Environmental Archaeology 9, 2004; pp.

131142

From Harvesting the Sea to Stock Rearing Along the

Atlantic Faade of North-West Europe
Rick Schulting, Anne Tresset and Catherine Dupont

Abstract

By 3000 BC, farmers had settled most of the small islands of north-western Europe. This implies the transportation of
domestic animals by sea, sometimes over long distances, and the adaptation of herding techniques to new marine
environments. While many of the same islands were in use in the Mesolithic period, the nature and extent of this use
appears to have been quite different. Zooarchaeological and stable isotopic analysis converge to suggest that the diet
of human communities at this time was heavily reliant on marine foods. Neolithic settlements located in the same
setting offer a contrasting view. Shell middens were still present at this time, and the remains of fish, marine birds and
sea mammals confirm that marine resources were still exploited, but isotopic evidence highlights their minor contribution
to the diet. This, combined with the faunal dominance of cattle, sheep and pig, indicates a reliance on domesticated
resources. By the end of the Neolithic, even the most peripheral islands of north-western Europe were being exploited
primarily for their terrestrial resources. This paper presents evidence from selected sites in western France and
Orkney, and then proceeds to offer some possible explanations for the observed patterns of small island use in the
Neolithic.
Keywords: MESOLITHIC, NEOLITHIC, FAUNA, MARINE

EXPLOITATION

Introduction
The use of the small islands (by small islands we
mean those under approximately10 km2; the Ile
dOlron is an exception at 175 km2) off the Atlantic
faade of north-western Europe (from western
France to the Scottish Northern Isles) was wellestablished in the early historic period, and in many
cases traditional practices continued until quite
recently (e.g. Martin 1703; Fenton 1978; Boyd and
Boyd 1990; Guillemet 2000; Rixson 2001; Brigand
2002). Intriguingly, the main use of such islands
was and in many cases still is for mixed farming,
and in particular animal keeping, rather than the
exploitation of marine resources, although, of
course, this occurred as well. Thus, for example,

cereal growing and stock rearing were the main

economic activities on the Breton islands of Batz,
Brhat, Ouessant and Belle-Ile until the mid-19th
century (Brigand 1983; Guillemet 2000), and on the
Northern and Western Isles of Scotland into the
mid-20th century (Fenton 1978). In Brittany, Ireland
and Scotland, many islets peripheral to larger
islands or to the mainland were traditionally used
as summer pasture or to grow hay for foddering
(Mason 1936; Bell 1993; F. McCormick pers. comm.
2003). The prevalence, in various languages, of
toponyms for small islands including a reference
to sheep or cattle provides further evidence of their
historic use (e.g. Enez Deved, Ile aux Moutons,

Received September 2003, revised manuscript accepted November 2003.

Authors address: Rick Schulting, School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queens University Belfast, Belfast BT7 1NN, UK,
Email: r.schulting@qub.ac.uk; Anne Tresset, ESA 8045 du CNRS, Musum National dHistoire Naturelle, 55 rue Buffon,
75005 Paris, France, Email: atresset@mnhn.fr; Catherine Dupont, University of Paris I, 56 rue de la Paix, 94300 Vincennes,
France, Email: Catherine.Dupont@ifrance.com

132

R. Schulting, A. Tresset and C. Dupont

Lambay, Inishkeeragh, Soay, and even Fair Isle all

mean or derive from Sheep Island, while Inishbofin means Island of White Cattle).
Even the exploitation of marine resources could
be geared towards terrestrial productivity, as seen
in the collection and preparation of seaweed for
manuring fields or for use as fodder, especially for
cattle (Martin 1703; Mason 1936; Chapman 1970;
Fenton 1978; Fleuriot 1986; Arzel 1987; Bell 1993;
Dodgshon 1994; Amorosi et al. 1998). When did this
pattern of the use of coastlines and small islands
begin? We suggest here that a switch from a focus

on marine resource exploitation for subsistence in

the Mesolithic to a focus on terrestrial resource
exploitation in the Neolithic can be detected on the
coastline and in a number of widely dispersed
islands along the Atlantic faade (Fig. 1).

Mesolithic Antecedents
The picture of Mesolithic exploitation of the coastal
region is hampered throughout much of northwestern Europe by rising Holocene sea-levels, and

Shetland
Knap of Howar

Fair Isle
Orkney

Outer Hebrides
St Kilda

Morton

Oronsay
Rathlin Is.

Arran

Cide Fields
Aran
Islands
Ferriter's
Cove
Blasket
Islands

Lambay
Is.

Caldey Is.

