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APRIL 2014
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Table of Contents
Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................................... 1
Affirmative Arguments ............................................................................................................................. 5
1. Poverty economic development reduces poverty. .......................................................................... 6
GDP Cure: GDP growth is the best antidote for poverty. ................................................................. 7
Chronic Poverty: Poverty becomes more costly and more difficult to escape over time, and must
therefore be prioritized. ..................................................................................................................... 8
Nutrition: Poverty harms nutrition, leading to severe health problems. ........................................... 9
Education and Health: Reducing poverty has significant educational and health benefits. ............ 10
General Poverty (Chart): A chart of what causes, maintains, and interrupts poverty in India. ....... 11
Income and Jobs: Increased income and jobs directly decreases poverty. ...................................... 12
Specific Solvency: Economic development solves poverty through infrastructure, public
investment, and credit availability. ................................................................................................. 13
Healthcare Access: There is a strong need for healthcare infrastructure to address poor healthcare
access. ............................................................................................................................................. 14
Healthcare Access: There is a strong need for healthcare infrastructure to address poor healthcare
access. ............................................................................................................................................. 15
Healthcare Access: Inequity to healthcare access is an enormous problem in India, contributing to
epidemics and infant mortality among the poor. ............................................................................. 16
Healthcare Solvency: Income growth, subsidies reform, poverty reduction, and infrastructure
development solve access problems. .............................................................................................. 17
Healthcare Solvency: Infrastructure and other aspects of economic development solve healthcare
access problems. ............................................................................................................................. 18
Healthcare Prioritization: Development of infrastructure to fix the access problem must be
prioritized. ....................................................................................................................................... 19
Blind Growth (Chart): Growing blindly in the same manner as always is not going to work, and
therefore real economic development is needed. ............................................................................ 20
Blind Growth: It is economic development, not economic growth, which is the topic of the debate;
development solves and avoids the harms of blind growth. ........................................................... 21
Blind Growth: Development is the key to all of these impacts. ...................................................... 23
Infrastructure: Infrastructure solves poverty. .................................................................................. 24
Education: Education solves poverty. ............................................................................................. 25
.................................................................................................................................................................... 26
Negative Arguments ............................................................................................................................... 27
1. Climate Change the threat of climate change forces India to focus on environmental protection.
............................................................................................................................................................ 28
Climate Change: India is disproportionately affected by climate change. ...................................... 29
Climate Change and Economics: India would benefit economically by prioritizing environmental
protection. ....................................................................................................................................... 30
General Climate Change: India will be severely impacted by climate change. .............................. 31
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Agriculture: Agriculture will be severely impacted by climate change. ......................................... 33
Water Security: Water security will be severely impacted by climate change. .............................. 34
Migration: Waves of migration to India will be occur as a result of climate change. .................... 35
Inequality: Inequality will devastate India because of climate change. .......................................... 36
Energy Security: Energy security will be severely impacted by climate change. ........................... 37
Malaria: Malaria epidemics will be made worse as a result of climate change. ............................. 38
Diarrhea: Diarrhea will be made worse in India as a result of climate change. .............................. 39
State Failure: India will struggle with state failure as a result of climate change. .......................... 41
Agriculture: Sorghum crop is extremely vulnerable to climate change. ......................................... 42
Water Security: Saltwater intrusions will increase as a result of climate change. .......................... 43
Energy Security: Energy security will be severely weakened due to climate change. ................... 44
Water Security and Glaciers: Loss of the Himalayan and Hindu Kush glaciers will reduce
available water resources. ............................................................................................................... 45
Mumbai: Mumbai is at particular risk for flooding. ....................................................................... 46
Kolkata: Kolkata is at particular risk for flooding. ......................................................................... 47
Agriculture: Rice/wheat production is vulnerable to climate change. ............................................ 48
Energy Security: Sufficient energy supply is a prerequisite to development, and it is threatened by
climate change. ............................................................................................................................... 50
Childhood Stunting: Childhood growth is negatively affected by malnutrition due to climate
change. ............................................................................................................................................ 51
Malaria: Malaria epidemics span larger areas as a result of climate change. ................................. 52
Salinity: Salinity intrusion into freshwater compounds health risks. .............................................. 53
Migration: Waves of migration will result from climate-change related flooding. ........................ 54
Water Wars: Shortages from climate change will lead to wars over water access. ........................ 55
2. Biodiversity destruction of biodiversity threatens extinction, directly threatening the lives of the
people of India. ................................................................................................................................... 56
Indian Biodiversity: India is one of the mega biodiversity centers of the world. ........................... 57
Himalayan Biodiversity: The Himalayan biodiversity is especially significant. ............................ 58
Biodiversity Destruction: Indian biodiversity will be destroyed by climate change. ..................... 59
Habitat Destruction: Habitat destruction causes large losses of biodiversity. ................................ 61
Himalayan Deforestation: Habitat destruction in the Himalayas causes large losses of biodiversity.
........................................................................................................................................................ 62
Marine Biodiversity: Marine biodiversity in coastal ecosystems is being ravaged. ....................... 63
Western India: Biodiversity in western India is being severely undermined by development. ...... 64
Civilization and Wealth: Biodiversity is the basis of human civilization and wealth. .................... 65
Species Collapse: Many species will be driven extinct by climate change. ................................... 66
Extinction: Humans are so dependent on biodiversity that its loss means extinction. .................... 67
Natural Capital: The cost of a loss of biodiversity is natural capital. ............................................. 68
Try or Die: Biodiversity loss is try-or-die, as we must deal with it now, or risk losing it forever.. 69
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Hotspots: Hotspots are the key to biodiversity. .............................................................................. 70
Hotspots: Hotspots are the key to life. ............................................................................................ 71
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APRIL 2014
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Affirmative
Arguments
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Affirmative Arguments
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Rapid GDP growth is the best antidote for poverty. That is the big message that comes blaring out
of the poverty data for 2009-10.
has reduced poverty at a record rate of 1.5 percentage points per year,
double the 0.7 percentage points per year in the preceding 11 years.
refutation of the leftist myth that fast growth has benefited only a small rich coterie while bypassing the poor. Unfortunately, the good news has been drowned out by quasi-illiterate screams from politicians and sections of the media
that the data has been fudged. The allegation is false. The data has not been fudged, and should be cause for celebration. The government has adopted the Tendulkar Committees poverty line, which is close to the World Bank poverty
line of $1.25 in purchasing power parity terms. Critics howl that the Indian poverty line is unrealistic, but the World Bank poverty line has been accepted in global comparisons for decades. Chinas official poverty line after its 1978
reforms was two-third of the World Bank poverty line. Nobody called it a fudge or said it was impossible to live on so little. China estimated that it reduced the number of poor people from 250 million in 1978 to 29 million in 2001, a
reduction of 221 million over 21 years. This was widely lauded, and Indian leftists complained that Indias poverty reduction was glacial in comparison. Not any more. Based on the Tendulkar line,
India has
years reduce the number of poor by 218 million , virtually matching Chinas performance of 221
million. Earlier,
thanks to slower GDP growth, the absolute number of poor in India fell very little on
a consistent basis. But once Indias GDP growth accelerated to 8% per year, matching Chinas growth between 1978 and 2001, India
reduced poverty as fast as China. Caveat: the poverty lines in India and China are not identical, so the comparison may not be exact. Still, the fact
remains that fast growth in both countries has been poverty-reducing. We can certainly criticise
achievesing less in most social indicators than not just China but even south Asian neighbours like Bangladesh.
Thanks to misdirected subsidies and a refusal to discipline corrupt, absentee staff,
recently) for
the Indian government has achieved less on the social side than Bangladesh, let alone China. Record GDP growth has produced record revenues
for the government to use in improving social sectors. Alas, it has funked all the fundamental reforms needed for improved service delivery, so
increased outlays do not produce correspondingly better outcomes. Indeed, economist Lant Pritchett calls India a flailing state.
In
In many parts of India, in many sectors, the everyday actions of the field-level agents of the state policemen, engineers, teachers, health workers are increasingly beyond the control of the administration at the national or state
level. Nevertheless, this should not divert attention from the big picture: record GDP growth in India has produced record poverty reduction, just as it did in China. This message has got totally lost in the debate over statistical fudging, for two reasons. First, the Planning Commission last year gave the Supreme Court a poverty line estimate of roughly 32 a day. But the poverty data
released last week placed the poverty line at 28.62 a day. Many politicians and journalists including those of prestigious foreign newspapers jumped to the false conclusion that the government had revised the poverty line downward. Reading this torrent of criticism from my current perch in the US, I too was misled into thinking that the poverty line had been revised downward, and
repeated that error in my last Swaminomics column ( Poverty has truly fallen: its no statistical fudge, STOI, March 25, 2012). But the Planning Commission has clarified that the estimate of 32 a day given to the Supreme Court referred to 2011, whereas the 29.62 a day referred to 2009-10. The difference relates entirely to inflation there has been no downward revision of the poverty
line. However, the government has indeed made a separate downward revision of the poverty headcount ratio. Last year, Abhijit Sen and Montek Singh Ahluwalia of the Planning Commission said the 2009-10 NSS survey showed 32% of the population falling below the poverty line. This led to widespread moans that poverty was not falling fast enough despite record growth. Less
than a year later, the Planning Commission now says that the poverty ratio was actually 29.8%, implying a poverty decline much sharper than provisionally estimated last year. The revision has converted a modest performance into a stellar one. If the Planning Commission had simply waited for the final data and not misled the public with its provisional estimate last year, the final data
would have carried greater credibility, and the sceptical public would have been more willing to celebrate the performance as stellar. This mood will pass. Let us wait for the next survey data, for 2011-12. That will surely show a substantial further decline in poverty. Then we can really celebrate, with full conviction and no barbs about fudging.
