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44
December 2014
A New
Idea of
India
The Indian Right needs a
different narrativeone which
is rooted in openness, and a
refusal to discriminate based
on identity.
Can this man provide it?
Wallpaper Divas
56
A New Magazine
Thats 58 Years Old
Dear Reader,
In 1956, journalist Khasa Subba Rau, with the
patronage of C. RajagoplachariRajaji, Indias
last Governor-General, freedom fighter and a
statesman hailed by Mahatma Gandhi as his
conscience keeper, launched a weekly magazine called Swarajya.
Swarajya was intended to convey the founders quest to translate the joy of freedom not
only from foreign rule, but full freedom as
defined and promised by the preamble of our
Constitution. It represented the first coherent
and consistent intellectual response to Nehruvian socialism and the ever-expanding Big
State in newly independent India.
Long before it became fashionable, Swarajya
championed individual liberty, private enterprise, the minimal State and cultural rootedness. Thiia whAt Rajaji wrote:
There is before the country the great
problem of how to secure welfare without
surrendering the individual to be swallowed up by the State, how to get the best
return for the taxes the people pay and how
to preserve spiritual values while working
for better material standards of life. This
journal will serve all these purposes.
So what is this Swarajya 2.0about?
Rajajis words remain as true as ever even,
and especially now, in 2014. The new Swarajya
wishes to be an authoritative voice of reason
representing the liberal centre-right point of
view. It remains committed to the ideals of individual liberty unmediated by the State or any
other institution, freedom of expression and
enterprise, national interest, and Indias vast
and ancient cultural heritage.
Swarajya has two avatars to begin witha
digital daily (www.swarajyamag.com; you can
just scan the first QR code in the left column
on your smatphone and reach thereand this
monthly magazine.
December 2014
C o v e r
S t o r y
22
w o r l d
56
In this issue
18
m e m o r i e s
EDITORIAL DIRECTOR
Sandipan Deb
CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER
Prasanna Viswanathan
PUBLISHER AND CHIEF DIGITAL OFFICER
Amarnath Govindarajan
CHIEF FINANCIAL OFFICER
N. Muthuraman
FOREIGN AFFAIRS EDITOR
Padma Rao Sundarji
EDITOR-AT-LARGE
Rupa Subramanya
NATIONAL AFFAIRS EDITOR
Surajit Dasgupta
BOOKS AND CULTURE EDITOR
Antara Das
CONTRIBUTING EDITORS
Aravindan Neelakandan
Biswadeep Ghosh
Jaideep A Prabhu
Seetha
FOREIGN CORRESPONDENTS
BERLIN: Hermanne Denecke
TOKYO: Hiroyasu Suda
DIGITAL NEWSROOM INTERN
Kruthika Rao
CREATIVE DIRECTOR
Pranab Dutta
The Right needs to develop a different narrativeone that is rooted in the scepticism and openness
innate to Indian tradition. Can Narendra Modi provide that?
E n t e r t a i n m e n t
www.swarajyamag.com
72
We Lost Afghanistan
The son of Minoo Masani, co-founder of the Swatantra Party, committed to free
markets and free enterprise, and the chief political opponent to the Nehruvian
consensus, recalls those heady days.
C r i c k e t
66
/swarajyamag
Contents 4
@swarajyamag
FirstLight 6
/+Swarajyamag
12
Jerry Rao
29
Interpreters of Maladies
30
Sanjeev Sanyal
34
38
Bibek Debroy
42
44
German Lemon
48
52
62
Mallika Nawal
78
/company/swarajya
For Editorial queries:
editor@swarajyamag.com
For Subscription queries:
subscriptions@swarajyamag.com
A l s o
D e ce m b er 2014
Seetha 41
Paddy Padmanabhan
Mainstream Hindi films rarely delve beyond a womans physical beauty. Female actors bag roles
on the basis of looks not acting skills, leading to the creation of more stereotypes than ever before.
Phil Hughes death is a terrible tragedy, but banning the bouncer, as many are
suggesting, will be unjust and irrational, and can only diminish the beauty of
cricket. If you really love cricket, youll bat for the bouncer.
Books 80
S a m p l e I ssue
Archives 82
Cover Illustration
T F Hadimani
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
firstlight
Death of Employment:
Welcome to the Singular
Used to be that you would join a company as a permanent employee at the bottom rung of the ladder and work your way up, sometimes staying there your entire
career, and retiring one day with a pension plan, a gold-plated wristwatch, and a
plaque. Changing employers seldom happened.
Today, large corporations worldwide are embattled institutions struggling to
remain relevant to customers. They have become completely soulless environments
where the struggle for survival and job protection pits people against each other on
a daily basis. Compassion and empathy dont exist in large corporations today.
In an age where the permanence of an employer is a big question mark, the notion
of permanent employment is quaint and laughable. The rupture of trust between
employers and employees is the only thing that is permanent. Disenchanted with
large corporations, and lured by the opportunity to remain independent and do
meaningful work, young men and women are increasingly choosing self-directed occupations over employment. This often takes the form of entrepreneurship.
When every individual is expected to change a dozen jobs over the course of a
career, it is employment by name but free agency for all intents and purposes. Every
stint with an employer is just another gig that adds value through cash compensation, learning opportunities, relationship networks, and eventually, some form of
success defined as money or expert knowledge.
Call this the Singular phenomenon. A single individual drives his or her own
destiny, with little or no guidance and support from an institutional employer, and
often does this with the help of advanced and readily available technology, and most
likely a very small group of fellow Singulars. In this world, every person operates as
a single economic unit. Utopia? maybe not. Its a Singular world. And its yours.
Paddy Padmanabhan
(For the full version of this text, visit www.swarajyamag.com)
D e ce m b er 2014
Anna to Go
on Hunger
Strike Again?
