17
QUALITATIVE
CASE STUDIES
Robert E. Stake
ase studies are a common way so do
qualitative inquiry, Case study research is
neither new nur essentially qualitative,
Case study is not a methodological choice Sut
a choice of what is to be studied, If case study
research is more humane or in some ways tran-
seendent, it s because the researchers are so, nat
because of the snethods. By whatever metiuods, we
choose to sturdy the case, We could study it analy
ically or holistically, entirely by repeated measures
cor hermenentically, organically or culturally, and
by mixed methods—but we concentrate, st least
for the time being, om the case. The focus in th's
chapter is a qualitative concentration on the case,
‘The physician studies the child because the
child is ill. The child’s syraptoms are both qualita.
tive and quantitative The physician's ecord of the
child is more quantitative than qualitative. The
sociak worker studies the child because the chiki
is neglected. The symptoms of neglect are both
qualitative and quantitative, The formal record
that the social worker keeps is more qualitative
than quentitative.! In many professional and
practical fields, cases are studied and recarded, As,
a form of research, case study is desne€ by inter
est in an individval case, not by the methods of
inquiry used.
‘A majority of researchers doing casework call
their studies by sume other name, Howard Becker,
for example, whe asked (Simons. 1980) what
he called his own studies, reluctantly said, “Field-
work,” adding that such labels contribute little to
the understanding of what researchers do. The
name “case study” is emphasived by some of us
because it draws attention to the question of what
specially can be learned avout the singe case
That epistemological question is the driving
question of this chapter: What can be learned
about the single case? E will emphasize desigaing
the study to optimize understanding of the case
rather than to generalize beyond it.
For a research community, case study
optimizes understending by pursuing scholarly
research questions. I gains credibility by thorougly
triangulating the descriptions and interpreta-
‘ions, not just ‘na single step but continuasly
‘Author's Note. Ths revision of my chapter in the 2000 second edition of this Hambook cont:wes to dave heavily fram papers
on Wht Ie.a Cas
‘Yronna Lincin is herewith accnomedged.
ied by Charles Ragin and Howard Becker (1992), 2dtcral review by Rita Davy Norma (Renin. end
m3 41 mt HANDBOOK 03 QUALITATIVE RESEARCH,
throughout the perioé of study. Zor a qualitative
research conimunity, case study concentrates
‘on experiential knowledge of the case and clase
atteution to the influence of its social, political,
and other contexts. Fur almost any audience,
optimizing understanding of the case requires
meticulous attention to its activities. These five
requirements —issue choice, triangulation, expe
riential knowledge, contexts, and activisies—will
be disenssed in this chapter.
The Sincuiag Case
A.case may be simple or complex. it may be a
child or « classroom of children or an cvent, a
happening, such as a mobilization of profes
sionals te study a childhood condition. itis one
among others. In any gives
centrate an tke one, The time we may spend con
sentraring our inquiry on the one may be long or
short, but while Wve so concentrate, we are engaged
in case study.
Castom has it shat not everything is a case. A
shild may be a case, easy to spec'ty. A doctor may
be 3 case, But his or her docroring probably lacks
the specificity, the boundedness, to be called a
case. AS topics of inquiry, ethnomethodologists
study methads, such as methods of dactoring,
mechods of cocking, exsrnining ‘ow things get
dong, and the work and play of people (Garfinkel,
1967), Coming to understand case usually recaires
extensive examining of how things ges dane, but
the prime referer in case studyis the case,not the
methods by which the case operates. An Agency
(eg. nongovernmental organization) may be
a case. But the reasons for child neglect or the
policies of dealing with neglectful parents seldom
will be considered a case. We think of those to
as gereralities rater than specificities. The case
is specific One.”
If we ate moved ta stady i
study, we will con-
the case is almost
case is «bounded systern” (Flood, as reported
Fals Borda, 1998). In the social sciences and
human services, most cases have working parts
and purposes; many have a self. Furctional or
CHAPTER 17
dysfunctional, rational or irrational, the case is a
system
Itis common to recognize thar cersein features
are within the system, within the boundaries of
the case, and ather features outside. In ways, the
activity is patterned, Coherence and sequence are
ere to be found, Some outside fealures are sig-
nificant as context. William Goode and Paul Hatt
(1952) observed that itis not always easy for the
case researcher to say where che child ends and
‘where the environment begins. But boundedness
and activity patterns nevertheless are useful con
cepts ‘or specifying the case (Stake, 1988).
