Indian Slavery in Colonial America

Edited and with an introduction by Alan Gallay

University of Nebraska Press

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Contents

List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .vii

Introduction
Indian Slavery in Historical Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Alan Gallay

1. Indian Slavery in Colonial New England. . . . . . . . 33

Margaret Ellen Newell

2. They shalbe slaves for their lives

Indian Slavery in Colonial Virginia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67

C. S. Everett
3. South Carolinas Entrance

into the Indian Slave Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

Alan Gallay

4. Anxious Alliances
Apalachicola Efforts to Survive the

Slave Trade, 16381705 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

Joseph Hall

5. Apalachee Testimony in Florida

A View of Slavery from

the Spanish Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185

Jennifer Baszile

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Indian Slavery in Colonial America

Edited and with an introduction by Alan Gallay
University of Nebraska Press

6. Indian Slavery in Southeastern Indian

and British Societies, 16701730

Denise I. Bossy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207

7. The Making of a

Militaristic Slaving Society

The Chickasaws and the Colonial

Indian Slave Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

Robbie Ethridge
8. A Spectrum of Indian Bondage

in Spanish Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .277

Juliana Barr
9. We Betray Our Own Nation
Indian Slavery and Multi-ethnic

Communities in the

Southwest Borderlands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319

James F. Brooks
10. A Little Flesh We Offer You
The Origins of Indian Slavery

in New France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353

Brett Rushforth
11. John Askin and Indian Slavery

at Michilimackinac . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391

E. A. S. Demers
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421

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Maps

1. Apalachicolas and their

neighbors, ca. 1660. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

2. Ocheses and their

neighbors, ca. 1690. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162

3. Northern Provinces of

New Spain, ca. 1786 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281

4. Native and Spanish sites, ca. 1786 . . . . . . . . . . . . .282

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Introduction
Indian Slavery in Historical Context
Alan Gallay

In 1702 Pierre Le Moyne dIberville, attempting to establish the new French

colony of Louisiana, tried to broker a peace between the two most powerful
peoples in the region, the Choctaws and the Chickasaws. Although over 700
miles away, the English in South Carolina had destabilized the entire Lower
Mississippi Valley by setting in motion a trade in Indian slaves. Along the
Mississippi River, and extending west as far as Texas, south to the Gulf of
Mexico, and east into the interior of the Southeast, native peoples turned on
one another sometimes old enemies, but frequently people with whom
theyd had no quarrel, perhaps had not even known and captured them
for transportation overland to Charles Town, South Carolina, for export
to transatlantic ports. With no settlers or soldiers within 700 miles, the
English had exerted formidable inuence in the region from which they
beneted protably. The money accrued from Indian slaves taken in the Old
Southwest, as well as from thousands of victims in Florida, the Carolinas,
and elsewhere, was used to capitalize what became a hugely successful
plantation regime in the mainland English colonies.
For the infant French colony to succeed, the French had to end
English inuence in the region to separate the English from their chief
ally, the Chickasaws. At a meeting with the Chickasaws, Iberville lectured
and scolded them: the English had exploited the Chickasaws for their own

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purposes by setting them to slave upon the Choctaws. For the previous
eight to ten years, at English instigation, the Chickasaws had taken
more than 500 prisoners and killed more than 1,800 Chaquetas. Those
prisoners were sold; but taking those prisoners, Iberville reminded the
Chickasaws, cost you more than 800 men, slain on various war parties,
who would be living at this moment if it had not been for the English. All
the English cared about, Iberville assured the Chickasaws, were blood
and slaves. He derided Chickasaw ignorance of that fact that their own
captives were sold by their enemies to the English, who sent them into
slavery in the West Indies. The ultimate plan of the Englishman, he
warned, after weakening you by means of wars, is to come and seize you
in your villages and then send you to be sold somewhere else, in faraway
countries from which you can never return, as the English have treated
others, you know.1
The spread of Indian slavery that accompanied European settle
ment of North America had tremendous impact on native peoples, not just
the enslaved, as Iberville noted, but on the slavers too. Slavery itself existed
in Native America before European arrival, but the scale altered consider
ably when Europeans organized an international slave trade in American
Indian slaves that led to the decimation of entire groups and depopulation
of large areas. The surviving native peoples underwent dramatic political,
cultural, and economic changes. Those not killed in raids faced the worst
fate: lifelong misery as slaves.
The Study of Indian Slavery
When Almon Wheeler Lauber published Indian Slavery in Colonial Times
within the Present Limits of the United States (1913), the scholarly community
treated it as an interesting aside, but hardly worth additional study despite
Lauber marshaling an impressive array of evidence pointing to the ubiquity
of Indian enslavement by European colonists.2 Perhaps this occurred for
teleological reasons: African slavery became the prevalent form of labor
in the United States, so how important could Indian slavery have been?
Perhaps, too, examination of Indian slavery would have forced scholars
away from the dominant paradigms of Native American history the loss