On 22 November Anna Hazare met with Ram Jethmalani
and the Aam Aadmi Partys former head of legal cell Ashwini
Upadhyay at his home in Ralegan Siddhi, Maharashtra, to
finalize issues that the Adarsh
Bharat Abhiyan (ABHAIdeal
India Campaign) would take
up with the government.
These include: expediting
the appointment of the Lokpal; asking the government
why six crucial Anti-Corruption
Bills are pending in the Lok
Sabha; pushing the 2006 Supreme Court order on police
reforms; implementation of
the Law Commissions recommendations of 2009 on judicial reforms; and urging for an
ordinance to declare all illicit
money in India and stashed
abroad as national assets.
Hazare had written to Prime
Minister Modi, seeking his
response on these issues.
The Prime Minister assured
Hazare that the government
is working on the necessary
legislations and administrative reforms. However, ABHA,
formed on 9 August, is not
confident the laws will come
through in the winter session
of Parliament.
If negotiations with the government fail, Anna will sit on
hunger strike at Jantar Mantar
on 21 March.
Surajit Dasgupta
S a m p l e I ssue
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
firstlight
Left Behind?
01.12.1955:
Rosa Parks
Wont Get Up
10
D e ce m b er 2014
S a m p l e I ssue
firstlight
12
D e ce m b er 2014
3 Steps to
Create a
Culture of
Innovation
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
13
Id e a s
Shovon Chowdhury
Excuse Me,
But What is
Right Wing?
A deep, incisive,
challenging
multidisciplinary
investigation into
the Big Question.
We try to make it
easy for the reader
with lithographs by
Honore Daumier
(1808-1879), the
Michelangelo of
caricature.
14
D e ce m b er 2014
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
15
16
D e ce m b er 2014
17
because of a nanny, and keeps our brave soldiers on glaciers, with same-size-fits-all boots
and no oxygen, and the nearest medical facility hundreds of miles away? Whose hand signs
the vouchers for millions of phantom cleaners,
while the garbage piles up on our streets? Could
it conceivably be a hand nourished on salaries
that come out of our pockets? Are we actually
paying them to do this to us?
Pappus will come and Fekus will go. Even
AK49 will one day leave us wondering whether
he was a CIA agent or a Maoist, or just a man in
a muffler with delusions of grandeur. The Evil
One will become a distant memory. Maybe its
time we stopped fighting each other, and saw
who our real enemy is.
Maybe we should pause, just for a while,
in our battle on behalf of labour, or against it,
and stop arguing about what our fiscal policy
should be, and what exactly a Hindu Muslim
is, and whether bikinis are good or evil. Maybe
we should get together, as citizens, joined by
a common cause, and push through new laws
that will get that dead hand off our necks, once
and for all. If some of those hands break stones
in Tihar, so much the better.
Thats when well really be free. Thats when
well have genuine swarajya.
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
19
m e m o r i e s
Dr Zareer Masani
The
Swatantra
Years
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D e ce m b er 2014
S a m p l e I ssue
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
21
Minoo Masani
electioneering in Rajkot,
with a cow and calf.
The Jan Sangh had
denounced him as a
beef-eating Parsi.
22
D e ce m b er 2014
Budget speech in Parliament, opening the debate as Leader of the Opposition. It was a challenging performance, since the Budget details
were never known in advance, but Father always rose to the occasion with his usual oratory and a forensic skill in dissecting opaque official statistics. His speeches usually filled both
the press and public galleries, were heard with
rapt attention and were widely reported in the
papers, though not on government-controlled
broadcast media.
Father was also the partys main link with
events and movements abroad during these
tense years of the Cold War. Like Nehru, he
was a firm internationalist, but the similarity
ended there. Unlike Nehru, Father, then still a
socialist, had been appalled by Stalins purges
of the 1930s, followed by the Iron Curtain imposed on Eastern Europe at the end of World
War II. He saw Communism as an expansionist
ideology, which would attempt to sweep across
India as it had China. Global Communism was
for him the greatest threat to world peace, and
he strongly supported the military alliances
the West was sponsoring to halt the Communist advance. Not surprisingly, he saw Nehrus
Non-Alignment developing, under the baleful
influence of the Communist fellow-traveller
Krishna Menon, into a thinly veiled apologia
for Communist tyranny. His warnings were
vindicated by the attempts of Indias supposedly non-aligned government to condone Soviet
suppression of both the Hungarian uprising of
1956 and the Prague Spring of 1967.
Ironically, it was my years as a student at
Oxford in the late 1960s, at the height of the antiVietnam War protests, that ended my Swatantra honeymoon. After two years of staunchly
arguing the American case, I finally succumbed
to the anti-war Zeitgeist. Father and I now had
frequent rows about what I saw as his toadying to American imperialism, and I converted
Mother to my own subversive views.
Tensions at home escalated in 1969 when
Indira Gandhi split the Congress and launched
her bid for supreme power on a populist platform of nationalising banks and abolishing
princely privileges. Father, now President of
the Swatantra Party, resolutely opposed Indira
and expelled C.C. Desai, a colleague who had
been bought over by her to foment disaffection
in opposition ranks. It won Father the reputation of being one of the last incorruptibles
among Indian politicians.
I remember a Times of India cartoon by the
great R.K. Laxman, showing Father tall and upright in a sombre black Nehru jacket showing
the door to a scruffy, little C.C. Desai, dressed in
a T-shirt, jeans and sneakers and complaining:
But nobody dresses like that anymore!
23
C o v e r
S t o r y
A New
Idea of
India
Rajeev Mantri & Harsh Gupta
he Foundational texts
of Dharma, forged some
three and a half millennia
ago, are filled with such scepticism that would gladden
the heart of philosophers
and physicists to this date.
24
N o v ember 2014
N ovember 2 0 1 4
25
26
D e ce m b er 2014
India under Jawaharlal Nehru and his successors decided to pursue a development model inspired by Soviet Russia, with the State enjoying
a gargantuan participation in the economy. Under his leadership, our democracy came to be
based upon the State brokering and negotiating
settlements between groups of religions, castes
and languages rather than guaranteeing equal
rights and freedoms to each citizen.