Ultimately, we may be interested in a generat
phenomenon ora population of cases more than in
the individual case, and we cannot understand a
given case without knowing abour other cases. But
while we ere studying it, war m
‘concentrated on trying to uoderstand its complex.
ities, Later in this chapter, we will talk about com-
paring two oF more cases. We may simultaneously
carry on more than one case study, but each case
study is a concentrated inquiry into a single ease.
Charles Ragin (1992) has emphasized the
question of “What is it a case of?" as if*member-
ship in” or “representation of” something else
were the main consideration in case study, He
Teferreé to the casework of Michel Wieviorka
£1988) on terrorism. Ragi editor,
Howard Becker (1992), were writing fr the social
scientist seeking theoretical generalization, justi
fying the study of the particular only if it serves
an understanding ot grand issues or explana-
tions. They recognized that even in formal exper-
imentation and statistical survey work, there
is interest in the illestrative or deviant case. But
historizns, program evaluators, institutional
researchers, and practitioners in all professions
are interested in the individual case without rec
essarily caring whal it isa case of. This is intrinsic
case study,
Even if my definition of the study of cases
od spon
“study” Gefy full specification (Kemmis, 1980). A
case stugy is both # process of inquiry about the
case and the procuct of that inquiry. Lawrence
Steahause (1984) advocated calling the product a
er TeSOUCES are
and “case record,” and occasionally we shall, but the
practice of calling the final report a“case study” is
widely established,
Here and there, researchers will c2il anything
they please a case study, but the more the object
of study is a specific, unique, bounded system, the
greater the usefulness of the epistemological
rationales described in this chapter.
Ta move beyond terminology to method, 1
introduce Figure 17.1, sketch ol a plaa tor 2 case
study. This was an early plan made by a small
team of eerly childhood education specialists
led by Natalia Soy in Ukraine, Tae ease thy
chose was a boy in the Step by Step child-cemtered
program for inclusion of children with disability
in regelar classrooms. They used Figure 17.1 to
identify content and tasks, selecting three activi
ties 10 be observed and noting several interviews
needed, The researchers were deeply interested
in the case but intended to sise the repart to illus,
trate their work throughout the country, With
such further purpose, 1 call their research an
instrumental ease stucy.
Intrinsic and Instrumental Interest in Cases
I find it useful to identify three types uf case
study [ call a study an drtrinsic case study if the
study ‘s undertaken beceuse, first and last, one
is hetter understancing of this particular
case, It is sot undertaken primarily because
the case represents other cases or becesise it
trates a particular trait or problem, but instead
because, in all its particularity avd ordinariness,
this case selfs of interest. Tae tesearcher at least
temporarily subordinates other curiosities so that
the stories of those “living the case" will be teased
‘out. The purpose is not to come to understand
same abstract construct or generic phestomenon,
such as literacy or teenage drug use or what a
schoo! principal éoes, The purpuse is a0: theory
duilding—though at otnet times the researcher
‘may do just that, Study is unéertaken secause of
lee child, clinic, conference, or curriculum, Books
illustrating intrinsic case study include the
following,
Stake, Qualitati es
‘The Bducation of Henry Adams (1918},an
autobiography,
Goss Choe (1986) by Alan Peshkin,
Bread and Dreams (1982) by Barry MacDonald,
Clem Adelitan, Saville Kushner, aiid Rob Walker,?
‘An Aberdeenshire Vilage Propaganda (1889) by
Robert Smith, and
The Swedish Schoo! System (1984) by Brita
Stenhoim,
use the term instrumental case study ita par
ticular case is exaznined mainly to provide insight
into an issue or to redraw a generalization. The
case is of secondary interest, it plays a supportive
role, and it facilitates our understanding of some-
thing else, The case still is looked at in depth, its
contex:s scrutinized and its ordinary activities
detailed, but all becanse this helps us pursue the
external interest. The case may be seen as typical
of other cases or not. (in a later section, 1 wil
discuss when typicality is important.) Here the
choice of case is made to advance understanding
of that other interest. We simultaneously have
several interests, particular and general, There i
tno hard-and-fast line distingaishiag intrinsic
case study from instrumental, but rather a zone of
combined purpose. Writings ilustrating instru
mental case study include tne following:
“Campus Response to a Student Gunman” (1995)
by Kelly Asmusses and [ohn Creswell,
‘Rays in White (1961) by Howard Becker, Blanche
Geer, Fveret: Hughes, end Anselm Sirauss,
On the Bonder of Opportunity: Education, Com
munity, ard Language at te US-Mexico Line
(1938) by Marleen Pagach, a
“A Nonceader Becomes a Reader: A Case Study 0
Literacy Acquisition by a Severely Disabled Reader”
(1994) by Sandra McCormick
‘When there is even less interest ix one particular
= of cages may be utied
order to investigate a phenomenon, population, or
genera: condition I call this muthiple case study or
lective case stad Tes instrumental study extended {6 mt HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH CHAPTER 17.
