The Wall

the wall
The re-discovery of ordinary public places in an

alternative urban architectural model for Chinese cities
The case of Chengdu
Jasper Nijveldt
TU Delft Repository
For more information please contact
jasper.nijveldt@gmail.com or visit
www.jaspernijveldt.com.
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the wall
The re-discovery of ordinary public places in an

alternative urban architectural model for Chinese cities
The case of Chengdu
Jasper Nijveldt
The Wall The re-discovery of ordinary public

places in an alternative urban
architectural model for Chinese cities
The case of Chengdu
Master thesis
Delft University of Technology
Faculty of Architecture
Department of Urbanism
03-02-2012
Jasper Nijveldt
1332279
jasper.nijveldt@gmail.com
www.jaspernijveldt.com
Studio
Studio Vertical Cities Asia
Master Studio (U, A, BT, RE&H)
Chair of Materialisation,
Architecture
Chair of Urban Design, Urbanism
Studioleader
Mitesh Dixit
OMA
Supervisors
prof. ir. Henco Bekkering
dr. ir. Luisa Calabrese
prof. ir. Kees Kaan
ir. Henri van Bennekom
Mentor team
prof. ir. Henco Bekkering
Professor Chair of Urban Design
Assoc. Prof. Deborah Hauptmann
Associate Professor of Architecture
Delft School of Design
Keywords
China, public space, density,
landscape, architecture, urban
design, air quality, placemaking
Vertical Cities Asia

The studio is part of the Vertical City Asia Competition. The results of the
P2 were sent in to compete. This international competition is organized for
five successive years - 2011/2015 - by the School of Design and Environment of the National University of Singapore, financially supported by the
World Future Foundation. Successive locations will be in different Asian
countries; Chengdu is the first. Each year there is a main theme. This year
the theme of clean air will be researched. The Brief:
Every year, for the next five years, a one square kilometer territory will
be the subject of the Competition. This area, to house 100,000 people living
and working, sets the stage for tremendous research and investigation into
urban density, verticality, domesticity, work, food, infrastructure, nature,
ecology, structure, and program their holistic integration and the quest
for visionary paradigm will be the challenges of this urban and architectural
invention.This new environment will have a full slate of live-work-play
provisions, with the residential component making up to 50% of the total
floor space. In the first of this series of competitions, the theme of Fresh
Air will be explored. In the congested cities of Asia, the problems of urban
i
sprawl, traffic congestion and pollution have threatened the prospects of

biodiversity, greenery, livability and general well-being of the inhabitants.
The competition seeks design solutions for a balanced environment for
urban life where public amenities and work opportunities are within easy
access. It encourages efficient and clean modes of travels that contribute to
clean and fresh air.
Competitors are design studios from the schools of architecture of:
Asia
National University of Singapore
Tsinghua University, Beijing
Tongji University, Shanghai
University of Tokyo
The Chinese University of Hong Kong
Europe
Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule/eth, Zurich
Delft University of Technology
North America
University of Michigan
University of Pennsylvania
University of California at Berkeley
Each participating school can nominate two competition entries. One
teacher and two students are invited to the award seminar in Singapore,
with lectures by the five members of the international jury and the ten
international teachers. Each year, the proceedings of the seminar will be
published together with the twenty students projects. Prices are 8.500,
5.700 and 2.800.
The tu Delft multidisciplinary studio will involve students in the last year
of their Master studies in Urbanism, Architecture and Real Estate & Housing. Aspects to be researched are future design, urban density, physical and
social sustainability, feasibility and so on. The start in January 2011 will be
an intensive design workshop; the competition entry has to be sent in by the
end of June 2011. The emphasis during the first semester is on group work
for the design and its argumentation. The project the Wall, the first design
part of this thesis (h4.1 t/m h4.3), conducted together with Herman Pel and
Bart van Lakwijk have won the second prize. During the second semester
students will finish their Master thesis in their chosen discipline of Urbanism, Architecture or Real Estate & Housing.
ii
the wall
The re-discovery of ordinary public places in an alternative urban architectural
model for Chinese cities The case of Chengdu
This thesis is a specific research about the city of Chengdu in China. The
city of Chengdu is at the very heart of the dramatic transformation of China
and can be seen as a perfect model city of Chinese recent growth. Together
with the city of Chongqing it is one of the largest urban agglomerations
in the world. In terms of gdp, fdi, infrastructure and living standards, it
showed an explosive growth. The city almost doubled in size the last 15
years.
There are however enormous qualitative challenges for further growth
concerning land use, domesticity, public space, biodiversity, water and air
quality. The current city model, similar to numerous other cities in China,
is however no longer durable, to cope with this. The result of the thesis is
to propose an alternative urban model that will guide the city towards compact growth, giving at the same time place to the millions of new migrants.
Thereby it acknowledges public space as the crucial building block for
a durable city. The hypothesis is that by improving the spatial quality of
public spaces, other problems will mitigate as well. The thesis is unfolded
in four parts: Introduction, Urban China, Theory, Design and Conclusion.
The thesis is introduced by providing a framework, which describes the
background and derives a problem statement from this. Urban China is a
chapter with data in which the challenges will be researched in order to
get a clear pictures of the matters at hand. The theory part discusses more
thoroughly the problem of public space and provides a framework for the
design part. A conclusion will be derived from this.
The thesis is written within the context of the studio Vertical Cities Asia.
This means that part of the results were send in to the international design
competition in Singapore in which it received the second prize. Thereby, it
was obligatory to develop an urban architectural design for 100,000 people
on 1km2 on the south of the city. At least the theme of clean air needed to be
addressed in the design.
The problems in the case of Chengdu exist in large parts of Urban China.
These cities are also faced with critical problems due to an uncontrolled dispersed growth and, thereby neglecting the importance of public space for
the everyday lives of their residents.
Keywords: China, public space, density, landscape, architecture, urban
design, air quality, placemaking
iii
Fingermodel of Chengdu
Doomsday
The Wall
156 KM2
The
Wall encloses space on
every scale
iv
INTRODUCTION
1.1
1.2
URBAN BILLION
PROBLEM FIELD
2
3
1.2.1
1.2.2
1.2.3
1.2.4
1.2.5
3
3
6
12
12
1.3
1.4
1.5
Challenge
Qualitative growth
Alternative urban architectural model
Hypothesis: Re-discovery of ordinary public places
Case-study Chengdu
PROBLEM STATEMENT
METHODOLOGY
RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE
20
21
23
1.5.1
1.5.2
23
23
Scientific and societal relevance

Ethics
URBAN CHINA
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
DEMOGRAPHY
ECONOMY
TRANSPORT
LIVING
ENVIRONMENT
CROSSROADS
THEORY
3.1
PROBLEM OF THE ORDINARY
42
3.1.1
3.1.2
42
44
3.2
3.3
3.4
Urban placemaking
Theory structure
28
30
32
34
36
38
DEFINITION OF THE ORDINARY
45
3.1.2
3.2.2
3.2.3
45
49
51
Importance of ordinary public places

Situate the ordinary
Synthesis
LOSS OF THE ORDINARY
52
3.3.1
3.3.2
3.3.3
3.3.4
52
52
55
59
Socio-spatial dialectic
Radical transformation in China
Placelessness
Body and environment
PERCEPTION OF THE ORDINARY
60
3.4.1
3.4.2
60
61
Perception of space
Principles
3.4.3
3.4.4
3.4.5
3.4.6
3.4.7
3.4.8
3.5
Linearity
Hierarchy
Unity
Human scale
Enclosure
Understanding Chinese cities
62
64
68
70
71
74
THE RE-DISCOVERY OF THE ORDINARY
76
3.5.1
3.5.2
76
77
Discussion
Form places by enclosing spaces
DESIGN
4.1
DIAGNOSIS
82
4.1.1
4.1.2
82
94
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
Chengdu
Doomsday
CONCEPT
102
4.2.1
4.2.2
4.2.3
4.2.4
102
104
104
110
The Wall
Framework
Increasing air quality
Generic becomes specific
FRAMEWORK
116
4.3.1
4.3.2
116
122
Building the wall

Integrating the wall
ZOOM IN: THE SPONGE
141
4.4.1
4.4.2
4.4.3
144
150
202
Existing context
Series of enclosed worlds
Walking from metro to bedroom
EVALUATION
218
4.5.1
4.5.2
4.5.3
4.5.4
218
218
221
223
Hypothesis evaluation
Critique
The Wall as integral design
New Chinese Walls
CONCLUSION
Samenvatting
Bibliography
Image credits
Acknowledgements
228
230
225
236
vi
1
INTRODUCTION
This chapter will describe the background and problem field resulting
in a problem statement. A main research and design question and a set
of sub-questions will be derived from this.
1.1
URBAN BILLION
Chinas economic success and rapidly rising standard of living have resulted
in a historically unprecedented surge of urbanization that is set to continue
( 1). If the current trend continues, nearly one billion people will live in
Chinas cities by 2025, requiring construction on a scale never seen before
( 2). China will have 221 cities with more than one million inhabitants compared with 35 in Europe today - of which 23 cities will have more than
five million people. Research by McKinsey (2008) projects that China will
build almost 40 billion square meters of floor space over the next 20 years,
requiring the construction of between 20,000 and 50,000 new skyscrapers
(buildings of more than 30 floors) - the equivalent of up to ten New York
Cities. The urban economy will generate over 90 percent of Chinas gdp by
2025 (McKinsey, 2008).
As the economy grows, it is likely that China will continue to increase its
prosperity. Even the recent global financial crisis will likely have small
effect on the long-term perspectives on urbanization. In all likelihood the
nations continuing urbanization will ensure that China will fulfill the
ambitious economic growth target set out at the 17th Party Congress in
2007 (Hu, 2007) of quadrupling per capita gdp by 2020.
1.1 Urbanization. Predominantly in Asia.
Compound annual growth rate,

200525
%
Millions of people
Megacities
(10+)
Big cities
(510)
Midsized cities
(1.55)
Small cities
(0.51.5)
Big towns
(<0.5)
926
2.4
120
6.9
104
1.1
316
3.4
233
2.2
145
154
0.3
2005
2025
572
32
84
161
150
1.2 One billion people in Chinese cities.
1.2
PROBLEM FIELD
1.2.1
Challenge
49
At the same time the expansion of Chinas cities will represent a huge challenge. Of the slightly over 350 million people that China will add to its
urban population by 2025, more than 240 million will be migrants (Woetzel, et al., 2008a). The recent announcement of land-reform measures will
enable migrants to move even more easily to cities, what could increase the
scale of urbanization even further. Urbanization along current trends will
imply major pressure points for many cities including the challenges of
securing sufficient public funding for the provision of social services, and
dealing with demand and supply pressures on arable land, energy, public
space, air quality, water, domesticity, work, food, infrastructure, biodiversity, greenery, liveability and health of residents (more in chapter 2).
1.2.2
Qualitative growth
All of these challenges will intensify in time, as Chinas leaders acknowledge (Hu, 2007). Although China will likely achieve its gdp growth target
in the timeframe it has set for itself, a focus solely on gdp growth will not
achieve a qualitative and harmonious development that the Chinese leadership desire. An alternative urban architectural model, that will take into
account a qualitative growth, will be significant for research to provide a
balanced growth path for China.
3
In this thesis an urban architectural model is understood,

as a schematic description of
a city, with statements on all
levels of scale, from regional,
landscape to the architectural
scale.
1.3 Central Business District of Chengdu.
> 900
800 - 900
700 - 800
600 - 700
Chengdu
500 - 600
400 - 500
300 - 400
200 - 300
100 - 200
50 - 100
0 - 50
Population density, China 2006 (persons/sqkm).
Vertical Cities Asia

competition is organized by
the National University of
Singapore and financially supported by the World Future
Foundation.
www.verticalcitiesasia.com
Vertical Cities Asia Competition

Therefore the competition of Vertical Cities Asia, in which this thesis competes, promotes the development of ideas and theories in urban growth
and architectural form related to density, liveability and sustainability specific to the rapid and exponential growth of urbanism in Asiait seeks
design solutions for a balanced environment for urban life where public
amenities and work opportunities are within easy access. It encourages efficient and clean modes of travels that contribute to clean and fresh air. (nus,
2011) But how will this model look like?
1.2.3
Alternative urban architectural model
As China seeks to handle the enormous challenges, there are in fact several urban architectural models open, which can, to a great extent, influence
how urbanization plays out. McKinsey Global Institute (mgi) studied Chinas urbanization and its future possible urban architectural model (2008).
McKinsey developed and examined four urbanization models, each plausible outcomes of urbanization over the next 20 years (4 5).
Dispersed model
The current trend points to China heading toward a dispersed rampant
urbanization model ( 4). However, the costs in this dispersed model, are
6
Pressure points
Distributed
growth
Townization
Land
development
Congestion
Labor and
skills
Funding
Water
Energy
Pressure points
Super
cities
Hub and
spoke
Land
development
Congestion
Labor and
skills
Funding
Water
High pressure
Energy
Medium pressure
Pollution
Low pressure
Pollution
(McKinsey 2011)
1.4 Current trend 'dispersed scattered growth'.
1.5 Suggested pattern 'concentrated growth'.
according to McKinsey unacceptably high. The arable land resources will

shrink rapidly, the landscape and environment will further be affected and
other problems will increase.
From a spatial point of view, public space is especially under pressure:
Subtle pedestrian streets and courtyards, intertwined with its context are
in contrast with a superimposed neo-corbusian landscape with enclosed
islands and high-rise superslabs (Mars and Hornsby, 2008; Hartog, 2010).
An interesting contrast, which gives considerable freedom to build, leading
to a continuous promise of reconstruction and increase in living standards,
but according to several scholars the public space is more and more separating Chinese society resulting in an alienated relationship with the city (Zhu,
2003; Hassenpflug, 2004; Miao, 2011; Abramson, 2008; Olds, 2001; Perry
and Selden, 2010). Ordinary public space, which is space that is meaningful
for everyday life of local residents and communities, is being neglected to
be a basic building block in the city, fortifying the problems China is facing.
7
Expensive lakeside bought by speculators.
Half finishednew town in the middle of the desert in Inner Mongolia.
Sattelite Chenggong with 100,000 new apartments.
Ordos, a new town build in five years.
Low rise development outside Changsha.
New development north-east of Xinyang.
New dispersed developments giving rise to a real estate bubble.

Some estimate as many as 64 million empty apartments are on the
market (Finance Asia 2011).
Urban population
Million people
2005
Urban GDP
Renminbi trillion, 2000
573
Urban GDP/capita
Renminbi thousand, 2000
21
12
Supercities
917
68
76
Hub and spoke
930
68
75
Distributed
growth
944
Townization
935
65
60
62
54
+26%
1.6 Generate highest per capita GDP.
Urban energy intensity

BTU per renminbi
4,917
2005
Urban GDP
Renminbi trillion, 2000
Hub and spoke
+20%
59
2,317
Townization
2,278
131
68
68
2,088
Distributed
growth
Urban energy demand

QBTUs
12
1,926
Supercities
+23%
142
139
60
123
54
1.7 Higher efficient use of energy,
+15%
More effective control of pollution.

8
China total arable land

Million hectares
Loss
20052025,
%
125
Central government
target minimum for 2010
120
115
Hub and spoke

Supercities
110
7
8
105
100
Distributed growth
95
1.8 Contain loss of arable land.
0
2005
Townization
2010
2015
2020
20
22
2025
10
Compact model
McKinsey (McKinsey, 2008) suggests that a more compact pattern of urbanization ( 5) is most likely to reduce the pressures and increase the overall
productivity of the urban system. In contrary, a dispersed growth model
fortifies these pressures ( 4). Therefore McKinsey strongly recommends
that new urban architectural models should guide China toward a compact
pattern of urbanization. This compact growth would have many positive
implications linked to higher productivity and efficiency ( 6 7 8). This
would include:
Highest per capita GDP ( 6). Compact growth models, would produce up to 20 percent higher per capita gdp than more dispersed growth models. Scale effects and productivity gains are larger in compact urbanization models.
More efficient use of energy (7). Energy productivity would be about 20 percent higher.
Lowest rate of loss of arable land (8). There could be a reduction in the loss of arable
land to only 7 percent to 8 percent of the current total, whereas a more dispersed
model would result in losses of more than 20 percent.
More efficient mass-transit. Compact urban architectural models would attain the
necessary public-transport capacity with lower costs and higher chances of successful
execution.
More effective control of pollution (7). Although megacities that develop in a supercities scenario would face extremely serious peak pollution problems (e.g. nox), mgi
research shows that enforcement of measures to regulate pollution is more widespread and effective in larger cities than in smaller cities. Moreover, McKinsey states
that a dispersed urban architectural model would generate the greatest amount of
emissions countrywide, and would produce more water pollution than would a compact urban architectural model.
Availability of talent. While talent will tend to concentrate in big cities, we expect a
significant shortage of these workers in small and midsized cities (the trend is already
clear today). Compact urbanization scenarios would thus have the advantage of
having an abundance of talent in centres that are the engines of economic growth,
enabling a more rapid transition to higher-value-added activities.
Policy shifts are required but the benefits described above are enormous.
Not only for China, but also for the rest of the world. Therefore it is important to research alternative urban architectural models that could guide
Urban China towards compact urbanization. Not only investigating verticality is important, but also a new efficient planning system is crucial.
11
7\SLFDOurban development 2 km from the site in Chengdu.
1.2.4
Hypothesis: Re-discovery of ordinary public places
The hypothesis of this thesis is that by re-discovering the fundamental role

of ordinary public space in Chinese cities, several other problems can be
addressed and even be mitigated. It can guide Chinese cities towards a more
compact urban architectural model. This hypothesis is endorsed by several
scholars. Streets and their sidewalks, the main public spaces of the city, are
its most vital organs (Jacobs, 1961, p. 29). Others suggest that if ...we do
right by our streets we can in large measure do right by the city as a whole
and, therefore and most importantly, by its inhabitants (Jacobs, 1961, p.
314; Carmona et al., 2005; Gehl, 2001). Since public place is such a broad
and culturally defined term, an extensive theoretical study will investigate
the meaning and perception of the term in China.
1.2.5
Every year, for the next five
years, a one square kilometre
territory will be the subject of
the competition.
Case-study Chengdu
In this thesis the city of Chengdu is used as a case-study. The competition

assigned a small strip of land on the south of the city (9) to design a masterplan for 100,000 people per sqkm, whereby it was obligatory to address the
air quality. The city of Chengdu is at the very heart of the dramatic transformation (10) of China and can be seen as a perfect model city of Chinese
recent growth. It is also a city under pressure of an enormous amount of
new migrants from the rural areas. Like in many Chinese cities, the recent
growth is explosive, and a lot of valuable arable land is lost.
12
1.10 Comparative analysis