Inevitably, the State favoured some groups
over others, needlessly anointing itself referee
and vainly believing that it was best placed to
decide what was right for whom. In both economic and social spheres, the Indian State exuded a certitude that chafed against the millennia-old ethos of the society it sought to govern.
But the governance philosophy was not limited
only to certitude; it was selectively condescending as well. While Hindu personal laws were
modernised, Muslim laws were not. Perhaps
Nehru wanted to cultivate a committed voter
base as he pushed through his programme of
leftist economics, for, despite being lampooned
by the Right, Nehru always understood why India was united.
In 1961, addressing the All-India Congress
Committee session, Nehru had said: India has
for ages past, been a country of pilgrimages.
All over the country, you find these ancient
places, from Badrinath, Kedarnath and Amarnath, high up in the snowy Himalayas down to
Kanyakumari in the south. What has drawn
our people from the south to the north and from
north to the south in these great pilgrimages?
It is the feeling of one country and one culture
and this feeling has bound us together. Our ancient books have said that the land of Bharat is
the land stretching from the Himalayas in the
north to the southern seas. This conception of
Bharat as one great land which the people considered a holy land has come down the ages and
has joined us together, even though we have had
different political kingdoms and even though
we may speak different languages. This silken
bond still keeps us together in many ways.
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
27
To hear Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patels
speech in Calcutta on
January 3, 1948, on his
idea of the unity and
diversity of India, use this
QR code:
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D e ce m b er 2014
29
Id e a s
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D e ce m b er 2014
Jaithirth Rao
A Tactical Alliance
With Ayn Rand
Ayn Rands popularity in India can be used as the Trojan horse
to direct Indias young away from the sterile paths of socialism,
collectivism, Statism and State paternalism.
n interesting news
snippet I ran across is that
India has one of largest
groups of young people
in the world interested in
Ayn Rand. This should constitute a great
source of hope and excitement for all of
us who are engaged in trying to spread
the message of the overarching importance of individual freedoms.
I have always felt that Rand was a
pretty mediocre novelist. Her characters
are wooden and stereotypes. Her situations tend to be simplistic binary ones.
But of course, it is not the quality of her
fiction that makes her such a compelling
read. It is the fact that her fiction is merely a medium for conveying with extraordinary emphasis, her basic philosophy
that the only way to achieve progress for
humankind is by unleashing the energies
of the dedicated individual.
Collectivism will doom us to a world
of envy and mediocrity, where individuals will cease to be free sovereign human
beings and become servile cogs in a
gigantic Statist wheel.
Keeping Rand on Indian bestseller
lists, disseminating her ideas, hosting
seminars where Rand is the focal point
of discussions, encouraging study groups
to talk about Randthese are ways we
should consider to expand the attractive beachhead we already seem to have
acquired among the young in India. Rand
can, in effect, become the Trojan horse
which we can leverage to direct Indias
young away from the sterile paths of
socialism, collectivism, Statism and State
paternalism, so prevalent in our academic, political and bureaucratic spheres.
Rand has an appeal to the hardheaded as well as to those attracted to
31
E x p e r t s
Rupa Subramanya
The
Interpreters
of Maladies
32
D e ce m b er 2014
S a m p l e I ssue
who has shown disdain for government spending on the poor and whom human rights advocates hold responsible for the slaughter of hundreds of Muslims in 2002, as did the American
government, which barred him from entering
the United States until a few months ago, when
he became prime minister.
In his online column for Bloomberg, Pankaj
Mishra went much further: (Narendra Modi)
may actually be the most dangerous of cliches,
since the force unleashed by him can swiftly
turn malevolent. India desperately needs a vision other than that of the vain small man trying to impress the big men with his self-improvised rules of the game.
Commentators for India in the foreign press
tend to be Western experts, elite members of
the diaspora or, if based in India, members of
the Anglicised establishment elite. These three
representative examples I have quoted roughly
fit the paradigm.
What you wont hear are voices drawn from
outside the establishmentsuch as members
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
33
Experience Narendra
Modis speech at Madison
Square Garden in New
York City here:
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D e ce m b er 2014
Rupa Subramanya
is Editor-at-Large at
Swarajya. She is a Mumbaibased economist, policy
analyst, commentator and
co-author of Indianomix:
Making Sense of Modern
India (Random House
India, 2012).
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
35
Id e a s
Sanjeev Sanyal
The Architecture
of Hinduism
An investigation into Hinduism as a complex adaptive system
36
D e ce m b er 2014
plies that even the most detailed description is not just insufficient but fundamentally wrong over time. For instance,
given the constant absorption of words
and usages into English, an exclusive
reliance on Wren and Martins grammar
to understand the language would miss
the point. This is also true of Hinduism
where even the most detailed reading of
Dharma Shastras and Smritis would not
give you the correct picture of the lived
experience of the religion over time.
History-Dependent but Not Reversible
One of the common characteristics of
complex adaptive systems is that they
are path-dependent, that is, they carry
the imprint of their historical evolution.
Thus, most cities, biological ecosystems
and living languages will show the layerby-layer accumulation of their history.
Readers will no doubt recognize how this
applies to Hinduism. Notice how this is
distinct from Newtonian mechanics. Two
identical footballs, in identical conditions, will behave in exactly the same
way if exactly the same force is applied to
them. There is no historical memory in
the system, and it does not matter what
was done with the two balls before we
subjected them to this experiment.
Complex adaptive systems, however,
have an additional propertyirreversibility. This means that the system will
not reverse to its origin even if all historical events were reversed. Thus, revers-
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
37
38
D e ce m b er 2014
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
39
P o l i t i c s
Jayant Chowdhury
Are Muslims
in West Bengal
Flocking to BJP?