Scilly Isles
Channel
Islands
Beg-ar-Loued
Beg-an-Dorchenn
Beg-er-Vil
Tviec
Er Yoh
Hodic
Ponthezires
La Perroche

250

La Sauzaie

500 km

Figure 1. Map of the Atlantic faade of north-west Europe showing locations of sites mentioned in the text.

From Harvesting the Sea to Stock Rearing Along the Atlantic Faade of North-West Europe
by poor bone survival in the acidic soils that
dominate the area. There are exceptions, the most
important of which are found in the Baltic area
(Andersen 1995; Fischer 1997). Here, however, we
focus on western France and the British Isles, where
the faunal evidence is very limited. Significant
occupation of southern Brittany in particular is seen
in the presence of some comparatively large shell
middens, most importantly Tviec and Hodic.
These sites were almost totally excavated in the
early 20th century; unfortunately much of the
faunal material has been lost. While the site reports
are more than adequate for their time, they focus
on the elaborate graves and their human remains,
with only brief mention of the fauna (Pquart et al.
1937; Pquart and Pquart 1954). What information
is available can be supplemented by re-examination
of surviving material from older and more recent
excavations at two much smaller Breton shell
middens, Beg an Dorchenn and Beg er Vil (Du
Chtellier 1881; Giot 1947; Kayser 1985; 1990;
Tresset 2000; Dupont 2003). For the British Isles,
Mesolithic sites with good zooarchaeological evidence for marine exploitation include Ferriters
Cove (Woodman et al. 1999), Oronsay (Grieve 1883;
Grigson and Mellars 1987), and Morton (Coles
1971). Only Hodic, Oronsay, and probably Morton
would have actually been islands in the Mesolithic,
but the sites do provide a view of the coastal
economy for comparison with the Neolithic.
Resource exploitation in general is broad-based
in the Mesolithic sites: both terrestrial and marine
mammals are represented, together with fish,
shellfish, crustaceans and birds. The mammalian
fauna is typically dominated by some combination
of the four main terrestrial game species: red deer,
roe deer, wild pig and aurochs (although, of these,
only the wild pig was present in Ireland Woodman
et al. 1997) (Table 1; see Table 2 for all Latin names).
The exception to this pattern is Oronsay, where
grey seal dominates (Grigson and Mellars 1987).
Grey seal is also present at Beg er Vil and Tviec,
though in smaller proportions. Seal seems absent
from the Hodic assemblage, assuming that the
published report of Pquart and Pquart (1954) is
reliable. The surprising lack of seal at Ferriters Cove
may relate to the inferred seasonal nature of
occupation there (Woodman et al. 1999).
A variety of birds were found at Tviec, Beg er
Vil, Oronsay and Morton, including both terrestrial
and marine species. Auks (including the recently
extinct great auk) are particularly well represented
at all sites (Table 1). Woodcock is abundant at
Tviec and at Beg er Vil. The abundance of auks
noted at most of the sites could indicate a seasonal
hunting activity, as these pelagic birds are virtually
impossible to catch outside of breeding season,

133

between late winter and mid-summer, depending

on species and latitude. The human consumption
of birds is evidenced by cut marks on a razorbill
coracoid, and traces of burning on snapped humeri
of razorbill/guillemot and great auk at Tviec
(Tresset forthcoming).
Fish remains were present and probably abundant at all sites, although differing recovery methods
mean that the surviving evidence is variable. Wrasse
and several shark species were present at Tviec
and thornback ray was recovered at Hodic (Pquart
et al. 1937; Pquart and Pquart 1954; Desse and
Desse 1976). Some 18 fish species, most notably
whiting and other gadoids, tope, and wrasse, were
found at Ferriters Cove (Woodman et al. 1999).
Saithe completely dominates the diverse fish assemblages of Oronsay (Mellars and Wilkinson 1980;
Mellars 1987), while the small assemblage at Morton
consisted almost entirely of cod (Coles 1971). The
large size and species of fish at Ferriters Cove and
Morton could suggest the use of boats, although
not necessarily of true offshore fishing. Diverse
shellfish species were found at all sites, although
their importance is difficult to quantify. Limpet is
an important component of all assemblages except
Morton where it is minor. The Oronsay sites are
composed almost solely of limpets that may have
been used as fish bait, a practice known historically
in Scotland (Fenton 1978). Common edible cockle is
also well represented when sandy shores are
present, with other species more restricted to certain
sites (Table 1). In some cases there is evidence for
non-human predation and natural accumulation of
some of the shellfish present (Coles 1971; Woodman
et al. 1999). Less frequently discussed are the remains
of crustaceans, which are in fact present at most of
the sites (Coles 1971; Woodman et al. 1999; Gruet
2002; Dupont and Gruet in press).
At least in the cases of Ferriters Cove and
Oronsay, it could be argued that marine resources
dominated the faunal assemblages, although any
more precise statement regarding the balance
between marine and terrestrial resources is not
possible for methodological reasons. Stable isotope
analysis provides a different, and complementary,
approach to the reconstruction of ancient diet.
Stable carbon (13C) and nitrogen (15N) isotope
measurements reflect the protein component of the
diet over the last decade or so of an individuals
life, easily discriminating between marine and
terrestrial protein sources and allowing a certain
degree of quantification (Chisholm et al. 1982).
Results on human bone collagen from Tviec and
Hodic demonstrate a strong marine component in
the diet, comprising from 60% to 90% of the protein
consumed (Table 1) (Schulting and Richards 2001).
This provides a corrective for the biased surviving