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Chronic poverty describes people (individuals, households, social groups, geographical areas and territories) who are poor for
significant periods of their lives, who may pass their poverty on to their children and for whom
finding exit routes from poverty is difficult.
very size of
development
There are several reasons why chronic poverty must be addressed as a priority. First, the Indian Constitution gives all those who are poor (and
chronically poor) the right to benefit from growth and development. The unacceptably high levels of poverty and hunger that persist reflect a denial of this right. Second, it is likely that it will not be possible to meet national and
international goals and targets for the reduction of poverty and human development unless at least some of the chronically poor are included more in the process of development. What happens in India affects the extent to which the
world will meet its goals, since India contains such a substantial proportion of the worlds poor. Third, what works in India will be noticed and replicated elsewhere. Additionally, many of the chronically poor live in Indias
development may resent this and may develop coping strategies that are negative for society as a whole. In addition, it may also take much more to lift them out of poverty, which may entail mortgaging future resources against present
neglect. Finally, and most importantly, there is a moral case to be made: the attention of Indias elite and middle classes needs to be drawn back to this issue.
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share of food in
total expenditure of the poverty line class was 81% and 72% in rural and urban areas, respectively (Planning
Commission, 1979). This fell to is around 65% and 59% in 1999-00 (Sen, 2005): Thus, the reduction in the share of food is 16 per cent and 13 per
food requirements (especially rent and health care) is not sufficient , thereby
leading to a decrease in the income left available for food . For example, serious concerns have been
expressed regarding state budgetary allocations to and provisioning of health care (NRHM, 2005).
spend large amounts on health care, exacerbates the suffering of those who
are already poor and leads those who are non-poor into poverty.
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in entry, exit and persistence of poverty. Among households without access to sanitation
facilities, poor households formed a disproportionately large group.
poverty showed an increase in the score on migration.
Other factors for exit from poverty are enablers (like access to credit, favorable
agro-climatic conditions, alternative asset base, etc.) and more secure livelihoods (in terms of reduced market risks or more days of work). Low literacy/educational
attainment is connected to persistence of poverty. A total of 89% of households that had remained poor showed no change in educational attainment status
(qualification of the most literate adult). Other factors for persistence are unsecure livelihoods and poor asset base of households. This indicates that self- and wage
employment programs will help chronically poor households. Shocks related to health and agro-climatic conditions are the most common reasons for entry into
poverty. Poor public health care delivery and inefficient implementation of women and child welfare programs are detrimental.
Being non-poor
is associated with multidimensional wellness. Each parameter contributed almost equally between 5% and 10% to
the total score. For poor households, the contributions of each of the parameters varied between 2% and 24%.
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Maintainers
Interrupters
Health shock
Illiteracy/lack of skills
Diversification of income
Sudden disability
Disability/old age
Social exclusion
Geography (remoteness)
Urban linkages
Investment failure
Drink/drug addiction
Kinship networks
Asset accumulation
Loss of job
Marketable skills/linkages
Indebtedness
Decrease in dependency
Bonded labor
Increase in wages
Governance failure
Access to credit
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Reduction in poverty requires that the earnings of the poor increase. This could
occur through increased productivity, higher wages or transfers of income-generating assets or
incomes. If options for increasing income are either weak or absent, poverty will persist.
When shocks occur that lead to a decline in income levels, for instance crop failures, ill-health, disabling accidents or other
disasters, the number of people who are poor will increase. Poverty dynamics recognize the existence of processes through which the poor either escape from poverty or fail to escape it and the non-poor either remain non-poor or
the main occupation of those who are landless and poor is wage labor. Has there been any reduction in the proportion of labor dependent on such occupations? Meanwhile, if real wages increase over time, this may raise the incomes
of landless wage earners. Is there evidence of these factors providing pathways out of poverty? We first examine the pattern of the structure of employment over time in the Indian economy and the prospects these changes provide for
poverty reduction. Tables 3.1a and 3.1b present the findings of a series of sample surveys, conducted over a 10- year period from 1989-90 to 1998-99, which show the occupational distribution of households in urban and rural areas,
respectively. The data show a rise in the number of wage earner households in both urban and rural areas during the 1990s. In urban areas, there was a rise in the proportion of wage-earning households (households whose chief
earner is a daily wage earner) from 18.37% of the total in 1989-90 to 20.87% in 1998-99 (Table 3.1a). The proportion of salary-earning households increased by less than 1 percentage point. New job opportunities during this period
were relatively greater in the lower-paying wage-earning job category. There was also an increase in the number of petty shopkeeper households. It is clear that the relatively less skilled and those without access to capital are forced to
find livelihoods at the bottom of the pyramid of occupations. Landless workers who migrate from rural to urban areas are also likely to find jobs as wage earners in urban areas.
Unless the
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through grassroots social action and a challenge to established politics and social forces, to
1.
of physical and
2.
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High health care-related costs owing to the onset of a long illness can lead to
entry into poverty, and also worsen the situation of those already poor. Ill-health
creates immense stress, even among those who are financially secure. Most
illness and death from infectious diseases such as malaria and TB are reemerging as epidemics that can be prevented and/or treated cost effectively
with primary health care services under the government health system. However, the
extensive
equipments are missing or in short supply, there is shortage of staff and the system is characterized
by endemic absenteeism on the part of medical personnel due to lack of control and oversight. There
are wide disparities on health-related indicators, between rural and urban areas, between better and poorer performing states and between better-off and more
vulnerable sections of society. Health care centers in many villages are non-functional, ill-equipped and inadequately manned. The
of primary
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High health care-related costs owing to the onset of a long illness can lead to
entry into poverty, and also worsen the situation of those already poor. Ill-health
creates immense stress, even among those who are financially secure. Most
illness and death from infectious diseases such as malaria and TB are reemerging as epidemics that can be prevented and/or treated cost effectively
with primary health care services under the government health system. However, the
extensive
equipments are missing or in short supply, there is shortage of staff and the system is characterized
by endemic absenteeism on the part of medical personnel due to lack of control and oversight. There
are wide disparities on health-related indicators, between rural and urban areas, between better and poorer performing states and between better-off and more
vulnerable sections of society. Health care centers in many villages are non-functional, ill-equipped and inadequately manned. The
of primary
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In India, individuals with the greatest need for health care have the greatest
diculty in accessing health services and are least likely to have their health
needs met.
3235 We conceptualize access as the ability to receive a specic number of services, of specied quality, subject to a specied constraint of inconvenience and cost,36 with use of selected health
services as a proxy for access. To show the persisting inequities in health care in India, we focus on access to maternal and child health services since the disease burden relating to communicable, maternal, and perinatal disorders can
200506, national immunization coverage was 44%.10 Immunization coverage varies by household wealth and education, with absolute and relative inequalities
generally showing reduction with time (gure 4).10
castes was 31.3% and 39.7%, respectively, compared with 53.8% among other castes,10 and absolute inequalities between these castes increased with time.1012 Coverage remains higher in urban areas (58%) than in rural areas
(39%),10 although absolute and relative urban-rural dierences have decreased with time.1012 The absolute gender gap has increased from 26% in 199293 to 38% in 200506.10,11 Similar patterns in inequalities have been noted
for antenatal care coverage (webappendix p 1). In 200506, 77% of Indian women received some form of antenatal care during their pregnancies in the 5 years before the survey, although only 52% had three or more visits.10 Overall,
residence persist ,
,
however, even though absolute and relative inequalities have decreased with time. Dierences between states are substantial in both the number of antenatal visits and the type
of services provided during these visits. Inadequate access to appropriate maternal health services remains an important determinant of maternal mortality. Although the proportion of deliveries in institutions has increased with time,
Among scheduled tribes, delivery in an institution was 171% in 199899 and only 177% in 200506.11,12 Rates of admission to hospital also vary by gender, wealth, and urban or rural residence.37 Some of this variation might be
due to dierences in actual and perceived need and health-seeking behavior; indeed, evidence suggests that gender inequalities exist in untreated morbidity, and illness is probably under-reported among women.33 Although poor
individuals are more likely to seek care in the public sector than in the private sector, rich people use a greater share of public services, and are more likely to use tertiary care and hospital-based services.27 Rich individuals are also
more likely to be admitted to hospital than are poor people and have longer inpatient stays in hospitals in the public sector.38 Analysis of the 52nd round (199596) of the National Sample Survey39 of health services in the public
sector showed a more equitable distribution of services for preventive care (immunization and antenatal visits) than did most of those for curative care.
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the population, whereas over three times as much (31%) accrues to the richest 20% (Mahal, 2002).
This
could owe to problems such as distance from medical facilities and the
opportunity cost of accessing public health facilities in terms of forgone
incomes facing the rural poor if they seek health care.
Income growth,
(ibid). Maharashtra, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Punjab, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu have the most
egalitarian distribution of public health subsidies. In contrast, in Bihar, Rajasthan, Orissa, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, between 37% and
and Sen, 2001), Baru (2006) argues that at the state level this calls for a rational use of available resources and also for a policy that will strengthen public
provisioning and regulate the private sector.