of Chengdu and world cities.
Chengdu sits in an emerging
new region for important cities:
CHENGDU
TOKYO
BANGALORE
DUBAI
MUNICH
TOULOUSE
LONDON
ATLANTA
WASHINGTON
NEW YORK
SEATTLE
SF BAY AREA
BOSTON
interior China.
MOSCOW
SEOUL
CAIRO
MEXICO CITY
SINGAPORE
SAO PAOLO
BANGALORE
TOKYO
LONDON
MUNICH
SEATTLE
NEW YORK
TOULOUSE
CHENGDU
SF BAY AREA
WASHINGTON
BOSTON
DUBAI
ATLANTA
EVERY RING EQUALS 1000KM
DENSITY
243 P/KM2
305 P/KM2
355 P/KM2
372 P/KM2
656 P/KM2
888 P/KM2
1053 P/KM2
1096 KM2
2842 P/KM2
4286 P/KM2
4932 P/KM2
5847 P/KM2
7665 P/KM2
AREA
21,693 KM2
3,885 KM2
232.1 KM2
14,412 KM2
22,681 KM2
12,390 KM2
5.47 M
1.19 M
4.05 M
3.93 M
7. 42 M
11.01 M
808 KM2
17,405 KM2
369.2 KM2
19.06 M
0. 62 M
310.4 KM2
1,572 KM2
2,187 KM2
7.75 M
13.01 M
709.5 KM2
POPULATION
0.85 M
1.33 M
WORLD MAP AND SIZE COMPARISON
13
1.33 M
1.9 Chengdu surrounded by a mountainous area. The site to be investigated is located in the south.
14
15
1:100 000
1,14 km
3,41 km
4,21 km
5,76 km
1,22 km
Birdsnest
Beijing
3,13 km
1,12 km
Central Park
New York
16
Site location
Chengdu
5,58 km
Dutch City
Delft
1.9 Planned area, site comparison and site..
17
View on the site given by the competition.
18
19
1.3
PROBLEM STATEMENT
In an age of ever increasing urbanization with massive migrations from the countryside to the city, China is at a crossroads.
Existing dispersed urban architectural models can continue to
be recycled to accommodate increased populations, but this at
the same time fortifies problems in society, infrastructure and
environment.
Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to propose an alternative

compact urban architectural model that will take on the specifics of Chinese urban development, thereby fostering the spatial
quality of ordinary public places. The city of Chengdu is subject for this research. The testing ground is a small strip of land
in the south of Chengdu. The final result is a masterplan, with
according to the competition assignment an obligatory density of
100,000 people per 1sqkm and ideas to increase the air quality.
The main research question derived from this problem statement

is: How to design an alternative compact urban architectural
model for Chengdu, that fosters ordinary public places, resulting
in a masterplan with a density of 100,000 people per sqkm?
20
Urban architectural model

An urban architectural model is understood, as a schematic description of
a city, with statements on all levels of scale, from regional, landscape to the
architectural scale and design of public space.
Public space
Public space is a broad term and in various cultures differently perceived.
In the theory part, the term will be further discussed. The general definition is: Any area of land or water, which is not located within an enclosed
building, and which is set aside for the use and enjoyment of the public. It
is the space, building or use that is equally open and available to all who
choose to use it, and does not denote ownership.
Masterplan
The masterplan should consist of a general strategy on city scale, an urban
design for the given site and an elaboration on the architectural scale.
1.4
METHODOLOGY
From the main research question: How to design an alternative compact

urban architectural model for Chengdu, that fosters ordinary public places,
resulting in a masterplan with a density of 100,000 people per sqkm? Several sub-research questions and various methods to answer them can be
derived from this.
The research questions lead to the methods of:
1. What are the major threats and opportunities facing China and in particular Chengdu?
Data study (sources: Worldbank, McKinsey, Yearbooks, CIA World Factbook,)
Interview with Robert Campbell, director of McKinsey Asia.
2. What are the spatial problems of public space in China?
Theory study
3. How is public space spatially perceived in China?
Theory study
4. What spatial building blocks for the design can be derived from data
and theory research ?

5. What is the current urban architectural model of Chengdu?
Literature study, policies study, historical analysis
21
'Public Space' is also often

misconstrued to mean other
things such as 'gathering
place', which is an element
of the larger concept of social
space.
6. What is the landscape system? Water, biodiversity, vegetation?
Literature study + GIS

7. What would be an interesting program mix for the site? What would
be the best land use strategy? Which building typologies, should be part of
the masterplan?
Typological research, Parametric Urban Design methods (Rhinoceros+Grassho
pper+Ecotect)
8. What would be the planning guidelines for the masterplan?
Policy study + Masterplan case studies

9. Which overall framework can be proposed to meet the requirements of
the competition and the problem statement?

Research by design
Problem Statement
H2 Data research
H3 Theory
H3.5 Building blocks
H 4 Design
H4.4 Zoom in
H4.5 Reflection
H5 Conclusion
Methodology.
22
Vertical Cities. The competition for tallest building in

the world is taken seriously
in China. Several Chinese
cities put itself on the map
with a new skyline icon,
often designed by Western
architects.
1.5
RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE
1.5.1
Scientific and societal relevance
What this research aims to add is a new urban architectural model that
fosters public space quality. However, there are innumerable theorems and
research about the state of urban China. This makes a humble position
about the scientific and societal relevance of this thesis wise.
The competition of Vertical Cities Asia searches for a integration of density, verticality, domesticity, work, food, infrastructure, nature, ecology,
structure and program. However the conventional building metric in the
contemporary Chinese masterplan is rather limited. The research in this
thesis questions the conventional metric. The hypothesis is that with alternative ways of masterplanning, with respect for the specifics of China and
the environment will most likely mitigate the enormous pressures Chinese
society is facing.
1.5.2
Ethics
Several critics state that because of Western intervention ( 11), Chinese

cities are facing problems. Seog-Jeong Lee, director of city planning in
Seoul in Atlantis 22.2 Urban Form (2011): Increasingly, Asia seems to be
the place for the experimental high-rise works of western architects who
do not consider the local Asian context. I think that our cities need to discover alternative ways to combine high density with urban quality without
resorting to verticality. This would be a possible ethical problem arising
this research and design. Therefore, the thesis relies heavily on statistics and
in the theory part an extensive cultural study will be exhibited.
23
1.11 :HVWHUQDUFKLWHFWVGRPLQDWHFRPSHWLWLRQVShanghai CBD competition. Richard Rogers 1994.
24
25
26
2
URBAN CHINA
To avoid biases about Urban China, this chapter researches data about
the development of China with specific attention to the city of Chengdu.
The data sheets are highlighted with the text. Finally this provides a
clear overall picture of the state of demographics, economics, transport,
living and environment in Urban China and Chengdu in particular.
27
1
POPULATION (million persons)
2
POPULATION DENSITY, China 2006 (persons/sqkm)
URBAN POPULATION (% of total population)

90
1400
80
1200
70
1000
60
50
800
> 900
40
800 - 900
600
700 - 800
30
600 - 700
500 - 600
Chengdu
400
20
400 - 500
300 - 400
10
200 - 300
200
100 - 200
0
50 - 100
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
0 - 50
0
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
China
European Union
United States
World
source: Worldbank
European Union
United States
China
source: Worldbank
source: China-Mike.com
3
POPULATION annual growth (%)
LIFE EXPECTANCY (years)

80
3
Harbin
2,5
75
Beijing
2
Huhhot
70
Taiyuan
1,5
65
1
Shanghai
Xingping
Suzhou
0,5
Nanchong
60
Changsha
Chengdu
0
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
Taizhou
Cangnan
55
1970
Shenzhen
-0,5
Xiamen
1975
China
-1
1980
1985
United States
1990
1995
2000
European Union
European Union
United States
China
population 2005
World
source: Worldbank
population 1990
source: McKinsey Global Institute
4
3
GROWTH size and speed, 1990 - 2005
POPULATION urban agglomoration, 2009 (million persons)
AGE population, China 2000

(1.265 million people)
Suzhou
fast
Xingping
Taizhou
Cangnan
Nanchong
Shenzhen
Huhhot
65+
6,9 %
Nanchong
Taizhou
Xiamen
Suzhou
70,1 % (working age)
15 - 64
Changsha
Xiamen
Tiayuan
Harbin
Chengdu
Chengdu
Cangnan
Beijing
Shanghai
Changsha
Shenzhen
0 - 14
Harbin
Huhhot
22,9 %
Beijing
Tiayuan
Shanghai
Xingping
slow
2
10
12
14
16
18
small
1990
2009
large
Demography
28
2005
2010
World
source: Worldbank
POPULATION
5
POPULATION, Chengdu (million persons)
POPULATION growth, Chengdu (persons)
POPULATION DENSITY, Chengdu 2008 (persons/sqkm)
250000
14
12
200000
10
150000
8
6
100000
>7500
50000
5000-7500
2
2500-5000
0
1970
1000-2500
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
0
2001
2010
< 500
6
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
500-1000
-50000
immigration growth
natural growth
source: China Statistical Yearbook
source: United Nations
URBAN AREA, Chengdu (sqkm)

400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
BUILT AREA growth

before 1990
1990 - 2010
7
MIGRATION moving & emigration, Chengdu

35
AGE population, Sichuan province 2000

(83.3 million people)
MIGRATION reasons per age, Chengdu 2001

100%
90%
30
65+
80%
25
7,5 %
70%
60%
20
50%
better social services
15
40%
more interesting life
69,9 % (working age)
15 - 64
reunite with family
30%
10
more experience
20%
job transfer
5
higher pay
10%
obtain job
0
0%
2001
2002
moving rate / 1000 persons
2003
2004
2005
emigration rate / 1000 persons
2006
2007
2008
under 24
24-29
30-39
40+
0 - 14
source: Webster
In 2010 1.3 billion people are living in China. Since 1960 population has doubled, while in the US and the EU the growth was only 140% ( 1). By 2030
the urban population will almost double from 572m in 2005 to one billion (
2). In 2010 in China the life expectancy is 72 years, 4 years higher than worldwide, but still 6 years lower than the US and the EU and there is also an enormous aging process ( 3). After Shanghai, Beijing and Shenzhen, Chengdu
is the fourth biggest urban agglomoration ( 4). There are about 12 million
people living in greater Chengdu ( 5). While the population of Chengdu
almost doubled between 1980 and 2010, the urban area became 5 times bigger
( 6). By 2013 the loss of arable land will go below the governments minumum. The main reason for this growth is immigration from rural areas to
the city. Important reasons for migration to the city are obtain a job, better
social services and reunite with family (7).
29
22,6 %
source: UNESCAP
GDP growth (%)
9
12
1,4
FDI growth (%)
OFFICE CAPITAL VALUE, 2005 - 2008 (growth in %)

avg. 11%
Xi'an
Zhengzhou
Wuxi
Shenyang
Guangzhou
1,3
1,5
1,2
Hangzhou
Qingdao
Beijing
Chengdu
Chongqing
Xiamen
Wuhan
Fuzhou
Shanghai
Tianijn
0,5
1,1
Dalian
Changsha
Shenzhen
Nanjing
Suzhou
1
2000
2001
2002
Chengdu
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
China
2000
2001
Chengdu
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
8
2007
2008
10
15
20
source: Jones Lang LaSalle
GDP per capita (US$)
GDP per sector, China (billion yuan)

35.000
50000
30.000
25.000
20.000
45000
15.000
Harbin
10.000
5.000
40000
0
1980
1990
primary sector
35000
2000
secondary sector
Beijing
2008
tertairy sector
Huhhot
Taiyuan
30000
25000
IMPORT & EXPORT total, China (billion yuan)

Shanghai
Xingping
20000
3.000
Suzhou
2.500
Nanchong
2.000
15000
1132,6
956
1.500
Changsha
Chengdu
Taizhou
10000
1.000
500
Cangnan
225,1
249,2
Shenzhen
1430,7
1217,8
2000
export
5000
2007
2008
import
Xiamen
0
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
GDP per capita, 2005

GDP per capita
China
USA
Japan
Germany
France
source: Worldbank
IMPORT & EXPORT countries, 2006
IMPORT & EXPORT products, 2006 (US$ million)
import
export
IC and micro assemblies
Clothing
IC and micro assemblies
Other machinery and components
Aeronautical equipment and components
Steels
Other machinery and components
Steels
Textiles
Automobile and component
Auto control measurement apparatus
Other electrical equipment
Other electrical equipment
700
source: Chengdu Investment Promotion Commission
2005
600
500
400
300
200
Shoes
100
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
900
1000
growth 2006
Economy
30
25
China
JOB SECTOR breakdown, Chengdu (% of GDP)
11 PRIMARY SECTOR share, Chengdu 2008
15
SECONDARY SECTOR share, Chengdu 2008
BUSINESS VOLUME Chengdu

300
2000
1980
250
10%
27%
23%
37%
53%
electronic information product

manufacturing industry
200
pharmaceutical industry
150
agriculture
50%
food, beverages and tobacco industry
100
lin industry
machinery industry (incl. automobile)
50
animal husbandry
industry
2008
1990
petrochemical industry
fish industry
7%
46%
2000
other industries
2008
47%
39%
1990
business volume
animal husbandry and

fishery services
21%
0
1980
materials metallurgical industry
GOOGLE SEARCHES Chengdu, volume index
40%
8
6
primary sector
secondary sector
tertiary sector
0
2004
2006
2008
2010
source: Google searches
10 GDP per sector, Chengdu (billion yuan)
GOOGLE SEARCHES Chengdu, countries

0
5.000
0,2
0,4
0,6
0,8
Singapore
Hong Kong
4.000
China
Malaysia
3.000
Australia
2.000
Thailand
Netherlands
1.000
Switzerland
India
0
1980
1990
primary sector
2000
secondary sector
Finland
2008
tertairy sector
GOOGLE SEARCHES Chengdu, languages

0
0,2
0,4
0,6
0,8
Chinese
English
Dutch
IMPORT & EXPORT total, Chengdu

(billion yuan)
Finnish
Thai
Swedish
German
200
French
Italian
150
Japanese
63,39
100
38,03
50
6,63
0
8,18
2000
export
90,72
57,13
2007
FOREIGN TOURISTS, Chengdu

250.000
2008
import
200.000
150.000
100.000
FOREIGN COMPANIES investment,

per branch 2007
50.000
0
2002
Thailand
Gr. Britain
2004
2006
Singapore
USA
Electronics
2008
Germany
Hong Kong
15
Machinery, technology etc.

Food
Paper
INCOME BY TOURISTS, Chengdu (million RBM)

40000
Other
35000
commercial
industry (1)
30000
25000
20000
industry (2)
vertical city Asia site
15000
10000
5000
13
16
FOREIGN INVESTMENT companies, 2007 (million US$)

Intel
Hutchison
Lafarge
Marubeni
Procter & Gamble
Ito-Yokado
Carrefour
United Technology
Sumitomo
Metro
Bayer
Auchan
International Paper
Kimberly Clark
Pepsi
Alcatel
Sony
Shell
McDonalds
L.M. Ericsson
Other companies
0
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
FOREIGN INVESTMENT countries (billion)
14.000
EXPATS, Chengdu 2006

(total number: 4537 persons)
12.000
10.000
100%
90%
8000
80%
6000
Nepal
60%
Japan
50%
4000
U.K.
Malaysia
Pakistan
France
70%
Vietnam
40%
2000
30%
South Korea
20%
0
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
350
400
10%
2001
Taiwan
2002
2003
Singapore
2004
S. Korea
2005
Gr. Britain
2006
2007
USA
2008
Hong Kong
After 1978, China focused on market-oriented economic development

and this has contributed to a more than tenfold increase in gdp since 1978.
Still, per capita income is below the world average ( 8). The gdp growth of
Chengdu is more fluctuating than the overall growth of China ( 9). As part
of the total gdp the secundary and tertiary sector are rising at the expense of
the primary sector (10). Chengdus most important export products are services, manufacturing and construction and agriculture (11). The fdi (foreign
direct investment) growth is in 2008 two times higher ( 12). By far the biggest investor in Chengdu in 2007 is Intel ( 13). Computer chips are made at
factories like Foxconn. Most of the foreign investments still come from Hong
Kong (14). Future international investments are expected. Business volume
is exploding ( 15). In 5 years (2001-2006) the income by tourists in Chengdu
has more than doubled (16). Chengdu is famous for its panda's and scenery.
31
0%
United States
INTERNATIONAL FLIGHT connections, 2011
INTERNATIONAL FLIGHT weekly number, 2006
AIR TRANSPORT annual registered carrier departures

25000
Xingping
Suzhou
22500
Nanchong
Taizhou
20000
Huhhot
17500
Tiayuan
Amsterdam
Changsha
Seoel
Tokyo
Osaka
Kathmandu
Karachi
15000
Harbin
Hong Kong
Chengdu
12500
Bangkok
Kuala Lumpur
Singapore
Shenzhen
Xiamen
10000
Beijing
590
7500
768
Shanghai
25
50
75
100
5000
source: Chengdu Shuangliu International Airport
2500
0
1970
1975
China
17
1980
1985
1990
United States
1995
2000
European Union
2005
World
source: Worldbank
GASOLINE pump price (US$ per liter)

1,6
1,4
1,2
0,8
18 ROAD SPACE per car, 2005 (Chengdu compared to Beijing)
0,6
0,4
0,2
Chengdu
0
1996
1998
China
2000
United States
2002
2004
European Union
2006
2008
Beijing 188 sqm
Chengdu 141 sqm

World
source: Worldbank
HIGHWAYS
Pri. highways
Sec. highways
source: U.S. Department of transportation
20
ENERGY CONSUMPTION ROAD SECTOR (% of total energy consumption)
PUBLIC-TRANSPORT use, 2006 (annual uses/person)
PRINCIPAL RAILWAY STATIONS passengers (1000 persons)
avg. 140 annual uses/person
45000
25
Xingping
40000
Suzhou
Taizhou
35000
20
Nanchong
30000
Huhhot
15
25000
Tiayuan
Chengdu
20000
Shenzhen
10
15000
Harbin
10000
Shanghai
5
Changsha
5000
Xiamen
0
Beijing
2000
0
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
350
400
1970
1975
China
1980
United States
1985
European Union
Transport
32
1990
1995
2000
2005
2001
Shanghai
2002
Beijing
2003
Harbin
2004
2005
Chengdu
2006
Shenzhen
2007
2008
Suzhou
World
source: Worldbank
19
TRANSPORT TYPES by income, Chengdu 2001 (percentage of trips)
AVERAGE SPEED city centre, Chengdu (kmph)