(74): red deer, aurochs, (3):auks

roe deer, wild boar

(68): wild boar, roe

deer, seal, red deer,
aurochs

(93): wild boar, cattle

(earliest cattle in
Britain/Ireland)

(761): grey seal, red

deer, otter, wild boar,
cetaceans

(20): red deer, aurochs, (34):auks, gannet,

wild boar, roe deer
cormorant

(998): cattle,
sheep/goat

(601): cattle,
sheep/goat

(1618): sheep, cattle,

grey seal

(4841): cattle, sheep,

seal (small number)

Beg an Dorchenn
(c. 6000-5000 BC)

Beg er Vil
(c. 6000-5000 BC)

Ferriter's Cove
(c. 5000-4500 BC)

Oronsay
(c. 5000-4300 BC)

Morton
(c. 5700-4400 BC)

Neolithic
Ponthezires
(c. 3000-2500 BC)

La Sauzaie
(c. 3500 BC)

Er Yoh
(c. 3200-2500 BC)

Knap of Howar
(c. 3500 BC)

limpet, common edible cockle, mussel

limpet, common edible cockle, peppery

furrow shell, carpet shell

mussel, limpet, thick topped shell, other

species in low numbers

limpet, common edible cockle, thick

topped shell, flat oyster, other species in
low numbers, squid

Shellfish

sea bream

negligible?

sea bass, mullet, sea

bream, sturgeon,
other species

(99) cod, haddock,

turbot, sturgeon,
salmon

saithe, wrasse,
mullet, dogfish,
skate, others

Human
13

Source (fauna)

n = 1: -19.3

n = 6: -12.0 to 15.8

n = 2: -14.0,
14.1

present but not detailed in the publications

absent

negligible?

warty crab, shore crab

edible crab

crab present but not

identified to species

edible crab, warty crab, velvet swimming

crab, shore crab

Noddle 1983;
Wheeler 1983;
Tresset n.d.

Reverdin 1930;
Tresset n.d.

Braguier 2000

Laporte et al. 1998

Coles 1971

Grigson and
Mellars 1987;
Tresset n.d.

Woodman et al.
1999

Tresset n.d.

edible crab, furrowed crab, warty crab, shore Tresset n.d.

crab

present but not detailed in n = 10: -13.2 to - Pquart and

the publications
16.5
Pquart 1954;
Tresset n.d.

present but not detailed in n = 11: -14.6 to - Pquart et al. 1937;

the publications
16.6
Tresset n.d.

Crustaceans

Table 1. Summary of information for main sites discussed in text. Numbers in brackets refer to NISP (numbers of individual species).

limpet, flat oyster

limpet, flat oyster

limpet, thick topped shell

limpet, thick topped shell

common edible cockle, Baltic tellin,

numerous others in low numbers

limpet, oyster, dog-whelk, other species

in low numbers

(3153): whiting, other dog-whelk, periwinkle, limpet, mussel,

cods, wrasses,
other species in low numbers
sharks, ray, conger,
others

analysis in progress

analysis in process

(293): auks, gannet, saithe, cods, conger

shag and
cormoran, gulls

(334): shag,
cormorant, gulls

negligible

negligible?

(48):auks, gannet,
geese, ducks

(4):guillemot,
herring gull,
gannet

(41):ducks,
woodcock, auks

red deer, roe deer, wild negligible?

boar, fox

Hodic
(c. 5200-4800 BC)

thornback ray

wild boar, red deer, roe (225): auks, ducks, sharks, wrasse
deer
woodcock

Fishes

Mesolithic
Tviec
(c. 5200-4800 BC)

Birds

Mammals

Site

134
R. Schulting, A. Tresset and C. Dupont

From Harvesting the Sea to Stock Rearing Along the Atlantic Faade of North-West Europe
Common name
Mammals
red deer