Lubehyk (the case)
First-Grade
Ciassroom
History of
lap by Stop.
Issues: | |
‘Mainstreaming Versus
Special Scroals
crad-Contered Versus
Teacher. Centered
Teaching
Parent Invavervent
‘Teacher Assievants
Lo
figure} Plan ‘or the Ukraine Case Study
to several cases, Individual cases in the collect’on
may or may no: be known in advance to manifest
some common characteristic. They may be similar
or dissimilaz, with redundancy and variety each
important. They are chosen hycanee it #¢ beliowad
that understanding them will lead to betier under
standing, and perhaps better theorizing, aout a still
dager collection of cases. lustrations of collective
case study incluce the following:
/ te content ot
Education in
draine |
Teacher
Trang
Sites.
Sip by Step
Teaching
Standares
Research or
trelusion
Maia Infomation Questions:
‘What does L ubchyé lear in schoot?
Dogs his presence distract otters’ laarning?
Does the Ministry suppan meinstream'ng?
‘What d abilities are not admiss ble here?
sry sseis tet soe!
Teachers’ Work 1985) by Robert Connell,
“Researching Practice Stsings” (of medical eines}
by Benjamin Crabicee ané Williany Miller in their
‘edited volume Doing Qualitative Research (1959),
Savage bnequaities (1991) by Jonachan Kozol,
Bold Ventures: Patterns Among iS. innovations
Science and Mathematics Education (2997; dived
by Senta Raisin and Edward Britton, and “The Dark Side of Organizations” (1999) by Diane
Vaugher.
Reporss and authors ofter. do not fit neatly into
the three categories. I see these three as useful for
thinking zbout purpose. Alan Peshkin responded
to my classification of his book Gods Choice
(1986) by saying “I -nean +y present my case so
that it can be read with interest in the case itself,
but [always have another agenda—to learn tro:n,
the case about some class of things. Some of what
chat willbe remzins an emergent matter for along
siene” (personal communication).
For this fine work, for 3 years Peshkin studied
a single school, Bethany Baptist Academy, Until
the final chapter, he did not tell the reader about
matters of importance to him, particalarly unfair
treatment of ethnic minorities, The first order of
business was to unders:and the case, The imme-
diate, & not ultimate, interest was intrinsic. The
methods Peshkin used centered on the case, only
later taking up his abiding concere for comma-
nity, freedom, and survival.
Other typologies of case study have been
offered, Harrison White (1992) categorized social
science casework acconJing to three purposes:
case studies for identity, explanation, or control,
Historians and political scientists zegularly exam
ine a singular episode or movement or eta, such
as Norman Gottwald (1979) did in. his study of
the emergence of Jewish identity. I choose <0 call
these studies case studies when the episode or
relationship—however complex, impacting, and
bounded—is easily thought of as organic and
systemic, heavy with purpose and self.
Its good to recognize that there is a common
form of case study used in teaching ta filustrate
a point, a condition, a category—something
important for instruction (Kennedy, 1979). For
decades, professors in law schools and business
schools have paraded cases in shis manner. For
staff cevelopment and management trainiag,
such epart constitute the atc es ofthe Jour
F of th
American Case Research Association. Used for
instruction and consultation, they come from
pedagogically oriented instrumental case study.