25
walk
20
bike
biking
15
bus
10
motorbike
5
car
0
0%
20 %
low income
40 %
med income
60 %
80 %
2005
2006
average
high income
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
100 %
during rush hour
source: chinadaily
source: Webster
NUMBER OF BUSES, Chengdu

8000
21
METRO SYSTEM, Chengdu 2011
7000
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
1995
2002
2010
line 1 (constructed)
line 2 (2015)
other lines (planned)
source: ...
INFRASTRUCTURE
high speed railway
railway
light railway line
express ways
bus stops
TRANSPORT, Chengdu (million vehicles)
DISTANCE FROM DWELLING, Chengdu 2006 (minutes)
3,5
25
3
20
2,5
15
1,5
10
1
5
0,5
0
2001
2002
motorcycles
2003
private cars
2004
electric bicycles
2005
2006
2007
2008
low income
to CBD
trucks
to nearest shopping mall
middle income
to nearest park
high income
to nearest food market
source: Webster
The price per litre of gasoline is in China more rising compared to the
western world ( 17). By 2030 the current subway system need to expand
eight times.The road space per car in Chengdu is extremely low ( 18).
Only 141 sqm per car, while in Beijing this is 188 sqm per car. The average
speed in the city centre of Chengdu is already under biking-speed ( 19). It
is expected that in 2015 it will be near 0 kmph. Therefore Chengdu is in
China the most inefficient city measured by working-living transportation.
Car ownership of Chengdu ranks 3rd in China. There are 1200 new cars
per day extra, with 2.4 million already on the road. The use of public transport in Chengdu is lower than average in China (20). A metro system serving the city is under construction. The first 2 lines are already finished (21).
33
INCOME & EXPENDITURE per capita (yuan)
22
PRIMARY SCHOOL pupils per teacher, 2008
18.000
Chengdu disposable income
16.000
urban
14.000
World
Chengdu total expenditure
24
China disposable income

China expenditure
12.000
China
10.000
18

rural
8.000

China expenditure
6.000
European Union
15
4.000
2.000
0
1990
United States
1995
2000
2005
14
2008
23
source: Worldbank
25
HEALTH EXPENDITURE, 2007 (% of GDP)
EMPLOYMENT, 2008 (% of population 15+)
Harbin
United States 15,7%
European Union 9,3%
China 4,3%
source: Worldbank
China 71%
United States 59%
European Union 50%

source: Worldbank
Taiyuan
Beijing
26
IMMUNIZATION DPT (% of children ages 12-23 months)

100
FEMALE LABOR participation rate (% of female 15+)

75
Suzhou
Nanchong
90
Shanghai
70
80
Chengdu
Changsha
Taizhou
70
65
60
50
Shenzhen
40
60
Xiamen
30
55
20
UNEMPLOYMENT
10
registrated unemployment
2007 (% of population 15+)
0
1980
1985
China
1990
1995
2000
European Union
United States
2005
50
2010
45
World
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
source: Worldbank
China
United States
European Union
World
source: Worldbank
24
INFLATION consumer prices (annual %)
NUTRITION SUPPLY per capita (Kcal per person per day)
25
4500
4000
20
3500
15
3000
2500
10
2000
5
1500
1000
0
1960
0
1965
China
1970
United States
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
World
-5
China
United States
source: Worldbank
Living
34
source: Worldbank
29
EXPENDITURE per capita, Chengdu 2008
27
DURABLE CONSUMER GOODS per 100 households, Chengdu 2008
HOUSEHOLD SIZE, Chengdu

5
200
100%
180
160
4,5
140
90%
120
100
80
80%
60
3,5
40
20
70%
0
3
motorcycle
family car
general phone
rural
mobile phone
home computer
urban
color tv
shower
refrigerator
washing machine
air conditioners
60%
2,5
1990
1995
2000
2005
2008

China Average Household Size (URBAN)
50%
Average Household Size (URBAN)

China Average Household Size (RURAL)
Average Household Size (RURAL
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
urban
rural
Rest (clothes, tax, living)
Habitat Live
Recreation, education and cultural services
Health Care
Household equipment and services
Food Products
source: Webster
Residential
Mosque
Buddhist temple
Christian church
Taoist temple
Museum
Sport facility
High end hotel
Theater
University
vertical citie Asia site
28
FOOD CONSUMPTION per

capita, Chengdu 2008 (Kcal)
FOOD CONSUMPTION per capita, Chengdu 2008 (kg)

200
FOOD CONSUMPTION expenditure per capita (yuan)

800
40
700
180
35
160
600
140
30
120
25
500
400
100
20
80
300
15
60
200
10
40
100
20
0
dairy products
fresh fruits
white wine
eggs class
poultry products
pig meat
2008
vegetables
2007
fats and oils
rural
cereals
dairy products
fresh fruits
white wine
eggs class
poultry products
pig meat
rural
vegetables
fats and oils
cereals
urban
urban
The income and expenditure rates have tripled the last 10 years (22). The
health expenditure as a part of the gdp in China is 4%. This is less than in
the US (15%) and the EU (9%) (23). From 1990 an average Chinese person
is eating more per day than an average person worldwide. But with around
3000 kcal, this is still 700 kcal less than the average in the US ( 24). By
2030 meat consumption will double in China. In 2008 the employment of
China is 12% higher than in the US and 21% higher than in the EU (25).
The female labour participation in China is high ( 26). About 70% of all
the working females are of the age of 15+. But this number is decreasing.
The household size is decreasing. An urban household in Chengdu had an
average of 3.5 persons in 1990 and an average of 2.7 in 2008 (27). The daily
diet of an urban person in Chengdu is more varied (28), but spend less on food (29).
35
34
AIR QUALITY 2009
33
AIR QUALITY 2009

Chengdu
120
600
100
80
500
New York
Chinese average
60
40
400
20
0
300
200
London
Amsterdam
100
Tokyo
0
Ph
Cl-
NO3
Chongqing
Chengdu
SO24
Shanghai
NH4
Beijing
K+
Istanbul
Na+
Mexico
Ca2+
Tokyo
Mg2
Particulate matter (PM10)
Lhasa
Sulfur dioxide (SO2)
Nitrogen dioxide (NO2)

source: WHO
source: WHO
31
36
FOREST area (% of land area)
FRESHWATER withdrawal, 2000
40
7%
26 %
35
67 %
China
total: 549,76 cu km / year
per capita: 415 cu m / year
30
25
13 %
Chengdu
20
41 %
15
46 %
United States
total: 477 cu km / year
per capita: 1600 cu m / year
ACID RAIN 2008
10
1990
1995
China
2000
United States
2005
European Union
PH > 5,6
PH 5,0 - 5,6
World
domestic
industry
agricultural
PH 4,5 - 5,0
source: Worldbank
source: CIA factbook
PH < 4,5
32
30
ARABLE land (% of land area)
AGRICULTURAL land (% of land area)
CO2 emmisions (metric tons per capita)

25
35
65
60
30
55
25
20
15
50
20
45
15
10
40
10
5
35
5
30
0
1960
0
1960
25
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
1965
United States
European Union
World
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
1965
China
source: Worldbank
United States
European Union
World
1975
United States
1980
1985
1990
European Union
1995
2000
2005
World
source: Worldbank
source: Worldbank
Environment
36
1970
2005
2005
China
China
35
MAJOR POLLUTANTS load ratio,

inner city Chengdu 2009
AIR QUALITY per season, Chengdu 2009
37
37
ACID RAIN, Chengdu 2009
AIR POLLUTION, Chengdu 2009
9
winter
140
120
7
28%
100
80
46%
60
5
40
20
autumn
26%
spring
3
2006
PMIO
SO2
2007
2008
2009
2010
acid rain frequency

PH of precipitation
normal PH
NO2
source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning

and Design Institute, Chengdu
source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning

and Design Institute, Chengdu
summer
PMIO
SO2
NO2
measured
WHO guideline
measured
NO2 WHO guideline
measured
SO2 WHO guideline
source: Chengdu Environmental Protection Bureau, WHO
38
WATER QUALITY Mintuo River

40
35
30
source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning and Design Institute, Chengdu
25
20
15
10
5
0
best I
2008
II
III
IV
worse VI
2009
source: Chengdu Environmental Protection Bureau
NOISE POLLUTION, Chengdu 2009
ANNUAL WATER USE, Chengdu 2001

(total 335 million m3)
residential 36%
nondomestic 46%
nonrevenue 18%
source: Water in Asian cities. Asian Development Bank
WATER CONSUMPTION by activity

activities
toilet flushes
shower (per minute) 15 - 35
bath (full tub)
laundry machine (full load)
dishwasher
dishwashing by hand (tap running)
shaving (tap running)
brushing teeth (tap running)
litres used
10 - 15
150
160 - 220
25 - 55
110
20 - 30
10 - 30
source: China Academy of Urban Planning and Design Planning and Design Institute, Chengdu
WATER Chengdu
built area
water
WATER CONSUMPTION per capita, 2001 (liters per day)
WATER PRODUCTION volume, 2001 (million cubic meters per day)
WATER CONSUMPTION volume, 2001 (million cubic meters per day)

Vientiane
Phnom Penh
Phnom Penh
Vientiane
Jakarta
Phnom Penh
Kathmandu
Kathmandu
Kathmandu
Ulaanbaatar
Ulaanbaatar
Delhi
Colombo
Colombo
Vientiane
Kuala Lumpur
Kuala Lumpur
Dhaka
Ho Chi Minh
Ho Chi Minh
Colombo
Jakarta
Chengdu
Manila
Dhaka
Kuala Lumpur
Dhaka
Jakarta
Chengdu
Osaka
Osaka
Ho Chi Minh
Delhi
Karachi
Karachi
Hong Kong
Tashkent
Manila
Hong Kong
Chengdu
Tashkent
Karachi
Seoul
Shanghai
Delhi
Hong Kong
Seoul
Osaka
Seoul
Manila
Ulaanbaatar
Shanghai
Shanghai
Tashkent
0
domestic
1
nondomestic
1
surface water
50
100
150
200
250
300
350
underground water
From 2006 the co2 emission per capita in China is higher than average
worldwide, but still lower than in the Western countries ( 30). In China
there is a strong rise of forest area ( 31). About 10% from 1990 to 2008.
Worldwide this is getting lower (-2% from 1990 to 2008). The agricultural
land in China was in 1990 only 37% of the total land area, in 2008 this is
more than 60% ( 32). Which means that nature is being transformed to
agriculture to still feed to growing population. Compared to the Chinese
average the number of particulate matter (pm10), which causes bad air quality, of Chengdu is good (33), but compared to other world cities it is bad (
34). Compared to who standards it is 2.5 times worse (35). Almost one third
of China is hit by acid rain (36), leading to the worlds most polluted cities
(37) and a polluted river in Chengdu (38).
37
energy
water consumption
(liter/day/capita)
urban area (sqkm)
migrants
waste per capita
income & expenditure
(yuan)
food consumption
(kcal/day/capita)
population
private cars
water availability
(liter/day/capita)
biodiversity
cars average speed

(km/h)
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
2020
39. China at the crossroads.
38
2025
2030
2030
2035
2040
2045
Crossroads
Learning from the data, it can be argued that the world is heading into
two directions; the Western world can be characterized as a world of stagnation with a high gdp level but stagnation in population growth. Yet the
Eastern world, South America and Africa are still growing in both gdp
level and population. One can state that China is exploding and Europe
and the US are imploding.
However China is facing economic, demographic, environmental, social
and spatial challenges. Oil and wheat prices will rise. Water availability
is dropping. Waste will increase. Rainfall will rise. Urbanization eats up
its surrounding landscape. Biodiversity is dropping. The amount of cars
is exploding. Energy demand will triple. There is an aging population.
Income and expenditure are rising, therefore making the availability of
cheap labor, the economic backbone of China, decrease. In short, Urban
China is at the crossroads ( 39). In order to attempt to resolve the challenges, which path will China take? A choice is needed to counter the
trends.
It is the hypothesis of this thesis, that the underlying framework of the
city, its streets and public space is the basis for development, because these
are a lasting foundation for years. By improving public space, the challenges facing China might be mitigated. Therefore it is crucial to understand space, the Chinese perception of it and how to structure it. The next
chapter deals with that.
39
40
3
THEORY
The data chapter showed that China is at the crossroads. The hypothesis of this thesis is that by improving the spatial quality of public spaces,
the challenges facing China will be mitigated. But despite the increased
attention given to spatial design of public space in China, the spatial
quality of public space, both in the existing city as in new extensions,
has not been improved, or even is deteriorated. It leads more and more
to an alienated relationship with the city.
These spaces, meaningful for everyday life, are predominantly small
places (<2 ha) in large amounts scattered through the urban fabric,
such as pocket parks, small squares and courtyards. Notions of Heidegger provide a conceptual framework to understand the mechanisms
behind these spaces and how they can become meaningful. Within this
framework Chinese literature aimed at the perception of public space is
discussed resulting in recommendations to improve the spatial quality
of these spaces in the existing city or in a new urban design.
41
3.1
PROBLEM OF THE ORDINARY
3.1.1
Urban placemaking
Since the Chinese Communist government formally adopted market-orientated economic policies in 1978 levels of urbanization have increased from
18 percent to 50 percent (McKinsey, 2008). This growth is also mirrored by
an incredible pace of change of urban placemaking. The new significance,
awareness and attention that is given to planning of open public space has
already led to improvements, mostly with large scale urban designs (Hassenpflug, 2004).
Alienation
However, according to several scholars the spatial quality of public places,
meaningful for everyday life, has not been improved proportionally and,
is sometimes even deteriorated (Miao, 2011; Hassenpflug, 2004; Yang and
42
Local gathering in Chengdu.
Volkman, 2010; Miao, 2001). The spaces therefore lack to accommodate

the local residents and community needs. Chen & Romice (2009) argue
that the result for everyday life is the alienation with the relationship to
the city and state that the main cause is tactless reconstruction. In the
new Chinese city subtle collective typologies, green and pedestrian friendly
streets are rapidly being replaced by a Neo-Corbusion landscape with large
squares, impressive parks, eye-catching architecture, high-rise apartments
and privatized compounds. More precisely, public space increasingly plays a
separating role, and is being ignored to be a basic building block of the city
(Zhu, 2003; Miao, 2011; Abramson, 2008). It is the hypothesis of this thesis,
that if this becomes the new tendency of all future developments, it would
be the absolute deathblow of public life and several problems facing China
will be fortified.
43
1 A Pocket park in Hong Kong.
Research question
Therefore it is crucial to learn from the current state of knowledge about
how to foster public life in urban places and to understand what is a place
and what makes it meaningful for everyday life. Both in existing situations
as in new urban designs. Therefore this chapter aims to answer the question what are recommendations for designing public places that serve local
residents and community everyday needs, in order to improve the spatial
quality of these places in Chinese cities?
3.1.2
Theory structure
Remarkably, according to several scholars, there is a common urgent notion,

but still a lack of contemporary Chinese literature and research about this
subject (Miao, 2011; Zhu, 2003; Chen and Romice, 2009). However, several
Western authors have written about making meaningful places and also
China has a profound collection of classic architectural literature about the
subject. In 2000 years of architectural history, China progressively developed its perception of space, both in urban as in rural settings, and its meaning for everyday life. Therefore classic Chinese literature about the perception of public space will be discussed.
Public places are in this thesis understood as spaces that mainly serve local
residents and community everyday needs. The places do not necessarily
have important landmarks, icons or other major symbolic structures, or are
serving one dominant function, like highways and shopping malls. According to Miao (2011), these places in China are predominantly small places
(<2 ha) in large amounts scattered through the urban fabric, such as pocket
parks (3.1), small squares and courtyards. It can also be a linear space like
a pedestrian street.
44
Since public place is such a broad term, it is important to first discuss the
general definitions of place and public and how it can be meaningful for
everyday life, or in other words for the ordinary. Notions of Heidegger
and Western urban theory provide a conceptual framework to critically
define this (chapter 2). From there on an attempt will be made to understand what public and place meant in traditional Chinese cities (chapter
3). This sheds some light on the current spatial problems of public space
and some tangible building blocks for a spatial framework can be derived
from this.
Certainly, spatial design alone has a limited role in the production of public
space (Lefebvre, 2000; Castells, 1977), but this theory review can help to
foster ordinary public life and reinforce the unifying role public space can
have. The results are an underpinning of the second part of the thesis, in
which a new urban architectural model is proposed for the city of Chengdu.
3.2
DEFINITION OF THE ORDINARY
In Western urban theory places that are meaningful for the ordinary or
the everyday is a concept often being reflected about. On one hand as a
basis for an attitude towards design, or on the other hand as a background
for criticising the assumed increasing placelessness in the modern metropolis. The underlying premise in these theories seems to be taking the existing situation and something elusive as the spirit of the place as a starting
point for design and reflection, in order to create meaningful ordinary
places in the city, while in new developments this is often neglected. Several authors endorse this, while others criticise this basic premise. There are
however similarities between the current critiques on contemporary Chinese cities and critique in the last three decades on the Western metropolis.
3.2.1
Importance of ordinary public places
The theoretical roots of the importance of ordinary public places for everyday life can be found with Heidegger. Heidegger argues that a fundamental
element, in the social construction of a place, is the existential necessity for
people to define themselves in relation to the material world. Heidegger
argues that human beings originate in an alienated condition, and define
themselves, through their social spatial environment. The creation of place
roots them in the world, their homes and localities becoming biographies of
that creation (Heidegger, 1971). Central in Heideggers ideas is the notion of
dwelling. To dwell is to live a life that is informed by a particular experience the experience or feeling of being at home in ones world.
45
Against a traditional view

of space as an empty container
for discrete bodies, Heidegger
understands space as a living
space that is in relation to man.
Chillida (1970) shows us that
'space is the liveliest of all, the
one that surrounds us'.
Body and material world

Our capacity to dwell allows us to construct meaningful places. So a place
is much more than just an urban form. According to Aravot (2002) it structures the daily routines of economic and social life; it provides opportunities and constraints; it provides an arena in which everyday knowledge
and experience is gathered; it provides a site for socialization and social
reproduction and an arena for contesting social norms. Madsen & Plunz
(2002) add a crucial concept namely, that people can conduct their day-today public lives without having to make it an object of conscious attention.
The experience of everyday ordinary routines in familiar settings leads to a
shared meaning of a place. People become familiar with one another. Often
this carries over into peoples attitudes and feelings about themselves and
their locality and to the symbolism they attach to that place. Entrikin (1991)
adds the notion that these places are dependent on perspective: Places are
constructed by their inhabitants from a subjective point of view, while
simultaneously they are constructed and seen as an external other by outsiders. Also places can be temporarily and made by events like music, exhibitions, festivals and can be meaningful for a fixed amount of time.
46
Overall, a place is both a centre of meaning and the external context of peoples actions. Williams (1975) concludes that when this happens, the result is
a collective and self-conscious structure of feeling: the affective frame of
reference generated among people as a result of the experiences and memories that they associate with a particular place. Or in Heideggers terms to
form a unity between the body and the material world.
Contextual meaning
Heidegger uses the example of a bridge that can create from an undefined space a meaningful place. The bridge, in his terminology, collects
the square: it collects the earth as landscape around the stream; the bridge
makes the power of water, wind and rain tangible, it points towards the sky;
the bridge provides access to people and it has a symbolic meaning which
brings the divine into memory. In short, the bridge makes by using its context possible that a meaningful place arises. The sculptor Eduardo Chillida
captures this idea in his modern sculpture 'Praise of the Horizon' (3.2).
3.2 Creating of a place in Eduardo Chillidas 'Eligio del Horizonte' (Praise of the Horizon).
47
3.3 T'ao Ku Presenting a Lyric to Ch'in Jo-lan T'ang Yin (1470-1532), Ming Dynasty.
48
The notions of Heidegger match with early ideas in Chinese philosophy.