Latin

Authority

Common name
Fishes
tope

Latin

Authority

Cervus elaphus

Linnaeus, 1758

Galeorhinus galeus

Linnaeus, 1758

roe deer

Capreolus capreolus

Linnaeus, 1758

angel shark

Squatina squatina

Linnaeus, 1758

aurochs

Bos primigenius

Bojanes, 1827

smooth hound shark

Mustelus mustelus

Linnaeus, 1758

cattle

Bos taurus

Linnaeus, 1758

skate

Raja batis

Linnaeus, 1758

sheep/goat

thornback ray

Raja clavata

Linnaeus, 1758

wild boar

Ovis aries/Capra hircus Linnaeus, 1758

Linnaeus, 1758
Sus scrofa scrofa

cod

Gadus morhua

Linnaeus, 1758

pig

Sus scrofa domesticus

Erxleben, 1777

saithe

Pollachius virens

Linnaeus, 1758

grey seal

Halichoerus grypus

Fabricius, 1791

whiting

Merlangius merlangus

Linnaeus, 1758

common seal

Phoca vitulina

Linnaeus, 1758

ling

Molva molva

Linnaeus, 1758

wrasse

Labrus sp.

Linnaeus, 1758

bream

Sparus sp.

Linnaeus, 1758

Birds
razorbill

Alca torda

Linnaeus, 1758

halibut

Hippoglossus hippoglossus

Linnaeus, 1758

great auk

Pinguinus impennis

Linnaeus, 1758

flounder

Platichthys flesus

Linnaeus, 1758

Atlantic puffin

Fratercula arctica

Linnaeus, 1758

turbot

Scophthalmus maximus

Linnaeus, 1758

guillemot

Uria aalge

Pontoppidan 1763

eel

Anguilla anguilla

Linnaeus, 1758

herring gull

Larus argentatus

Pontoppidan 1763

conger

Conger conger

Linnaeus, 1758

woodcock

Scolopax rusticola

Linnaeus, 1758

salmon/sea trout

Salmo sp.

Linnaeus, 1758

ducks

Anas sp.

Linnaeus, 1758

sea bass

Dicentrarchus labrax

Linnaeus, 1758

gannet

Morus bassanus

Linnaeus, 1758

mullet

Mugil sp.

Linnaeus, 1758

sturgeon

Acipenser sturio

Linnaeus, 1758

135

Shellfish
limpet

Patella sp.

Linnaeus, 1758

periwinkle

Littorina littorea

Linnaeus, 1758

edible crab

Cancer pagurus

Linnaeus, 1758

thick top shell

Osilinus lineatus

da Costa, 1778

furrowed crab

Xantho sp.

Olivi, 1792

dog-whelk

Nucella lapillus

Linnaeus, 1758

shore crab

Carcinus maenas

Linnaeus, 1758

comon edible cockle

Cerastoderma edule

Linnaeus, 1758

velvet swimming crab

Portunus/Necora puber

Linnaeus, 1767

Baltic tellin

Macoma balthica

Linnaeus, 1758

warty crab

Eriphia spinifrons

Herbst, 1785

flat oyster

Ostrea edulis

Linnaeus, 1758

common mussel

Mytilus edulis
peppery furrow shell Scrobicularia plana
carpet shell
Tapes decussata

Linnaeus, 1758

squid

Linnaeus, 1758

Sepia officinalis

Crustaceans

da Costa, 1778
Linnaeus, 1758

Table 2. Latin names of species mentioned in paper.

faunal assemblages. Clearly the terrestrial resources
seen in the faunal assemblages were also important,
providing up to approximately one-third of the
dietary protein. For Britain and Ireland, 13C and
15N measurements on Late Mesolithic humans
from Oronsay and Ferriters Cove indicate a very
strong marine influence, including one individual
with essentially all of his/her protein deriving from
marine sources (Richards and Mellars 1998; Woodman et al. 1999). A series of earlier Mesolithic (c.
7000 BC) humans from Caldey Island in South
Wales (attached to the mainland at the time) show
more variable, but still considerable, use of marine
foods (Schulting and Richards 2002a) (Fig 2).