Shake: Qualitative Case Studies mi 447
Biography has its own history. William Tierney
(2000) noted that, like case study, biography calls
for special attention to chronological structures
and to procedures for the protection of human
subjects. Similarly, television documentaries,
many of them easly classifiable as case studies,
require their own mechods. Ia lave, the case has a
special definition: The practice of ‘aw itself could
be called case study. The work of ethnographers,
ceutical theorists, institutional demograpiers, and
imany others bas conceptua! an¢ stylistic patteras
that not only amplify the wxonomy but also
extend the foundation for case study research in
the social seiences and social services. My
purpose here in categorization is not taxonomic
but to emphasize variation in concern for and
methodological orientation to the case, thus
focusing on three types: intrinsic, instenmental,
and collective
Seeking the Particular
More Than the Ordinary
Case researchers seek out both what is com-
‘moa and whe: is pa-ticular about the case, out the
end product of the research regularly portrays
more of the uncommon (Stouffer, 1941), drawing
all at once from
1, the nature of the case, particulaiy its activity
nc funtionings
its historica’ backgrounds
3. its physical setting;
4, other coatexs,such as economic, politcal, eg,
and aesthetic
5. other cases throug whic: this case is recog,
nized and
6. those informents through whom the ease can be
Known,
‘To study the case, to probe its particularity,
qualitative case researchers gather dato on all the
shore,
Case uniqueness staditionally has not been a
choice ingredient of scientific theory. Case study
research has been constrained even by qualitative 448m HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE RESZARCH—CHAPIER 17
methodologists, who grant less than full regacd
to study of the particular (Denzin, 1989; Glaser
& Strauss, 1967; Herriott & Firestone, 1983;
n, 1984}. These and other social scientists have
written about case study as if intrinsic study of a
particular case were not as important as studies
intended to obtain generelizations pertaining to a
population of cases.” Some have emphasized case
study as typitication at ather cases,as exploration
leading up to generalization-producing studies,
‘or as an occasional carly step in theory building.
Atleast aI see it, cese study method hes been too
little honored as the intrinsic study of a valued
particular, as it is in biography, institu:ional self:
study, program evaluation, therapeutic practice,
and many lines of work. Ia the 1994 first edition
of this Handécok, I wrote, insistence on the ulti-
macy of theory building appears to be diminish
ing in qualitative social science” (p.238), bat now
Lam not so sure,
Still, even intrinsic case study car. be seen
as a small step toward grand generalization
(Campbell, 1975; Myvbjerg, 2001; Vaughan, 1992),
pecially in a case that runs counter to a rule. But
generaliza‘ion should not be emphasized i all
research (Peagin et al., 1991; Simons, 1986),
Damage occurs when the commitment to gen-
eralize of 10 theorize runs so strong that the
researcher'sattention is drawn awey from features
important Zor understanding the case itse‘f* The
«case study researcher faces a strategic decision in
deciding how much and how long the complexi-
ties of the case should be studied. Not everything,
about the case can be understoed—so how much
niveds to be? Fach researcher has choices to make,
Organizing Around Issues
A case study has (as has research of all kinds}
some form of conceptual structure. Even an
intrinsic case study is organized around a small
number of resoatch questions, Issues are not
their advocacy of regional forestry planning?” or
“How was theie hiting policy announced?” The
issues or themes are questions such es “In what
ways did their changes in hiring policy require a
change in performance standards?” or “Did the
addiction therapy, originally developed for male
clients, need reconceptualization for women?”
Issues are complex, situated, problematic rela-
tionships. They pull attention beth to ordinary
experience and alsa to the disciplines of know!-
edge, such as sociology, economics. ethics or liter
ary criticism, Seeking & different purview from
that of most designets of experimerts and testers
of hypotheses, qualitative case rescarchers orient
to complexities connecting ordinary practice
in natural habitats co a few ebstractioas and can
cerns of the ucademnic disciplines. This broader
purview is applied to the single case, leaving it as
the focus, yer generalization are proof (Becker,
$992) linger in the mind of the researcher, A
tension exists.
The two ‘ssues used as examples two para
graphs back were weisten for a particular case. A
:more peneral question would he “Does a change in
hiring policy away from affirmative action require
change in performance standards?” or “Does
addiction therapy originally develuped for male
clients need reconceptualization for women?”
Whether stated for generalization or for particu-
larization, hese organizing themes should serve 10
deepen uncerstanding of the specitic case.
Starting with a topical concern, researchers
pose foreshadowed problems,”
issue-related observations, interpret patterns of
data, and reform the issues as assertions. One
transformation experienced in my wor in pro-
gram evaluation ‘s illus:rated in Figure 17.2, with
an issue for a Lypothetical case study of a music
education program,
The selection of key issues is crucial.