We joined the BJP out of our own free will. The colour of Islam is green and the BJPs colour
is saffron. Together, we make for India whose flag has both these colours.
40
D e ce m b er 2014
hands of Trinamool goons and seek shelter under Mamata Banerjees aanchal.
That they havent done so, preferring instead
to join a party that the self-proclaimed and selfserving secular cabals in India love to taint as
communal and majoritarian, perhaps speaks
volumes about Muslims changing perceptions
about the BJP.
As state BJP chief Rahul Sinha contended
just the other day, had the BJP really been antiMuslim as the party has been portrayed, Muslims ought to have shied away from it. There
is merit in his argument. More so because the
Muslims who have been joining the BJP did
have other options. They could have easily
opted for the Jamaat-i-Islami which has turned
away from its earlier bonhomie with Trinamool
and is now pitting itself against the ruling party
in Bengal.
Jamaat leader Siddiquallah Chowdhury has
been quite critical of Mamata Banerjee in recent
months and could have been a far better option
for Muslims to rally around, had they really
been seeking protection from Trinamool. Also,
the attar king Bajruddin Ajmal-led All India
United Democratic Forum (AIUDF) which has
emerged as a powerful force in neighbouring
Assam and had set up base in Bengal a couple
of years ago could have been another option for
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
41
Id e a s
Seetha
The Crony
Capitalism Scare
India is a better place than it was during the heydays of socialism
because there is more transparency today. Crony capitalism has been
put on watch; crony socialism never was.
E
Joining the Jamaat or
the AIDUF would have
guaranteed Muslims
in Bengal complete
protection, since Mamata
Banerjee, hyperconscious of her secular
image, would never
have allowed attacks on
members or supporters
of these outfits
Jayant Chowdhury is
an avid observer of and
commentator on politics
and society in Bengal and
eastern, including northeastern, India.
42
D e ce m b er 2014
both the Jyoti Basu and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee governments, says, have started seeing
through the hollowness of Mamatas touted proMuslim gestures.
Mollah, who retains considerable clout in
south Bengal, warned Muslims at a convention
in Kolkata a couple of days ago against Mamatas minority communalism. He believes
Mamatas gestures and sops to Muslims are hollow and insincere, aimed at only securing the
communitys votes. His charge finds resonance
among many Muslims. So does the BJPs sabka
saath, sabka vikaas promise.
Add to that Narendra Modis image as a nononsense incorruptible leader whose stated
objective is fast-paced inclusive development
that is in sharp contrast to the Saradha scamtainted, corrupt Trinamool Congress government that lacks any vision and objective and is
characterized by misgovernance. Is it any wonder, then, that Muslims in growing numbers
are joining the BJP?
Khalil Sheikh, the bereaved father of 17-yearold Sheikh Jasim who was shot dead and then
hacked by Trinamool goons at Chowmandalpur
village in Bengals Birbhum district on November 16 for having joined the BJP, told visiting
mediapersons: We joined the BJP out of our
own free will. The colour of Islam is green and
the BJPs colour is saffron. Together, we make
for India whose flag has both these colours.
Khalil could well have been speaking for all
his brethren who have joined the BJP, much to
the anguish of Mamata Banerjee and other socalled secularists.
S a m p l e I ssue
assets with real ones. Raju had enormous clout with both the Congress and
the Telugu Desam in erstwhile Andhra
Pradesh. What led to the comeuppance of
Jignesh Shah? It was a payment crisis at
the National Spot Exchange Ltd (NSEL),
promoted by his company, Financial
Technologies, that saw an empire collapse like a house of cards. No government patronage could save it.
How did the flamboyant Subrato Roy
Sahara, who flaunted his proximity to
politicians cutting across party lines, go
behind bars? Roy had defied SEBI, which
had restrained two of his companies from
taking deposits from the public. He tried
every legal measure to get his way, but
ultimately nothing worked.
Political clout did not save any of
these businessmen.
The limit to managing the environment is the result also of an increase in
competition, again a post-1991 phenomenon. Earlier, there was a limited number
of players in any sector, making manipulation and suppression of dissent easier.
That is no longer the case. There are also
tougher corporate governance and disclosure norms in place, far more stringent
than when the state was micro-managing
businesses.
Yes, frauds still take place. Market
players are not always scrupulous. For
every case that independent regulators
crack down on, there are allegations of
them turning a blind eye to two more.
There are still regulatory grey areas. The
rule of law is not as robust as it needs
to be. And yet, India is a far better place
than it was during the heydays of socialism. Crony capitalism has been put on
watch; crony socialism never was.
Seetha is Contributing Editor of Swarajya
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
43
Id e a s
Bibek Debroy
Creating artha is
desirable, as long as
it is done through
legitimate means
and the wealth
created is used for
desirable purposes.
Without artha,
dharma and kama
cant be pursued
The Desirability
of Artha
Selective and biased reading from texts gives the false impression
that Hinduism is against wealth creation. In fact there is a healthy
emphasis on creating wealth, with limited expectations from the State.
44
D e ce m b er 2014
for Brahmanas and Kshatriyas, especially Kshatriyas who were kings. Words
like brahmacharya and sannyasa are
symptomatic. Brahmacharya is usually
understood as a period when one studies,
which is fine. But it is also understood as
celibacy, which is not necessarily true.
I can cite chapter and verse to illustrate that brahmacharya was also
interpreted, not as celibacy, but as indulging in sexual intercourse within the
permitted norms of behaviour, such as
with ones own wife. Similarly, sannyasa
did not mean renouncing everything and
resorting to a life of mendicancy and becoming a hermit. Within the garhasthya
(householder) stage, one can also practice
sannyasa, as long as one sticks to some
norms. The contested proposition is thus
the following one.
That, with its emphasis on the next
world and dharma and moksha, Hinduism wasnt concerned about creating
wealth. It was instead about pursuing
objects that werent material.