Neolithic Marine Exploitation or Island

Herding?
At first glance, the importance of marine resource
exploitation seen in the Mesolithic appears to

continue into the Neolithic along the Atlantic faade

of north-western Europe. In Brittany, the distribution of the earliest Neolithic mortuary monuments
(long mounds and passage graves) is strongly
coastal (LHelgouach 1965); similarly, various forms
of megalithic tomb are found concentrated along
the coasts of the British Isles (e.g. Lynch 1976).
Neolithic sites are also common on islands, from
western France to Shetland. It is a common assumption that this distribution, together with the perceived frailty of early farming practices and/or the
cultural persistence of a hunting and gathering
lifeway, indicates an important marine orientation
in the subsistence economy at this time (e.g. Kaelas
1990; Ritchie 1997). In the following sections we
briefly summarise the zooarchaeological and stable
isotope evidence from selected Neolithic sites for
both marine and terrestrial exploitation, and argue
that it is the latter that clearly dominates.
The Late Neolithic shell midden of Ponthezires
is located on the west coast of the Ile dOlron,

Figure 2. Paired 13C values and AMS dates on human bone (cal. BC with estimated marine reservoir correction where appropriate). Filled diamonds represent Mesolithic
individuals; open circles represent Neolithic individuals. Text in italics refers to key sites. Arbitrarily, Marine group = >66% contribution of marine protein; Intermediate
= 6633% marine protein; and Terrestrial = <33% marine protein. a. Brittany (Schulting and Richards 2001; Schulting in press.); b. Scotland (Schulting and Richards
2002b); c. South Wales and south-west England (Schulting and Richards 2002a); d. Ireland (Schulting 1998; Woodman 2004).

136
R. Schulting, A. Tresset and C. Dupont

From Harvesting the Sea to Stock Rearing Along the Atlantic Faade of North-West Europe
Charente-Maritime (Joussaume 1981; Laporte et al.
1998). La Sauzaie is a slightly earlier site on the
adjacent mainland (Pautreau 1974). Er Yoh is a very
small islet, today joined only at very low tides to
the small island of Houat in southern Brittany.
Excavations here in the 1920s revealed a large shell
midden with well preserved fauna (Pquart and
Pquart 1926). The style of pottery places the
midden in the later part of the Neolithic. Knap of
Howar, Papa Westray, is the earliest Neolithic
settlement currently known in Orkney. The faunal
assemblage derives from the midden and floors
associated with a house dating to the mid-fourth
millennium BC (Ritchie 1983; 2001).
Despite their maritime location, mammal remains
at the above sites are strongly dominated by
domestic animals, particularly cattle and sheep/
goat (very few goats were specifically recognised,
so that it is highly probable that most animals in the
sheep/goat category are actually sheep) (Table 1).
Cattle and sheep combined account for some 90%
of the mammalian fauna at Ponthezires, and some
80% at La Sauzaie (Laporte et al. 1998; Braguier
2000). Similarly, these two species comprise 88% of
the fauna at Er Yoh (Reverdin 1930; Tresset 2003).
Despite its Early Neolithic date and rather extreme
northerly location, the mammalian faunal assemblage at Knap of Howar is again completely dominated by cattle and sheep, which together account
for 98% of the fauna (Noddle 1983; Tresset 2003;
unpublished). Pig, inferred by its small size to be
domestic, makes up most of the remainder in each
of these assemblages. When their greater size are
taken into account, cattle are by far the more
important in meat-weight. In the case of adult or
sub-adult cattle and sheep, all skeletal parts are
represented in approximately the expected proportions for on-site slaughter and consumption.
However, complete neonatal sheep, probably not
consumed, are also present at Er Yoh (Tresset and
Balasse 2002). This suggests that these animals died
of natural causes, and could indicate that ewes were
kept on the small islet, a practice which was well
known in the recent past in many places, as noted
above. The same situation seems to have occurred
at Holm of Papa Westray (a small islet peripheral to
Papa Westray, Orkney), where a number of neonatal
or very young sheep were recovered from a Late
Neolithic chambered tomb. These animals (directly
radiocarbon dated to the third millennium BC)
probably died of natural causes and could have
been trapped within the monument while sheltering
from bad weather (Tresset and Balasse 2002).
Interestingly, the two neonatal lambs dated from
Holm of Papa Westray returned 13C values of 2.8
and 14.6 (Bronk Ramsey et al. 2002). These
values are extremely high, and indicate that the