Researchers follow their preference for or obliga
tion to intrinsic or instrumental study, They ask,
“Which issue questions Dring out our concerns?
Which would be the dominant theme?” To maxi-
mize understanding of the case, they as, “Which
concentrate on
issues seek cut compelling uniquenessest” For
help reveal merits and. shortcomings!” Some
reseerchers raise social justice issues (House &
Howe, 1999). In general, they ask, “ “Which Sues
‘aclitate the planning and activities of inquiry?” Stake: Qualitative Case Studics wa 4°
1. Topical Issue: Te goels o* the music education program
2. Foreshadowed Probiem; The majority of the community supports the present emphasis on |
band, chorus, and performances, but a few teachers anc community leaders grefer a more
Intellectual emphasis, for example, history, :terature, and critica review of music.
3. Issue Under Development: What are the pros and cons of having this teaching stafl leach music
theory and music as a discipline in courses required of everyone?
4, Assertion: As @ whole, this community was opposed to provicing the extra fund ng required to
provide intollectually based schoo! music.
Figure 17.2. An Example of Issue Evolution in a Stuy
Issues are chosen partly in terms of what caa be
learned within the opportunities for study. They
will be choses differenly devending on the
purpose of the stacy, and differently by ditterent
researchers, One might say a personal contract is
drawn between reseazcaer and phenomenoa,
Researchers ask, “Waat can be learned here that
reader needs to know?”
The issues used :0 organize the stuéy may or
nay not be the ones sed to report the case to
chess, Some cases wit! be structured by need for
information, raising litle debate. For example,
what led to the change in operating policy? or“Has
pesfornance quality been dropping?” Issues often
serve to dray attention to important functioning
of the case in a situation of stress, as wel. as (0
tease out more of its interaction with contexts,
Contexts
The case to be studied is a complex entity
Jocated in a milien or sizuation embedded in a
number of contexts or beckgrounds. Historical
context is almost always of interest, but so ae cul:
ture! anc physica’ contexts, Other contexts often
of incerest are the social, economic, political,
ethical. and aesthetic:
“The case is singular, dut it has subsections
(eg. production, marketing, sales departments),
groups (eg. patients, nurses, adiiaistrators),
holidays), dimensions, ard domains—mary so
weli-populated that they need w be sampled.
Each of these may bave its owa contexts, and the
contexts may goa long way toward making
relationships understandable. Qualitative case
study calls for she examination of these complex
ities, YWonna Lircoln anc Egon Guba (2000)
pointed out that muck qualitative research is
based! on a view that social phenomena, human
dilemmas, and the nature of cases are situational,
revealing experiertiel happenings of many kinds
Qualitative researchers sometimes are ori-
ented toward causut explanation of evens
(Becker, 1992) but rote often tend co perceive
events as Tolstoy did in Wier and Peace—multip!y
sequenced, snvitiply contextual, and coincidental
‘more than causal, Many find the search for cause
as simplistic, They describe instead the sequence
and coincidence of events, interrelated and con-
textually Sound, purposive but questionobly
deterrainative. They favor inquiry designs for
describing she diverse activities of the case, Doing
case studies does not require examination of
diverse isstees and contexts, but that is the way
that most qualitative researchers do them,
B Tue Story
Perhaps the sinnplest rule for method in qualita-
tive casework is this:* Place your best intellect into
the thick of wiat is going on.” The arainwork
ostensibly is observational, bus more critically &
of the racearcher
is committed to pondering she impressions, delib-
sing on recollections and records—but not
necessarily following the conceptualizations of 490 m HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH—CHAPTER 17
theorists, actors, or audiences (Carr & Kemmis,
1986). Local meanings are important, fore-
shadowed meanings are important, and readers’
consecueatial meanings are impoctani. In
Figure 17.1, activities in the first-grade cl
tooms, parents’ clinic, and teacher training
sites are to he described ane interpreted. The
case researcher digs into meanings, working to
relate them to contexts end experience, In exch
instance, the work is reflective.