Ancient Chinese scroll paintings depict this. In these landscape paintings
people are encompassed by the environment as they go about the various
activities. Tang Yin, one of the great Chinese painters, depicted for example
a scholar sitting on a daybed amid the trees, while listening to some music
played by his daughter ( 3.3). The trees and stone, bamboo and plantain,
and potted flowers, as well as the daybed and painted screens are all painted
carefully. The enclosed composition creates an intimate setting. The goal of
these landscape paintings, is to depict the environment not as an object of a
subjective act of contemplation, but as something that is continuous around
people; the very condition of living.
3.2.2
Heidegger had a profound

interest in Chinese ancient
thought and had several
interactions with eastern
philosophers.
Situate the ordinary
Creating places that are meaningful for everyday, became also a major
theme in Western urban theory and architecture. Gregotti (1966) for example makes the existing landscape the central element in his architecture. He
argues that architecture cannot constrain itself to a mere object focused
approach. Architecture is actually a construction of landscape. Thus, the
objective is to make nature liveable, and so it needs to acknowledge the
materiality of the existing context as its main inspiration source. Technology can never be the starting point, but it should be the interpretation of
the landscape and the interaction with it, according to Gregotti. NorbergSchulz points directly to Heidegger and his concept of dwell and place
(2003): A place is a space which has a distinct character. Since ancient times
the genius loci, or spirit of place, has been recognized as the concrete reality man has to face and come to terms with in his daily life. Architecture
means to visualize the genius loci and the task of the architect is to create
meaningful places where he helps man to dwell (Trancik, 1986, p. 114).
Place theory
Trancik (1986) synthesizes these notions in his place theory ( 3.4). He
argues that, the essence in spatial design lies in understanding the cultural
and human characteristics of physical space. If in abstract, physical terms,
space is a bounded or purposeful void with the potential of physically linking things, it only becomes place when it is given a contextual meaning
derived from cultural or regional content (1986, p.112). For designers to
create truly unique places, they must more than superficially explore the
local history, the feelings and needs of the populace, the traditions of craftsmanship and indigenous materials and the political and economic realities
of the community (Trancik, 1986, p. 114). The role of the urban design is
then to increase the capacity of the city to foster a positive sense of place.
This sense of place is always socially constructed, but in ordinary places, it
is especially important, because it affects everyday life.
49
3.4 Place theory.
Designing the ordinary

According to Tranciks place theory often the most meaningful design of
places comes from minimal interference in the social and physical setting
instead of radical transformation. It often includes history and the element
of time and attempts to enhance the fit between new design and existing
conditions. This ecological approach to design (McHarg, 1992) aims at
discovering and working with the intrinsic qualities of a given locale and
is diametrically opposed to the internationalism advocated in the early
Modern Movement.
These publications can be seen as a theoretical underpinning for designers who also dealt with the ordinary like van Eyck, Hertzberger, Kahn,
Venturi and Chermayeff. Venturi, for example, argued that a building or
a place derives meaning from its context, and different contexts require
different forms of architectural expression (1977) ( 3.5). Also in British
architecture and art in the 1950s, with people like Nigel Henderson, Richard Hamilton, James Stirling and Alison and Peter Smithson sought the
essence of the everyday trough a sensitivity to the hardships and charm
of life in the raw (Lichtenstein, 2001). The Smithsons (1970) for example
were searching for the ordinary in the meaning of a place in the relation
between house, street, neighbourhood and city, in which the street stands
for a community of bodily contact, the neighbourhood for a community of
acquaintances and the city for a community of intellectual contact. ( 3.6)
Hertzberger adds another dimension to this notion of placemaking for the
everyday: Designing is nothing more than finding out what the person and
object want to be: form then makes itself. There is really no need for inven-
3.5. Learning from Levitown.
50
3.6 House of the Future by

Alison and Peter Smithson.The
general conditions of a consumer
society are absorbed in a new
definition and revaluation of the
ordinary.
tion you must just listen carefully (Trancik, 1986, p. 114). This suggests
that, like Heideggers notion of dwelling, a site or location already embodies
the necessary information for design to take place.
Another development that emphasises the importance of ordinary places
and how to foster that is critical regionalism. Frampton argues that a
hybrid world culture will only come into being through a cross-fertilization between rooted culture on the one hand and universal civilization on
the other (1993). Frampton states that If any central principle of critical
regionalism can be isolated, then it is surely a commitment to place rather
than space, or, in Heideggerian terminology, to the nearness of raum,
rather than the distance of spatium.(Nesbitt, 1996, p. 481). This is important because of the emphasis on raum, or room, as a condition of place
making. Therefore critical regionalism emphasizes site-specific factors such
as topography, climate and the play of light.
3.2.3
Synthesis
Learning from these theoretical contemplations, it can be argued that in

order to let a place be meaningful for local residents and communities, to
become a part of everyday life, the basis should not only have the lineaments
of good urban form, but in Shermans (1988) terms, must go beyond surface
appearance to foster what Whyte (1980) documented in The Social Life of
Small Urban Spaces: routine encounters and shared experiences. Therefore
the role of urban design is not to merely manipulate form to make space
but to create place through a synthesis of the qualities of the total environment, including the social. It is not a falsifiable and tangible conception,
but the goal should be to discover the best fit between the existing physical
and cultural context and the needs and aspirations of contemporary users
(Trancik, 1986).
51
3.3
LOSS OF THE ORDINARY
3.3.1
Socio-spatial dialectic
Heideggers notions and the discussed Western conceptions provide a

framework to better understand the current Chinese situation in cities.
Public places are constantly under social construction by people responding
to the opportunities and constraints of their particular locality (Groth and
Bressi, 1997; Jive and Larkham, 2003). As people live and work in places,
they gradually impose themselves on their environment, modifying and
adjusting it to suit their needs and express their values. At the same time,
they gradually accommodate both to their physical environment and to
the values, attitudes and behaviour of people around them: the socio-spatial dialectic (Soja, 2000). People are slowly but constantly modifying and
reshaping places, and places are constantly coping with change and influencing their inhabitants.
3.3.2
Radical transformation in China
This thesis argues that it is precisely at this point where problems start
in Chinese public spaces. Chinas urban development over the past ve
decades has been the direct outcome of national political strategizing, state
articulation and reconguration, and shifts in global capital accumulation. In the last twenty years, some 225 million rural people have flocked
to Chinas coastal cities (McKinsey, 2008). As a result, the cities have been
confronted with radical transformation on an unprecedented scale and at
an extraordinary rate, mostly neglecting the existing context (3.7). In 1998
alone some 27 million people moved from the countryside to Chinas cities,
more than the sum of all European immigration to America between 1820
and 1920. In Shanghai alone, more than 80 million square metres of commercial floor space was erected between 1990 and 2004 the equivalent of
334 Empire State Buildings (Campanella, 2009). This hasnt come without
a cost. Campanella recalls that China has razed more old neighbourhoods
3.7 tills from the Urban void series by Ai Wei Wei.
52
- and displaced more urban residents - than any nation in peacetime. In

Shanghai, more people were displaced by redevelopment in the 1990s alone
than by thirty years of urban renewal in the entire United States, according
to Campanella.
Superimposing Le Corbusier
Spatially this has led to an explicit rejection of the street ( 3.8) - the traditional public space in China - in favour of functionally distinct travel ways,
dispersed towers and loosely defined open space. Inspired by the Modern
Movement, the superblock is becoming the unit of inner-city development,
even as the block itself begins to fragment and lose its definition. The street
is reinterpreted as a set of distinct pathways segregated in space according
to the speed and mode of travel they support (Abramson, 2008) (3.9 3.10).
It is in fact the superimposing of Le Corbusiers Plan Voisin over the existing
urban fabric, leading to a mix of contrasting urban forms. This process is
associated with land speculation and physical planning controls. This results
in scattered forms of land development, containing a heterogeneous mix of
urban and rural employment and land-use. Traditional forms are closely
situated next to high-rise apartment blocks: A Neo-Corbusion landscape.
3.8 42 storeys of apartments, Tung Chung, Hong Kong.
53
3.9 Plan for street widening overlaid on existing street network in Beijings West City District, 1997.
Motor vehicles
Road class
High-speed
Arterial
Sub-arterial
Branch
Redline
width
(metres)
80
80
70
60
50
40
35
30
25
Design
speed
(km/hr)
80
60
50
40
30
Section
type
Number
of lanes
Lane
width
(metres)
Breakdown
lane each
side (metres)
Non-MV
lane width
each side
(metres)
Sidewalk
each
side
(metres)
Service
road
one side
(meters)
Total
paved
width
(metres)
Centre
median
strip
(metres)
Side
median
strips
(metres)
Green
strips
(metres)
% of Total
width
green
IV
II
IV
IV
III
III
I
I
I
I
I
6
6
8
6
6
4
4
4
2
2
2
3.75
3.75
3.75
3.75
3.75
3.5
3.5
3.5
3.5
3.5
3.5
3
3
7
7
6
6
5
5
4.5
3.5
2.5
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
14
52.5
48.5
50
42.5
40.5
32
30
30
22
20
18
2
2
2
2
0.5
5
10
3
2.5
3
2.5
1.25
1.25
1
1
1
1
0.75
0.75
31
36
35
36
29
32
37
21
37
33
28
Note: Section Type I refers to low-volume motorized and non-motorized trafc, and densely built-up old city conditions; Section Type II refers to high-volume motorized
and low-volume non-motorized trafc; Section Type III refers to high-volume motorized and non-motorized trafc; Section Type IV refers to high-speed, high
volume non-motorized as well as motorized trafc.
3.10Table of Key Elements and Parameters of Urban Street Sections, Beijing Urban Master Plan 1991-2010
54
3.11 DecoCity. Optimistic spectacular design on the edge of Chengdu inspired by Art Deco and the rising
sun. Including a ' Bryant Park' and a unique landscaping according to the designer (GlobalDesign 2011).
This Neo-Corbusion landscape works as a pragmatic flywheel for improving living standards. Apartments and basic amenities like electricity, toilet
facilities, wastewater outlets and safe drinking water can be built fast and
cost-effective. The city has become hyper-adaptable for the demanding
market with a permanent state of change and promising better future.
A new sort of Eastern fatalism: little planning, but according to Knight
(2010) with a receptive and optimistic attitude towards the future ( 3.11).
On the other hand, the question rises, does the city still provide in Heideggers terms a tangible framework to dwell, or to form a framework
that fosters a unity between body and material world?
3.3.3
Placelessness
Some authors answer to this question is positive (Lin, 2007; Faure, 2008).
They acknowledge that due to the radical transformation a modern consumption society is arising. This makes mobility and individual freedom
of choice possible resulting in the idea that identities and places are more
loosely related which surely brings a certain liberation and emancipatory
potential. Koolhaas writings (1995) puts this in perspective by explaining
the idea of the generic city. A city which can be understood as a generalization of the non-place. These are places of permanent transit, in where
the preliminary and the transitory take the lead. It is a city that is liberated
of identity, place and history. This would mean that places are outdated
and placelessness is the inevitable destiny of the urban condition.
55
Third District South, Changping District, Beijing photographed by Sze Tsung Leong.
56
57
To the contrary, several other authors argue that modernization of Chinese

cities more and more ignores to form a tangible framework to dwell. The
radical urbanization has not only changed the environment, but also the
relationship of people and their interactions with it. For example Chen &
Romice (2009) and Abramson (2008) argue that it leads to a decline of the
quality and use of ordinary public places, and on a subconscious level to a
feeling that cities are becoming placeless. Byung-Eon (2011, p. 4) diagnoses that the capitalized modernization of China leads to a loss of authentic meaning in the characters daily lives, thus distancing them from their
social and natural environments.
Echo of 80s and 90s

This recent Chinese critique can be seen as an echo of earlier Western
critiques in especially the 80s and 90s with a more negative tone on the
modern metropolis ( 3.12). Several authors linked the latest developments
in modern urban space to a rhetoric of the loss of place. For example, Cacciari (1993) means that a radical alienation, the alienation from a place, is
the basis of all developments within modernism. According to Virilio (1982)
cities become more and more passages, as it were permanent transit spaces.
A network space replaces thus the logics of a place. Aug (1992) confirms
this diagnosis of increasing placelessness, by stating that recognizable
3.12 The cover illustration on

Cullen's book shows a man in a
'non-place' environment drawing
a compact city. Cullen: 'A victim
of the prairie planning traces out
his public protest, the reminder
of a properly concentrated
town,' And 'the diagram city has
been split into parts ( ... ) all that
remains is to join them so that
we can build the house of man.'
58
places, that are meaningful for her inhabitants, come under pressure due to
the increasing importance of non-places, like airports and parking places.
Sorkin (1992) as well means that recent developments de-attach cities from
their geographical location. The new city, according to Sorkin, is based on a
disappearance of stable relations with a physical and cultural geography of
a place, on a weakening of the ties with any particular place. This wave of
publications has made it seem as if (public) places has suffered permanent
erosion and loss of quality, and is no longer a matter of concern to designers.
However, several authors discussed in this chapter acknowledged the crucial importance of a place for everyday life. But is it still possible to design
places, especially in a radically transforming Chinese urban society, with
more and more non-places? How to escape from this paradoxical situation? Or in Heideggers terms, how to re-unite the body and the material
world?
3.3.4
Body and environment
One of the clues to answer this question is the notion that, the way people
use and value places is highly influenced by their perception of space
(Aravot, 2002). Therefore, in order to improve or create places, a broader
view on the environment and the human body becomes significant.
The significance of perception of space is underpinned by Merlau-Ponty.
He stated that rather than a mind and a body, man is a mind with a body, a
being who can only get to the truth of things because its body is, as it were,
embedded in those things (Merleau-Ponty, 2004). Merleau-Ponty emphasized the fundamental role of perception in understanding the world as
well as interacting with it. Our body becomes the medium to know and
experience our surrounding physical environment and therefore the experience is dependant to each individual. Not only our own body, but previous
experiences, cultural background and expectations influence significantly
our spatial perception as well.
Perceptual experience of space

Therefore the perceptual experience of space represents a key issue in the
success of any urban design. This is even more important since according to
several authors Chinese people, more than Western people, tend to see the
world in a perceptual and intuitive way (Xiaodong and Kang Shua, 2007).
The quality of urban space is ultimately determined by the extent to which
it is able to provide answers to specific questions at all levels of scale. Space
and the perception of it is the starting point of urban design. This is different than the recent urbanization in the Neo-Corbusion landscape where
59
it is more focused on the spectacle and the object, than on space itself. By
taking the perceptual quality of space again as starting point of design, an
alternative is provided to the abstraction of space as an autonomous phenomenon that does no more than form an image. It is an awareness of the
experience of scale and materiality. This notion will form a key element in
designing public places in this thesis. So, what can be said about the Chinese
perception of space that influences the quality of public places?
3.4
PERCEPTION OF THE ORDINARY
3.4.1
Perception of space
In order to understand the Chinese perception of public space, one would

have to understand how a culture perceives and formulates the idea of space
and public. This is not the same in every culture. The essential differences
in Western and Eastern cultures render superficial 'generic' appearances
irrelevant. The cities of China are rooted in so-called 'Chinese values' stress of a Confucian ethos, collectivity over individuality, consensus over
dissent, pragmatism over ideology, state control over private enterprise,
conservatism over radicalism and a profound attachment to the family as an
institution. In terms of built form, this translates to a series of key elements
and phrases that capture the essence of the way Chinese people perceive
space.
The main focus of the chapter is not a study of tradition, or on political
systems, but it is trying to understand the fundamental perception of space
that shaped China for centuries and still is affecting Chinese peoples everyday life. It aims at formulating some tangible building blocks for a spatial
framework.
Urban and rural China

The development of Chinese architecture and its culture is the process of
accumulated evolution, rather than outright revolution. This continuous tradition knows no bound. The specific pattern could take place anywhere, whether on rural open land, a farm house or in a theatre, whether
in an official building or a tea house in a common street. This chapter is
based on Chinese literature about the cultural values and the conception
of space (Miao, 2001; Miao, 2011; Miao, 1990; Gaubatz, 1996; Chen and
Romice, 2009; Wang, 2008; Wang, 2002; Yang and Volkman, 2010; Gu and
Whitehand, 2006; Xiaoxie, 1985; Li, 2002; Xiaodong and Kang Shua, 2007;
Kostof, 1991).
60
3.4.2
Principles
Zhouli and Feng Shui

Based on the literature, two sets of theory about the Chinese city dominate.
The first is recorded in Zhouli (Western Zhou dynasty, tenth to seventh
BC). Its rational principles shaped most of Chinas important cities which
appear in several physical characteristics. The theory advocated a centralized government and Confucian philosophical and cultural traditions. Chinese culture is still deeply influenced by this. It therefore modelled a general
city layout, building codes and the proportions of public space (3.13).
The second theory is recorded in Guanzi (Zhou and western Han dynasty,
fifth and first century BC). It is also known as Feng Shui (meaning wind
and water). This document advocates a natural philosophy that ideal
human settlements should be coherent with their environments. To the
Chinese it is the art of living in harmony with nature. In building a city,
the natural conditions can be relied on, and the productive advantage of the
land can be beneficial, which will support the peoples life there and provide
for raising livestock (Xu, 2000, p. 40). An example is that cities and buildings should be built with mountains to the north. This protects the building
3.13 The generic model as documented in Kao Gong Ji.
61
from cold winds and bad ghosts. A river to the south brings warm breezes
and friendly wanderers with it. These two elements together represented
the original meaning of yin and yang. Feng Shui is still an important part of
todays urban design and architecture.
The rational and the natural principles emphasized by Zhouli and Feng
Shui complemented each other and together they form the theoretical basis
for traditional Chinese urban forms, and the cultural perception of it. Miao
(1990) extracts five major values from this, and several perceptual principles
can be associated with this: honouring the monarchy and relation to the
public (Linearity), maintaining the social hierarchy (Hierarchy), strengthening the importance of family and kinship (Unity), making full use of natural opportunities (Human scale) and thus creating an holistic environment
(Enclosure).
These five perceptual principles lay at the roots of the experience of public
space in China. The meaning of these principles will be discussed, and to
better understand, in contrast with Western forms. By understanding these
principles, the building blocks for a spatial framework can be formulated.
3.4.3
Linearity
Centrality in relation to the cities power and public life is differently perceived in the West than in China. In the west large central and static nodes
play an important role in public life, while in China small, scattered places
and linear streets are crucial. A patchwork against a network.
Definition of two city centres