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Ecient allocation of resources between primary, secondary, and tertiary care, and geographical
regions is crucial to ensure the availability of appropriate and adequately resourced health services
.22
In India, this challenge is compounded by low public nancing with substantial variation between states.41 Indias total expenditure on health was estimated to be 413% of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 200809, of which the public expenditure on health was estimated to be 110%.42 Private expenditures on health have remained high during the previous decade,43 with India
having one of the highest proportions of household out-of-pocket health expenditures in the world711% in 200405. Per person expenditures disbursed by the central government to states are fairly similar, irrespective of the dierent capabilities and health needs of the states.44 Expenditures on health dier by a factor of seven between the major stateseg, public expenditure per
person in 200405 was estimated to be INR93 in Bihar compared with INR630 in Himachal Pradesh.42 Besides interstate variations, a greater proportion of resources are given to urban-based services and curative services, with 292% of public expenditures (both central and state) allocated to urban allopathic services compared with 118% of public expenditures allocated to rural
allopathic services in 200405.42 This imbalance in allocation is worsened by a bias in the private sector towards curative services, which tend to be provided in wealthy urban areas. The curative services are mainly provided in the private sector, and evidence from national household surveys shows that the private sector in the previous two decades has become the main provider of
inpatient care.45
tend to be clustered in areas where services are scarce. In 2008, an estimated 11 289 government
hospitals had 49 4 510 beds, with regional variation ranging from 533 people per bed in a government hospital in Arunachal Pradesh to 5494 in Jharkhand.46
Distance remains a greater barrier for women than for men.50 Furthermore, physical access of services does not assure their use since the costs associated with seeking care also preclude uptake, even when services are available. India
needs sustainable, high-quality human resources for health with a variety of skills and who are adequately distributed in all states, particularly in rural areas.51 India has more than 1 million rural practitioners, many of whom are not
formally trained or licensed.52 Another challenge to assurance of equity in health care is that the most disadvantaged individuals are more likely to receive treatment from less qualied providers. Quality is dened by the use of
several criteria, such as safety, eectiveness, timeliness, and patient focus, and it can broadly be divided into service and clinical quality.22 In India, quality in health care is not well understood, with insucient evidence to infer how
it aects equity.53 Adequate regulation of the public and private sectors has been dicult to achieve. Despite the complex regulatory framework, with an extensive set of legal regulations, such as the Indian Penal Code, the Indian
41 Indias total expenditure on health was estimated to be 413% of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 200809, of which the public expenditure on health was estimated to be 110%.42 Private expenditures on health have remained high during the previous decade,43 with India having one
of the highest proportions of household out-of-pocket health expenditures in the world711% in 200405. Per person expenditures disbursed by the central government to states are fairly similar, irrespective of the dierent capabilities and health needs of the states.44 Expenditures on health di er by a factor of seven between the major stateseg, public expenditure per person in
200405 was estimated to be INR93 in Bihar compared with INR630 in Himachal Pradesh.42 Besides interstate variations, a greater proportion of resources are given to urban-based services and curative services, with 292% of public expenditures (both central and state) allocated to urban allopathic services compared with 118% of public expenditures allocated to rural allopathic
services in 200405.42 This imbalance in allocation is worsened by a bias in the private sector towards curative services, which tend to be provided in wealthy urban areas. The curative services are mainly provided in the private sector, and evidence from national household surveys shows that the private sector in the previous two decades has become the main provider of inpatient
,46 and the rapid development of the private sector in urban areas has resulted in an unplanned and unequal geographical distribution of services.47 Although the concentration of facilities in urban areas might encourage economies of scale, the distribution of
services is an important factor that aects equity in health care, mainly because many vulnerable groups tend to be clustered in areas where services are scarce. In 2008, an estimated 11 289 government hospitals had 49 4 510 beds, with regional variation ranging from 533 people per bed in a government hospital in Arunachal Pradesh to 5494 in Jharkhand.46 Since distance to facilities is a key determinant for access,48,49 outreach programs or good transport, roads, and communication networks are important to reach disadvantaged and physically isolated groups, such as the
scheduled tribes. Distance remains a greater barrier for women than for men.50 Furthermore, physical access of services does not assure their use since the costs associated with seeking care also preclude uptake, even when services are available. India needs sustainable, high-quality human resources for health with a variety of skills and who are adequately distributed in all states, particularly in rural areas.51 India has more than 1 million rural practitioners, many of whom are not formally trained or licensed.52 Another challenge to assurance of equity in health care is that the
most disadvantaged individuals are more likely to receive treatment from less qualied providers. Quality is dened by the use of several criteria, such as safety, eectiveness, timeliness, and patient focus, and it can broadly be divided into service and clinical quality.22 In India, quality in health care is not well understood, with insucient evidence to infer how it aects equity.53 Adequate regulation of the public and private sectors has been dicult to achieve. Despite the complex regulatory framework, with an extensive set of legal regulations, such as the Indian Penal Code,
the Indian Contract Act, and the Law of Torts, eective enforcement and implementation remain dicult.54,55 Quality is aected by high rates of absenteeism among health workers (>40% in some studies), restrictions in opening hours, insucient availability of drugs and other supplies, poor-quality work environments, and inadequate provider training and knowledge.38,51,5659 In urban centers, individuals who are poor are more likely to visit private and public providers who are not sufficiently competent.
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and are beleaguered with ill health whether it be their efforts for child
survival or anxieties pertaining to child nutrition (Joe et al., 2008). Examining spatial and temporal
dimensions of health outcomes, Agrawal (2010) finds that the impressive rate of growth of economic output is not accompanied by similar achievements in health; the
in
some of
in determining health outcomes for poor women. Using empirical evidence and insights based on data collected from 1,920 households in 60 villages in two subdistricts of Koppal, they find the
more insecure the households economic status, the greater the chance that
health-seeking will be rationed within the household, and this is borne disproportionately by girls
and women. Based on a survey of 5,759 individuals in 1,024 households in 100 hamlets in rural Udaipur in collaboration with Seva Mandir and Vidya
Bhavan, Banerjee et al. (2003) conclude that the quality of the public service is abysmal and unregulated
and private providers who are often unqualified provide the bulk of health care in the area. Households
in the sample were poor: average per capita household expenditure was Rs 470 per month and more than 40% were living in BPL households. The authors found that
51% of men and 56% of women were anemic. There was also evidence of respiratory difficulties. A
third of adults reported cold symptoms in the previous 30 days, 12% saying the condition was
serious; 33% fever; 42% body ache; 23% fatigue; 14% problems with vision; 42% headaches;
33% back aches; 23% upper abdominal pain; 11% chest pains; and 11% weight loss. Micro studies
frequently capture such high levels of morbidity far higher than those reported in NSS data.
incidence, combined with high levels of poverty, calls for urgent and priority
commitment and allocation of substantial resources to the health sector. Instead, as
Srinivasan et al. (2007) show using data from three NFHS rounds, the
health has slowed, with a dampening of the full immunization program during 1998-99 to 2005-06. In view of high rates of malnutrition and infant
mortality, this is cause for serious concern.
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Contradictions
Poverty and market-related uncertainties and
displacement
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has experienced impressive growth over a sustained period of time, and yet a
number of development challenges remain, particularly in relation to the persistence of poverty in
the country. As such,
productive employment; the widening gap between the formal and informal
segments of the economy and across society; severe food inflation over an
extended period of time
; and massive disruption of the (natural) resource base that supports the livelihoods of the poor across the different agro-ecological regions. There is growing realization that the positive impacts of the upturn in growth may be less than its adverse impacts. Meanwhile,
recent global financial, food and climate-related crises have worsened the fate of the millions of chronically poor and of the common people. The wonderful story of economic growth is not quite a fairy tale. And everybody does not live happily after that. It is essential to recognize that economic growth in independent India was respectable during the first phase between 1950 and 1980,
and was impressive during 1980 and after. However, the growth was not transformed into development (Nayyar, 2008). Sustaining the pace of economic growth, and ensuring this growth can address the hitherto intractable challenges of underemployment and development-induced displacement, appears to be a tall order. The goal of attaining a sustained high rate of economic growth by
imperative to recognize that growth is important, as it is cumulative, but should not be reduced to simple arithmetic, as there is nothing automatic about it. At the same
time, much of poverty is structurally constructed, so analyses and understandings of the poverty phenomenon should not be treated as analogous to studying the
poor.4
More of the same type of growth is not likely to bring about a higher
rate of growth; even if it does, such growth is not necessarily going to hasten
poverty reduction and may in fact increase it in some parts of the country
for some time to come. Critics of the neoliberal growth paradigm have even questioned the empirical robustness of the link between trade
liberalization, growth and poverty reduction (Bardhan, 2007; Stiglitz, 2010). The issue arising in some developing economies with large populations is not that there is
poverty in spite of moderate to high economic growth, but that this poverty
growth itself. It has also been recognized that more of the same type of growth is socially and politically untenable. It thus becomes all the more pertinent to
ask What kind of growth? For whom? and At what cost? rather than How much growth?5 On yet another plane, a number of parallel discourses are increasingly
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regimes
.6 All these have given rise to not only a search for a new lifestyle but also new macro as well as institutional economics for growth and poverty reduction (Harris and Goodwin, 2010; Harriss, 2007), although
these tend to move in parallel rather than seeking convergence and integration within a holistic framework. The quest, therefore, has to be for an alternative approach to economic growth that deviates from mainstream assumptions,
which envisage self-sustaining growth through endogenous technological progress, with trade expansion and market competition as the major mechanisms to propel growth across countries.
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Chronic
not enough of it, exploitatively low wages, low returns to limited assets and
vulnerability to asset and savings erosion in the face of shocks such as illhealth. Serious challenges in translating growth into development result from
an absence of employment opportunities; limited sustainability of natural
resources and access to food; and regional disparities.
As Chapter 7 argued, these are closely linked to and embedded in the structure of
growth itself. Employment elasticity of output is extremely low, both in aggregate terms and especially in agriculture. The global financial crisis and slowdown has demonstrated the shakiness of growth, leading to a loss of jobs, wage cuts and insecure livelihoods for workers in the small and
unorganized sector of the economy. The focus on output growth in India is based on intensive use and degradation of natural resources that are already in a fragile state, such as land, water, forests, minerals and marine resources, and also on increased pollution. The solution is to minimize the
environmental load of production in different sectors and also to compensate for the use of resources through conservation and regeneration, so as to preserve the stock of natural capital, which holds the key to future growth. This report makes a clear case for identifying and shifting to a
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post-harvest spoilage losses and promote greater connectedness to urban areas, remains a clear priority. Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana and Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojana in rural areas, and Jawaharlal Nehru National
Urban Renewal Mission for urban infrastructure and integrated development of slums, are initiatives in this direction that need closer evaluation and monitoring to make them relevant for the poor and for women.
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Education is also a portable asset, and thus useful for migration. It is not subject to
erosion in the way that material assets or savings are, and is therefore more secure once acquired. However, the barriers to moving far enough through the system to
make a real difference to the long-term status of a poor household are significant. These mean the demand for education is suppressed unnaturally: demand
from the poorest households needs stimulating as much as supply and quality of education need
investment. Midday meal schemes, scholarships for disadvantaged groups and conditional cash transfers can all make a big difference. The priority in
education is nevertheless to improve the quality of basic education.
illiterate and that post-primary education does not have to compensate for
the failures of the primary level. The right to education should help in this direction, since it specifies basic qualities to which
education providers must adhere. Finding ways of helping the children of poor households to continue through post-primary education to complete the full nine years
of education allowed for in the Right to Education Act will be the next priority.
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APRIL 2014
PUBLIC FORUM BRIEF
Negative
Arguments
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Negative Arguments
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change. But is this credible or plausible? We believe it is, for two reasons. First,
the stakes in the near to medium term are much greater for the developing
countries than for todays rich countries. They are either in or much closer to the
tropics, where rising average temperatures will more quickly reduce agricultural productivity.