IC we typify qualitative caseworX, we see data
sometimes precodad hut continuously interpreted,
on first encounter ancl again and again, Records and
tabulations aze perused not only for classification
and pattern recognition but also Zor"criss-crossed”
reflection (Spiro, Vispoel, Schmitz, Samarapun-
gavan, & Boerger, 19873. An observation is inter-
preted against one issue, perspective, or utility, then
interpreted against others. Qualitative case study is
characterized by researchers spending exended
time on site, personally in contact with activites
nd operations of the case, reflecting, and revising
descriptions and meanings of what is going on.
Naturalistic, ethnographic, phenomenological case
workers seek to see what is natural in happenings,
in settings, in expressions of value.
Reflecting upon case literature, [ find case
study methods written about largely by people
who bold that the research should contribute
to scientific generalization, The bulk of case study
wark, however, is done by people who have itri-
sic incerest in the case, Their intrinsic case study
designs draw these researchers towacd under-
standings of what is impartant abot: that case
within fs own world, which is nov the same as
the wor of researchers and theorists. {ntrinsic
designs aim to develop what is perceived to be the
case's own issues, contexts, and interpretations its
“thick description.” In contrast, the methods of
instrumental case study draw the researcher
towan illustrating how the concerns of researchers
and theorists are manifest in the case. Because the
eal i
advance and co follow disciplinary expectations,
such a design can take greater advantage of
already developed instruments and preconceived
In intrinsic case study, researchers dv not
avoid generalizatioa—they cannot. Certainly,
netalize to happenings of their case at
I to come and in other situations, They
expect their readers to comprehend their inter-
pretations bet to arrive, as well, at their own,
Thus, the methods fas case work actually used are
tu leara enough about che case to encapsulate
complex meanings into a finite report but to
describe the case in sufficient descriptive narre-
tive so that ceaders can experience these happen
icariously and draw their own conclusions.
Case Selection
Pethaps the most unusual aspect of case study
in the social sciences and auman services is the
selection of cases to stady. Intrinsic casework
regularly begins with cases alreacy identified. The
doctor, the social worker, and the program eval
uator receive their cases; they seldom choose
them, The cases are of prominent intevest before
formal ssudy begins. Instrumental and collective
casework regularly requires cases to be chosen.
Achieving the greatest understanding of the criti-
cal phenontena depends on choosing the case well
(Pattos, 1990; Vaughan, 1992; Yin, 1989). Suppose
we are trying to understand the behavior of people
‘who take hostages and we decide to probe the phe:
‘nomenon using a case study. Hostage taking does
not happen often; in the entire world, there are few
cases to choose. Current options, let us imagine,
boil down to a bank roboer, an airline hijacker,
am estranged father who kidnapped his own child,
and a Shiise Muslim group. We want to generalize
ahour bnstage-taking bekavior, yet we realize that
cach of these cases, each sample of one, weakly
represents the larger group of interest.
When one designs a study in the manner
advocated by Michael Hubermen and Matthew
Miles (1994) and Gery Ryan and Russell Bernard
(2000) in te second edition of this Handbook,
nothing i
sentative selection of cases, For this design,
formal sempling is ceeded. The cases are
expected to represent some population of cases
The phenomenon of Interest observable in the case represents the phenomenon writ large, For
Miles and Huberman, Yin, and Malinowski, the
main work was science, an enterprise to achieve
the best possible explanations of phenomena
{von Wright, 1971), In the beginning, phenomena
are givens the cases are opportunities to stady the
phenomena. But even ir the larger collective
case studies, the sample size usually is mech too
smal! te warrant random se‘ectian. For qualitative
fieldwork, we draw a purposive sample, building
in variety and ecknowiecging opportunities for
intensive study:!*
"The phenom
rea on the table is hostage
taking. We want to improve our understanding
‘of hos-age taking, to fit it inte what we know
about criminology, conlict resolution, human
relations—that is, various abstract dimensions.’