Western pre-industrial towns often had two large major public open spaces,
namely the market square and the square in front of the church. Both
spaces were used daily by all residents. The two squares worked together to
serve everyday public life. The two squares are however mostly physically
connected, creating a two-part nucleus. Therefore one can speak of one
central place which acted as a hub for political, cultural and religious life.
Chinese pre-industrial city centres had however two squares, functionally
and spatially separated ( 3.14). The local Yamen (administrative centre)
was often placed in the geometrical centre. It lacked accessibility and was
thus more symbolic to local residents. It was to honour the centralized monarchy. The civic centre, however was often a combination of commercial
streets and a few public buildings. The commercial streets provided a good
scale for pedestrians. Canopies along the street edge protected people from
rain and hot summer sun. The more exclusive semi-private areas were
placed in a back building behind a courtyard. This pattern created many
62
yamen
civic center
3.14 The two city centres in China. Today the cities are known for numerous centres.
voids behind the facades of the streets. These voids relieved the psychological pressure of the linearity of public space.
This structure had a symbolism as well. Traditional Chinese people tended
to view the world in a perceptual and intuitive way. The network of streets,
for example, was thought of as the arteries and veins of the human body,
where any choke point will cause diseases in the nature and human society. (Li et al., 1883, p. 43). This is similar to Western comparisons with the
city and the human body. For example de Sol-Morales (1995) argues that
the classical western theory is based on the Vitruvian notion that beauty of
architecture, represents the beauty of the human body. In an urban environment or building there is harmony in which all parts are related, just like
the parts in the human body.
Linear public space

A central square is a type of public space, represented in western cities. It is
a comparatively large open space, architecturally defined, with several buildings along it (3.15). Such a type of space was not in favour in pre-industrial
Chinese cities. Here, the public realm was not centrally organized but took
a linear form, that of a commercial street, with some smaller nodes along it.
Motion
The perception of these open public spaces was mostly that of forward or
backward motion. Static public activities took place in a different pattern,
such as small nodes along the street, like the ends of a bridge or in front of
a temple. Also semi-public places like teahouses and in courtyards of public
institutions were meeting places. Public open spaces did exist, but were different from western squares. Their size was small and scattered through
the urban fabric ( 3.16). Also unifying design elements, such as ground
paving or similar treatment of facades, were absent. More importantly, the
63
3.15 Baziqiao, a commercial

area in Shaoxing, Zhejiang
Province.
3.16 The linear public space.
very few large open spaces were not used by the public. Commercial activities were prohibited, and the centralized government showcased there their
power. The predominantly linear public space demanded transverse elements that could create manageable sections. Decorative gates were used to
break the linearity.
3.4.4
Hierarchy
Chinese pre-industrial cities are hierarchical organized. This hierarchy was

the result of a written code which specified a set of rules for an ideal city.
The rules were not only about general city lay out but also with specific
dimensions, heights, materials, decorations and colours of the buildings. It
reflected a good society according to Confucian doctrine. Which in first
sight seemed to be a chaos was in fact a very organized hierarchical system.
Influence of an orthogonal model

The general lay-out of ancient cities in Europe, like Athens and Rome
were often a collage of highly individualized volumes and irregular leftover spaces. No overall spatial hierarchy could be found. Most medieval
and renaissance towns shared some common elements. It displayed many
non-orthogonal configurations of public space like amphitheatres, piazzas,
radial streets. Overall the towns show a high variety of architecture and
urban layout.
In contrast, cities in China exhibited a certain similarity in general layout.
Several features distinguishes it from European cities. Major circulation
routes, like streets and canals, tended to form a orthogonal, hierarchical network in the shape of a +, T, or a # grid (3.17). Also the network was
oriented toward the primary directions. The most important street, was a
major axis which often ran north to south and the building orientation suggest that south was the most important side of the city. The administrative
centre, was often located near the crossing point of the +, T, or a #.
Finally buildings were quite uniform in their rectangular plan and primary
64
yamen
church
3.17 The orthogonal model.
orientation. This overall orthogonal model, which was a result from the
Zhouli theory, had as much influence as other more local factors such as
topography, climate and population.
Hierarchy on every scale

This hierarchy was implemented on every scale ( 3.18). From city scale to
the most private parts of the house. For example, this led to a fish-bone or
tree-like structure in the hutongs in Beijing (Yang, 2004). These are hierarchical systems leading from the public to the very private. Lanes, usually running east-west, and alleyways are used to connect neighbourhoods,
3.18 Hierarchy on every scale.
65
66
3.19 Walled courtyard houses in the bustling urban area with diverse commercial activities, depicted by
Zhang, the painter of Song Dynasty (960-1279 ad), in his famous drawing Qing Ming Shang He Tu.
67
which themselves are made up of one or more smaller blocks. The hierarchy is emphasised by varying the width of the lanes so that, in general, they
become narrower as they become shorter and closer to the houses.
Existing natural topography

This led to a uniform composition. Since there were so strict regulations,
inevitably, the identity of each town could only be created with limited
means: the existing natural topography. This meant that every town in
China had a similar basis, but a different spatial outcome according to its
topography (3.19).
3.4.5
Unity
Chinese culture is deeply influenced by Confucianism ( 3.20). Confucian

philosophy valued family and kinship as the basic unit of society. A famous
Chinese phrase like we fight together with brothers and sisters reflects
this ethical order about the importance of the collective. When Chinese are
surprised or shocked by something they rather say O mother, than the
American phrase of O my god (Wei-ming, 2008).
Microcosmos
On the level of the individual dwelling, this also can be traced back. The
domesticity of a Chinese family is build up as a micro cosmos ( 3.21) of
Chinese private life, with walls serving to enclose, protect and define the
dwelling. Old houses, from the countryside as well as in the city, like the
hutongs in Beijing or the Minxi clay buildings in the Yongding County consist of courtyards with the family elderly living at the sunny part and their
children living on the side parts. Such a physical pattern strengthened the
image of self-containment. Naturally, the family became the basic unit of
society.

3.21 The dwelling as microcosmos of family live.
68
3.22 The walled residential street.
Street relation
This also had influence on the relation to the street (3.22). Narrow, winding streets are both present in pre-industrial western as well as in Chinese
towns. However, the relationship between the street and the house is different.
In European cities the relationship is between the solid of buildings and
the void of the street space. Moreover, the interiors of the house are often
opened directly to the street trough doors and windows. Domestic activities
easily flow into the public domain, using the street partly as a front yard.
In contrast, Chinese streets within the quarters and blocks were more separate from the house. The courtyard house, the standard traditional Chinese
residence, showed thus a bare faade. No display of a front yard, and a min-
3.20 Chinese family working on the land.
69
imum of window openings are displayed. Not many activities happened in

a residential street. The pre-industrial Chinese city always contained some
form of private open space such as a courtyard between the main room of a
house and the street. This meant that walls, not buildings, defined the residential street. Behind the walls, there was a minimum separation between
rooms and private open space.
3.4.6
Human scale
Since the cities were formed with walls, this had influence on the scale and
proportion of the city, which can be seen back in the traditional morphology
(3.23).
Horizontal city
Courtyards, gardens, small open areas and other forms of open space are
shallow hollows in the structure. The buildings around them were only
one or two stories high ( 3.24). Since the dimension of the building mass
between courtyards rarely exceeded 7 to 10 metres, the shallow hollows
were distributed evenly in the urban fabric. Every house, thus enjoyed a
piece of open private space, and since the streets were orientated on the
south, the open spaces took full advantage of sunshine in winter and prevailing winds in summer. Deep eaves of the traditional architecture sheltered the house from the sun in the summer. The city as a whole was canopied under trees rising out of the small open areas. A horizontal human
scaled city was the natural outcome.
3.24. The low building and evenly distributed small open spaces.
This is fundamentally different than in the west. The west, starting with
the enlightenment, emphasised core values of individuality and a devotion
to heaven and god. The architecture reflects this with buildings that are
elegant, open, impressive and vertical. From Gothic churches to modern
skyscrapers. Dwellings in European pre-industrial towns were closely built
to a height of at least three to four stories, and private open space was scarce.
Mostly the solid buildings were not integrated with void garden spaces. The
garden spaces were often consolidated in a large piece in the centre of each
block.
70
3.23 Traditional Courtyard House and Low-Rise High-Density.
3.4.7
Enclosure
The different perceptual principles of linearity, hierarchy, unity and human

scale are synthesized with the key principle of enclosure, which aims to
create an holistic environment. Even, the Chinese word for space itself,
kongjian, represents the creation and ordering of empty volumes as a result
of the enclosure or bounding, of three-dimensional elements (walls, windows, thresholds, screens, roofs). This works on every scale. From country
to bedroom.
Series of walled enclosures

Space is fundamentally perceived like a series of enclosed worlds, and the
smaller units repeat on a reduced scale the forms of the larger one ( 3.25).
A building may be viewed as a city on a tiny scale, while the town is a huge
building on a vast scale. Even the boundary between city and countryside
and country and world was formed through enclosures, like the Great
Wall. Chinese cities have internal walls, isolating forbidden cities, monas-
3.25 Series of enclosed worlds.
71

city/wall
teries, parks and other precincts. Even sometimes smaller walls further subdivide these places. It thus makes a series of walled enclosures. The variety
and significance of walls is evident from the number of words in Chinese
describing their different forms and meanings. For example, high walls
around courtyards were called qiang, implying something used to shield
oneself; house walls and part walls were called, bi, connoting something
that warded off and resisted the wind and cold; and low walls were called,
yuan, suggesting something one leaned on and thus took as protection.
Even the Chinese word for city and wall (cheng) was the same.
Sense of mystery
Walls are the most prominent physical manifestation of enclosure, since
they manage transitions across the threshold by means of openings that can
be consciously experienced. Within a walled enclosure, the tangible presence and solidity of the walls and the balance between space and mass, also
impart a sense of security. A wall as a form of enclosure is differently perceived in the west where it was more a form of protection of its burghers.
In China, the wall operates also on the psychological level; an order that
could be kept in accord with the ideal order of the cosmos.
3.25 Series of enclosed worlds in Wenzhufang, Chengdu.
72
The spaces that are enclosed by a series of walls are not perceived as fixed
entities. Space is never an absolute object, and for this reason it necessitates
movement, a going into space itself, rather than a viewing of space from the
outside and from a distance. The enclosing of space is appreciated in terms
of movement from one space to another; it is dynamic. Space is therefore
experienced trough a crossing of various enclosures and different spatial
sequences. The next space is always unpredictable which creates a sense of
mystery (3.26 3.27). It thus presents space little by little (3.27).
Wall as key element

By enclosing with boundaries a general public and private space becomes
a particular place. A wall provides a key element in creating meaningful
places for everyday life. It provides a structure for ones position in space,
time and society and a tangible spatial reference for everyday life. It makes
the infinite natural space comprehensible, enabling meaningful human
interrelation with it. This principle of enclosure is central to the perception
and appreciation of ordinary public space.
3.26 Bamboo path, Dufu Cottage, Chengdu.
73
3.27 Presenting space little

by little.
3.4.8
Understanding Chinese cities
Overall it can be concluded that Chinese traditional cities are conceived

both as a whole, tend to look like a chaos, but are usually based on a plan
which is consistently applied on the existing topography. It is a collective
work of art, in contrast with the individual way of building in western
cities. A few principles are systematically applied following precedents
established long before. This has evolved for centuries. Only until recently,
they have been exposed to foreign models. Even the modern word for city
changed from cheng (wall) to chengshi, which is a composite of the words
walls and market. Almost as an expression of the new found relationship
with the global market. Although this new found relationship has brought
variations and freedom influencing what has been an almost closed architectural style, it also produced a difficult relationship between the traditional principles and the contemporary forms (Hee, 2007).
A few examples illustrates this. Contemporary urban projects in China
have since 1980 been characterized by large-scale demolition of existing
buildings and pedestrian streets ( 3.28). Public space is not linearly organized anymore, mostly neglecting existing topography and designed with
large dimensioned squares to showcase the governments accomplishments
(3.29 3.30). A study found that the 12 squares in the largest Chinese cities
had an average of nearly 13 hectares (Wang, 2002). The relation towards the
street is also fundamentally different, with parking lots and high-rise apartments (3.31). The buildings itself are more conceived as individual objects,
instead of being part of an urban context (Zhu, 2003, p. 9).
3.28 Ignoring existing topography.
3.29 versized open space Changzhou.
3.30 1.4 km long Olympic Boulevard Beijing.
3.31 Sidewalk condition Shanghai.
74
3.32 The basic premise of the Vertical Cities Asia is 'Vertical'.
Misinterpretation
The cause of these problems may be a misinterpretation of the Chinese perception of space and the ignoring of the tangible signs of the past. The result
is a loss of meaningful public places.
The misinterpretation seem to be derived from a Western perception of
public space, hence the baroque axis, the Parisian boulevards, the modernistic extensions with apartment blocks, symmetric and uniform designs
of squares and the popularity of big architectural western manifestoes
(Yang and Volkman, 2010; Miao, 2011; Yu and Padua, 2007; Ren, 2011;
Abramson, 2008; Olds, 2001). There is however a fundamental difference
that cannot be ignored. Western culture makes a separation between built
environment and nature and breaks it up into bigger pieces, distributing it
on important nodes in the vertical city. Thus strengthening the importance
of individuality. On the contrary, when learning from Chinese culture,
Confucian values, which are still deeply rooted in todays society, prescribe
a unity between manmade open space and nature and blends it into smaller
pieces distributed evenly throughout a human scaled and horizontal city. It
thus strengthens the importance of family and kinship.
Therefore it can also be argued that, the Vertical Cities Asia as a starting point of the competition, is a contradiction, biased by western perspectives on cities (3.33). Cultural perceptions of space, like linearity, hierarchy,
unity, human scale and enclosure are being neglected.
75
3.5
THE RE-DISCOVERY OF THE ORDINARY
3.5.1
Discussion
This theory chapter aimed to answer the question what are recommendations for designing public places that serve local residents and community
everyday needs, in order to improve the spatial quality of these places in
Chinese cities?
The first step undertaken to answer this was to get an idea of what a place
is, and how it can be meaningful for everyday life. Heideggers notions and
Western urban theory discussed in this chapter argue that people require
a relatively stable and continuous system of places in which to develop
themselves, their social lives, and their culture. From the theories it can be
learned that urban design must respond to that and, if possible, enhance
environmental identity and the sense of place. Taking the existing situation as a starting point for design would be the easiest first step to create a
place. However, despite the importance of a place, whether it is made by
an event or an urban setting, authors like Koolhaas argued that the meaning of a place is diminishing in modern metropolises. So the question rises
how to design places, is it even possible, especially in a radically transforming Chinese urban society?
One of the clues to answer this question is the notion that, the way people
use and value places is highly influenced by their perception of space Therefore it becomes significant to have a broader view on the environment and
the human body. The perceptual experience of space represents a key issue
in the success of any urban design and therefore this chapter discussed fundamental perceptual principles of linearity, hierarchy, unity, human scale
and enclosure in traditional Chinese cities.
But is falling back on these historical principles a useful step? Can they be
still useful in modern fast growing Chinese metropolises? Goethe wrote
about his attitude towards history, and stated that Incidentally, I despise
everything which merely instructs me without increasing or immediately
enlivening my activity. Or in other words, a merely historical attitude can
lead to dogmas, passivity and misinterpretation. In an increasingly competitive world, placemaking have become an important element of consumer culture. Responding to this, developers have promoted and reinvented traditions and historic districts. As the United Nations Centre for
Human Settlements (2001, p. 38) noted: The particular historic character of
a city often gets submerged in the direct and overt quest for an international
image and international business...Local identity becomes an ornament, a
76
public relations artefact designed to aid marketing. Authenticity is paid for,

encapsulated, mummified, located and displayed to attract tourists rather
than to shelter continuities of tradition or the lives of its historic creators.
The sense of place can become a valuable asset. In China the re-creation
of traditional districts and settings is becoming widespread that they have
become a mainstay of a heritage industry. As a result, as depicted in the
book of Den Hartog (2010), these degenaritive utopias of global capitalism (Harvey, 2000) often copied images and symbols derived from historic
styles. This isnt necessarily a problem, but space is seen as an autonomous
phenomenon that does no more than form a static image that looks historical. The spectacle and the object itself are rather important. It becomes a
materialized utopia. Harvey (2000, p. 196): These spaces are closed, often
authoritarian, ultimately undialectical as soon as they are rendered concrete. Thus begins a quest for an alternative. Harvey writes: The task is to
pull together a spatiotemporal utopianism a dialectical utopianism that
is rooted in our present possibilities. Or, a spatio-temporal framework that
provides a relatively stable system that shelters continuity.
3.5.2
Conclusion: Form places by enclosing spaces
The discussed principles can provide building blocks for this framework.
The principles can be considered as the tangible signs of the past. They
form the durable elements which can continuously take on new functions.
They form continuity in Chinese cities which are confronted with discontinuity and can contribute to the elusive soul of the city, or sense of place,
which is so important for everyday life.
Enclosure, with the wall as its symbol, forms the key element in this, thus
mysteriously presenting space little by little. It touches the core of Chinese
city life. By enclosing with boundaries a general public space can become
a particular space, a place that can be meaningful for everyday life: Form
places by enclosing spaces.
Concluding, playing with enclosure on every scale in urban design and
taking the existing situation as a starting point would be the main recommendation derived from this theory chapter. This will be further studied in
the next part Design of this thesis, in a study in Chengdu. In this way local
people and communities may easier attach meaning to their environment.
It can ultimately lead to Heideggers understanding of to dwell, or a feeling of being at home in ones world, to form a unity between the body and
the material world: It would be the re-discovery of the ordinary.
77
Building blocks
yamen
Linearity
Hierarchy
small scattered
hierarchical system
network of streets
similarity in volumes
public space is the street
Unity
Human scale
collective inward
small scattered private spaces
focus on family
horizontal city
78
Enclosure
space is perceived as a series of walled enclosures
presenting space little by little
form meaningful places by enclosing spaces
local context determines outcome
79
80
4
DESIGN
The data and theory chapter showed that Urban China is at the crosscroads and public space in under pressure. The next chapter a new
urban architectural model will be proposed to counter the challenges
by investingating the building blocks of enclosure, hierarchy, unity and
human scale on a specific site in Chengdu. The first part was send in to
the competition in Singapore. The zoom in, chapter 4.4, is a detailed
working out of the Wall.
81
4.1
DIAGNOSIS
4.1.1
Chengdu
History
Chengdu is an ancient city with origins dating back more than 2500 years.
The city started in a safe basin flanked by mountains along a strategical
position near the Mintuo river ( 4.3). The basin is similar in size of Germany. The fertile part of the basin is called the Chengdu Plain, on which
the city is located. The combination of rich alluvial soils and a subtropical monsoon climate makes the Sichuan ( 4.1). plain the most fertile in
southwest China and ideal to support a large variety of crops, including
rice, wheat, and rape seed. The fertile Chengdu Plain is historically called
Tianfu, which literally means the Land of Abundance.
82
4.1 Mountainous area in Sichuan province.
83
Shenyang
Beijing
Tianjin
Zhengzhou
Xian
Xuzhou
Shanghai
Chengdu
Chengdu
Wuhan
Chongqing
1 in 2010
Chinese cities
population > 5 mln
Shenzhen
Hong Kong
Guangzhou
population > 7 mln
population > 10 mln

* including agglomerations
Dongguang and Foshan
4.2 Most western big city. Urban China is devloping on 1/3 of the total land mass.
4.3. Basin the size of Germany in which Chengdu is located.
84
Panda
Golden Monkey
Musk deer
Red Panda
Takin
Serow
Naemorhedus goral
Cuculus canor
Bamboo
Betula utilis D. Don
Cornus
controversa Hemsl
Tsuga dumosa (D.