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of land from Euro-American encroachment, the societal and cultural up

heaval experienced by native peoples, and the resistance of Indians to the
civilizing offers of the United States.
As the essays in this volume make clear, Indian slavery was not
peripheral in the history of Native America, but central to the story. Indian
slavery and slaving adds new context and elaboration to a host of larger
narratives the loss of land and autonomy by native groups, the entry of
native peoples into the international market economy, and the evolution
of native polities and social systems. Study of the wide-scale enslavement
of Native Americans also beckons us to reconsider the nature, forms, and
impact of European colonialism, empire-building, and capitalistic devel
opment in the Atlantic world.
Over the last sixty years great strides have been made in the study
of transatlantic slavery. Data collecting and methodological sophistica
tion have increased our knowledge of the character and breadth of the
internal slave trade in Africa and the external slave trade to the Americas.
Diaspora studies are revealing the nature of the cultural transformation
of Africans in the Americas, the varieties of slave experience, and the re
ligious, communal, and familial impact of slavery on both the enslaved
and their masters.3 Study of Indian enslavement provides new context for
understanding the enslavement of Africans in Africa and the Americas,
and the evolution of race and racism as historical concepts and ideologies
in the Atlantic world. Too often racialization of Native Americans and
Africans is analyzed separately and sequentially. The European construc
tion of indigenous Americans as others savage heathens inhabiting
a dangerous wilderness that threatened the souls and bodies of EuroAmericans is usually deemed too different from the creation of Africans as
others to warrant comparison. Yet both Indians and Africans were depicted
as savage heathens, with comparative reference made to their skin color,
nudity, and other characteristics allegedly denoting racial inferiority and
barbarism. Since Indians and Africans presumably were encountered in
different ways the rst in their own villages and on the warpath, the
Africans as chattel slaves mostly laboring on plantations, there seemed little
need for comparison beyond a few supercialities that both were viewed

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by Europeans as inferiors. But when we consider that so many natives

were kept as slaves, sharing the same condition with the vast majority of
Africans in America, we must reexamine racialization in early America.
Although Africans and Indians for the most part were viewed differently,
they received similar treatment, often were described with similar labels,
and frequently were lumped together by law.
Of course Africans and Native Americans were vastly different
peoples. Likewise there was great cultural diversity within Native America
and Africa. In our modern world, when viewing the past, many expect Af
ricans and Native Americans to have thought and acted in racialized ways.
We express surprise that Africans did not unite against European slave
traders in Africa, and that Indians did not ban together against European
settlers almost as if enslavement or defeat were their own fault. Not only
were the differences too great, and the enmities too strong, for peoples
in Africa or the Americas to unite as one, but the very same can be said of
Europeans, who, despite their shared identity as Christians, would not
and could not unite together against Africans or Native Americans. The
competition between Europeans took precedence over unity they had no
reason to unite against Africans or Native Americans. Similarly, enmities
and alliances among Africans and American Indians often held precedence
in their lives and precluded unity of each against Europeans cultural
differences also may have been too much to overcome. Race as a concept
possessed by early modern peoples was ambiguous, though more fully
realized and important to Europeans than to Africans and Native Americans.
Africans, Americans, and Europeans recognized difference in each other,
culturally and physically but these differences, even when they became
obsessions, did not forge unity strong enough to overcome the disagree
ments and hostilities that existed within their own larger cultural grouping.
Nationalism, ethnicity, and religious and tribal afliations greatly shaped
self-identity and hostilities toward others. This is not to say that racism and
racial identication were of no importance, only that a multitude of factors
and experiences forged the imaginative lives and behaviors of individuals
and groups in the rst centuries of European colonialism.
Although early modern peoples did not unite along presumed

