVF
MCA
MFM
MittAGW
MittAIUAW
MKCSM
MMO
MPK
MSVF
NMM
OIAS
OJA
OpArch
AW
srgszeti levelek
PA
PamArch
PAS
PB
PBF
Peuce
Prace odz NK
Prace odz Arch
Pontica
PPP
PPS
Prilozi IAZ
PrzArch
PZ
PUD
RadMV
RAO
RAP
RBPA
534 | Abbreviations
RgFz
RevBis
RevMuz
RGF
RGZM
RoczK
Sargetia
Savaria
SBA
SBHM
SCIV(A)
SHN
SMA
SlovArch
SMMK
SNMB
SNMP
SpecNova
SprArch
SSUUB
Starinar
StCom Satu Mare
StCom Sibiu
StudiaUBB
Studii
tudijn zvesti
Swiatowit
Symhrac
TAT
hraco-Dacica
UPA
VAMZ
VDBMB
VMMK
VKGLBW
VMUFP
VNMW
VSADS
VsP
VTLF
VVSM
WA
WArch
WFA
WissSchrN
WMBH
WPZ
WZGK
Zalai Mzeum
Zbornk SNM
Ziridava