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Design
Context of Research and Relevance
The bulk of the labs research perches atop two central assumptions. These
assumptions are that (1) anthropogenicecologicaldestruction posesan existentialrisk
to all biologicallybased lifeforms, and(2)thatrisksaretransformedintosecuritythreats
through aninherentlypoliticizedprocesswhichisreferredtobytheCopenhagenSchool
as securitization1. For the following investigation to hold any merit, the reader must
accept (orat leasthumor) thesetwoassumptions as foundational contexts uponwhich
theresearchisconducted.
many human societies believed that the world and nature were so vast and
inconsumable that human activity wasincapable ofdrasticallyaffecting it. It has since
moved intothe category ofthe political requiring governanceand attention, andoften
becoming the topic of debate. It has not, however, been able totransitiontothe final
phase: securitization a phase where the issue is no longer debated, and a heavy
emphasisisplacedupondirectlyaddressingthethreat.
With higher temperatures, changing landscapes, economic losses and wildlife at risk,
scientists3have discoveredthatglobalecosystemicsymptoms,suchasclimatechange,
do pose a serious threat. The emergent symptoms of global ecological damage are
being closely trackedby members of thescientific community.4 5 6Itseemsthatnearly
every scientist who monitors global ecological health has reached a consensus
anthropogenic ecosystem degradation poses an existential risk.7 With such a high
percentage of institutionalized and credibleexpertsmaking declarations ofexistential
risk, one might assume that the securitization of this risk would occur rapidly and
smoothly, and that speech acts seeking to securitizeglobalecosystemicissues would
be widely accepted by members of the nonexpert community as well. However,this
has not been the case. The recognition of ecological damage as an existential threat
has not reached a comparable consensus in the nonexpert community. The very
existenceof damageis a politicallycontested matterandretainsasignificantnumberof
politically influential skeptics8 . This disconnect between expert and nonexpert
communities, and the associated retardation of global ecosystemic securitization, is
3
V. Ramaswamy et. al. Anthropogenic and Natural Influences in the Evolution of Lower Stratospheric
Cooling.Science311(24February2006)11381141
4
B.D. Santer et.al., A search for human influencesonthethermalstructureoftheatmosphere,Naturevol
382,4July1996,3946
5
Gabriele C. Hegerl, Detecting GreenhouseGasInduced Climate Change with an Optimal Fingerprint
Method,JournalofClimate,v.9,October1996,22812306
6
B.D. Santer et.al., Contributions of Anthropogenic and Natural Forcing to Recent Tropopause Height
Changes,Sciencevol.301(25July2003),479483.
7
NASA, Global Climate Change Vital Signs of the Planet. Consensus: 97% of climate scientists agree
http://climate.nasa.gov/scientificconsensus
8
Inhofe, J. (2012). The Greatest Hoax: how global warming conspiracy threatens your future. (Ed),
WashingtonDC.WNDBooks
what inspired the authors of this research to investigate the topic. With reference to
security andsecuritization,UlrichBeck9 calls experts, individualsor groupswhodorisk
assessment and create technological opportunities. In other words, experts are
individuals who provide answers to the question ofwhat constitutesathreat it isthen
the taskof these experts toinformaudiencesonwhatistobeconsidered threatening,
andhowmuchofitposesasubstantialrisk.
Ultimatelythefinalquestionis:
whichof the differing componentsofthesetworiskscanbeusedtotheorizeabouttheir
differingprocessesofsecuritization?
Theoretical Premises
In thecontext of this lab,wearelookingtotheorize(generatetheoriesabout)whythere
is a rift in threat recognition between experts and nonexperts on the topic of global
ecological degradation. In constructing our theory, we lean heavily upon a set of
established security studies thinkers and their respective ontological and
epistemologicalfoundations.
The Copenhagen School, drawing from its understanding of the speech act, views
securitization as not just any form ofsocial construction, but thecasting ofan issueas
posing an existential threat10 whichcallsfor extraordinarymeasuresgoingbeyond the
routine of everyday politics and social constructions11 . That being said, Buzan argues
9
Ontological Foundations
The very ontological frame of the global ecological threat may be the first clue to
illuminating the different securitization processes. To trulyrecognize globalecological
degradation as a collective threat, one mustconceptualizetheglobalasatightlywoven
web of interconnected and inseverable biological systems. This concept can be
abrasive for those whoaremoreaccustomedtoIRtheorieswhichframetheglobal asa
seriesofgeographicallyboundsovereignentitieswhichcompeteforlimitedresourcesin
arelative gainsscenario. Theprevalenceofthisontologyasthestatusquoforsecurity
framing isapart ofourtheorizationaboutwhy nuclearwarssecuritizationprocesswas
more rapid andsocietallynormalized13 than thatofglobalecologicaldegradationwhich
requiresaglobal systems ontologyin order for the threatsmagnitude andtotalitytobe
recognized.