Don) Eichler
Ailurus fulgens
Ailurus fulge
Acer davidii
4.5 Unique biodiversity around Chengdu.
Unique
During the early days, Chengdu was, just like other Chinese cities, a walled
city. It was a fairly typical inland city (4.2)., with a long historical and cultural tradition. A local intellectual wrote of its special position: Sichuan
overlooks China, and Chengdu is the center of Sichuan, with fertile lands,
rich natural resources, high population density, well-developed production
of silk, many historical sites, and beautiful scenery (Wang, 2003, p. 35).
Until around 1900 the West had little impact on Chengdu; as an English
traveler declared, It is a city which owes absolutely nothing to European
influence (Bird, 1899, p.350). Compared to the cities of coastal, northern,
and even central China like Shanghai and Beijing, Chengdu maintained a
much more traditional and relaxing culture and lifestyle, with tea houses,
areas to play mahjong and places to eat traditional chicken feet.
Climate, flora and fauna

The average daytime is in July and August around 30 C, with afternoon
temperatures sometimes reaching 33 C (next page for a detailed graphical
analysis 4.4). The average lowest temperatures are in January are around
2.8 C, with sometimes dropping below freezing. Rainfall is common yearround but with peaks in July and August. Chengdu also has one of the
lowest sunshine totals in China (less sunshine annually than London), and
most days are cloudy and overcast even if without rain. This is especially
so in the winter months, when it is typically interminably grey and dreary.
Spring (March-April) tends to be sunnier and warmer than autumn (October-November). Due to the mild climate there is no special need in building
construction, to resist extreme situations. Also there is no direct sunlight
and almost no wind. This has the benefit that there is light in narrow situations just to the ground floor, which allows to build dense. The inexistence
of wind forms a problem for fresh air circulation.
The Sichuan basin is also known for its unique biodiversity, which today
contains 80% of the Chinese vegetation being represented and of all endangered flora and fauna, like the Giant Panda (Wu, Yu, & Yang, 2009) (4.5).
But this fairly safe and hot haven changed the last decade radically under
influence of forces from outside.
85
80 % of Chinese vegetation

and 1/5 of all endangered flora
and fauna is represented in the
area of Chengdu.
C
50
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Average temperature in Chengdu
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4.4. Detailed graphical climate research with Ecotect.
86
0
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km/h
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Relative Humidity (%)
Average Wind Speed (km/h)
low
windspeeds 1.3 m/s
humidity in morning
C
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Maximum Temperature (C)
Minimum Temperature (C)
average daytime july 30 -33

average per year 15-16
W/m
W/m
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Direct Solar Radiation (W/m)
Diffuse Solar Radiation (W/m)
low sunshine total

(less than London)
mm
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Average Daily Rainfall (mm)
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87
Sichuan rural area around Chengdu.
88
89
0.4m
1500
0.6m
1940
2000
1990
9.0m
8.0m
90
2010
12.2m
Growth path projected on the soils. Chengdu

started as a stop on the Great Silk Road where the
rivers crossed. The growth happend mostly on the
grey warp soil which was less fertile than the surrounding soils.
91
Explosion
After the first Five Year Plan in 1953 the first government planned and
funded developments started. From 1980 onwards the city exploded after
the economic reforms introduced by Deng. This process was strengthened
by the Go West policy in the nineties. Western China became the focus of
development efforts in China. The policy was initiated in 1999 to compensate for an earlier emphasis on coastal development. During the period
from 1990 till today the urban land almost tripled (2009) ( 4.6), eating up
valuable and rich landscape. The population grew from 8 million in 1990 to
12.2 million today (Press, 2009). This growth contains mainly manufacturing, businesses and producer services, airport developments and residential
zones (4.7 4.8 4.9). Also, in recent years Chengdu showed an enormous
growth rate of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) of 50% each year (Lan and
Yin, 2009) far more than the Chinese average ( 4.10). This FDI even further accelerates urban growth and generates far more growth than earlier
forms of industrialization ( 4.11). As a result the city almost doubled in
the last 5 years. Since Chengdu attracts more and more FDI, inevitable the
urban sprawl will continue.
400
350
X 1,5
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
1980
economic reform
1985
1990
industrialization, export,
manufacturing
1995
2000
Global,
FDI
2005
2010
4.10 Chengdu: 5 times more FDI than
4.11 FDI generates more urban km2 than
Chinese average.
earlier forms of industrialization.
92
BUILT AREA growth

before 1990
1990 - 2010
1990 - 2010 X 3
4.6 Recent explosion in growth.
18.000
300
16.000
urban
250
14.000

IMPORT & EXPORT total, Chengdu

(billion yuan)
China expenditure
200
12.000
200
10.000
150
100
rural
8.000
150
63,39
China expenditure
6.000
100
38,03
4.000
50
50
2.000
0
1980
1990
2000
2008
0
1990
1995
2000
2005
2008
business volume
90,72
6,63
57,13
8,18
2000
export
import
2007
2008
X 15
X 10
X 30
4.7 Business volume growth.
4.8 Residential growth.
4.9 Industry growth.
93
Toll
However this enormous growth has its toll. Especially the increase in air
pollution (4.12), the loss of valuable nature and arable land and the public
space and collective typologies being under pressure. When comparing
the air quality measurements of Chengdu (Chengdu Statistical Yearbook,
2007) with the standards given by the World Health Organization (Krzyzanowski and Cohen, 2008), it can be seen that the main particles that are
responsible for bad air quality (SO2, NO2, PM10) are found three times
more than the WHO guidelines (4.13). It is not as bad as the Chinese average and big cities like Beijing and Shenzhen, but still when comparing to
other world cities, Chengdu is far behind. The bad air quality becomes even
more visible since Chengdu is located in a large basin, and is enclosed by
mountains. The city is therefore known for the always present grey skies.
The haze is pervasive and a popular saying is if a dog sees the sun, he will
bark at the intruder(Block, 2008, par. 1) (4.14). Thus the cities ambition is
to increase the air quality and its vision is to become a world-class garden
city, that is environmentally sustainable, surrounded by beautiful rural
scenery and enhanced by modern features(Qing and Guo-jie, 2007, p. 123).
So how to achieve this?
4.1.2
Doomsday
If we would project the estimated population growth in the same spaceconsuming manner as the last decade, the world-class garden city would
be totally infeasible. We would need to lay out a square of 20 by 20 km
(without even taking into account the fact that the average floor space use
per person now is 26 m2 and will probably increase drastically the coming
years). Almost a second city need to be built (4.15). According to the masterplan of Chengdu the fingers in the fingermodel will be extended and
new hubs will be layed out outside the city. But these fingers will grow out
of proportion (now already 25 km between the outer edges and the CBD),
leading to urban sprawl and traffic congestion ( 4.16). The new airport
between Chongqing and Chengdu will even accelerate this process. Pre94
4.12 Air pollution projected on map.

winter
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
autumn
spring
summer
PMIO
SO2
NO2
measured
WHO guideline
measured
NO2 WHO guideline
measured
SO2 WHO guideline
source: Chengdu Environmental Protection Bureau, WHO
4.13 Air comparison with WHO guidelines.
95
Chengdu
4.14 Sichuan basin under permanent haze.
96
97
cious land will be eaten ( 4.17). Old typologies focused on Chinese family
live and the community is being replaced with privatized islands far outside
the centre . These big compounds are mainly accessible by car. Thus, more
ring-roads will be built and inhabitants become more dependent on cars,
resulting in traffic jams and increase in air pollutants. The cities development will gradually slow down, become more congested and will decrease
in livability and efficiency. Research suggests that Chengdu is already the
most inefficient city in China measured by the time it takes for people to
travel to work (Sankhe et al., 2011). The average speed by car in Chengdu
within the city centre will soon be lower than just walking ( 4.18). The
finger model is no longer sustainable ( 4.19). We have to look for a new
urban architectural model that cater to a greater population without compromising the quality of life.
2010
12.2
2030
16.7
2050
20.3
2050 27X27 KM
2030 20X20 KM
4.15 Growth direction.
98
400
AVERAGE SPEED city centre, Chengdu (kmph)
350
25
300
20
250
biking
15
200
10
150
5
100
50
economic reform
manufacturing
Global,
FDI
2005
2006
average
0
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
4.16 Expected growth in urban km2.
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
during rush hour
2010
4.18 Average speed city centre, Chengdu (kmph).
4.19 Doomsday.
99
2-5-2000
1-5-2003
4.17 Gradually eating up farming land.
100
26-7-2006
4-8-2009
101
4.2
CONCEPT
4.2.1
The Wall
What if we stop the urban sprawl by densifying the current city edge? By
taking radically the existing city form as a starting point. The proposal is a
new dense urban zone around the city that will tackle urban sprawl. This
new zone is called the Wall (4.20). The Wall encloses the space of the city
and makes the transition between landscape and city manifest. In the Wall
dwellings, local and global companies, industry, parking, community services, public transport and all other sorts of program can be carved in. Big
openings and vistas make sure the Wall feels porous and open.
102
156 KM2
4.20 Proposal: The Wall.
103
By proposing a strong counterpoint at the city edge, the area in between the
CBD and the new urban Wall will gain value. The suburbs which are today
on the edges will be upgraded to green lungs in the middle of the city. Lines
towards the wall will be upgraded. The projected growth of the region is
10 million more inhabitants in 2025. If we propose to make the Wall 500
meters wide, drape it around the cities edge, the area that can be build is 156
sqkm ( 4.21). This is equivalent to the area of two and a half Manhattans.
If we house the maximum of 100.000 people per sqkm, almost 16 million
people could potentially move into the new Wall (4.22).
4.2.2
Framework
The Wall can not only give the opportunity to further densify the city,
accommodate the projected population growth, but it can also function as a
framework for applying ideas in a larger context. The Wall will not be dealt
with as separate masterplans or buildings with air purifiers, air conditioners or other building techniques, but is more a series of parallel strategies
that truly can have the potential to tackle bad air quality. According to the
Environmental Protection Agency of Chengdu (2009), the main contributors to bad air quality today are transport and industry (including the coal
industry) (Streets and Waldhoff, 2000) ( 4.23). Research (2009) shows that
China could bring its cities to a Level III air quality standard (defined as
Chinas safety level) through a combination of transport and industry
strategies including increased density, expanded public-transit provision,
the conversion of public fleets to clean technology, the implementation and
enforcement of industry emissions standards, and congestion measures such
as restricting vehicle ownership (4.24). A case study by McKinsey of Shenzhen shows this can cut nitrogen oxide concentrations dramatically by 90
percent (2008). The Wall accepts this as the basis of its new planning system,
in order to decrease the air pollution radically. The Wall can integrally
tackle the two polluters of transport and industry at its source; it will cut
emissions and capture before it blows freely into the air.
4.2.3
Increasing air quality
Transportation
The first air polluter that the Wall addresses is transportation. Air pollutants
from transport include nitrogen oxides, particles, carbon monoxide and hydrocarbons. All have a damaging impact on the health of people, animals and vegetation locally. The private car is the main contributor to this. Cars have a major
impact on the environment through their construction, use and eventual disposal.
It is estimated that of the CO2 emissions produced over a car's lifespan 10% come
from its manufacture and 5% from its disposal, with the remaining 85% coming
from fuel use and servicing operations (Guan, 2008; Woetzel et al., 2008).
104
RT
156 KM2
RT
RT
RT
RT
4.21 Unroll the Wall.
400
350
300
250
200
2010
12.2
150
2030
16.7
2050
20.3
100
50
0
1980
economic reform
1985
manufacturing
1990
1995
2000
Global,
FDI
2005
2010
4.22 Keeping Urban land en potential accomodation.
2.89
OTHER
AGRICULTURE
- 40%
COMMERCIAL AND
RESIDENTIAL HEATING
CONSUMER AND
COMMERCIAL PRODUCTS
-90%
52%
- 50%
27%
0.29
TRANSPORT
INDUSTRY
SOURCE: ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY, 2007
4.23 Main air pollutors.
Base
forecast
Tightened
Expanded
public transit, emissions
density, fleet industry
Target (Level
III standard)
4.24 Decreasing bad air quality.
105
POTENTIAL THE WALL

27.5
In Chengdu, 1200 new driver licences are issued each day. It is now already
the third biggest city, after Shanghai and Beijing, of private car ownership
in the country (Li et al., 2010). In addition to these emissions of carbon dioxide and other air pollutants, the vehicle and related industries (e.g. fuels)
consume large amounts of raw materials, and produce significant quantities
of waste. Chengdu has a large automobile manufacturing industry, with
firms like Volvo, BMW, Mercedez-Benz and Toyoto. When analyzing the
cities transport system, it can be seen that the outskirts of the city are not
well connected by public transport, making people dependent on car use.
Congestion is therefore increasing ( 4.25). The millions of new migrants,
who most of them do not have a private car yet, will accelerate this process.
Public transport system as backbone
2.89
- 40%
-90%
- 50%
0.29
Base
forecast
Tightened
Expanded
Target (Level
III standard)
So a radical choice in public-transit provision will be inevitable for the citys

future. By connecting the existing metro system ( 4.27) with the Wall, an
expanded public-transit will be provided, thus decrease dependency on the
car. The existing metro system and the Wall will be connected with a localised feeder system ( 4.28). This is a rapid hop-on hop-off system, similar
to the Light-Rail-Transit (LRT) in Singapore, which feeds the Wall and
existing metro network (4.29). The system is closer to an automated people
mover system such as those found in many airports around the world than
a traditional light rail system. All the lines are fully automated and elevated,
and run on viaducts in order to save scarce land space. Train arrival and
departure times are almost guaranteed this way. Walking distances are no
longer than 10 minutes. This means a 500 metre radius. It is also cleaner as
the trains are electrically powered, and therefore lessens the effects of air
pollution. In addition to that Wall Trains will run all along the Wall, providing faster travel times from one part of the Wall the another ( 4.30).
This new transport system will be the backbone of the Wall. It provides
people a fast and reliable way of transport. When comparing travel times
with the car the effect is enormous. It can cut travel time from one part of
the city to another by half (4.31).
DENSITY
URBAN
SPRAWL
LOCALISED
FEEDER SYSTEM
GREEN
HOUSES
GROWING CITY
RELIES ON CAR USE
O2
CO2
EXISTING
METRO SYSTEM
4.26 The Wall - clustered transport system.
106
UNDERGROUND
PARKING
CARBON
CAPTURE
EXISTING
METRO SYSTEM
4.27 Existing metro system.
4.29 Localized feeder systems.
Route 50km @ 80km/h

Transition 2x
18 stops @ 1min
= 0h38min
= 0h10min
= 0h18min
1h11min
CDB 25km @ 15km/h