As a counterpoint, you may think of
Kautilyas Arthashastra. But I didnt really have this text in mind. Arthashastra
is about rajadharma, the duties of a king.
Arthashastra is about what we would today call government and governance, the
enabling framework for wealth creation.
I have in mind the Mahabharata instead,
especially, but not only, the sections that
have to do with Bhishmas teachings to
Yudhishthira when he is lying on the bed
of arrowsin the Shanti Parva and Anushasana Parva. You will also find similar
statements in Vana (or Aranyaka Parva)
and to a lesser extent in Udyoga Parva.
Incidentally, the Mahabharata also
has a substantial section on rajadharma.
In terms of describing the economy and
security, law and order and jurisprudence. For instance, public works were
driven by individuals, not necessarily by
the king. Who imparted skills training?
Not the State, but the counterpart of what
may be called guilds.
On jurisprudence, it is interesting
that the Mahabharata gives a listing of
17 types of civil suits, in order of priority,
which the king should pay attention to.
Right at the top was breach of contract.
On the criminal side, there is an argument that rich people should not be
imprisoned. Thats a drain on the public
exchequer. Instead, monetary penalties
45
E c o n o m y
Surajit Dasgupta
9 Things Arun
Jaitley Can Do
The government is moving in the right direction, but rather slowly. It needs to go beyond
procedural changes and strike at some very basic wrong premises that hold back Indias
growth. Here are 9 major reform areas that come to our mind.
46
D e ce m b er 2014
Will the NDA government change the scenario? On 12 November, The Indian Express
reported: Worried about the adverse political
fallout of watering down provisions of the Right
to Fair Compensation and Transparency in the
Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, the NDA government is unable
to decide whether to go ahead with its plan to
amend the Act in the forthcoming winter session of Parliament or try and build a larger
consensus on the issue. Sources said the government is even toying with the idea of taking
the ordinance route after the winter session of
Parliament to effect key but politically sensitive changes to the Act. In fact, the government
had earlier also mulled issuing an ordinance to
give effect to the changes but the move did not
fructify.
True, this columnist had explained to
Swarajyas readers in his 23 October article on
swarajyamag.com that the new government
was committed to reforms, but it would usher
in changes keeping their political implications
in mind. However, that cannot perpetually stay
as the governments excuse, especially after the
BJPs remarkable victories in Maharashtra and
Haryana assembly elections. If 288 seats in Parliament were not enough to instil confidence in
Team Modi, the BJP will be in a better position
to send its representatives to the Rajya Sabha
with more states in its kitty, which its Upper
House MPs can represent by the time February
De c e m b e r 2 0 1 4
47
Scan this to go to
Arun Jaitleys offical
site. Unfortunately, he
does not seem to have
provided a link where
visitors can comment:
4. Smart Welfare
When it comes to replacing subsidies by direct
benefits transfer (DBT) via Aadhaar, bank accounts, Su-Pay, debit cards, and mobile payments, for instance, the subsidies on cooking
gas and kerosene will soon be transferred to
bank accounts of beneficiaries. The UPA government was handicapped by the Supreme
Court judgement that said Aadhaar could not
be forced down peoples throats for DBT. But
Jan Dhan Yojana coupled with Aadhaar reaching Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand means an increase in the number of
people with unique identification numbers to 1
billion by the end of 2015.
Government must now rely on an anticipated human reaction; when some people get the
benefits and others dont, there will be a rush
among those left out to secure their Aadhaar
cards. DBT, therefore, must not be delayed any
further.
5. Coal Mining
The NDA government moved on 20 October to
open up the coal industry to commercial mining, signalling the most serious shift in 42 years
toward allowing private players full participation in the sector. But procrastination is writ
large on its announcements. While the industry
will be opened as and when required, no timeline has been set. Further, no foreign company
will be allowed to do commercial mining.
This isnt totally liberal, but acceptable nationalism. Once coal-bearing land is taken back
from private companies whose mining licences
were cancelled by the apex court in September,
the government will hold an electronic auction
of the mines for steel, power and other companies for their own consumption in three to four
months; this transparency is welcome. Now the
status quo: No changes are being made to the
structure of Coal India.
6. Fixing the Railways
Liberals were quite happy with the first Railway Budget of this government, but then came
the rude shock of the removal of D.V. Sadananda Gowda from the ministry. News of the
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49
D e f e n c e
Did the
Germans Try to
Sell Us a Lemon?
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51
If the Dassault
deal is done by
2015, the first
aircraft will be
delivered in
2018. To tide
over the wait,
France has
offered two
of its Dassault
squadrons
immediately
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D e ce m b er 2014
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53
A s i a
Hiroyasu Suda
New Dynamics,
New Chapter
Much has appeared in the Indian media about Prime Minister Narendra Modis trip to
Japan in September. But what do the Japanese think of Modi?
W
When Satyajit Ray met
Akira Kurosawa:
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D e ce m b er 2014
declining popularity at home, his idea of forging ties with India did not make substantial
progress.
This was followed by the global financial crisis of 2008, which crippled subsequent Japanese
governments, already struggling with conflicts
within both the Liberal Democratic Party as
well as the socialist-inclined Democratic Party.
Japans global strategy lay neglected.
By the time the general elections of December 2012 came round, a deep distrust of all political parties prevailed among Japanese voters. All of them expected any new government
to revive the stagnant economy. Much like the
public mood ahead of the elections in India earlier this year, it is these voter expectations in
Japan that lent a big momentum to Abes return
to political centrestage.
Given the significantly greater public support, Abes second coming has proved far
stronger than his earlier tenure. He has begun
to tackle the most crucial issues head-on: reviving Japans economy and lending consistency
and pragmatism to domestic policies.
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N e i gh b o u r s
Jaideep Prabhu
How India
Lost Out In
Afghanistan
The Indian
government
squandered
Afghanistans
goodwill through
years of vacillating
and incoherent
policy towards
the country. This
failure will have
repercussions in the
entire region.