Epistemological Foundations
Ourtheoriesarelaunchedfromapositivistepistemological foundation, one whichuses
thedataandmeasurementsofexpertstodeterminethatthreatsexist. Thistechnocratic
epistemology ofpositivismisespeciallyapplicabletoglobalecologicalrisk,andexistsin
the form of directly measuring (temperatures/ozone/extinctions/sealevel) and
correlating those measurements with emergent symptoms (frequency of
droughts/storms). The nuclear threat, although able to be positively measured at the
site of a warheads detonation and then extrapolated forscale,doesnt lean so heavily
onpositivisminitssecuritizationprocess.
therecognitionoftheglobalecologicalthreat.
Data Gathering
Our data gathering is centered around the differentiation of our two anthropogenic
existential risks. To do an initial measurement of threat recognition, we categorically
divide the globe into four societal groups and investigate the prevalence of threat
recognition and response in each category. We then develop some basic ways to
guagethelevelofsecuritizationineachcommunity:
Thecategorieswehavechosenare:
(1) Business amount of money businesses are willing tospend mitigatingthe threat
(nuclearbunkers,drills,orcostsassociatedwithgoinggreen
(2)OrganizedcivilsocietynumberofNGOscreatedrelatingtothethreat
(3)Governmentprevalenceofthreatsthemesinlawsandpoliticalelectionplatforms
(4) The global populace prevalence of keyword search terms or social media
viralityfortermsrelatedtothethreat
Analytical Framework
By comparing the two threats and then examining their divergent components, we
construct theories as to how these characteristics affect the securitization process.
Central to our theories is the premise that securitization is based upon threat
perception, which canbedrasticallydifferentthanactualriskcalculus. Perceptionisthe
point where the audience widely accepts (or denies) the speech act promoting the
threat, and recognizes (or denounces/ignores) it as a valid (or invalid) threat for
securitization. In order to explore thesecuritization of each risk, therearecertain units
of analysis thatareidentifiedtohelpguidetheconstructionofa hypothesisandarriveat
aninformedinference.Theseunitsofanalysisinclude:
Distribution of Fear
Huysmans argues that security response policies do not happen instantaneously. He
argues that responses to perceived security threats are part of a continuous
prestructured psychological process based on the distribution and administration of
fear among the people in a society by the securitizing agents.15 Huysmanssresearch
postulates that, unless thereis adequate fearofimminentthreat,the issuewillfailtobe
universallysecuritized (as measured inthe foursections ofsocietyoutlinedabove). An
analysis of fear distribution for each of the threats posed(both ecological degradation
andnuclear war) will provide insights into itsroleinthesecuritizationprocess. Pushing
beyond the recognition of the role of fear, the analysis examines which actors are
activelydistributingfear.
Theconstructionoftheother
Societies have a tendency to rally their preferred security issues around fear and
ostracization of the other16. During the emergence of nuclear risk, was clear exactly
who the other was (the other state). Global ecological damage, in contrast, is
perpetratedsystemicallybyalmosteveryhumanoneartheveryonewhoparticipatesin
the global market. Effectively othering a group of people to serve as targets proves
more difficult when damage is not done directly from human to human, but instead
distributedviatheproxyofecosystemicdegradation.
Huysmans,J.(2006).ThePoliticsofInsecurity:Fear,MigrationandAsylumintheEU.Routledge
Huysmans,J.(2004)MindingExceptions:ThePoliticsofInsecurityandLiberalDemocracy. Contemporary
PoliticalTheory.Vol3
17
AmazonWatch,HallofShame?Wehaveawinner!October22,2014
http://amazonwatch.org/news/2014/1022hallofshamewehaveawinner
18
Clark,Pilita.(Dec72014)UNclimatetalkscallfutureofenergymajorsintoquestion.FinancialTimes
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/c542393c7dbf11e4bb0a00144feabdc0.html#axzz3LWMbB3Rm
16
Certainecosystemicallydamagingevents havebeeneffectivelypoliticized,likethehigh
profile lawsuit filed by Steven Donzigeron behalf of a group of Ecuadorian villagers in
response to an oil dumping event.20 However, despite the sporadic successful
environmental speech act, most ecological destruction is caused by nonevents. The
averagepedestrianbiproduction of ecologicaldamage canbedifficulttosecuritizedue
to alackofaudienceinterestinnormalizednonevents. Thisadvertencyofnuclearwar,
however, is apparent. Nuclear weapons were developed for the sole purpose of
attacking,threatening,ordeterringotherhumans,states,orinstitutions.
Authority and resources of those producing and opposing the speech act
The term institutional inclusivity refers to the process by which various actors and
referent subjectsareempoweredtoparticipateinandinfluencepoliciesanddecisions21 .
A systemic lack ofwidespreadinstitutionalinclusivity canenableaclass ofpower elite
toactasantisecuritizationagentstopreservetheirownwealthproduction.Thehumans
who actuallysufferbodily harmfromthe symptoms of ecosystemic degradationarethe
same humans who are institutionally excluded from participation in securitization
politics. So long as the power elite forgo any of the personal harm resulting from
ecological degradation, the system of normalized environmental disregard can be
allowed to continue as the dominant political norm. In a society, regardless of how
19
UNDP(1994).NewDimensionsofHumanSecurity.HumanDevelopmentReport
StevenDonziger,http://stevendonziger.com/
21
Lee, T.(2007), The Politicsof Democratic Inclusion (Ed) by Christina Wolbrechtand Rodney E.Hero.