They have much higher population densities, and therefore much narrower margins for survival as
natural systems, especially water, come under stress. And they have much lower per capita
incomes, making it harder to cope with coming disruptions by making major infrastructure
investments such as building sea walls or extending irrigation systems. William R. Cline (2007) estimates the
costs for agriculture.
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the social cost of carbon for China is about three times that of the United States and nearly four times that of Europe. For India it is
about two times that of the United States and three times that of Europe.
for
China and
benefits and costs of mitigation for developing and industrial countries well. Using one of the
standard integrated assessment models (IAMs,) he finds that the mean benefit-cost ratio for developing
countries to do their efficient share of mitigation is 3.8, while this ratio if they finance all mitigation (including that in OECD
countries) is still 2.7. For OECD countries the mean benefit/cost ratio for financing all mitigation (including that in
developing countries) is
an unattractive 0.5. Setting ethics and politics aside, the stark bottom line is that
it is strongly in the
23
the writer Simon Kuper put it, We in the West have recently made an
unspoken bet: were going to wing it, run the risk of climate catastrophe, and hope that it is mostly
faraway people in poor countries who will suffer.16 The large and vulnerable developing countries must go on a war footing to
campaign for action, including by todays rich countries, to avert catastrophic climate change.
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India is both a major greenhouse gas emitter and one of the most vulnerable countries in the world
to projected climate change.
and the impacts of climate change, including water stress, heat waves and
drought, severe storms and flooding, and associated negative consequences
on health and livelihoods.
agriculture, India probably will be severely impacted by continuing climate change. Global climate
projections, given inherent uncertainties, indicate several changes in Indias future climate: Global observations of melting glaciers
suggest that climate change is well under way in the region, with glaciers receding at an average
rate of 1015 meters per year. If the rate increases,
temperature as well as decreased range of diurnal temperature and enhanced precipitation over the
Indian subcontinent. A warming of 0.5o C is likely over all India by the year 2030 (approximately equal to the
o
warming over the 20th century) and a warming of 2-4 C by the end of this century, with the maximum increase
over northern India.
tropospheric ozone pollution and other air pollution in the major cities.
Increased precipitation including monsoonal rains is likely to come in the form of fewer
rainy days but more days of extreme rainfall events, with increasing amounts
of rain in each event, leading to significant flooding. Drizzle-type
precipitation that replenishes soil moisture is likely to decrease. Most global
models suggest that the Indian summer monsoons will intensify. The timing may also shift, causing a drying during the
late summer growing season. Climate models also predict an earlier
snowmelt, which could have a significant adverse effect on agricultural
production.
Growing emissions of aerosols from energy production and other sources may
suppress rainfall, leading to drier conditions with more dust and smoke from the burning of drier
vegetation, affecting both regional and global hydrological cycles and agricultural production.
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In
addition, earlier seasonal snowmelt and depleting glaciers will reduce river flow needed for
irrigation.
The large segment of poor people (including smallholder farmers and landless agricultural workers)
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High-input, high-output agriculture will be negatively affected even as demands for food and other
agricultural products rise because of an increasing population and expectations for an improved
standard of living. Millions of subsistence and smallholder farmers will experience hardship and
hunger through being less able to predict climate conditions. To a certain extent, trade may compensate for these deficits.
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Glacier melt may yield more runoff in the short term but less in the medium and long terms.
(especially cyclones)
will cause more damage to infrastructure and livelihoods and exacerbate salt
water intrusion in storm surges. Changes in the timing and amount of
monsoon rains will make the production of food and other agricultural
products more uncertain, so that, even in good-weather years, farmers will be
more likely to make decisions leading to lower-productivity.
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greater for impacts to result in displaced people; deaths and damage from
heat, floods, and storms; and conflicts over natural resources and assets.
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The welfare of those who are affected by climate change and who have limited means to adapt may
act as a force that can change governments, strain public budgets, and foster unrest. About onethird of Indians are extremely poor, and 60 percent depend upon agriculture for their livelihoods.
In a country so prone to natural hazards, the welfare of those who are affected and who have limited means to recover will loom large under climate change, as a force
that can change governments, strain public budgets, and foster unrest. The proportions are significant: about
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climate change
mitigation efforts may constrain its use of indigenous and imported coal, oil,
and gas, while development of nuclear energy will be slow at best and likely
to encounter opposition.
and capacity-building.
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temperature, increased/extreme
between these factors and diarrhoea incidences. From those studies we selected the most appropriate for the Ganges basin. This, however, does not take into account studies which reported no significant correlation, let alone those
analyses without significant correlation that were never reported. So, although we selected the most plausible exposure-response functions, our estimates might be somewhat biased towards higher incidence impact factors. We
assumed an additive effect of all climate factors when quantifying the overall combined impact (see Fig. 5). However, the studied climate factors could be correlated with each other leading to an under- or overestimation of the true
impact. Based on the temperature relationship only, we expect this bias to be less than 3%. In addition, the effect of humidity on all-cause diarrhoea incidences is the least established in literature, to quantify the related uncertainty we
also conducted a separate analysis, omitting humidity in one of our impact projections (see right panel of Fig. 5).
in diarrhoea incidences for the entire Ganges basin is slightly higher than the
global estimates of 811% (Campbell-Lendrum et al., 2003, Kolstad and Johansson, 2011 and McMichael et al., 2004) based
on temperature alone. Our study shows decreased precipitation, extreme rainfall
events and humidity may add 3% to the total effect of increased temperature.
Locally and depending on the time of year, the impact of these factors can even be more important. Especially in precipitation there is considerable spatial variation in change over the basin. A projected reduction in precipitation in the
middle and eastern part is contrasted by an increase around the edges of the model domain, in the west and north-east. However, here the risks are relatively low as the population density is extremely low. When deciding on adaptation
strategies, mostly done at the local level, this spatial and temporal variation in climate change can lead to different priorities. The presented analysis should be considered indicative, showing the importance of each climate factor.
Temperature, the climate factor resulting in the highest increase in incidences, is considered the
most robust of projected climate variables. The models simulate an increase of 1.8 by the 2040s for
northern India with a small spread around the model ensemble mean, in line with earlier general
circulation model estimates for the region (Kumar et al., 2013--this issue). Precipitation was found to vary much across the model ensemble (Mathison et al., 2013--this issue).
Against large decadal variability the modest projected average increase in annual precipitation of 33 mm by the 2040s is not significant (Kumar et al., 2013--this issue). The number of days with extreme precipitation was not found to
increase much by the 2040s. This is conflicting with expected increases in magnitude and frequency of occurrence (Seneviratne et al., 2012), but consistent with a lack of uniform trends in observed extreme precipitation over India
(Ghosh et al., 2011). The robustness of the projected change in humidity, a variable not often compared to measurements, is difficult to determine. We experienced lack of complete epidemiological data to be a major constraint,
hampering impact assessment using generalised exposure-response functions. The exact causal mechanisms explaining the impact of climate on diarrhoea still need to be clarified and are heavily disputed in literature (Kolstad and
Johansson, 2011). Impacts should be explained on the basis of concepts and bio-physical processes rather than from correlations driven by data availability. This means that for increased temperature and diarrhoea incidences the
causal mechanism should determine e.g. whether a linear or non-linear response function is to be expected and whether this is constant along the complete temperature range. And whether extreme rainfall leads to sewer system
overload and flushing of pathogens, or to dilution, resulting in opposite impact on incidences, needs further study as well. Defining the impact of humidity, often highly correlated to precipitation, should be based on a clear definition
of its casual pathway. Furthermore, measures to express these causal mechanisms are not always appropriately defined. We suggest to use maximum daily, rather than weekly or monthly values in case of extreme precipitation and to
relate the threshold for extreme precipitation to meteorological standards or, even better, design standards of sewage systems for it to be more easily transferable. Similarly, if drought is suggested as a causal mechanism it should be
defined by relevant drought indicators, rather than a simple decrease in precipitation below a random threshold, derived from correlation. Finally, comparison and replication would be helped by uniformity in both reporting and
analysis of diarrhoea causing agents. There is a general lack of good quality data (e.g. Beniston et al. (2012)) impeding our full understanding of complicated relationships between changes in our environment, human behaviour and
health. In India, improvements in disease surveillance and monitoring can take advantage of existing initiatives such as the Integrated Disease Surveillance Program. The institutional set-up could be utilised more efficiently, e.g. not
only by improving the quality of epidemiological data collected in terms of the periodicity and extent of coverage, but also by more extensive analysis of all data that is collected. National programs on water and sanitation in India,
such as the Total Sanitation Campaign, the Accelerated Rural Water Supply Programme, the Accelerated Urban Water Supply Program, the National Rural Water Quality Monitoring and Surveillance Program play central roles in
ensuring access to safe drinking water and healthy environments. Combining these initiatives with a monitoring programme will greatly enhance understanding and help implementing effective adaptation measures. Since the precise
impact of climate change on human health and especially on infectious diseases is still poorly understood, the National Mission on Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change can be critical in bridging research gaps and linking various
Table 2 shows that with the possible exception of source water treatment all other preventive actions have
the potential to overcome the expected increase of more than 10% in diarrhoea incidences. The success of these preventive strategies largely depends on the awareness and behaviour of individuals and their strict adherence (Figueroa
et al., 2007 and Waddington et al., 2009). Continuous efforts in promotions and health education on how diarrhoeal diseases spread and can be prevented are needed by the health, non-governmental and governmental sector (Clasen,
2009). Focusing awareness raising towards regions and seasons with high risks as highlighted by Fig. 1 will help to increase their impact. For the poor it is usually difficult to afford these behavioural changes, as they are connected to
some kind of investment or increased expenses. Self-organising processes, stakeholder participation and collective action could help to overcome these barriers (Pollard and du Toit, 2011). No data was available to quantify the effect
(CBHI, 2011). Even when correcting for an average of 1.5% population growth (WB, 2012), the incidence ratio has not decreased. Investments in and improvement of
health care infrastructure have not kept pace with India's overall growth (Balarajan et al., 2011, CBHI, 2011 and Reddy et al., 2011). Therefore, without
any
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additional actions to improve the quality of all-inclusive access to health care, sewage infrastructure and waste
disposal,
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migrations will mainly be from rural areas into Indias cities, which are
ill-equipped to deal with large influxes of environmental migrants. Climate change will in many
cases exacerbate existing inequities in Indias society and economy, potentially leading to internal
social disruptions. While a general state failure in India is unlikely,
failed constituent states. The states most at risk are the densely-populated,
underdeveloped, and politically unstable states of Indias northeastern
agricultural heartland. Beyond 2030, Indias ability to cope is unclear. The principal regional challenges generated
by climate change in South Asia will most likely be cross-border migration and water scarcity. The lack of effective regional institutions, longstanding political
disputes, and Indias preference for bilateral regional diplomacy will inhibit regional cooperation in confronting these issues. The region has a mixed record on
resolving water disputes.