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stronger, now that the mission seemed truly accomplishedthe Afghan government had been
established in 2004 and it was their responsibility to safeguard their own wellbeing.
Strategists warned, however, that the Taliban was not yet dead and would come back the
moment NATO left Afghanistan; the Afghan
National Security Force was as yet too weak to
resist the Taliban on its own. The United States
was desperate for allies in the region to hold on
to the gains it had made. Already, as American
plans to retreat became more pronounced, the
Taliban began a small surge against local and
foreign forces.
Indias reticence to become involved in Afghanistans security has come at a high price.
Even as talk of downsizing the American commitment to Afghanistan appeared in the US
presidential election campaign in May 2008,
the Indian embassy in Kabul was the target of a
terrorist attack that left 58 people dead and 141
wounded. It was targeted again in October 2009,
killing at least 17 more. In February 2010, terrorists levelled the Arya Guest House, killing
nine Indian doctors. In August 2013, the Indian
consulate in Jalalabad suffered a suicide bomb
attack with 10 casualties, and the Indian consulate in Herat was attacked in May 2014, thankfully with no injuries. Indians have also been
victims of kidnappings and executions in the
central Asian version of the Wild, Wild West.
Many of these attacks have been traced
back to Pakistan and its notorious intelligence
service, the ISI. The US retreat had not only
encouraged the Taliban to launch their own
Spring Offensive but also emboldened their patrons in Islamabad to try and dislodge Delhis
foothold in their backyard. In fact, Ashfaq Kayani, Pakistans Chief of Army Staff from 2007 to
2013, had publicly called for minimizing Indias
role in Afghanistan in exchange for stability in
Afghanistan.
Indias inaction in the face of these provocations is curious. On the diplomatic front too,
Delhis actions can at best be described as tepid
except when it has come time to criticize the
United States. However, India has helped neither itself nor the region with any proposal of
its own.
For example, from Delhis perspective, Iran
holds the key to Afghanistans reintegration
into South Asia. Yet India has done little to
persuade the United States to make an exception to its sanctions on Iran so that India could
continue the highway from Delaram to Zaranj
through Milak to Chabahar. This route would
not only open Afghanistan up to trade but also
the rest of Central Asia.
At the same time, Chinese companies trade
routinely with Iran in arms, auto parts, electronics, mining, oil, power generation, textiles,
toys, transportation, and more. Chinas trade
with Iran has increased dramatically since 2007
when it replaced the European Union as Irans
largest trading partner, and is set to hit $44 billion this year. India has largely complied with
the spirit of the US sanctions by reducing its
oil dependency on Iran and disconnecting its
financial links with the country.
So timid has Indian diplomacy been that Delhi was excluded from the International Conference on Afghanistan, held in Istanbul in January 2010, largely due to Pakistani pressure. Last
year, Delhis outcry at the preposterous attempt
S a m p l e I ssue
sources of developmental aid to India since independence and yet it was the Soviet Union that
won the affection of the Indians with their MiG
fighter jets and Uralvagonzavod tanks.
Indias military aid to Afghanistan is not
quite nil: Delhi trained 576 Afghan troops in
2012 and that number increased to 1,000 in 2013;
over 650 officers and special forces commandos
have also received training in India. According
to Indian officials, there are also some 500 Indian paramilitary forces deployed in Afghanistan to guard Indian assets as they develop Afghan infrastructure. Finally, in May 2014, India
worked out a deal with Russia whereby Delhi
would pay Moscow to manufacture and deliver
weapons to Kabul. Though the specifics of this
deal are unknown, brand new weapons would
cost more and cut into the volume of armaments Afghanistan is looking for. India would
also pay to repair old equipment the Soviets had
left behind in 1989.
This is not enough for Kabul, which has been
blunt about what they expect from India: second-hand weapons such as MiG-21 fighter jets,
T-72 tanks, Bofors howitzers, AN-32 transport
aircraft, MI-17 helicopters, trucks, bridge-laying equipment, radios, radars, other equipment
critical to command and control, and significantly more military trainers. Indias excuses
so far have been baffling, from claiming that
India does not have surplus weapons and Pakistani refusal to grant overflight permission, to
requiring Russian permission to manufacture
weapons for export under license. Admittedly
with the benefit of hindsight, it is nonetheless
unclear why Delhi could not anticipate Kabuls
requests and work towards resolving these log-
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D e ce m b er 2014
was no lessening of support for terrorist activity against India from Islamabad, Delhi genuflected to the half-baked logic of brotherhood
and Pakistan as a co-victim of terror. As one
analyst argued, India already deploys almost
10,000 troops abroad under the UN flag; it really
would not have been that difficult or alien an
experience for India to put boots on the ground
in Afghanistan if it so decided.
The second reason for Indias inertia is that
its ruling political party was too inward-looking and occupied with domestic rivalries to
formulate an effective national policy. Foreign
policy was federalized, with Sri Lanka being
the purview of Tamil Nadu, Bangladesh falling to West Bengal, and Pakistan coming under
the jurisdiction of Kashmir and its chapter in
Delhi. There was no foreign policy community
in the country that could grill the government
as citizens became withdrawn from governance
with scam after scam rocking the country and
institutions crumbling one after the other.
In April and May 2014, both India and Afghanistan went to the polls. In India, the BJP
won in a landslide, the first time any party captured more than 50 per cent of the seats in the
Lok Sabha in 30 years. Even before Narendra
Modi took his oath of office, he received two
calls from Karzai. The appointment of Ajit Doval as National Security Advisor gave hope to
the outgoing Afghan president that India may
at last step up to its regional responsibilities.
In Kabul, Ghani took office; unlike his challenger in the polls, Abdullah Abdullah, Ghani
had no ties to India. He had not fought alongside
Ahmad Shah Masood against the Taliban. Ghani is an academic and a technocrat, educated at
the American University of Beirut and Columbia University before teaching at Berkeley and
Johns Hopkins and joining the World Bank.