137

animals obtained the majority of their protein from

marine sources. Since the animals are neonatal, the
only conceivable explanation is that the pregnant
ewes spent the preceding winter months eating
seaweed (assuming lambing at the end of winter)
(Tresset and Balasse 2002). This is a practice known
historically on North Ronaldsay, Orkney (Fenton
1978), but isotopic evidence for a prehistoric parallel has proven elusive (Ambers 1990). It may be
that the marine component is swamped in adults
by the consumption of terrestrial grasses for most
of the year. Further exploration of the question of
seaweed foddering is underway, as it offers important insights into the sophisticated and adaptable animal management practices of early Orkney
farmers. It also provides a cautionary note against
assuming that marine isotope signatures in humans
necessarily reflect direct consumption of marine
resources.
Marine mammals are absent from Ponthezires
and La Sauzaie, but are well represented at Er Yoh,
with grey seal comprising some 13% of the mammalian fauna. Cutmarks are present on some of the
seal bones, but the presence of very young animal
remains could suggest a colony in the area, and
thus natural accumulation may also be a factor in
the assemblage. Seals and cetaceans together make
up a scant 0.5% of the mammalian fauna at Knap of
Howar (Noddle 1983). Wild terrestrial fauna, mainly
red deer, are at best a very minor component on the
Neolithic sites under consideration here. Red deer
at Knap of Howar are represented only by antlers,
possibly imported as a raw material (Tresset 2003).
Bird remains were negligible at Ponthezires and
La Sauzaie, though this might be partly due to
taphonomic factors. The bird bone assemblage from
Er Yoh is dominated by marine species. Shag and
gulls are particularly well represented (Tresset in
prep.), but there are gull colonies on the islet today,
and if this was the case during the Neolithic the
assemblage may be largely natural. This suspicion
also relies on the scarcity of consumption traces
and the abundance of wing elements, which could
indicate a natural deposit (Bovy 2002). The diverse
bird assemblage at Knap of Howar is composed
predominantly of auks and gannet, with shag,
cormorant and gulls also present in lower quantities (Bramwell 1983; Tresset in prep.).
Some 13 species of fish have been recorded at
Ponthezires, with sea bass and mullet most abundant, and sturgeon well represented by dermal
plates (Laporte et al. 1998). While the absence of
sieving no doubt biased the sample, the bream that
dominate the Er Yoh assemblage are strangely
represented almost entirely by premaxillae and
dentary bones, some of which indicate fish of a size
rarely found in-shore in the area today. Virtually no

138

R. Schulting, A. Tresset and C. Dupont

fish remains were found at La Sauzaie; this might

be partly due to the lack of systematic sieving,
although this was also the case at Er Yoh. The fish
bone assemblage at Knap of Howar is not fully
quantified, but appears mainly composed of gadoids
and flatfishes, with other species present in small
numbers (Wheeler 1983). This now includes a
sturgeon dermal plate that has recently been identified (Tresset unpublished). The presence and large
size of some of the species found led Wheeler (1983;
see also Nicholson 1998) to suggest that some fishing
took place offshore, but overall it seems clear that
the majority of fish at this and other Neolithic sites
in Orkney reflect an inshore fishery (Colley 1983).
By the very nature of the most of the sites being
considered here, shellfish are abundant. Limpet is
numerous in all samples, together with thick topped
shell at Ponthezires and La Sauzaie and flat oyster
at Er Yoh and Knap of Howar (Evans and Vaughan
1983; Laporte 1998; Dupont 2003). As with the
Mesolithic middens, it is not always clear that all
shellfish remains reflect human consumption: recent
examination of the malacofauna at Er Yoh indicates
that many shellfish were dead before deposition
(Dupont 2003). Another, more specialised, use of
shells is seen at Ponthezires and also at the nearby
Late Neolithic site of La Perroche in the presence
of discoid beads made mostly of common edible
cockle, but also of mussel and dog-whelk (Laporte
et al. 1998; Dupont 2003). All the stages of manufacture are represented together with the flint microdrills used to pierce the beads. Interestingly, similar
implements were identified at Er Yoh (Guyodo
1997), so it is likely that bead manufacturing took
place here as well, the lack of sieving accounting for
the absence of beads.
As with the Mesolithic sites, a direct comparison
of the relative importance of marine and terrestrial
resources is made difficult by numerous factors,
including the differential treatment, preservation
and recovery of fish remains, and by well-known
uncertainties over how to quantify the contribution
of the shellfish. Stable isotope analysis of human
bone bypasses some of the problems of zooarchaeological analysis. A human from the main Late
Neolithic occupation at Er Yoh (3010 2620 cal BC;
424055 BP, OxA-10843) has associated 13C and
15N values indicating a diet in which marine
resources contributed some 1020% of dietary
protein. This is in reasonably good accord with the
faunal evidence. The 13C value from Er Yoh is
supported by a very similar result on a human from
Beg an Dorchenn also dating to the Late Neolithic
(28802500 cal BC; 414055 BP, OxA-5363) (Giot et
al. 1994). Previously published isotopic data from
Neolithic Scotland (mainly from the west coast, but
including some values from Orkney, although none

from Knap of Howar specifically) indicate little or

no use of marine protein (Schulting and Richards
2002b) (Figure 2b). This is somewhat surprising; a
pattern more similar to that seen in Brittany might
have been expected (though see Bassett, this volume). Additional human bone samples from coastal
Neolithic sites in Scotland will be taken for AMS
dating and isotopic analysis as part of an ongoing
project.