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Sorghum ranks fifth among the world's most important crops. Its current world production stands at 64.58 million tonnes
while in India current production is 7.4 million tonnes (FAO, 2008). It serves as a raw material for food, fodder and many
industrial products. Sorghum, which has drought adaptation capability, is a preferred crop in
tropical, warmer and semi-arid regions of the world with high temperature and water stress (Peacock and
Heinrich, 1984). More than 70% of the world's total production of sorghum comes from the developing countries of Asia and Africa where the crop is grown with limited inputs of water and nutrients, it being a principal mainstay of
resource and technology poor farmers. In India, sorghum is cultivated during both monsoon (rainy) and winter (post rainy) season, mainly as a rainfed crop (92% of the area) with about 85% of the production concentrated in
Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, all falling under warm semi-arid region. In India, national average productivity of sorghum is very low (880 kg/ha) as against high yield obtained in USA and China. Low productivity can
heat waves and heavy rainfall and a likely increase in the frequency of droughts. Major climate change impacts on plants are through increase in the concentration of atmospheric CO2, rise in temperature and change in rainfall. Earlier
studies on the effect of carbon dioxide fertilization have reported no significant yield increase in sorghum, a C4 crop, as C4 photosynthesis is already CO2 saturated (von Caemmerer and Furbank, 2003). However experiments
(Ghannoum et al., 2000 and Vu and Leon, 2009) have conclusively pointed out elevated CO2 stimulation in carbon assimilation under drought conditions or in short-term water stress conditions. This is caused by an increase in water
use efficiency via reduction in stomatal conductance. On the other hand, temperature influences yield mainly by controlling the rate of biomass accumulation and the duration of growth (Vu et al., 1997 and Fuhrer, 2003) apart from
resulting in a net loss of carbon assimilation. But the optimum temperature for photosynthesis is higher in C4 plants as compared to C3 plants (Rosenberg et al., 1983 and Taiz and Zeiger, 1991). The mean optimum temperature range
for sorghum is 2135 C for seed germination, 2634 C for vegetative growth and development, and 2528 C for reproductive growth (Maiti, 1996). Secondly, temperature rise affects the duration of growth. Higher temperatures
High
temperatures decrease seed-filling duration (Fuhrer, 2003), resulting in smaller seed size and lower seed
yields (Chowdhury and Wardlaw, 1978, Kiniry and Musser, 1988 and Abrol and Ingran, 1996). Apart from temperature, rainfall is another major factor which influences the crop yield, more so of rainfed crops. Since climate
lead to a rapid accumulation of growing degree days; thus growth and development of the crop are faster, resulting in the reduction of phenophase duration, hence yield (Attri and Rathore, 2003).
change is projected to affect food production in India (IPCC, 2007), it is important to quantify the impact of climate change on individual crops in order to derive specific adaptation strategies. Altering cultivars and planting times can
allow low- and mid- to high-latitude cereal yields to be maintained at or above baseline yields for modest warming (IPCC, 2007) and yield can be increased if the crop growth period is increased (Cooper, 1992). Hence it is important
to quantify the adaptation gains in order to assess the net vulnerability of target crop. To capture the impact of projected climate change scenarios, simulations were carried out using the HadCM3 model A2a scenario projection on
temperature and rainfall along with the Bern CC model projections on atmospheric CO2 concentrations in 2020 (414 ppmV), 2050 (522 ppmV) and 2080 (682 ppmV) scenarios. In these, spatio-temporal variations exist in projected
Climate change is
projected to reduce monsoon sorghum grain yield to the tune of 16% in CZ and SWZ
and by 3% in SCZ
by 2020 (Fig. 4). Yields are likely to be affected to the tune of 17% in CZ and SCZ to
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problems potentially linked to increased salinity exposure through bathing, drinking, and cooking.
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undermined by inadequate water supplies . Thermal power generation may also be affected through pressure placed
on cooling systems by increases in air and water temperatures.
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water hydrography is
block the northerly push of the monsoon, confining its precipitation effects to
the South Asian subcontinent and providing, with their snow and glacial
melt, the primary source of upstream freshwater for many of South Asias
river basins. Climate change impacts on the Himalayan and the Hindu Kush glaciers therefore
directly affect the people and economies of the countries of Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India , Nepal, and Pakistan.
These water towers of Asia play a dominant role in feeding and regulating the flow of the major river systems of the region: the Indus, the Ganges, and the
Brahmaputra. These rivers drain into the coast, with the Ganges and the Brahmaputra carrying huge sediment loads from the Himalayas, creating the densely
populated mega-delta that encompasses West Bengal and Bangladesh (see Figures 5.10 and 5.11). Reductions in the glacial mass and snow cover of the Hindu Kush
and the Himalayas can have a profound effect on the long-term water availability over much of the subcontinent. Changes
in the characteristics
of precipitation over the mountains, leading to increasingly intense rainfall, contribute along with other factors to
much higher flood risks far downstream and interact adversely with rising sea levels on the coast.
The Indus, the Ganges, and the Brahmaputra basins provide water to
approximately 750 million people (209 million, 478 million, and 62 million respectively in the year 2005; Immerzeel et al. 2010).
The Ganges basin on the east of the subcontinent has the largest population size and density of the three basins. Both the Indus and the Ganges supply large areas with
water for irrigation (144,900m and 156,300m respectively), while the 2,880-kilometer Indus River constitutes one of the longest irrigation systems in the world. All
three rivers are fed by the Tibetan Plateau and adjacent mountain ranges (Immerzeel, Van Beek, and Bierkens 2010; Uprety and Salman 2011). In fact,
over
with snowmelt providing over 40 percent of pre- and early-monsoon discharge in the Greater Himalaya catchments, and more than 65 percent and 30 percent of annual discharge
in the Indus and Tsangpo/Brahmaputra catchments, respectively. An increasing occurrence of extremely low snow years and a shift toward extremely high winter/spring runoff and extremely low summer runoff would therefore
increase the flood risk during the winter/spring, and decrease the availability of freshwater during the summer (Giorgi et al. 2011). The Indus and the Brahmaputra basins depend heavily on snow and glacial melt water, which make
them extremely susceptible to climate-change-induced glacier melt and snowmelt (Immerzeel, Van Beek, and Bierkens 2010).91 In fact, most of the Himalayan glaciers, where 80 percent of the moisture is supplied by the summer
monsoon, have been retreating over the past century. Where the winter westerly winds are the major source of moisture, some of the glaciers in the northwestern Himalayas and in the Karakoram have remained stable or even
advanced (Bolch et al. 2012; Immerzeel et al. 2010). Projections for the future indicate an overall risk to the flow of these rivers. For the 204565 period (global mean warming of 2.3C above pre-industrial levels),
very
. These reductions would follow the spring period of increased flow due to melting glaciers and are not compensated by the
projected increase in rainfall upstream. The Ganges, due to high annual downstream precipitation during the monsoon season, is less dependent on melt water (Immerzeel et al. 2010).92 Although snowfall in the mountainous areas in
South Asia may increase (e.g., Immerzeel et al. 2010; Mukhopadhyay 2012), this may in the long run be offset by the decrease in glacial melt water as glaciers retreat due to warming (Immerzeel et al. 2010a). Furthermore, the
distribution of the available river melt water runoff within the year may change due to accelerated snowmelt. This is caused by increased spring precipitation (Jeelani, Feddema, Van der Veen, and Stearns 2012), with less runoff
available prior to the onset of the monsoon. More recent research projects a rapid increase in the frequency of low snow years in the coming few decades, with a shift toward high winter and spring runoff and very low summer flows
likely well before 2C warming. These trends are projected to become quite extreme in a 4C warming scenario (Diffenbaugh, Scherer, and Ashfaq 2012). Combined with precipitation changes, loss of glacial ice and a changing
snowmelt regime could lead to substantial changes in downstream flow. For example, the Brahmaputra River may experience extreme low flow conditions less frequently in the future (Gain, Immerzeel, Sperna Weiland, and Bierkens
2011). There could be a strong increase in peak flow, however, which is associated with flooding risks (Ghosh and Dutta 2012). Combined with projected sea-level rise, this could have serious implications for Bangladesh and other
low-lying areas in the region (Gain et al. 2011). Given the potential impacts across the Northern Hemisphere, this report highlights the likelihood of intensifying hydrologic stress in snow-dependent regions, beginning in the near-term
decades when global warming is likely to remain within 2C of the pre-industrial baseline.
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Mumbai , due to its geography, is particularly exposed to both flooding from heavy rainfall during the
monsoon
and sea-level rise inundation as large parts of the city are built on reclaimed land which lies
(IPCC 2012) (Box 5.3). The citys drainage system is already inadequate in the face of heavy rainfall, and rapid and unplanned urbanization is
likely to further increase the flood risk in Mumbai (Ranger et al. 2011). The projected increase in heavy precipitation events associated with climate change poses a serious risk to the cityand that does not even take into account the
effects of sea-level rise. By the 2080s and with a warming of 3C to 3.5C above pre-industrial levels, climate projections indicate a doubling of the likelihood of an extreme event similar to the 2005 floods (and a return period
Direct economic damages (i.e., the costs of replacing and repairing damaged
infrastructure and buildings) of a 1-in-100 year event are estimated to triple in the
future compared to the present day and to increase to a total of up to $1.9
billion due to climate change only
reduced to around 1-in-90 years).105
(without taking population and economic growth into account). Additional indirect economic costs, such as sectoral inflation, job
losses, higher public deficit, and financial constraints slowing down the process of reconstruction, are estimated to increase the total economic costs of a 1-in-100 year event to $2.4 billion (Ranger et al. 2011). Without adaptation,
population and economic growth would increase the exposure to and damage of flooding events in the future. In terms of adaptation, Ranger et al. (2011) estimate that improved building codes and improving the drainage system in
Mumbai could reduce direct economic costs by up to 70 percent. A limitation of Ranger et al. (2011) is that the study does not include the impacts of sea-level riseeven though it is very plausible that even low levels of sea-level rise
would further reduce the effectiveness of drainage systems. This report projects the sea-level rise in Mumbai at around 35 cm by the 2050s under either of the emission pathways leading to the 2C or 4C worlds; for the 2 world, a
rise of around 60 cm by the 2080s and, for the 4C world, a rise of close to 80 cm (see Chapter 5 on Regional Sea-level Rise).