While Karzais relations with Pakistan were
as toxic as his relations with India were good,
Ghani comes to the table with a blank slate and
is willing to work with Islamabad to reduce terrorism in his country. Now, India fears that this
may increase Pakistans influence in Kabul yet
again.
Ghani is by no means anti-India. However,
having watched the South Asian giant vacillate
for years, he is following the prudent path by
dealing with those ready to do so. Delhi fears
that Ghani might overcompensate for his predecessors brusqueness with Pakistan and cooperate with them to reduce Indias footprint in
Afghanistan in exchange for reducing support
to the Taliban.
The pity of it all is that Delhi remained aloof
while it had Afghanistan trying to woo it and is
now realising its folly, albeit under a different
government, when Kabul has turned away to
other partners.
In many ways, Afghanistan is a litmus test
for Delhis ascendance as a regional power.
One of the many lessons a regional power must
understand is that soft power, while useful, is
meaningless without hard power.
For a decade, Delhi proudly recalled that
the most popular TV serial in Afghanistan was
an Indian soap opera, Kyun Ki Saas Bhi Kabhi
Bahu Thi, as proof of the superiority of its soft
power over US military force. Yet Kabul burned,
and as they used to say back home, dum Romae
consulitur, Saguntum expugnaturwhile Rome
deliberated, Saguntum was captured.
Jaideep A. Prabhu is a
specialist in foreign and
nuclear policy; he also
pokes his nose in energy
and defence-related
matters
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63
Id e a s
Paddy Padmanabhan
The Long
Goodbye
Why Indian guests linger at the door, and other timeless habits.
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C r i c k e t
Sandipan Deb
The Bouncer Is
A Fast Bowlers
Fundamental
Right
T
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journalist has gone an extra 22 yards and demanded that all deliveries above 130 km should
be no-balled!
Other ideas being floated include enforcing
shorter run-ups for fast bowlers, soft pitches,
even four-ball overs (This will rotate the strike
quicker, because a fatigued batsman is more
likely to be hit by a bouncer. What these innovative thinkers do not realize is that the bowler
will also be less fatigued!).
Of all the various brainwaves, the 130-km demand is the most unreasonable and bizarre. It
reminds me of a Kurt Vonnegut story about a
society of the future where all men and women
who are found to be more intelligent than the
average citizen have to mandatorily take medication that dumbs them down to the mean level.
Those who are physically stronger than average have to go around with weights chained to
their bodies (the stronger you are, the heavier
the weights prescribed). If men and women are
judged better-looking than the average, they
have to wear masks in public, the hideousness
of which are reverse-calibrated to their beauty.
The great West Indian fast bowler Joel Garner was nearly 7 feet tall. There was nothing
he could do about this, or the fact that when
he released the ball, it was 11 feet above the
ground. Coming down from such a height, the
ball naturally bounced when it hit the track.
S a m p l e I ssue
So, Garners average delivery came at the batsman waist- or rib-high. This was merely immutable Newtonian physics. I suppose the 130-km
gentleman would have wanted Garner to be allowed to bowl only if he released the ball from a
bent-over or crouching position.
Why not just ban fast bowling and ask some
blokes to roll the ball slowly down the ground to
the batsman?
But I suppose then some people will carp
that this is unfair to the batsmanballs rolling
down the ground are difficult to hit for sixes.
Within a few says of Phil Hughes death, several lists appeared of cricketers who have died
on the field. These run to 11 or 12 names (including Hughes), but on closer scrutiny reveal that
only five players and an umpire have actually
died from injuries sustained during a match.
The others died on the field from heart attacks
and seizures unconnected to the game.
In fact, Pakistani cricketer Abdul Aziz was
mortally injured during a domestic match in
1959 by an off-spin delivery which hit the rough
and rose sharply to strike him in the chest! And
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talented bowlers have been able to bowl consistently well. And sledging of batsmen using
the foulest language is a much bigger insult
to the spirit of the game. The spirit lives on in
other ways; for example, though there is no law
against it, bowling short stuff to a tail-ender has
always beenand is still isconsidered unsportsmanly.
If you are in the team as a batsman, you are
supposed to give as good as you get, and the
bowler is honour-bound to give you the best
that he has.
And the fussy gentlemen can always go
play croquet if they want.
Batsmen today are as comprehensively armoured as they can be without the weight of the
protective gear slowing them down. The helmet
surfaced in Test cricket only in 1979, 102 years
after the first Test match was played, when Graham Yallop of Australia came out to bat wearing
one (It should come as no surprise that the rival
team was the West Indies). Till then, batsmen
were bareheaded or had a cap on, fully aware of
and accepting the physical risk involved.
The best ways to tackle a bouncer developed
naturallyhook it, or duck without keeping
your bat up like a flagpole, or just move out of
the way. This is a skill that batsmen learn as a
necessary component of their repertoire.
Has there ever been a more beautiful sight in
cricket than Sunil Gavaskar swaying his head
and shoulders away just the required bit from
a viciously rising delivery, while keeping his
eyes on the ball all the time?
The truth is that no fast bowlernot Larwood, not Malcolm Marshall, not Allan Donald,
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E n t e r t a i n m e n t
Biswadeep Ghosh
Why Pretty
Women
Dont Act
Anymore
Mainstream
Hindi films rarely
attempt to delve
beyond a womans
physical beauty.
Female actors bag
assignments on the
basis of looks not
acting skills, leading
to the creation of
more stereotypes
than ever before.
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Not that gender inequality is unique to Hindi cinema. It is a global problem, although Indias performance on every count is seriously
embarrassing. A first-of-its-kind study was
conducted by the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media, UN Women and The Rockefeller
Foundation, which analysed the content of gender roles in 10 most profitable film-producing
territories. The case studies were theatrically
released between January 1st 2010 and May 1st
2013 and roughly equivalent to a MPAA rating
of G, PG, or PG-13, two conditions which led to
deductions which dedicated viewers of contemporary Indian cinema across all genres and languages may not like to hear.