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racial lines, racism did play a central role in the European enslavement of
American Indians and African peoples. Racism took many forms; at its
worst it identied particular peoples as inferior and deserving of enslave
ment. Racist feelings and thoughts were subject to an array of contingen
cies, however, that forestalled it becoming an ideology until late in the
colonial period. Thus we must consider racism as but one factor in the
processes by which people became slaves. Large historical forces and lo
cal contingencies shaped both the slave trades and the practice of slavery.
The cross-oceanic immigration of millions of people, the international
transport and exchange of goods, ideas, technologies, and microbes, and
the organization of European empires and private interests to exploit Africa
and the Americas all these played considerable roles in making slavery
the preeminent economic institution of the early modern Atlantic world.
Yet even these forces do not reveal the entire story of slaving. The capture
and sale of an American Indian in northern New England differed from
the capture and sale of a person in Texas, or Hispaniola, or the Gold Coast,
making generalization about slave trading as difcult to hazard as gener
alization about Europeans, Africans, and American Indians.
A remarkable variety of experiences distinguished slaving by re
gion and colony, while the life of a slave differed not only by location, but
the nature of work, the size of the labor force, and the temperament and
power of the owner. The slaves themselves also differed one from the other.
The experience of those born into slavery, at least psychologically, varied
considerably from those born into freedom. But the realities of slavery
also varied considerably. Slaves in Spanish colonies possessed legal rights
denied them in British and Dutch colonies.4 Physical treatment tended to
be extremely brutal in the West Indies compared to in New England. In
all cases slavery meant a denial of freedom, but degrees of autonomy and
privilege in slavery did not necessarily mean more or less contentment.
An artisanal slave living in better physical circumstances than a plantation
slave could have been just as apt to run away or rebel. We can generalize
that the overwhelming majority of slaves wished they were free, but sharing
a condition as slaves did not necessarily create unity in the slave quarters.
Competition and resentments fostered hostility. Ethnicity divided slaves,

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whether Angolans from Bantu people in South Carolina, or in Boston,

where southern Indian slaves ran away and committed crimes together,
though infrequently alongside New England Indians or African slaves.5
Analysis of the diversity of the slave experience, the many slave trades, the
processes of enslavement, and the variety in character, circumstance, and
purpose by which people became slavers or captives, masters or slaves,
increases our understanding of the multitude of ways that humanity sur
vived and perpetuated oppression within slavery, and the historical forces
they all contended with in the early modern world.
The study of Indian slavery opens pathways to further address
slaverys meaning for individuals and these historical forces. It offers vantage
points for exploring the meaning, substance, and form of Indian-European
relations in virtually every colony, the varied responses to colonialism among
native peoples, and new ways for examining the relations that existed be
tween and within native groups. We can then compare the practice of Indian
slavery from one region to the next as a way of assessing differences and
similarities among peoples and colonies. Wherever Indian slavery occurred
on a signicant scale the institution had tremendous impact. This compels
us to rethink colonies and regions histories. Imperial and proprietary
directives, and colonial laws, barred or limited Indian enslavement, yet the
porousness of these laws calls into question colonists assertions that they
lived under the rule of law. The widespread and illicit abuse of Indian labor
provides a lens for examining the insouciance and weakness of imperial
governments control over their colonies. Empires have been measured
by the degree of authority they wielded over colonists, whose resistance
to trade laws, taxes, and religious and social policies is viewed almost as a
market adjustment inevitable from the great distance between the im
perial center and the colonial periphery. Perhaps it is time to consider an
alternative paradigm of colonies largely controlling their own destinies,
and making adjustments only to keep the imperial center from interfering
with local control. Certainly colonists drive to control indigenous labor
displays tension between center and periphery. The Spanish government,
in particular, contested colonial policies in regard to native labor, some
times successfully, sometimes not, although its policies changed over time