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Kolkata is ranked among the top 10 cities in the world in terms of exposure to flooding under
climate change projections (IPCC 2012; UN-HABITAT 2010b; World Bank 2011a). The elevation of Kolkata city and the metropolitan area
surrounding the city ranges from 1.511 meters above sea level (World Bank 2011a). Kolkata is projected to be exposed to increasing
precipitation, storm surges, and sea-level rise under climate change scenarios. Roughly
a third
of the total population of 15.5 million (2010 data; UN-HABITAT 2010) live in slums, which
significantly increases the vulnerability of the population to these risk factors.
Furthermore, 15 percent of the population live by the Hooghly River and are highly exposed to flooding. Another factor adding to the vulnerability of Kolkata is
unplanned and unregulated urbanization; infrastructure development is insufficient and cannot keep pace with current urbanization rates (World Bank 2011a). A
recent study by the World Bank (2011a)106 on urban flooding as a consequence of climate-change finds that a 100-year return period storm will result in doubling the
area flooded by a depth of 0.50.75m (i.e. high threat level) under the A1F1 climate change scenario (this scenario considers a projected sea-level rise of 27 cm and a
16 percent increase in precipitation by 2050). This excludes Kolkata city, which is analyzed separately, as the city has sewerage networks in place; these sewerage
networks are essentially absent in the peri-urban areas surrounding the city. According to the projections presented in Chapter 5 on Regional Sea-level Rise, the
sea-level rise in Mumbai and Kolkata is expected to reach 25 cm by the 2030s40s. In Kolkata city, with a
population of approximately five million and a population density almost three times higher than the metropolitan area (the city has a population density of 23,149
persons per km while the metropolitan area has a population density of only 7,950 people per km),
0.25 meters is expected to affect 41 percent of the city area and about 47
percent of the population in 2050 compared to 39 percent of the city area and 45 percent of the population under the baseline
scenario (World Bank 2011a). In terms of damages in Kolkata city only, which accounts for an area of around 185 km (the metropolitan area surrounding the city is
about 1,851 km) the
World Bank (2011a) study estimates the additional climate-change-related damages from a
damages to residential
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Agriculture contributes approximately 18 percent to South Asias GDP (2011 data based on World Bank 2013l);
more than 50 percent of the population is employed in the sector (2010 data based on World Bank 2013m) and
directly dependent on it. In Bangladesh, for example, rural communities, representing large parts of the population, are expected to remain dependent on agriculture despite structural changes in the
economy away from climate-sensitive sectors in the future. As a result, much of the population will remain vulnerable to these climate change impacts (World Bank 2009). Productivity growth in
agriculture is thus an important driver of poverty reduction, and it is highly dependent on the
hydrological cycle and freshwater availability (Jacoby, Mariano, and Skoufias 2011).
in the Indo-Gangetic Plain, which meets the staple food needs of more than
400 million people, is a highly vulnerable regional system. The system, which covers an area of
around 13.5 million hectares in Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, and Nepal, provides highly productive land and contributes substantially to the regions food production.
(Wassmann, Jagadish, Sumfleth, et al. 2009). Climate change is projected to have a significant
and often adverse impact on agricultural production in South Asia, the development of the sector, and the economic benefits derived from it (Nelson et al. 2009). There are a significant number of risks arising from climate-changerelated phenomena that need to be considered in assessing the future impacts on the sector (Box 5.4). For example, the upper temperature sensitivity threshold for current cultivars for rice is 3538C and for wheat is 3035C
(Wassmann, Jagadish, Sumfleth, et al. 2009). Future
heat extremes may thus pose a significant risk to regional production of these
crops. This section will provide a short overview of the major risks to crop and agricultural production in the region before turning to model-based projections of
(75 million tons in absolute terms) without changing climatic conditions and confirm that increasing minimum
temperatures have had a greater impact on yield than changing monsoon characteristics. The analysis does not account for adaptive responses by farmers. While controlling for increases of yield due to advances in agricultural
technology, the authors assume that the simulated yield reduction is a lower bound estimate (Auffhammer et al. 2011). Auffhammer et al. (2011) further point out that, though their analysis is based only on observational data and not
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on climate models, the results are consistent with climate model projectionsand yield reductions are likely to be larger in the future with projected increasing temperatures and, in some models, a continued weakening of the
monsoon (Chapter 5 on Precipitation Projections).
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are hydroelectric and thermoelectric power plants . Both sources are expected to be affected by climate
change. The
high proportion of electricity generation in South Asia that requires a water supply points
to the potential vulnerability of the regions electricity sector to changes in river flow and in water
temperature.
Thermoelectricity , on the other hand, is influenced by both river runoff and , more generally,
the availability and temperature of water resources (Van Vliet et al. 2012).
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Climate change is expected to negatively affect food production (see Chapter 5 on Agricultural Production), and
may therefore have direct implications for malnutrition and undernutritionincreasing the risk of
both poor health and rising death rates (Lloyd, Kovats, and Chalabi 2011). The potential impact of climate change on childhood stunting,
an indicator measuring undernourishment, is estimated by Lloyd, Kovats, and Chalabi (2011). At present, more than 31 percent of
children under the age of five in South Asia are underweight (2011 data based on World Bank 2013n). Using estimates of
changes in calorie availability attributable to climate change, and particularly to its impact on crop production, Lloyd et al. (2011) estimate that
climate
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Climate change is expected to affect the distribution of malaria in the region, causing it to spread
into areas at the margins of the current distribution where colder climates had previously limited
transmission of the vector-borne disease (Ebi et al. 2007). Pandey (2010) finds that
and 4.3 percent in 2050 (116,000 additional incidents) in the wetter scenario (NCAR). The drier scenario (CSIRO) does not
project an increase in risk; this may be because calculations of the relative risk of malaria consider the geographical distribution and not the extended duration of the
malarial transmission season (Pandey 2010). As in the case of diarrheal disease,
significantly decrease in the absence of climate change (from 4 million cases in 2030 to 3 million cases
in 2050).
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of cases of diarrhea. Cholera outbreaks may also become more frequent as the
bacterium that causes cholera , vibrio cholerae, survives longer in saline water (A. E. Khan,
Xun, Ahsan, and Vineis 2011; A. E. Khan, Ireson, et al. 2011). Salinity is particularly problematic in the dry season, when salinity in rivers and groundwater is
significantly higher due to less rain and higher upstream freshwater withdrawal. It is expected to be further aggravated by climate-change-induced sealevel rise,
reduced river flow, and decreased dry season rainfall. A study conducted in the Dacope sub-district in Bangladesh found that the population in the area consumed 5
16g of sodium per day from drinking water alone in the dry season, which is significantly higher than the 2g of dietary sodium intake per day recommended by WHO
and FAO. There is strong evidence that
pregnancy, which is found to be 12 percent higher in the dry season compared to the wet season in Dacope, also has adverse effects on
maternal and fetal health, including impaired liver function, intrauterine growth retardation, and
preterm birth (A. E. Khan, Ireson, et al. 2011).
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Migration, often undertaken as short-term labor migration, is a common coping strategy for people living in disasteraffected or degraded areas (World Bank 2010f). (See Chapter 3 on Population Movement for more discussion on the mechanisms driving
migration.) There is no consensus estimate of future migration patterns resulting from climate-change-related risks, such as extreme weather events and sea-level rise,
migration, including
permanent relocation, is expected to be heightened by climate change, and
particularly by sea-level rise and erosion. Inland migration of households and economic activity has already been
and most estimates are highly speculative (Gemenne 2011; World Bank 2010g). Nevertheless, the potential for
observed in Bangladesh, where exposed coastal areas are characterized by lower population growth rates than the rest of the country (World Bank 2010d). A sea-level
rise of one meter is expected to affect 13 million people in Bangladesh (World Bank 2010d),118 although this would not necessarily imply that all people affected
would be permanently displaced (Gemenne 2011). Hugo (2011) points out that migration occurs primarily within national borders and that the main driver of
migration is demographic change; environmental changes and other economic and social factors often act as contributing causes.
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Although there is a lack of research on climate change and conflicts, there is some evidence that climate change and related impacts (e.g.,
water
scarcity and food shortages ) may increase the likelihood of conflicts (De Stefano et al. 2012; P.
K. Gautam 2012).
increasing demand for water is already causing tensions over water sharing (De
Stefano et al. 2012; Uprety and Salman 2011). Water management treaties are considered to be potentially helpful in minimizing the risk of the eruption of such
conflicts (Bates et al. 2008; ESCAP 2011). There are bilateral water treaties established for the Indus Basin (although Afghanistan, to which 6 percent of the basin
belongs, and China, to which 7 percent of the basin belongs, are not signatories), between India and Bangladesh for the Ganges, and between India and Nepal for the
most important tributaries of the Ganges; there are, however, no water treaties for the Brahmaputra (Uprety and Salman 2011). It has been noted that China is absent
as a party to the above-mentioned treaties, though it is an important actor in the management of the basins (De Stefano et al. 2012). Although water-sharing treaties
may not avert dissension, they often help to solve disagreements in negotiation processes and to stabilize relations (De Stefano et al. 2012). Uprety and Salman (2011)
sharing and managing water resources in South Asia have become more
complex due to the high vulnerability of the region to climate change. Based on the
projections for water and food security presented above, it is likely that the risk of conflicts over water resources
indicate that
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India is rich in its unique flora and fauna and famous worldwide for this incredible heritage. It is estimated that
comprise 15,000 species of which several hundred (5000-7500) species are endemic. Among the animal species diversity
more than 50,000 species of insects, 4,000 molluscs, 6,500 other vertebrates, 2,546 fishes, 197
amphibians, 408 reptiles, 1224 birds and 350 species of mammals are found in different habitats.