Discussion
The Mesolithic period of the Atlantic faade is
typically seen as dominated by coastal settlement
and economy. There is abundant evidence for
coastal and near-coastal adaptations from southern
Portugal to northern Scandinavia (Paludan-Mller
1978; Lentacker 1994), and this includes evidence
for the use of both small and large islands (although
of course there are issues with changing sea-levels,
and it is not always clear when what we recognise
as islands became islands). Yet some islands have
little or no evidence for a Mesolithic presence. This
applies to Orkney, where the Mesolithic was long
thought to be absent, although some small flint
assemblages have now been identified, suggesting
periodic visits (Saville 1996). Diagnostic Mesolithic
tools remain unknown in the Western and Northern Isles, although Edwards (1996) argues for an
anthropogenic signature in their pollen records.
The few Mesolithic sites that are known from the
Channel Islands are for the most part early, predating the separation of the islands from the
mainland (Patton 1993). Nor is there much evidence
for the Mesolithic use of the islands of the Mer
dIroise off the north-west coast of Finistre. On a
much larger geographic scale, Woodman (1981) has
addressed some of the problems faced by Mesolithic populations colonising the island of Ireland,
leading to their subsequent insular development.
In fact, extensive and permanent settlement of
small islands begins in many cases with the Neolithic period. This is the case with the large islands
groups of Orkney, the Outer Hebrides and Shetland.
It probably also applies to the islands of the Mer
dIroise where a small late Neolithic shell midden
has recently yielded cattle, sheep and pig bones,
together with fish and shellfish remains (Pailler et
al. 2003; Tresset 2003) and to many small islands
off the Irish coast. The Channel Islands have
extensive evidence for permanent Neolithic occupation, and the few faunal assemblages that are
known are entirely dominated by domestic fauna
(Patton and Finlaison 2001). The Scilly Isles have as
yet yielded no certain evidence of use in the
Mesolithic, while a significant Neolithic presence is

From Harvesting the Sea to Stock Rearing Along the Atlantic Faade of North-West Europe
indicated by a number of megalithic monuments
(Ashbee 1982). It has recently been suggested that
even the remote islands of St Kilda may have had
permanent occupation by the later Neolithic (Fleming and Edmonds 1999). In addition to finds of
Hebridean ware, recent investigations there have
revealed a stone quarry specialising in the manufacture of dolerite hoe-blades, a common Neolithic/
Bronze Age artefact type on Orkney and Shetland.
Field wall systems are also suggested to date to this
time. The exploitation of many of these islands in
the Mesolithic, where it occurred at all, appears to
have been of a much more ephemeral character.
Why are islands that saw little or no use in the
Mesolithic exploited in the Neolithic? Is this part of
a general process of Neolithic expansion? At face
value this seems unlikely, as Neolithic population
densities were generally low and much underutilised land must have remained available on the
mainland (though of what quality, and subject to
what claims?). But individuals, families and communities can move for social as well as economic
reasons, and this can still be seen as a process of
expansion. We suggest three general areas for
consideration:
1) direct and/or indirect exploitation of marine resources for subsistence;
2) non-subsistence use of marine resources;
3) occupation of coastal zones for purposes unrelated
to marine resources per se;

The emphasis on economic exploitation is not

intended to imply that islands in the Mesolithic
and Neolithic may not have had other uses (e.g. as
ritual sites) or meanings, and indeed we touch upon
some of these possibilities below. But by and large
we are considering economic evidence, and so this
forms the focus of the discussion, although it is not
divorced from social considerations, as shall become apparent.
The explanation that marine resources played
an important role in the Neolithic economy is one
often put forward, but it receives little support from
the stable isotope evidence (Fig 2). While this is
admittedly still limited, the pattern that is emerging
is very consistent, showing a far reduced level of
marine protein consumption compared to the
Mesolithic (Tauber 1986; Schulting and Richards
2002a, 2002b; Richards et al. 2003; Woodman 2004).
The faunal evidence is also consistent in showing
an overwhelming dominance of domestic animals
among the mammals (cf. Tresset 2003). An area that
has seen little exploration involves the indirect use
of marine resources in the Neolithic, and in prehistory in general. The isotopic evidence from two
neonatal sheep at Holm of Papa Westray offers the
first concrete evidence for seaweed foddering in