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and varied in different geographic regions of the empire; the British rarely
asserted themselves whether from lack of power or concern is only a
secondary issue British colonists largely constructed their own Indian
policies, including those concerning labor. In both instances, Spanish and
British colonists and local ofcials largely succeeded at instituting economic
systems from which they proted greatly by indigenous labor.
Indian slavery and slaving also forces us to reexamine the inter
nal histories of native peoples. For some indigenous peoples, we know
little beyond their victimization as slaves or their activities as slavers. For
many Indians, their engagement in slaving, or their victimization, was the
critical moment in their history. Using North America above Mexico as an
example, the powerful native confederacies of the American South Choc
taws, Chickasaws, Cherokees and Creeks all formed largely as a result
of slaving. The histories of the Comanches, Apaches, Utes, and other
southwestern peoples were indubitably shaped by slaving. Indian slavery
adds clarity to the Middle Ground in the Great Lakes region, the sexual
dynamics of European and native diplomacy in Texas, and the crumbling
of the Spanish missions in Florida. In New England, seventeen Indian
slaves comprised a key component of the ships cargo that opened Mas
sachusetts trade with the Caribbean. Indian slavery was an important part
of the story of the key event in seventeenth-century New England history,
King Philips War, and no less of a signicant moral and political gure
than Roger Williams, de facto leader of Rhode Island, at several points in
his life had to make crucial moral and political decisions regarding the
enslavement of Indians. Indian slavery played a critical role in fomenting
Bacons Rebellion in Virginia the watershed event in Virginias colonial
history and directly led to the pan-Indian Yamasee War, which not only
almost wiped out South Carolina, but is arguably the most important event
in South Carolina history before the American Civil War.
Slavery in Historical Perspective
To understand the practice and signicance of Indian slavery, we must
contextualize slavery itself. Slavery was a common institution in human
history and remained so in the early modern world. But there is a huge

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difference between societies that enslaved individuals as a by-product of

war, and slaving societies that initiated wars to obtain slaves.6 The difference
might have meant nothing to the slaves, who lived in degraded circum
stances regardless of the reason for their enslavement, but the character of
slavery did vary from one society to the next. In non-slaving slaveholding
societies, that is to say, societies that did not pursue the enslavement of
large numbers of people, but where slavery existed as a peripheral in
stitution, degradation and revenge ordinarily were a primary purpose of
enslavement.7 The slave often was an object of revenge for wrongs that
the slaves people had perpetuated upon the captors. A wrong done to
ones people had to be avenged to maintain the proper order of things.
The slave might be forced to labor, but more importantly, at least in many
Native American societies, they lived as people without kin, almost as
nonhumans bereft of the signal relationships that provided individuals
a place in society. This form of slavery was common among the peoples
east of the Mississippi, and many to the west as well, where warfare was
endemic, male captives usually tortured and killed, and women and chil
dren assimilated or enslaved. The torture and death of enemies or their
enslavement were believed to be means for restoring harmony to society.
Among these groups, conquest of other peoples did not necessarily mean
wholesale enslavement or death, but either assimilation of the captives, or
placement of the group in a reduced and dependent status.
In contrast, slaving societies generally captured humans for the
purpose of performing heavy labor, particularly massive public works
projects, military support (galley rowers, road builders, soldiers), and
agriculture. Slaving societies often are colonizers. The Roman Empire cap
tured and employed slaves as part of the process of colonizing conquered
lands.8 Much later, Viking slavers raided to deliver victims to labor-hungry
markets, and when they themselves settled new lands, as in Iceland, they
immediately went to Ireland to procure slaves for colonizing.9 On the eve
of New World colonization, slavery ourished in the Ottoman Empire,
a colonizing power in Asia, Africa, and eastern Europe. The Ottomans
procured large numbers of Christians from eastern Europe, whom they
transported east as slaves. Some became agriculture laborers, others were

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trained for military service or bureaucratic positions.10 When Europeans

colonized in the Americas, slavery proliferated in Africa. For centuries,
surplus slaves were transported northward by Arab traders for sale in the
Mediterranean littoral. Some of these slaves were sold in southern Europe.
In the mid-fteenth century, the Portuguese carried the institution to their
new settlements on Madeira and the Azores Islands off the coast of north
west Africa.11 They purchased slaves from Africa to colonize and produce
sugar on these islands, providing the model for the employment of African
slaves in the settlement and development of the Americas, and particularly
for use in sugar production. Once sugar production expanded to Brazil
and the West Indies, many Africans redirected their slaves from delivery
to North African traders, to Atlantic ports for purchase by Europeans and
transport to the Americas.12
Some Native American societies were slaving societies where
pursuit of captives was central to the culture and economy. The Aztecs, an
expanding imperial power, exploited the labor of those they conquered,
though there is much debate on how important slaves were to the Aztec
economy and of the nature of their use in human sacrice.13 Anthropolo
gist Leland Donald has found that native peoples of the Pacic Northwest
also captured slaves for both economic and ritualistic purposes.14 Early
Spanish visitors to the Southwest noted the existence of signicant num
bers of slaves.15 In the American South, where the Mississippians formed
large hierarchical societies of signicant military power, and undertook
public works projects that would have beneted from slave labor, there is
evidence of enslavement, but it is not clear that these were slaving societ
ies, perhaps because rulers easily commanded and organized the labor
of their own people. Overall the evidence points to the ubiquity of slavery
in the Americas, but relatively few slaving societies.
Whether a slaving society or not, in most parts of the world, owner
ship of slaves was considered natural and moral. Even many of the enslaved
did not oppose the institution only their own enslavement; given the
chance, they would have enslaved and otherwise degraded their enemies.
The concept of universal freedom and natural rights was unknown and
inconsiderable to most humans, who generally thought in terms of class