To start with, Indian films are among the
worst in their emphasis on sexy attire and
some nudity. Even more pathetic is the focus
on attractiveness, an area in which India has
emerged as the global leader. While no sample
S a m p l e I ssue
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79
Id e a s
Mallika Nawal
OW-WOWPOOH-POOH
DING-DONGYO-HE-HO
LA-LABefore you ask, let
me set the record straight:
No, I have NOT lost my
mind (at least, not enough to land in an
asylumnot yet). Nor am I imitating
the two-year-old toddler that lives in my
neighborhood (although sometimes, I do
scream like him).
So, whats this gibberish?
There is always a method to my
madness, which usually happens when
someone makes me really mad. And this
time, the man who managed to press
my buttons (and not in a good way)
was none other than the beloved mass
author, Chetan Bhagat with his Half
Girlfriend, in which a girl who speaks impeccable English agrees to be only half
girlfriend to a boy from rural India who
struggles with the language.
I truly dont know whos more offendedthe girl in me, the feminist in me, the
linguist in me or the Bihari in me!
Of course, this is not another review
of the book, which, to be completely honest, I havent readfor the concept itself
managed to put off my multiple personalitiesall at the same time.
However, before I delve into my
twisted reasons for writing this article
(and I solemnly swear to explain the balderdash at the beginning of this article),
let me quote another IITianthis time
an eminent IIT professor (and a close
personal friend). During a session, he
categorically informed his students, You
can never speak proper English. Its not
your mother tongue. And I simply sat
there, staring at him.
I promise to get to those funny-sounding words in a momentbut for now,
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speech, I hear the laughing cries of exultation when lads and lassies vied with
one another to attract the attention of
the other sex, when everybody sang his
merriest and danced his bravest to lure a
pair of eyes to throw admiring glances in
his direction. Language was born in the
courting days of mankind.
After all, who amongst us has not felt
both its warming glow and its cold icy
stingits companionship and its abandonment
How it makes us soar to the greatest
heights of paradise or how it flings us
into the deepest darkest recesses of hell.
Truth is, language has infinite power
and as long as theres Adam and Eve (or
Romeo and Juliet or Laila and Majnu
or Martian and Venusian or You and
Me), as long as theres love in the world,
language will find a way to cast its spell
just as it did, a long time ago, on a little
girl who lived in Bihar.
Chetan Bhagat notwithstanding.
Curse you, CB!
81
B o o k s
Arnab Ray
Playing It My Way
Sachin Tendulkar
with Boria Majumdar
Hachette India
497 pages
Rs 800
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D e ce m b er 2014
SRTs autobiography works (mostly) because Sachins voice comes out strong and clear,
despite stilted prose and an unimaginative retelling of that-which-everyone-knows.
Surajit Dasgupta
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83
A r c h i v e s
Nehru: Philosopher
Turned Technician
This piece was written by Atulananda Chakravarti for the 2nd April 1960 issue of Swarajya.
hy do people follow
me? asked Prime
Minister Nehru of
the press sometime
ago. He answered his
own question. It is, he said, because
of my dedication to them, because of my
patriotism. The world came to read all
this next morning with amusement and a
shot of pain at the same time. They were
amused by the stagey, theatrical tone of
it; and the pain they felt was due to the
Prime Minister trying to come out of a
muddled self-appraisal.
He is not alone in dedication and
patriotism. There were and probably are
thousands who can boast of the same.
Where are they? Some have probably suffered and sacrificed much more, vastly
more than he has. Do the people know
them even? The answer he gave was not
the right answer. The right answer is
that people are still searching for the
fierce idealist, the uncompromising
leader, in the faded shadow that is Prime
Minister Nehru.
At home he wanted to unify India, but
the agents he employed have substituted
centralization instead. He initiated the
Plans to make the people prosperous,
economically and socially. The Plans
have only let loose rackets of all kinds
and degrees. While his apparently loyal
followers are seeking to industrialize
India, they batten on the economy and
impoverish it, letting the essentials go
neglected.
The trouble began as Nehru took
to a new role not his own. Gandhi had
appointed him as his heir. A person bequeaths to another only what belongs to
him. In the same way, an heir can be said
to have inherited just that office which
his predecessor used to hold.
What was the office that Gandhi held?
His was only the unofficial office of the
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symbol of popular opposition to the government run by Nehru, and added that if
the king would do a wrong he would say
so and stand up against it.
Since then, Nehru had been giving
his best to the country as the spokesman
of the left wing of the Congress. Great,
though unperceived, tragedy followed
the sudden change of Nehrus habitual
faculty, his radical amendment of his
own mental constitution. It is seen only
today in its naked horror when the only
effective voice of oppositionGandhis
voicehas been silenced by destiny.
The result has been pathetic. No omission, no commission, no corruption of
the government can now be corrected by
the force of fearless opposition; for that
force, furthered by Gandhi, was Nehrus;
but he is the government, and as Prime
Minister, its invariable defender. The
self-contradictions of a great man whom
Nature made an opposition leader and
history turned into a Prime Minister are
bound to have fatal consequences.
These are reflected in the chronic conflicts within his party as well as within
his government. Nehru goes much faster
than it is possible for his men to catch up.
His ideas rush upon him more impetuously than he can himself handle them.
Before one innovation is absorbed in the
system he embarks on another. All this is
a fitful attempt to fit oneself into a situation for which one is an intrinsic misfit.
A professional politician may easily
adapt himself from opposition to the ruling position, but one who derives energy
from inspiration cannot so easily change
his place, for inspiration is not an outer
garment that can be cast off at will. It
is the tragedy of a political philosopher
playing the role of a political technician.
(For the full version of this text, visit
www.swarajyamag.com)
S a m p l e I ssue