Outskirts 45km @ 80km/h
= 1h40min
= 0h35min
2h15min
4.31 Travel time comparison.
4.28 Connecting with localized feeder systems.
4.30 Wall train.
107
Clustered system of industries
2.89
- 40%
-90%
- 50%
0.29
Base
forecast
Tightened
Expanded
Target (Level
III standard)
The second main polluter is industry. Today industries are randomly added
on free strips of land and set up as separate systems. Chengdu has had an
enormous growth of manufacturing and construction industries, including
giant plants of Foxconn, Siemens and General Electric. On Google Earth
these industries are easily recognizable by the blue roofs scattered around
the city ( 4.32). By tightening the separate emission-standards the industry already become cleaner, but the Wall can even further increase this. By
clustering industry in the Wall the total system becomes more sustainable
(Singh and Evans, 2009) (4.33). Sharing energy, waste, heat and CO2 capture systems will have a large influence, compared to only tightening the
standards per factory separately. By providing a total cycle system, waste
of one factory can be used by another factory. During the transition period
between fossil and clean energy a CO2 capture system can work. Dwellings
or offices can also benefit from clustering industry. For example, dwellings
need warm water for showering and other personal use and factories can
provide warm water as a remainder of the cooling of machines. Because
distances in the Wall are not too big, heat can easily be transported without
loss of energy.
So, next to the new transport backbone, one dense clustered system of
industries in the Wall will be the second contributor to improve air quality.
This results in a theoretical generic model of the Wall (4.34 4.35).
INDUSTRY
DWELLINGS
EXISTING
INDUSTRY
GREEN
HOUSES
INDUSTRY
DWELLINGS
D
O2
A
WASTE
CO2
CO2
C
D
4.33 The Wall - clustered industries system.
108
E
COLD
HEAT
F
G
4.32 Satellite images from various industries in Chengdu.
4.34 The Wall - integral system of industries and transport

will greatly benifit air quality.
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4.34 The Wall - generic model of integral system.
109
4.2.4
Generic becomes specific
This generic model of the Wall will have different spatial outcomes on
each specific location. It reacts on the local soil, vegetation and program in
the city. Sometimes the shape of the Wall is a clear line, sometimes it splits
into two lines. At other parts it is a dotted or a gradient line. At interesting
places it makes a loop or embraces special places (4.36). The spatial appearance of the Wall in Chengdu can be divided into three parts (4.37). In the
northern part of the city the main soil type is grey warp soil with forest as
the main identity carrier ( 4.38). In the south west the Mintuo river gives
possibilities to shape the Wall radically and merge it with drinking water
retrieval, storage and the existing dam (4.39). The site of the competition,
in the south east of the city, is shaped by the paddy fields and the Tianfu
High Tech Park. The landscape structure consists of a hilly pattern with
rice fields and small ribbon villages on the higher parts. The high tech park
is build up with top global technology firms. Shape and program of the
Wall reacts on this.
4.36 Different forms of the Wall.
110
4.37 The wall reacts on soil types and the city.
111
4.38 Forest Wall in the north.
112
4.39 Water Wall in the south-west, integrated with dam.
113
Program
The high tech zone can be extended to our site. It will be the end of the high
tech zone ( 4.40). The site can coordinate between government agencies,
private companies and academic institutions to build up Chengdus role in
the high tech market. Furthermore by adding local communal program,
like a market hall, opera, restaurants, wellness, and shared facilities for
businesses like, small start-up support, education, a convention centre and
exhibition hall the global and local will be connected ( 4.41). In that way
institutionally controlled, developer-driven (top-down) and small business
and local communal facilities, will merge in this part of the Wall and makes
it specific.
residential 50%
education and research 14%
office and retail 18%
factories and workshops 3%
leisure 15%
100.000 people
50% residential
(100.000 x 26,90) x 2 = 5.380.000m2
FAR 5,3
global
local
4.41 Program with FAR of 5,3.
114
TIANFU HIGH TECH PARK
DOM. AIRPORT
GATE
GOLF
COURT
OPEN AIR
POOL
SUNDAY WALK
TEAHOUSE
GATE
INT. AIRPORT
UPPER-CLASS
HOTELS
4.40 Specific program on the site given by the competition.
115
4.3
FRAMEWORK
4.3.1
Building the wall
The competition requires to investigate 100,000 people for 1 sqkm. According to Chinese planning documents one person needs 26,90 sqm of floor
space. The residential component should make up to 50% of the total floor
space. This means a floor area ratio of 5,3. ( 4.41 p. 114). If we add our
desired program to this and would build one big form we need to build a
250x250x260 meters cube. Our first step consists of laying out the generic
Wall. This means an urban zone of maximum 1000 meters wide (a radius of
500 metres from the metro station) with the public transport as a backbone.
( 4.42). The 500 meters radius width is derived from research of public
transport engineer White (2008) stating that this is a desirable 10 minute
walking distance to the nearest station.
Grid
The second step is to come up with a grid that can be flexible as well as specific to the Asian context. The grids of Barcelona, Paris (4.43), Tokyo and
New York are interesting, but are yet too sparse or too generic. Western
grids like the famous Manhattan grid of New York ( 4.44) are based on
western values. That means that values derived trough centuries value verticality greatly. In the theory chapter (3) of this thesis it is stated that Chinas
traditional principles value horizontality more (Wang, 2008). Starting with
Confuciun values of the collective, the architecture responds to this more
in forms that emphasize enclosure. The domesticity of a Chinese family is
more build up as a micro cosmos of Chinese private life, with walls serving to enclose, protect and define the dwelling. This means buildings do
not have to be necessarily vertical and high towards the sky, but are rather
focused on the collective and can grow accordingly. Flexible grid plots are
needed.
The inspiration for a flexible grid that will take on the specifics of Chinas
urban development comes from the possibility to click different collective
typologies together ( 4.45),. Different block sizes are possible with a basic
block size of 30x80 meters ( 4.46), allowing to build higher, but always
demand for collective places. Different studies showed that with this grid
grain it is possible to realize the desired FAR of 5.3.
116
4.42 Public transport as backbone.
4.44 Manhattan grid. FAR 8.
4.43 Paris grid FAR 3.5.
4.46 30x80 grid.
117
4.45 New collective typologies based on 30x80 grid. Inspired by traditional typologies.
118
4.46 30 X 80 Grid.
119
4.46a. 30 X80 Grid.
120
121
Program
Because the Wall asks to build 3km2 of the total site, it is necessary to spread
out 3 cubes of 250x250x260. The first option is to place the public services
and offices in the middle of the Wall, close to the public transport and
the residential on the edges. Everybody is living on the edge, but the central strip with offices and public services will probably not be used 24/7.
The second option to lay out the program is to cluster it in zones, but this
strengthens the separation of living and working. The third option is more
feasible to mix the functions (4.47). With an emphasis of living at the edge
and offices and commercial zones near the metro station.
Density
The second question is where to densify. Again there are several options.
A higher density in the middle strip will block the views and have no focus
point. On the other hand the densest part is close to public transport. By
densifying in clusters, the Wall will feel more porous allowing openings to
the landscape. The preferably option will be a combination. Clusters near
focus points like the metro and less dense parts at edges (4.48). These first
steps are to set up the basic lay-out of the site.
4.3.2
Integrating the wall
Now the Wall will react on the specifics of the site and the landscape. The
first intervention will be connecting with the planned metro system (4.48).
A big ring of a dense urban district, called the WBD (Wall Business District) will follow. Since there are planned important places like governmental buildings, parks and business in the masterplan next to the site, big piers will
connect these to the landscape (4.49). Like duck tape the Wall will be stitched
into its context, breaking the linearity of the Wall. The piers embrace the landscape into the site.
Secondly all this will be connected by a big spine trough the Wall ( 4.50).
This spine is the main public space in the Wall. The public transport, shops
(IKEA), offices, industry (Foxconn), governmental buildings and leisure
(Sichuan opera) are all placed next to or under the spine. The spine will
form a route architecturale with different densities, vistas and program. The
final form of the Wall itself is shaped by the landscape and the city (4.51).
Lower, wet parts in the north and south carve out big ponds in the Wall.
The highest part of the mountain will cut a hole in the WBD, providing a
central park. And the spine will follow the topography of the paddy fields.
122
4.47 3 cubes of 250x250x260 spread out.
4.48. Different densities and ring around metrostation.
4.49 Connecting places.
4.50 Central spine.
4.51 Final masterplan reacting on landscape and existing city structure.
123
4.51 Final masterplan.
124
125
Edge of the Wall.
126
127
Model of final masterplan.
128
129
APPLE
siemens
DELL
FOXCONN
IKEA
starbucks
volvo
SUZUKI
Program on the spine.
Program of the site.
FAR 7.0
FAR 2.7
FAR 3.7
FAR 2.9
FAR 9.1
FAR 2.3
FAR 3.5
Densities of the site.
130
131
2
1
3
6
5
Details.
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
Biggest parts of the Wall.
140
4.4
ZOOM IN: THE SPONGE
The Wall itself forms not only a way to accomodate future residents, but
also encloses the existing space of the city. One part of the Wall will be
worked out in detail in this chapter. This part is called the Sponge. The
theory part of this thesis recommended to form places by enclosing spaces,
and take the existing situation as a starting point for design. The building blocks formulated in the theory part form sustainable elements which
can continuously take on new functions and can contribute to the soul of
the city, or sense of place. In this way local people and communities may
easier attach meaning to their environment.
yamen
Linearity
Hierarchy
Unity
Human scale
Enclosure
141
Photos of the site.
142
143
4.4.1
Existing context
Public transport parameters

The first parameters in the design are based on the public transport as backbone of the wall ( 4.52). On the particular site there are 3 metro stations
planned. A radius of 500 metres sets the maximum allowed building area,
in order to maintain a maximum of 10 minute walk from house to metro
station.
Valley
The second step is to build up a framework based on the existing landscape
and building structure on the site (4.53). The landscape on the chosen part
of the wall has some interesting features. It is made up of a terraced agricultural landscape which produces rice, wheat, vegetables, beef, pork, tea,
medicinal herbs, tobacco and silk.
The site has a significant difference in heights which goes from 560 metres
to almost 610 metres. Central on the site is a valley with a high production
in grain ( 4.54). The first articulation of the framework is articulating the
topography. This valley will be maintained and will form a new green and
lush backbone on the site. During summer this valley will form impressive
yellow colours, due to the growing of the grain, while in winter a nice green
valley will emerge. It changes colour with the harvesting. The valley can
form a natural park system throughout the site.
144
4.52 Public transport parameters.
4.53 Landscape structure.
4.54 Valley.
145
4.54 Valley.
146
147
Bamboo hills and water ponds

Another interesting feature of the site are the hills with bamboo forests
(Moso bamboo or Phyllostachys pubescens) ( 4.55). Besides the spatial
quality, bamboo has some major ecological benefits. With its fast growth
rate and high annual regrowth after harvesting, the bamboo forest has a
high carbon storage potential. A high annual rate of carbon accumulation
means that the bamboo forests are one of the most efficient types of forest
vegetation for carbon fixation. Bamboo forests have an extensive rhizome
system (horizontal stems) , a thick litter layer, highly elastic culms, and a
dense canopy. These characteristics give bamboo forests a high capacity for
erosion control, soil and water conservation, landslide prevention, protection of riverbanks, and windbreak and shelterbelt potential. Since Chengdu
is known for its rainfall and moisture, the bamboo forests can help with
this, since they have a strong capacity for rainfall interception and moisture
retention.
Finally these bamboo hills will form natural oxygen bars for the site, and
can therefore clean the air and reduce noise. It maintains wildlife biodiversity by providing food and habitat for numerous species of insects in the soil
and tree layers, as well as for spiders, butterflies, birds and other higher life
forms (Lou et al., 2010). Socially, local residents harvest the bamboo, and
use it for a wide range of products. This does not harm the ecological benefits described above.
The existing water ponds form water storages and air purifiers (4.55). The
primary function is to collect water from strong rainfall. As an additional
effect the evaporated water cools air and enforces a circulation of the air
trough the city on warm summer days. This rain will be collected at the
ponds and the vegetation (reed as halophytes) will purify this in a natural
way. The sun evaporates this water again, but then cleaned, or the water
infiltrates in the aquifer, also cleaned.
4.55 Bamboo hills and water ponds.
148
Natural ventilator
The valley, bamboo hills and water ponds will have an interesting effect on
the everyday living quality and especially the air quality of the site. Since
Chengdu has practically no winds, alternatives need to be fostered, the
landscape can work as a natural ventilator for the new build areas. Build
areas have higher temperatures, which is called the heat-island effect, and
a lower air pressure, than the landscape. The water ponds will cool air and
enforce circulation of air. From the landscape a cool and humid airflow will
work as a natural ventilator in the city ( 4.56). So, the valley ,the bamboo
hills and water ponds will form retreatment and refreshment areas, both
socially as ecologically on the site.
O2
O2
O2 O2
O2
H
L
rainfall interception
reducing moisture
valley
carbon
evaporation water
H
H
Grey water
water ponds
rain water collection
polluted ground water in

aquifer
4.56 Natural ventilator.
Upgrading existing network

The existing roads connect places in the city and landscape. These well
paved streets can be maintained and form an infrastructural framework for
the site (4.57). The existing buildings along these roads, can be integrated
in new blocks. These roads will form the primary arteries in the hierarchy. ( 4.58, p.159) Therefore a symmetrical profile with a clear distinction
between private and public is prescribed. A continuity of the facade, no setback, a (semi-) public first floor and a maximum of 6 stories and mixed land
use will provide a flow of people and goods.
4.57 Existing network.
149
4.4.2
Series of enclosed worlds
What results is a framework build up from the existing situation. The next
steps will interpret the building blocks formulated in the theory part in this
particular site.
Linearity
The main intervention is adding new lanes to the infrastructural network,
by placing these in a east-west direction (4.59). These lanes will follow the
terraces, and will mimic the rice paddies. These south facing streets will
take full advantage of sunshine in winter and prevailing winds in summer.
These roads will form the secondary arteries focused on the flows of daily
life. An asymmetrical profile emphasizes this ( 4.60, p.150). A transition
zone of 5 metres which can contain porches, verandas and front yards, with
in the street public spaces consisting of sitting elements, planting, vendors
and street stalls. To improve the interaction between street and block within
every 7 metres there need to be an entrance. First floors are accessible with
shops, restaurants, teahouses or other semi-public facilities. The blocks are
recognizable and controllable entities.
4.59 Secondary arteries.
150
23
15
23
- symetrical profile
- continuity facade
- no setback
- transparency 1st floor
- max 5 stories
- land use mix
- max 12 m between
each entrance
- max 25% open space
on plot
4.58 Primary arteries.
151
- transition zone 5 m
( porches, verandas,
frontyard)
- 3-4 stories
- asymetrical profile
- height differences
- max 7 m. between
each entrance
- sitting elements
- land use mix
- vendors and street
stalls
- planting as spacemakers
4.60 Secondary arteries, asymetrical profile.
152
Hierarchy
What results is a hierarchical system leading from the public to the very private. The hierarchy is emphasised by varying the width of the lanes so that,
in general, they become narrower as they become shorter and closer to the
houses. Within this framework building plots can be pointed out ( 4.61).
This framework makes the spatial and social readable and transparent.
Different programs can emphasise this hierarchy, with around the valley a
mixed program of living and leisure ( 4.62). The main arteries carry commerce, offices and dwellings, while the secondary arteries are mainly dwellings. At strategic spots, meaning where landscape, main arteries and metro
stations come together, special buildings can form focus points.
4.61 Building plots.
4.62 Program.
153
yamen
Unity
To develop the plots into urban blocks, the idea of collectivity is leading.
The domesticity of a Chinese family is build up as a micro cosmos of Chinese private life, with walls serving to enclose, protect and define the dwelling, therefore the blocks need to provide private spaces. In contrary with
Western blocks and High-rise free standing towers, private spaces should
be distributed evenly throughout the block. The goal is to form a unity
between manmade open space and nature and blending it into smaller
pieces distributed evenly throughout a human scaled and horizontal city.
Human scale
By placing walls of 6 metres on the edges, which are steady soils of clay
and sand, of the existing rice paddy structure, a possibility emerges to create
these private spaces ( 4.63). The plots will be divided into manageable
smaller plots in which individual units can be developed. On the smaller
plots a maximum of 60% is allowed to build, no higher than 4 stories. Every
house enjoys thus a piece of open private space. Since there is no direct sunlight in Chengdu, light will reach the ground floors easily. Developers are
allowed to build within one block a maximum of 10 plots including the
walls at once. This prevents the emerging of large gated compounds and
allows for a bottom-up development. Farmers who live on the site can sell
their land to investors or government and buy a new walled house or can
expand their existing house. Certain plots will be reserved for semi-public
accessibility (4.64). 20% of these plots are allowed to be build, which results
in small alleyways penetrating the block. Walls on these plots will be cut
with holes which can be consciously experienced. Entrances of the individual units are located on these alleyways, with bamboo screens in front of the
doors, to make a semi-private front.
154
4.62 Valley
4.62 Building plots
4.63 New walls.
4.64 Collective spaces
155
4.65 Final model of development.
156
4.66 Different building typologies
157
4.65 Final model of development.
158
159
Enclosure
The structure that results is called the Sponge. It is a structure that can
grow or even shrink easily and is highly adaptable to the market. It is a
framework that is formed radically by the existing natural topography (
4.66, p.160), and an interpretation of the building blocks from the theory
part. The result is a series of enclosed worlds with human scaled courtyards,
gardens, small open areas and other forms of open space, alternating with
the main roads, bamboo hills, water ponds and valley (4.67, p.162).
160
161
4.66 Existing terraced landscape structure with paddy fields.
162
163
4.67 New development.
164
165
4.69 Birds eye perspective
166
167
4.70 Inzoom
168
169
4.71 Birds eye of the edge.
170
171
4.72 Inzoom of the spine.
172
173
4.73 Birds eye of the spine.
174
175
4.74 Inzoom
176
177
4.75 Birds eye
178
179
4.76 Inzoom
180
181
4.77 Inzoom
182
183
4.78 1:500
184
185
4.79 Section 1:500. Movement through enclosed worlds.
186
187
4.80 1:200
188
189
Storage + first filter

Clean air
Wall water transport system

Black water
Chinese citronella grass

hylophytes and gravel
Water tank
Storage ponds
Clarification plant
Grey water
Clean gutter
Helophytes
Primary sedimentation
Planted trench filter

Chengdu water system
4.81 Water cleaning system
Also in materialization this can be emphasised. Rainwater runs on 1 metre

wide water gutters in public space trough the enclosed worlds to the water
catchment ponds ( 4.81). These water gutters are filled with stones and
marbles, therefore intensifying the sound of the streaming water ( 4.82).
This has a cooling and calming effect on micro level. The walls itself can be
build from white concrete blocks. This maximizes sunshine reflection and
keeps the adjacent spaces cool in the summer. Indigenous plants like Ligustrum wallichii, Liriope spicata and Aconitum carmichaeli and herbs like
Gentiana scabra, Duchesnea indica contain healing effects for body and air
and function like natural incense (4.83 p.190). Bamboo screens can further
subdivide spaces. By planting differently in colour and effect in each space,
the sequence of enclosed worlds will also be emphasised with touch and
smell. The pavement can be made of brick baked from the local soil. This
results in a colour range from dark brown to yellow and grey.
By enclosing with walls and emphasizing this with the distribution of
materials, plants and streaming water a general public space can become
a particular place. It provides a structure for ones position in space, time
and society and a tangible spatial reference for everyday life. It makes the
infinite natural space comprehensible, enabling meaningful human interrelation with it.
190
4.82 Inzoom water cleaning system.
191
4.83 1:5 Wall section with water transport
192
Water
Gravelbed
Prefab concrete with constructed gutter
Prefab concrete
Coated steel gutter
Helophytes
Concrete
Gravel
193
4.84 Different plantation in sections.
194
195
4.85 Public space section water gutter
196
4.86 Public space section Bamboo screen
197
4.87 Model
198
199
4.88 Density
200
1,7 FSI
60,000 people on 1km2
201
4.4.3
Walking from metro to bedroom
From eye-level this results in a sequence of walled enclosures.