Therefore,
this great strength of flora and fauna put the country in the list of mega
biodiversity centers (Hot-Spot) of the world . The mega biodiversity places of India are Western Ghat and Eastern Himalaya
(MoEF, 2000 and Myers et al., 2000).
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geological,
climatic and altitudinal variations in the hotspot, as well as topographic complexity, contribute to
the biological diversity of the mountains along their east-west and north-south axes. The flora and fauna of the
km. Biogeographically, the Himalayan mountain range straddles a transition zone between the Pale-arctic and Indo-Malayan realms. Species from both realms are represented in the hotspot. In addition,
Himalayas varies with rainfall, altitude, and soils. The climate ranges from tropical at the base of the mountains to permanent ice and snow at the highest elevations.
The amount of yearly rainfall increases from west to east along the front of the range. This diversity
(i.e. 36%) of them being endemic (MoEF, 2000). Of the estimated 10,000 species of plants in the Himalaya hotspot, about 3,160 are endemic, as are 71 genera, 300
mammals, 977 birds, 176 reptiles, 105 amphibians and 269 fresh water fishes.
The Himalayas are the home of a great biological resources both flora and fauna
species along with agricultural plant resources. The mighty Himalayas along with the extension act as an effective climatic barriers as it strikes the cold and chilly winds originated near the Arctic Circle and blow across the Central
and Eastern Asia. So the mountain chain provides an invincible shield to protect the subcontinent from these winds. Thus Himalaya gives the tropical climate to the country. The geology of the region supports many precious metals.
Its glaciers, lakes, rivers, the main source of fresh water for the people of the region also provide irrigation sources to agriculture and power generation. The biological resources of the region are much diverse as there are about 35000
species of flora and fauna available over the Himalayan region.
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will have a huge impact on the Himalayas. There are more than 5,000 glaciers in the Indian part of Himalayas. They contribute 50-70% of the western Himalayans rivers and slightly less in eastern Himalaya.
The country has diverse climatic conditions because of the sharp variations in temperature and precipitation reactions from place to place and season to season. While the mercury touches 55oC in the Great
Indian Desert, it drops to 45oC in winter around Leh in Jammu and Kashmir. Mausinram (Meghalaya) a place in India has the worlds highest average rainfall (11,873 mm), while in Jasselmer in Rajasthan has minimum rainfall of 10-25mm only. The climatic variation in the country provides a wide range of biological resources in their natural habitat. There is a long list of flora and
fauna in the account of the subcontinent due to the favorable climatic conditions. It supports a wide range of biological diversity. One of the mega biodiversity centers in the country is in Himalayan region as eastern Himalayas. There are a large number of national parks, sanctuaries, biosphere reserves and other protected areas which exist as world heritage sites, support a unique
biological diversity. In the Indian subcontinent, temperature could rise between 3.5 and 5.5 C by 2100. An even greater increase is assumed for the Tibetan Plateau. Rapid melt will accelerate river runoff which will initially reduce the ice reserve below a critical threshold and then causing catastrophic floods (referred to by others as the mountain tsunami), which can sweep away all
means of livelihood in a single stroke (Bajracharya et al., 2007). The anticipated effect on the environment and peoples livelihoods in the Himalayan region could be substantial. The changes will certainly be complex and to date they are not fully understood. Therefore, there is an urgent need to study implications of climate and environmental change on peoples livelihoods in the
Himalayas. It is clear that the foreseen changes will affect the provision of Himalayan water resources (Eriksson, 2006). Due to a large number of anthropogenic activities the global climate has changed since last few decades. The main consequences of climate change are greenhouse effect, global warming and ozone depletion. Global average surface temperature increased 0.6 (0.2) oC
in the 20th century and will increase by 1.4 to 5.8 oC by 2100. Over the past 100 years, mean surface temperatures have increased by 0.3-0.8 oC across the region (IPCC, 2007). The ever increasing demand for the resources of the population put the pressure on the biological resources of the world. Industrialization, urbanization, transportation and deforestation are main anthropogenic
Any particular
ecosystem consists of an assemblage of species, some of which will be near the edge of their ranges
and others of which will not. Those at the edge of their ranges may need to move due to climate
activities that change the environment and influence climate (IRC, 2002). Climate change is likely to have a number of impacts on biodiversity from ecosystem to species level. The most obvious impact is the effect that temperature and precipitation have on species, ranges and ecosystem boundaries
, which are extremely accelerated by climate change through various ways. The cheer pheasants (Catreus wallichi), with a range primarily
limited to the Jammu and Kashmir regions, are declining due to loss of the habitat (Wikramanayake et al., 1998). The genus Schizothorax is represented by at least six endemic species in the high mountain lakes and streams, while
two other genera of these snow trout, the genus Ptychobarbus and the Ladakh snow-trout (Gymnocypris biswasi) is a monotypic genus now thought to be extinct and are also unique to the Himalaya Hotspot (IUCN, 2004). The biggest
factor of present concern is the increase in greenhouse gases mainly CO2 level which change the climate and weather pattern of the world. In India the situation is as critical as continuous rain failure in the northern plains create the
condition of drought in this region. The shrinkage of glaciers, decreasing water flow of the perennial rivers depleting ground water level directly and indirectly affect the biodiversity of the subregion. Some of the most immediate
The life cycles of many wild plants and animals are closely
linked to the passing of the seasons and climate. Many developmental processes of the organisms
are dominantly dependent on day length and the other on temperature or precipitation. In principle, at least,
effects of recent climate change are becoming apparent through effects on biodiversity.
These changes in climatic pattern disrupt the ecological wealth of the subcontinent. By 2000, the region had lost 15 per cent of its forest cover compared with the early 1970s. By 2100, it will have lost almost half its forests. Less than one-third of the dense forest on which many native species depend will survive in the western Himalaya, while
less than three-quarters in the eastern Himalaya will remain (NSE, 2006). Climate change during last few decades had a significant impact on the high mountain glacial environment. Glaciers are highly sensitive to minor changes in the atmospheric temperature. Therefore, glaciers are considered as very good indicators that help us to quantify changes in the Earths climate. It is widely
confirmed that climate change is the main factor behind the accelerated glacier retreat observed in the Himalayas. The melting of Shiva Lingam (made with ice naturally) in the holy cave of Amaranth in Jammu and Kashmir is a clear indication of increasing temperature in the Himalayan region (DDNEWS, 2007).It is forecasted that the Himalayan glaciers could shrink to 100,000 square
km (38,610 square miles) by the 2030s, from 500,000 square km (193,100 square miles) now, if the current pace of global warming continues (Kireet Kumar, 2005). Himalaya is the water tower of the South Asian region, providing direct freshwater supply to millions of people living in Indo Gangetic Plains through the perennial river systems. The regions agricultural productivity and
power generation are greatly dependent on the freshwater supply of the discharge from Himalayan glaciers. Himalayas are home to some of the worlds largest river systems like Ganga, Yamuna, Indus, Brahmaputra, etc. and contribute major water supply systems for agricultural, industrial, commercial and domestic usage in non-peninsular parts of the country. In the current scenario, a
critical change is taking place in this water-rich Himalayan region that not only reveals the myths about adequate availability of water in the region, but also endorses the critical need of sustainable water management measures in the region. Due to the human induced climate change and the increasing temperature regime the glacial system in the Himalayan region are undergoing major
changes leading to a more vulnerable future to inhabitants and to the water security of the region. In northern India, a region already facing severe water scarcity and power supply problems. It is estimated about 500 million people depend on the tributaries of the glacier-fed Indus and Ganges rivers for irrigation and drinking water. But as the Himalayas melt, these rivers are expected to
initially swell and then fall to dangerously low levels, particularly in summer. The melting of glaciers because of global warming has left the scientific community worried. The glaciers in the Himalayas are melting at a very rapid rate which has major implications for water supply in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent (Pachauri, 2007). Beginning with the industrial revolution in
the 1850s and accelerating ever since, the human consumption of fossil fuels has increased CO2 levels from a concentration of 280 ppm to more than 380 ppm today. These increases are projected to reach more than 560 ppm before the end of the 21st century. It is known that carbon dioxide levels are substantially higher now than at any time in the last eight lakh years. Along with rising
methane levels, these changes are anticipated to cause an increase of 1.45.6 oC between 1990 and 2100 (Lonergan, 1998). Some of the most immediate effects of recent climate change are becoming apparent through effects on biodiversity. The life cycles of many wild and domestic plants and animals are closely linked to the passing of the seasons and climatic changes. The decreasing
water budget in these rivers year after year, coupled with the ever increasing incoming sediment load, has choked the minor drainages and is continuously silting up, at an alarming rate, even the major river system. The summer discharge in the mighty Ganga river has shown a sharp decline in recent years. In mountain region climate change can prove disastrous.
Flash floods, droughts and change in seasonal cycle have become very
common. All river valleys have become disaster prone and maintaining the
level of crop production has become very uncertain.
possible increase in differences between wet and dry seasons may imply wetter wet seasons and drier dry seasons. Already access to safe water is limited throughout the Himalaya. Change in climate will also affect infectious diseases
transmitted by insects, i.e., vector-borne diseases: examples are malaria, yellow fever, and schistosomiases. Agriculture and horticulture and age-old traditional food crops have become prone to disease (Eriksson, 2006). Increase in
atmospheric temperature can accelerate crop growth and consequently shorten the growth period. In cereal crops for example, such changes can lead to poor vernalization (e.g., hastened flowering) and reduced yield. The fruit
orchards of the region have been shifted at higher new areas. Losses are also indicated for the major food grain producing regions of Punjab, Haryana, and Western Uttar Pradesh (IPCC, 2007).
The impact
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Forests ecosystems require a long response time to adapt to climate change. Climate is projected to change at a faster rate than the capacity of the forest ecosystems
and plant species to adapt. Thus, it is necessary to develop and implement technologies and strategies to reduce the vulnerability of the forest ecosystems to changing climate, but there has been little research on this front. Warming in
the Himalayan region indicate moderate to large-scale shifts in vegetation types, with implications for forest dieback and biodiversity (Ravindranath and Sukumar, 1998).