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privileges based on birth, and ethnic divisions between themselves and

others that denoted superiority of the one and inferiority of the other.
In the natural order, bloodlines dened a persons place in society, and
though in some indigenous cultures there was a rough equality among
members, equality itself was an irrelevant concept. Kinship, ethnicity,
tribal afliations, and gender dened the social order.
To say that slavery was common and widely perceived as the natu
ral condition for a portion of humanity is not to excuse its practice, nor
dismiss its impact upon its victims. Instead, it helps us contextualize and
understand how slavery became the most important economic institu
tion of European colonialism in the Atlantic world. Europeans did not
introduce slavery to the New World, but they did introduce a large internal
and external slave trade, creating societies based on the exploitation of
human labor. The results were catastrophic for its victims and for entire
societies, while also of the rst importance in the creation of the mod
ern world. Slave trading and New World slavery fueled the building of
European empires, and the rise of capitalism and industrialization.16 The
mass enslavement of peoples, while generating much of the wealth and
superstructure of the modern world, also contributed to, and initiated,
many of its problems displacement and diaspora, ideologies of race
and racism, colonialism and imperialism, environmental degradation,
and impoverishment of indigenous peoples. Until we solve the problems
that are the legacy of slavery and colonialism, study of these institutions
remains relevant.
We must, however, not de-historicize the past through pre
sentism. There are those, for instance, who wish to ignore or hide the
fact that the enslavement of Africans in Africa, at least during the rst
centuries of the international slave trade, almost entirely was conducted
by Africans and not Europeans. The fear of discussing and publicizing
this complicity arises from the belief that slavery was solely a crime
committed by whites upon blacks (or Europeans upon Africans), and that
showing non-European participation in slaving undermines the historical
critique of European imperialism and colonialism as fostering a racism
whose intent was the subjugation of nonwhite peoples. But the facts do

10

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not undermine the critique. As noted earlier, Africans, like Europeans

and Native Americans, had no reason to form racial solidarity with people
along lines of skin color. The active participation of Africans in the slave
trade as slavers, and the ownership of Africans by Africans, does not alter
the fact that Europeans made their form of slavery one based on race: al
most entirely, only non-Europeans would be enslaved (though certainly
some Europeans considered the propriety of enslaving poor Europeans,
and many European servants were treated as slaves within the New World
plantation complex).17 The historical matrix that created race-based slavery
arose from a conuence of forces in which the factor of race was, at least
at the onset of New World colonization, difcult to distinguish from other
sources of hostility toward others. To unravel the racialization of Africans
by Europeans, we must consider more broadly who became slaves in the
early modern Atlantic world.
Today most people are under the mistaken assumption that slave
and African were synonymous in the early modern world, and that the
enslavement of non-Africans only occurred, if at all, peripherally. Europeans,
it is presumed, were not enslaved. Yet from the 1530s through the 1780s, over
one million Europeans were held as slaves in North Africa, and hundreds
of thousands more were kept in bondage under the Ottomans in eastern
Europe and Asia.18 In the mid-seventeenth century, more English were held
as slaves in Africa than Africans were kept as slaves in English colonies.19
Slavery was not the peculiar condition of any particular people in the early
modern world, but in the Western world would become generally associated
with Africans, and over time, particularly in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, an ideology of racism developed to justify African enslavement.
This later development should not obscure the foundations of New World
slavery as a widespread and ubiquitous institution of the Atlantic world that
victimized Europeans and Native Americans, as well as Africans.
Slavery and New World Colonialism
European mass enslavement of non-Europeans in the New World began
with Columbuss arrival in Hispaniola. By 1493, Columbus had initiated a
trade in indigenous American slaves, which the Spanish extended over the