Movement through these walled world forms the key experience
of space. Space is experienced trough a crossing of various enclosures and different spatial sequences. The next space is always
unpredictable which creates a sense of mystery. It thus presents
space little by little.
202
203
4.89 Spine with public transport.
204
205
4.90 Small public space and teahouse.
206
207
4.91 Alley
208
209
4.92 Overlooking water pond and existing building.
210
211
4.93 Collective space with water gutter.
212
213
4.94 Private courtyard.
214
215
4.95 Bedroom.
216
217
4.5
EVALUATION
4.5.1
Hypothesis evaluation
To fix the value of the results the initial design brief is recalled. The development of ideas and theories in urban growth and architectural form related
to density, liveability and sustainability specific to the rapid and exponential
growth of urbanism in Asiait seeks design solutions for a balanced environment for urban life where public amenities and work opportunities are
within easy access. It encourages efficient and clean modes of travels that
contribute to clean and fresh air.
The design brief seeks an alternative urban architectural model for Chinese cities. This thesis adds the significance of public space to this, with the
hypothesis that by re-discovering the fundamental role of ordinary public
space in Chinese cities, several other problems can be addressed and even
be reduced.
4.5.2
Critique
However, a few critical comments can be made when evaluating the results.
These comments can be better explained by putting The Wall in a short
historical perspective.
The theoretical roots of the Wall can be found with the concept of the
linear city. The linear city concept was an urban plan for an elongated
urban formation. The linear city was first developed by Arturo Soria y
Mata in Madrid ( 4.97) during the end of the 19th century, but was promoted by the Sovjet planner Nikolai Alexander Miljutin (4.98) in the late
1920s. The concept had a revival in the 1950s and 1960s (4.99).
Interesting is to see that the argumentation used for The Wall come close
with earlier argumentations in Linear City concepts. Collins, a planner who
wrote firstly about the concept in 1959: A linear city is one that is formed
- and grows - along a line. This line is usually its artery of transport for
people, for goods, and for services: roads, rails, pipes, and wires (note the
similarity with the central spine in the wall). A city of this sort can grow
freely - infinitely - in increments that are repetitive in character. Its internal
circulatory system is planned for the utmost efficiency: all its parts are, presumably, of easy accessibility to each other and share the same urban amenities. Since the extensions of the growing city are narrow in width, all its
218
4.97 Soria y Mata, 1882. Linear city.
4.98 N. Miljutin, 1930. Tractorstoi, Stalingrad
4.97 Soria y Mata, 1882. Linear city.
4.99 R. Malcolmson, 1957, Metro-linear City Project.
4.99 Le Corbusier 1932, The Industrial Linear city.
219
4.100 Le Corbusier. La Ville Radieuse
points are in close confrontation with natural landscape, and the countryside in turn partakes of the advantages of modern city life, brought to it by
the linear corridor. (Collins, 1959, p. 2). Collins describes and categorizes a
great variety of linear-development concepts and designs. A few arguments
can be constantly derived from this:
Limited extension of the city;
Efficiency in building;
A fordist mass production. The linear city is like an assembly line;
Landscape on one hand and city on the other. Best of both worlds;
Orientation on transport.
Especially in the increasing mobile society in the 1950s and 1950s, just like
is happening today in China, the concept gained popularity. But Collins also
pointed out that it should be kept in mind that, regardless of the artists
renderings by which they may on occasion be presented, linear planning is
primarily a schema, a process, a system, and not a physical or architectural
actuality.
220
Thus, the linear city is mainly a modernist concept and can be regarded
as an urban/spatial expression of modernist (fordist) production, inspired
by repetition, mass production, and the development of the train, highway
and the assembly line. The basis of the concept is the rather blueprint like
approach ( 4.100). Besides the blueprint approach there is an approach
based on schemes. Problematic is that these schemes are rarely made tangible. Also possible hidden burdens can be named like, how to stop sprawl
with a build wall? What will be additional urban rules, and can there be
rules, or are economic forces to strong? And what will happen to people if
they are living their daily life on the edge of the city?
Mostly these schemes ignore local differences. In the main concept of the
Wall this is tried to be prevented, but it still ignores some very crucial smallscale local characteristics like bamboo forests, farms, water ponds and existing roads. Also from the main concept of the Wall the critique can be that
it remained a scheme. In the Zoom-in the Sponge (chapter 4.4) it is tried
to make the concept more tangible and respect local characteristics. The
sponge takes the existing context radically as a basis, resulting in a from
birds-eye rather irregular form, but from eye-level some qualities are presented that touches the essence of Chinese perception of space.
4.5.3
The Wall as integral design
Can the Wall be seen as an integral design and be an answer to the rapid
and exponential growth of urbanism in Asia (4.101)?
energy
water consumption
(liter/day/capita)
urban area (sqkm)
migrants
waste per capita
income & expenditure
(yuan)
food consumption
(kcal/day/capita)
population
private cars
water availability
(liter/day/capita)
biodiversity
cars average speed

(km/h)
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
2015
2020
2025
2030
2030
2035
2040
2045
4.101 Challenges facing China.
221
4.102 Integral design.
In the Wall the challenges will not be dealt with as separate tasks but, rather
as an holistic strategy ( 4.102). Not only the flow of people, but flow of
energy, waste, water, fauna and flora. Traffic congestion and sprawled
industries are decreased therefore having a major effect on air quality.
Water can be purified and used as drinking water or for other uses like
the shower or toilets. Wast can be collectively dealt with troughout the
whole Wall. Biodiversity and vegetation in the landscape can be untouched.
Migrants from rural areas can move to the Wall, overlooking the farmland
on one hand, and on the other hand see the opportunities of the city. Food
can still be produced in the landscape and collectively transported in a short
distance to the Wall. This more technical approach to the challenges, is
complemented with attention to the design and experience of spaces. The
Sponge investigates this deeper. Crucial principles like collectivity and
enclosure form the public spaces, therefore putting emphasis again on ordinary public spaces.
The integratlity in the design is highlighted by the jury comments: An
original and ambitious vision. The wall is a strategic approach that starts
with a detailed site-specific analysis but culminating in a robust and general solution for the entire china. The sense of balance in the design, scale
and depth of thinking is most impressive. The wall plays many roles both
functionally and metaphorically; it goes beyond being a physical and metaphorical boundary and dwells on the typology of courtyards and Chinese
cultures.
222
4.103 New Chinese Walls
4.5.4
New Chinese Walls
The Chinese cities grew enormously last decades, spreading to almost infinity. The idea of the Chinese Wall can be projected at different cities (4.103).
350 million people will be added to Chinas urban population by 2025. 40
billion sqm of floor space will be built. The urban Walls can accommodate
this growth, making the urbanization more compact and sparing the scarce
landscape. The cities would grow to dense super cities. This generates the
most GDP per capita, is more energy efficient and it would contain the
loss of arable land. Implementing the Wall as a new urban architectural
model could be easier than it might seem as the current dispersed model
approaches its limits. In fact, the Chinese national leadership recognizes and
implicitly supports a sharp, radical and significant course change to a new
urban architectural model; it calls for an industrial and economic rebalancing to achieve a more harmonious society in the 12th Five Year Plan. These
new Walls can guide this rebalancing. They can be the second Great Chinese Walls to be erected, therefore preparing China for its urban billion!
223
224
5
CONCLUSION
225
This research started with the question: How to design an alternative

compact urban architectural model for Chengdu, that fosters ordinary
public places, resulting in a masterplan with a density of 100,000 people per
sqkm?
Alternative compact urban architectural model

350 million people will move from the countryside to the Chinese cities in
the coming decades. However the current dispersed model is no longer
durable to cope with this. The arable land resources will shrink rapidly, the
landscape and environment will further be affected and other problems will
increase. From a spatial point of view, public space is especially under pressure. This thesis takes the city of Chengdu, part of one of the worlds biggest agglomerations, as a case study.
If the excepted growth rate in the city of Chengdu continues in the same
space-consuming manner as today, the city will doubled in size by 2030.
The Wall takes the existing situation radically as a starting point, thereby
mitigating the pressures the city is facing. The Wall can be seen as an alternative that fosters compact growth. This thesis formulated some fundamental principles of Chinese culture that cannot be ignored in an alternative city model, thereby challenging the underlying premise of the Vertical
Cities Asia, that only high-rise can be a solution.
Ordinary public place

The principles of linearity, hierarchy, unity, human scale and enclosure can
provide building blocks for this model. The principles can be considered as
the tangible signs of the past. They form the sustainable elements which
226
can continuously take on new functions. They can form continuity in Chinese cities which are confronted with discontinuity.
Masterplan
The Wall tries to form a unity between manmade open space and nature
and blends it into smaller pieces distributed evenly throughout a human
scaled and horizontal city. It thus strengthens the importance of family and
kinship. Enclosure, which forms the key element in this, touches the core
of Chinese city life. Walls are the most prominent physical manifestation of
enclosure, since they manage transitions across the threshold by means of
openings that can be consciously experienced. From eye-level perspective a
movement through a series of enclosed world forms a fundamental quality
in the new masterplan.
Concluding, enclosing spaces and taking the existing situation as a starting point would be the main conclusion derived from this thesis. By enclosing with boundaries a general public space can become a particular space, a
place that can be meaningful for everyday life. It provides a structure for
ones position in space, time and society and a tangible spatial reference for
everyday life. It makes the infinite natural space comprehensible, enabling
meaningful human interrelation with it. This principle is central to the
perception and appreciation of ordinary public space. It would be the rediscovery of the ordinary.
227
Samenvatting
In de afgelopen decennia zijn Chinese steden zonder enige rem, met een
enorme snelheid gegroeid. In 2025 zullen naar verwachting bijna n miljard mensen in China in de stad wonen. Dit brengt enorme uitdagingen met
zich mee op het gebied van economie, demografie, leefbaarheid, natuur,
transport en milieu. China is op dit moment op een kruispunt: Doorgaan
met de huidige verspreide groei, of zoeken naar alternatieve compacte
stadsmodellen om de uitdagingen tot een integraal geheel samen te smeden.
Het is de hypothese van deze thesis dat de publieke ruimte van levensbelang is in deze missie. Het bindt de stad en het geeft een duurzame structuur
voor de komende jaren. Echter deze publieke ruimte staat onder druk. Plekken die belangrijk zijn in het dagelijkse gebruik worden vervangen door
imponerende stadsassen, verkeerswegen en pleinen. Een op modernistische,
pragmatische leest geschroeide en op Westerse stadsmodellen geinspireerde
stadsontwikkeling zorgt voor een gefragmenteerde en snel uitdijende stad.
In de stad Chengdu komen deze krachten de afgelopen jaren extra sterk tot
uitdrukking.
Als de verwachte populatiegroei op Chengdu geprojecteerd wordt en de
stad op dezelfde ruimteverslindende wijze hier mee om zal gaan, zal het
stedelijk oppervlakte in 2030 zijn verdubbeld. Dit zal resulteren in een
verdere urban sprawl met als gevolg, onvermijdelijke verkeersopstoppingen en een toename van luchtvervuiling zal volgen. Dit terwijl de huidige
luchtvervuiling al 2,5 keer hoger is dan de WHO richtlijnen. Met het project The Wall wordt een integraal plan geboden waarbij de urban sprawl
een halt wordt toegeroepen en tegelijkertijd een op de Chinese perceptie
van ruimte gerichte publieke ruimte weer centraal stelt.
In het plan wordt voorgesteld op de huidige stadsgrens sterk te verdichten: een nieuwe stedelijke muur rondom de stad; The Wall. The Wall
zorgt voor behoud van het kostbare land en maakt de overgang van stad
en landschap manifest. Grote opening en vistas, parken, pleinen en waterpartijen geven de muur geen gesloten maar juist een open gevoel. Nieuw
ontwikkelde courtyard typologien, gebaseerd op confuciaanse waarden
als gemeenschappelijkheid en familie, bieden een aangenaam en menselijk
woonklimaat. Op elke locatie in de stad neemt The Wall de vorm aan van
de specifieke kwaliteiten van het landschap en stedelijke context, waardoor zij blijft verrassen. In een verdere uitwerking worden bijvoorbeeld de
bestaande rijstvelden structuur als basis genomen voor ontwikkeling. Dit
228
resulteert in een van vogelvlucht perspectief schijnbaar chaotisch ontwerp,

maar heeft een duidelijke hierachie en levert op ooghoogte verrassende
ervaringen. Hierbij word de muur op verschillende schalen als fundamenteel ruimte-ervarings element ingezet.
The Wall is een stadsmodel die grenzen, net als oude middeleeuwse Chinese en Europese steden opnieuw definieert, waardoor de stad gedwongen
wordt te verdichten. Onderzoek van het McKinsey Global Institute toont
aan dat geconcentreerde groei productiviteit en efficiency doet toenemen, en waarschuwt dat dit noodzakelijk is voor een duurzame toekomst
van China. The Wall fungeert ook als framework voor nieuwe mogelijkheden om de stad van schone lucht te voorzien. Door de sterk verdichte
Wall kunnen zowel transport als industrie, de grootste vervuilingsbronnen, geclusterd worden tot een integraal systeem welke aangesloten word
op bestaande netwerken. De breedte van The Wall is gebaseerd op de
maximale loopafstanden vanaf het openbaar vervoer. Hiermee neemt de
afhankelijkheid van de auto af en daarmee de uitstoot van vervuiling. Dit
nieuwe transport systeem is de publieke ruggengraat van The Wall. Het
geclusterde industrie systeem geeft mogelijkheden tot het delen van energie, warmte, water en afval. CO2-afvang wordt hierdoor op grotere schaal
mogelijk gemaakt. Op deze wijze kan luchtvervuiling bij de bron worden
aangepakt. Het generieke model The Wall zou niet alleen in Chengdu,
maar ook in andere Aziatische opkomende steden in allerlei vormen met
respect voor locale condities toegepast kunnen worden.
Juryrapport
The Wall weet volgens de jury van de internationale prijsvraag Vertical
Cities Asia op ingenieuze wijze verschillende schaalniveaus van Chengdu
aan elkaar te knopen en kende het plan de tweede prijs toe. Volgens de
jury worden vernieuwende en tegelijkertijd praktische ontwerpen voor de
stad voorgesteld. The Wall werd bovendien geroemd om het feit dat het
ontwerp was gebaseerd op gedegen architectonisch en stedenbouwkundig
onderzoek. Het jury rapport over The Wall: An original and ambitious
vision. The wall is a strategic approach that starts with a detailed site-specific analysis but culminating in a robust and general solution for the entire
china. The sense of balance in the design, scale and depth of thinking is
most impressive. The wall plays many roles both functionally and metaphorically; it goes beyond being a physical and metaphorical boundary and
dwells on the typology of courtyards and Chinese cultures.
229
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236
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Mitesh Dixit, studio leader of Vertical Cities Asia, and
Henco Bekkering, my mentor during my graduation, together with whom
I have been able to test out my ideas, who provided numerous impulses and
who showed enthusiasm for this undertaking. And to Deborah Hauptmann, the second reader of this thesis, for her input and critical reflections on several concept texts and presentations. Thanks also to Bart van
Lakwijk en Herman Pel, my colleague students, with whom I undertook
the first part of the project. Thanks for your enthusiasm, knowledge, passion and critics during my graduation year. I was lucky to have you in my
group. To the students of the studio Vertical Cities Asia who made the project together I think a great experience. To Luisa Calabrese, Kees Kaan and
Henri van Bennekom for their valuable comments during presentations. To
my fellow students, especially my Atlantis friends. Finally, to friends and
family who supported me during my studies and graduation in particular.
J. N., Rotterdam, Jan. 2012
237
This thesis is a specific research about the city of Chengdu in

Western China. The city is at the very heart of the dramatic
transformation of China and can be seen as a perfect model
city of recent growth. Together with the city of Chongqing it
is one of the largest urban agglomerations in the world. The
city showed an explosive growth in GDP, urban area, infrastructure and living standards. There are however enormous
qualitative challenges for further growth concerning land
use, domesticity, biodiversity, water and air quality; The city
is at the crossroads. In order to attempt to resolve the challenges, which path will it take?
It is the hypothesis of this thesis, that the underlying framework of the city, its streets and public spaces, is the basis
for development, because these are a lasting foundation for
years. The thesis takes on the perspective of ordinary public
places that are meaningful for everyday life. Therefore it is
crucial to understand space, the Chinese perception of it and
how to structure it. The result of this thesis is a proposal for
an alternative urban architectural model that will guide the
city towards compact growth, giving at the same time place
to the millions of new migrants.

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the wall

The re-discovery of ordinary public places in an

The re-discovery of ordinary public places in an

The Wall The re-discovery of ordinary public

Vertical Cities Asia

sprawl, traffic congestion and pollution have threatened the prospects of

Wall encloses space on

Scientific and societal relevance

PROBLEM OF THE ORDINARY

DEFINITION OF THE ORDINARY

Importance of ordinary public places

LOSS OF THE ORDINARY

PERCEPTION OF THE ORDINARY

THE RE-DISCOVERY OF THE ORDINARY

Building the wall

ZOOM IN: THE SPONGE

1.1 Urbanization. Predominantly in Asia.

Compound annual growth rate,

1.2 One billion people in Chinese cities.

In this thesis an urban architectural model is understood,

1.3 Central Business District of Chengdu.

Population density, China 2006 (persons/sqkm).

Vertical Cities Asia

Vertical Cities Asia Competition

Alternative urban architectural model

1.4 Current trend 'dispersed scattered growth'.

1.5 Suggested pattern 'concentrated growth'.

according to McKinsey unacceptably high. The arable land resources will

Expensive lakeside bought by speculators.

Half finishednew town in the middle of the desert in Inner Mongolia.

Sattelite Chenggong with 100,000 new apartments.

Ordos, a new town build in five years.

Low rise development outside Changsha.

New development north-east of Xinyang.

New dispersed developments giving rise to a real estate bubble.

Hub and spoke

1.6 Generate highest per capita GDP.

Urban energy intensity

Hub and spoke

Urban energy demand

1.7 Higher efficient use of energy,

More effective control of pollution.

China total arable land

Hub and spoke

1.8 Contain loss of arable land.

7\SLFDOurban development 2 km from the site in Chengdu.

Hypothesis: Re-discovery of ordinary public places

The hypothesis of this thesis is that by re-discovering the fundamental role

In this thesis the city of Chengdu is used as a case-study. The competition

1.10 Comparative analysis

EVERY RING EQUALS 1000KM

WORLD MAP AND SIZE COMPARISON

1.9 Planned area, site comparison and site..

View on the site given by the competition.

Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to propose an alternative

The main research question derived from this problem statement

Urban architectural model

From the main research question: How to design an alternative compact

and theory research ?

Literature study, policies study, historical analysis

'Public Space' is also often

6. What is the landscape system? Water, biodiversity, vegetation?

Literature study + GIS

1.11 :HVWHUQDUFKLWHFWVGRPLQDWHFRPSHWLWLRQVShanghai CBD competition. Richard Rogers 1994.