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ecological and geophysical changes. The increasing unpredictability of weather and the natural catastrophes in the region are clear-cut indicators of marked shift in
weather patterns in the region. Various
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366 endemic vascular plant taxa and 35 endemic vertebrate taxa. We also show that inaccurate reporting of forest cover data by governmental institutions can result in
underestimations of the biological impacts of deforestation, as well as potential miscalculations in land-use decisions (e.g., the construction of hydroelectric dams).
Large-scale conservation efforts, including forest protection and reforestation, are urgently needed
to avoid the impending deforestation-driven biodiversity losses in the Himalaya.
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Siltation
and nutrition rich discharges from agriculture, waste discharges from
industries, and urbanizations are among the most important causes of coastal
resources degradation. The major underlying factor is the rapid population growth that is taking place in most tropical countries. The
and coastal resources essential to human beings throughout the third world countries.
coasts are particularly venerable and often experience the highest growth rate of more than 5 %/year. Coastal degradation cannot be solved within the traditional
sectors like fisheries and shipping. What is required are ICZM and projects, to address all the factors that have impacts on coastal zones. Major steps have been taken
in several countries to halt negative trends which will be implemented ICZM programs that will address the coastal resource user conflicts (Clark 1996; Colin and
David 1997; Ramachandran 2001). In
marine and coastal biological diversity. This problem is more serious in Indian context that has a long coastline of 8,118 km with exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of
Since these
regions form a vital link between the terrestrial and aquatic
ecosystems, their conservation is essential to maintain the
ecological balance and biodiversity.
2.5 million km2. This zone suffers from the absence of an integrated attention for conservation and development.
world is proposed for implementation in several different types of regional scale coastal marine ecosystems. Various conservation and management strategies for
sustainable use of coastal marine biodiversity are suggested for socioeconomic development in India.
aquaculture farms in certain coastal states were reported. Besides these threats, the coral
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The library of life, i.e. biodiversity, is on fire. The fire must be extinguished before even more treasure, yet to be
discovered is lost beyond recovery. Together with sound scientific advice, dialogue and learning, democratic political decisions will ultimately determine our ability to
safeguard nature's richness. Biodiversity
covers the variety of all the genes, species and ecosystems which are
found on our planet. Although approximately 1.4 million species have been described in the
literature, it is estimated that there are at least 510 million and perhaps as many as 100 million
species. Most of these are in the tropical forests. Human encroachment is driving many of these species to extinction. Although the full consequences of species
loss are unknown, there are compelling scientific, ethical and economic reasons for conserving the Earth's many life forms.
In India, the
western Ghats are among the ecologically richest regions , next only to the Himalayas in the diversity
of their biological species (Gadgil, 1984). The area's geological history and the relatively limited width of its hill ranges, which are separated by narrow passes, have
contributed to a high degree of endemism (Ahmedullah and Nayar, 1987). Its climate
the last century. The region is also rich in iron, manganese and bauxite ores.
ecosystem is intimately associated with the habitat diversity. Each one of the various habitats and
landforms in the desert sup- ports distinctive types of plants.
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committed to extinction . When the average of the three methods and two dispersal scenarios is taken, minimal climate-warming
scenarios produce lower projections of species committed to extinction (,18%) than mid-range (,24%) and maximum change (,35%) scenarios. These
estimates show the importance of rapid implementation of technologies to
decrease greenhouse gas emissions and strategies for carbon sequestration.
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Extinction is the gravest consequence of the biodiversity crisis, since it is irreversible. Human activities have
Compounds initially derived from wild species account for more than half of all commercial
medicines even more in developing nations (Chivian and Bernstein 2008). Natural forms, processes, and ecosystems provide blueprints
and inspiration for a growing array of new materials, energy sources, hi-tech devices, and other innovations (Benyus 2009). The current loss of species has been
compared to burning down the worlds libraries without knowing the content of 90% or more of the books.
lose
the ultimate source of our crops and the genes we use to improve agricultural resilience, the
material welfare and livelihoods, biodiversity contributes to security, resiliency, and freedom of choices and actions (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005). Less
tangible, but no less important, are the cultural, spiritual, and moral costs inflicted by species extinctions. All societies value species for their own sake, and wild
plants and animals are integral to the fabric of all the worlds cultures (Wilson 1984). The road to extinction is made even more perilous to people by the loss of the
broader ecosystems that underpin our livelihoods, communities, and economies (McNeely et al. 2009). The
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Loss of
biodiversity on land in the past decade alone is estimated to be costing the
global economy $500 billion annually (TEEB 2009). Reduced diversity may also reduce
Other consequences of biodiversity loss, more subtle but equally damaging, include the deterioration of Earths natural capital.
resilience of ecosystems and the human communities that depend on them. For example, more diverse coral reef
communities have been found to suffer less from the diseases that plague degraded reefs elsewhere (Raymundo et al. 2009). As Earths climate
changes, the roles of species and ecosystems will only increase in their importance to humanity (Turner et al. 2009). In many respects, conservation is local. People
generally care more about the biodiversity in the place in which they live. They also depend upon these ecosystems the most and, broadly speaking, it is these areas
over which they have the most control. Furthermore, we believe that all biodiversity is important and that every nation, every region, and every community should do
Extinction is a global
phenomenon, with impacts far beyond nearby administrative borders. More
everything possible to conserve their living resources. So, what is the importance of setting global priorities?
practically, biodiversity, the threats to it, and the ability of countries to pay for its conservation vary around the world. The vast majority of the global conservation
budget perhaps 90% originates in and is spent in economically wealthy countries (James et al. 1999). It is thus critical that those globally flexible funds available
in the hundreds of millions annually be guided by systematic priorities if we are to move deliberately toward a global goal of reducing biodiversity loss. The
establishment of priorities for biodiversity conservation is complex, but can be framed as a single question. Given the choice, where should action toward reducing the
loss of biodiversity be implemented first?
The field of conservation planning addresses this question and revolves around a framework of vulnerability and irreplaceability (Margules and Pressey 2000).
Vulnerability measures the risk to the species present in a region if the species and ecosystems that are highly threatened are not protected now, we will not get
another chance in the future. Irreplaceability measures the extent to which spatial substitutes exist for securing biodiversity. The number of species alone is an
inadequate indication of conservation priority because several areas can share the same species. In contrast, areas with high levels of endemism are irreplaceable. We
must conserve these places because the unique species they contain cannot be saved elsewhere. Put another way, biodiversity is not evenly distributed on our planet. It
is heavily concentrated in certain areas, these areas have exceptionally high concentrations of endemic species found nowhere else, and many (but not all) of these
areas are the areas at greatest risk of disappearing because of heavy human impact.
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exceptionally high concentrations of endemic species found nowhere else, and many (but not all) of
these areas are the areas at greatest risk of disappearing because of heavy human impact.
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Threats to hotspots are similar to, although generally more intense than , threats to
biodiversity worldwide . Habitat destruction, projected to remain the dominant threat to terrestrial biodiversity even in an era
of climate change (Sala et al. 2000), is
disease in recorded history, with a substantial effect on the hotspots, which harbor an astonishing 59% of all amphibians as endemics.
both in the hotspots and elsewhere. These areas may be in the form of
national parks or strict biological reserves or may come in a variety of other forms, depending on local context, including indigenous reserves, private protected areas, and community conservation agreements of various kinds. An
overlay of the hotspots with protected areas with defined boundaries from the World Database on Protected Areas (IUCN and WCMC 2009) reveals that 12% of the original area of the 35 hotspots is under some form of protection,
while 6% is classified as IUCN category IIV protected area (which provides a higher degree of protection in terms of constraints on human occupation or resource use). These numbers are underestimates since boundaries for many
protected areas have not been systematically compiled, and they certainly overestimate the land area that is managed effectively. Yet the fraction of hotspots covered is less meaningful than the locations themselves. Efforts to
conserve the hotspots must focus on ensuring long-term persistence of the areas already protected and strategically add new protected areas in the highest priority unprotected habitats that remain intact as indicated by systematic
Changing temperature
and precipitation patterns forces species to move according to movement in their preferred habitat
conditions, yet these movements will often be both difficult for species to undertake and complex for
efforts to identify gaps in protected areas networks (e.g., Rodrigues et al. 2004). Maintaining the resilience of hotspots in the face of climate change is another major challenge.
researchers to predict. Due to the nature of climatic gradients, the distances species must move are likely to be shorter in mountainous terrain and longer in flatter
regions (Loarie et al. 2009). On the other hand, mountains are more likely to have habitat discontinuities that make species dispersal more difficult. Meanwhile,
species tolerance to climate variability can be low (Tewksbury et al. 2008) and changing climates are likely to produce a complex global mosaic of climates shifted in
space, climates which disappear in the future, and entirely novel climates (Williams et al. 2007). To be successful, then, conservation planning must begin to systematically plan actions in both space and time. Protecting the sites
where species currently exist is essential, particularly the Key Biodiversity Areas where species are at greatest current risk (Eken et al. 2004). The hotspots, in fact, harbor 81% of the global total 595 Alliance for Zero Extinction sites
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harbor more than half of all plant species and 43% of all terrestrial vertebrates as endemics, an even greater proportion of threatened species, and a substantial fraction
of higher-taxonomic diversity. More recent information has revealed that this phenomenal concentration of biodiversity into habitats covering a combined 2.3% of the
worlds land area coincides with disproportionate concentrations of ecosystem services in many of the regions where local communities directly depend on the natural
environment on a daily basis. While conservation in these areas is made difficult by ongoing threats, scarce information, and limited local financial capacity,
conservation here is not optional . Indeed, if we fail in the hotspots, we will lose
nearly half of all terrestrial species regardless of how successful we are
everywhere else, not to mention an almost unthinkably large contribution to greenhouse gas emissions and extensive
human suffering resulting from loss of ecosystem services upon which the
human populations of the hotspots ultimately depend. Ongoing research reviewed here and in the rest of
this volume serves as a rallying cry for greatly augmented funding, research, and political action on behalf of hotspot conservation. The future of
life on Earth depends on it.
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