JournalofPolitics,69:590
20
Temporality
Its human beings who are undeniably doing the securitizing of issues. Thus, arisks
timeline incomparison tohumanlife spansand organizationshas an immensebearing
upon the securitization process. The longevity of a threat refers to both the
permanence of the hazard and the time it takes before it does significant harmtothe
objectunderthreat. Whenwetalkaboutathreatbeingfastorslow,wearedoingso
from the reference point of the human being. A human being is likely toconsider an
angry mob an immediate threat to their well being, and the habitual consumption of
cigarettes tobe a longtermthreat. Whenthethreatenedobjectisapoliticalparty,the
term of threat isoften boundedbythelengthoftimewhichthatpoliticalparty remainsin
office sometimes limited to a few years. Many state based wouldbe securitizers of
environmental threats aremore interested inreceivingpublicrecognitionforaddressing
threats than they are genuinelyinterested inthemitigation ofthreatsthemselves. The
possibility that the beneficialresults of their hard work couldemergeduring the elected
term of an opponent from a competing political party can dissuade termbased
institutionalizedleadersfromprioritizinglongtermsolutionsandlongtermthreats.
MillsC.W,(1956).ThePowerElite.OxfordUniversityPress
23
Bigo, D. (2002). Security and Immigration: Toward a Critique of the Governmentality of Unease,
Alternatives:Global,Local,Political27(SpecialIssue):6392
24
Booth, K. (2008). Theory of World Security. Cambridge Studies in International Relations. Vol 105.
London.CambridgeUniversityPress
25
Dalby,S. (2009)Securing PreciselyWhat? Global, Environmental, andHumanSecurity, pg36Security
andEnvironmentalChange.Polity.
Threat Inertia
We refer to the reversibility and cumulitiveness of a threat as its threat inertia.Some
threatscanbe avoided orimmediatelyreversedthosearethreatswhichweprofess
to to have low (or no) threat inertia. Threats which are cumulative and difficult to
reverse are consideredto haveahigh threatinertia. Applyingthisconcepttothethreat
of global ecological damage, we can safely classify it as a high inertia threat with
complex cumulative properties and systemic irreducibility, making the prospects for
immediatereversalofitsinertiaillusive.Furthermore,whenthreatenedobjectsdofinally
become so directly affected by ecological damage that universal threat recognition is
achieved, thethreatinertiamaybetoopowerful,andthesystemicdamagesirreparable.
Nuclear war, in contrast, has almost nothreatinertia (fromapositivist stance). Its an
eventbased, all or nothing scenario where the damage is either nonexistant or wide
sweeping. Toevoke analogy,the nuclearthreatis like a piano hanging fromacord: if
the cord iscut the pianowillbenearlyimpossibletoreverse. Ecologicaldamageislike
a giant boulder rolling down a slight decline it will continue to slowlygain momentum
until it is extremely difficult to reverse but unlike the piano, has already definitively
beguntogaininertia.
Threatcomplexity
The term emergence refers to the fundamental irreducibility of complex systems to
their constitutive parts27 . Threats which suffer from systemic emergence are more
difficult to securitize because the audience to the speechact has a more difficult time
comprehending them, and thus are lesslikely toacceptandrallybehindthem. Infact,
even the attempt to analyze individual elements of metaissues hasbeen criticizedby
thinkers who prefer a moreholistic systemicapproach. The most importantadvantage
of systemic approaches is that they allow us to grasp social (or environmental)
complexityexplicitlyinwaysthateludethemicrobasedstudies28 .
Wver,Ole.1995.SecuritizationandDesecuritization.InOnSecurity,ed.
RonnieLipschutz.NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress.
27
Cedarman, L (1997). Emergent Actorsin WorldPolitics:HowStates andNationsDevelopandDissolve.
PrincetonUniversityPress
28
Cederman,L.&Girardin,Luc(2010).GrowingSovereignty:ModelingtheShiftfromIndirecttoDirectRule.
InternationalStudiesQuarterly54(2010)
of macrosecurital complexity. This can inhibit the ability of securitizing agents and
speechact audiences to isolate and address the individual (i.e. regional, categorical,
social) components contributing to the metarisk. Nuclear war, on the other hand, is
more of a technologically advanced version of the realists anarchy model whereby
communities and nation states are invaded by other communities and nation states.
Despite the complexity of theweaponssystems used innuclear war, the threat itselfis
baseduponaverysimplisticandfamiliardesign.
The weaknesses of the model include its selfserving bias whereby it seeks to verify
10
Conclusion
Whenariskis not perceivedasathreat,evenin the faceofsecuritization speechacts
launched by experts and supported by data,there canbeno mobilization of resources
to counteract the threat.In some cases, threatmay beperceivedandcountermeasures
taken while in others, it may be seen as unworthy of resource allocation or even
fundamentally denied. Theresearch hasalso sought to examine threatperception, not
onlyattheindividuallevel,butalsoatabroadercollectivelevel.
11