11

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Contributors

Juliana Barr is an associate professor of history at the University of Florida,

specializing in the study of women and Indian-European interactions in the
Spanish borderlands of North America. She is the author of Peace Came in
the Form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the Texas Borderlands, and From
Captives to Slaves: Commodifying Indian Women in the Borderlands,
Journal of American History 92 (June 2005), which represents the beginning
of a new book project on Indian and African womens enslavement in the
French and Spanish hinterlands of the Mississippi valley.
Jennifer Baszile received her PhD in history from Princeton University in
1999. She currently is an independent scholar.
Denise I. Bossy is an assistant professor of history at the University of
North Florida and a recent graduate of Yale University. Her current research
project examines the cross-cultural nature of the Indian slave trade in the
colonial Southeast. She lives in Atlantic Beach, Florida, with her husband
and daughter.
James F. Brooks is an interdisciplinary scholar of the indigenous past,
focusing primarily on colonial borderlands. He is president of the School
for Advanced Research, in Santa Fe, New Mexico, which he joined in 2002,
after holding faculty positions at the University of Maryland and the Uni
versity of California, Santa Barbara. His books include the multiple-prize
winning Captives & Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest

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contributors

Borderlands (2002); Confounding the Color Line: The Indian-Black Experience in

North America (2002), Women and Gender in the American West (2005), and Small
Worlds: Method, Meaning, and Narrative in Microhistory (2008). His book Mesa
of Sorrows: Archaeology, Prophecy, and the Ghosts of Awatovi Pueblo is forthcom
ing from W. W. Norton in 2009.
E. A. S. Demers has published articles in the Chronicle of Higher Education,
Journal of Michigan History, and Southern Historian. She coedited Icons of Ameri
can Cooking, forthcoming from abc-clio. She is the editor of the journal
French Colonial History, and is senior editor for Potomac Books, Inc. She is
a PhD candidate at Michigan State University.
C. S. Everett recently nished a dissertation on Indian slavery, at Vanderbilt
University. He is author or coauthor of several essays and articles. Cur
rently an independent scholar, for the past eight years he has also served
as a consultant for non-federally acknowledged tribes. He lives with his
wife and two daughters in Virginia.
Robbie Ethridge, associate professor in the Department of Sociology and
Anthropology at the University of Mississippi, is a cultural anthropologist
and ethnohistorian specializing in the history of the Indians of the Ameri
can South. She is the author of Creek Country: The Creek Indians and their World,
17961816 (2006) and coeditor of The Transformation of the Southeastern Indians,
15401760 (2002), Light on the Path: The Anthropology and History of the Southeastern
Indians (2006), and the forthcoming Mapping the Mississippian Shatter Zone: The
Colonial Indian Slave Trade and Regional Instability in the American South (2009).
Alan Gallay is Warner R. Woodring Chair of Atlantic World and Early
American History at the Ohio State University, where he is also director
of the Center for Historical Research. He is author and editor of several
books, including The Indian Slave Trade: The Rise of the English Empire in the
American South, 16701717 (2002).
Joseph Hall teaches early American history at Bates College. He is author of
the forthcoming book Zamumos Gifts: Native-European Exchange in the Colonial
Southeast, to be published by the University of Pennsylvania Press.

418

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contributors

Margaret Ellen Newell is an associate professor of early American history

at the Ohio State University. She received her ba from Brown University
and her ma and PhD from the University of Virginia. Her works include
From Dependency to Independence: Economic Revolution in Colonial New England
(Cornell, 1998) and a forthcoming book, tentatively titled Race Frontiers:
Indian Slavery in Colonial New England, also with Cornell University Press.
Her research has received support from the National Endowment for the
Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Huntington
Library, and the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Brett Rushforth is assistant professor of history at the College of William
and Mary. He is coauthor, with Paul W. Mapp, of Colonial North America and
the Atlantic World: A History in Documents (Prentice-Hall, 2008), and has pub
lished articles in the William and Mary Quarterly, Pacic Northwest Quarterly,
and Reviews in American History. He is currently completing a book about
Indian slavery in New France, forthcoming from the Omohundro Institute
of Early American History and Culture.

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