139

the Neolithic. Seaweed could also be used to

fertilise infields, a very widespread practice historically. Another possibility that should be considered is the feeding of fish and shellfish to
domestic pigs, a practice seen up to recent times in
Brittany (Cocaign 1999). Zvelebil (1995) suggests
this practice with wild pigs in the Baltic Mesolithic.
Nor need the exploitation of marine resources be
limited to subsistence only. The exploitation of
some shellfish species at Ponthezires appears to
relate mainly to the manufacture of shell beads.
The historic use of seals for their oil for lamps and
other uses rather than for their flesh in the Hebridean islands provides a further example of nonsubsistence utilisation (Fenton 1978).
Another use of islands involves the exploitation
of non-marine resources. These may be restricted
to an island, or be more accessible there, perhaps
due to less dense forest and hence greater visibility,
or to exposures of lithic material created by coastal
erosion. Alternatively, islands may be seen as
spiritually or mythically powerful places (Cooney
1998), and this may impart added significance to
artefacts made on materials obtained from them. A
combination of these factors may be relevant in
explaining the exploitation of stone sources on a
number of islands, such as porcellanite on Rathlin
Island (Sheridan 1986), pitchstone on Arran (Simpson and Meighan 1999), porphyritic andesite on
Lambay (Cooney 1998), and dolerite at Le Pinacle,
Jersey (Patton 1991).
There seems little doubt that, in addition to
limited direct and/or indirect exploitation of marine
resources, and the exploitation of (possibly) supernaturally charged stone sources, a major activity on
the small islands of the Atlantic faade in the
Neolithic related to the more prosaic activities of
farming and herding. It can tentatively be proposed
that pastoralism was in general the more important
of the two (although there are issues of preservation
and recovery that bias the picture). How is this to
be explained? Many of the islands exposed to the
Atlantic may have been less forested, obviating the
need for clearance. Balancing against this, however,
is the increased danger to young animals from
exposure. Despite this exposure, under the influence
of the Gulf Stream, both islands and mainland coasts
along the Atlantic faade share a considerably longer
growing season than inland areas at comparable
latitudes, reaching year-round in south-west England, south Wales, and along the south coast of
Ireland (Taylor 1980; Fowler 1983; Mitchell 1989;
Kelly 1997). This minimises the need for labourintensive winter foddering. Further north in Scotland, where foddering is necessary, the Gulf Stream
still lessens the effects of latitude, making farming
and herding possible. And the coastal zone is

140

R. Schulting, A. Tresset and C. Dupont

particularly attractive in areas where the inland

environment is correspondingly poor for arable or
pasture, as is the case along parts of western Ireland
and western Scotland.
What may be equally important is that small
islands provide a naturally bounded area that can
greatly simplify issues of control of movement and
claims of ownership, in much the same way that
field walls and enclosures do on mainlands. That
these intertwining themes were an issue from the
earlier Neolithic is amply demonstrated by the
extensive fieldwall systems of the Cide Fields, Co.
Mayo, north-west Ireland, now shown to have been
in use from the mid-fourth millennium BC (Caulfield
1983; Caulfield et al. 1998). Keeping animals on small
islands offers added protection from predators, both
animal and human. In addition, primitive breeds of
sheep such as the Soay cannot be herded with dogs,
as they scatter rather than flock (Fenton 1978). Thus,
maintaining them on small islands would greatly
facilitate their management. And separating domestic animals would also protect any cereal crops being
grown on adjacent larger islands, or on the mainland (always a relative concept), from their depredations (and from claims for compensation that may
arise, e.g. Patterson 1994).

Conclusion
The pattern of use of small islands of the Atlantic
faade is one that begins at least as far back as the
Mesolithic, but takes on a new form in the Neolithic.
Islands that saw little or no use in the Mesolithic see
permanent occupation in the Neolithic. Contrary to
what their coastal situation might suggest, their
main economic use at this time appears to have
been for herding and farming, while the exploitation
of marine resources played a variable, but seemingly
always secondary, role. While there are many
relevant factors in explaining the Neolithic use of
small islands, we suggest that among the more
important of these are the climatic amelioration seen
along the coasts of north-west Europe, and the
bounded nature of small islands, facilitating control
and management of economic resources. Most
importantly, these factors need to be seen in the
light of an expansive Neolithic economy, creating
new niches made possible by the powerful combination of a suite of highly adaptable domestic plants
and animals, and by equally adaptable human skills
and knowledge.

Acknowledgments
The authors would like thank the organisers of the

AEA conference in Belfast. Funding for elements of

the research presented here were provided by
NERC, the British Academy and the Board of Celtic
Studies (RJS) and the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique ATIP Les dbuts de llevage
sur le littoral et dans les petites les du nord-ouest
de lEurope (Anne Tresset, Catherine Dupont).
Thanks to Joanna Ostapkowicz for her comments
on the paper and to Marie Balasse, Ronan Perennec
and Pierre Arzel for bibliographic references and
discussions on the use of marine products in the
traditional husbandry of Brittany. Thanks also to
reviewers Peter Rowley-Conwy and Peter Woodman for their comments.

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