We recognize a large popul:
cases and a small subpopulation of accessible
cases. We want to geaevalize avout hostage taking
‘without special iocerestin any of those cases avail-
able for study. On representational grounds, the
episte:nological oppartcrity seems small, but we
are eptimistic that we can learn somte importert
things from almost any ease. We choose one case
or a small number of exemplars. Hostages usually
are strangers who happen to be avaliable to the
hostage taker. We might rule out studying a tath
whe takes his own child as hostage. Such xidaap-
pings actuolly may he mare cammon, but we rule
‘oat the father, We aze more interested in hostage
taking accompanying a criminal act, hostage
taking in order to escape. The researcher exarsines,
various interests in the pnenomenon, selecting a
case of sone typicality but leaning toward those
cases that seem 20 offer opportunity to learn,
My choice would ‘be to choose that case from
which we feel we can learn the most." That may
mean taking the one mast accessible or the one we
can spend the most time with, Potential for bearm-
ingis differen and sometimes superior criterion
to represeatativencss. Sometimes it is better to
learn a lo: from an atypical case than a litte from
a seemingly typical case
‘Anosher illustration: Suppose we ate interested
in the attractiveness of interactive (the v
tranipulates, gets feedback) displays in children
Stoker Qualitative Case Sludies wh 451
museums, We have resources to study four
museums, to do a collective study of four eases, It
is likely that we would se up a typology, perhaps
‘of (a) museum types. namely art, science, ard
history; (b) city types, namely large and very
large; and (¢} program types, namely exhibitory
and participative, With this typology, we could
create a matrix of 12 cells. Examples probably
cannot be found for all 12 cells, bu: xesources do
not allow studying 12 anyway. With tour te be
studied, we are likely :o start out thinking we
should have one ar:,one history, and two science
museums (because interactive displays are more
commor: in science museums); two located in
Large: aad two ir very large cities; and two each of
the program types. But when we ‘cok at existing
cases, the logistics, the potential reception, the
resources, and sdditional characteristics of rele-
vance, we move toward choosing four museums
to study that offer variety (falling short of etruc-
tured representation) across the attributes, the
four that give us the best opportunities to learn
about interactive displays.” Any dest possible
selection of four mnsexms from a balanced
design would not give us corapelling representa
tion of museums as a whole, and certainly not a
sislistical basis for generalizing about interac-
tions between interactivity and site characteris.
tics, Several desirable types usually have to be
omitted, Even fo: collective case studies, selection
by sampling of attributes should not be the high
cst priocity, Balance and variesy are importants
opportunity to learn is o‘ten mare important.
The same process of selection will occur as
part of intrinsic case study. Fver: though the case
is decided in advance (rsually), ere are subse
quent choices to make about persons, places. ard
events to observe, They are cases within the
case—embedded cases or mini-cases, In Figure
17.1, two mini-cases were anticipated, one of the
teacher Oksana and one of Linbchyks mother.
Later.a third mini-case was added, shat of a clinic
created by parents. Here again, training, experi-
2 ntuition help us te male a goad
tion. The Step by Step early childhood program
in Ukreine (Figure 17.1) aimed to get children
with disability ready for the regular classroom, 452 HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH—CHAPTER 17
avoiding segregated special education, the usual
assignment." The sponsors chose to study a child
in the school with the most developed activity.
Selecting the child was influenced largely by
the activity of his parents, two teachers, a social
worker, and the principal. With time short, the
researchers needed to select otlier parents,
reachers, and community leaders to incerview,
Which of them wonld add mnet ta the partraysl?
Or suppase that we are studying a programs for
placing computers in the homes of fourth graders
for scholastic purposes. The cases—that is, the
school sites—already ‘ave been selected,
Although there is a certain coordination of activ
ity, each participating researcher has ane case
study to develop. A principal issue has :0 do with
impact on the family, because certain expecta:
tions of computer use accompany placement in
the home, (The computer should be available for
word processing, record keeping, and games by
family members, but certain simes should be set
aside for fourth-grade homework.) At one site,
50 homes now have computers, The researcher
‘can get certain information fron: every home, but
the budget allows observation in only a small
number of homes. Which homes should be
selectec? Just as in the collective case study, the
researcher notes attributes of interest, among
them pethaps gender of the fourth grades, pres-
‘euce of siblings, family structure, ikome discipline,
previous use of computers, ard ocher technology
in the home, The researcher discusses these char~
acteristics with informants, gets zecommenda-
tions, visits several homes, anc. obtains attribute
date, The choice is made, ensuring variety but not
necessarily represencativeness, without strong
argument for typicaliy, again weighted by consid-
erations of access andl even by hospitality, for the
tie is shoct and perhaps too little can be learned
from inhospitable parents. Here, 100, the primary
citerion is opportunity to learn,
Usually we want to learn what the selected case
Goes —its activity is functioning. We will observe
what we can, ask others for their obser
and gather artifacts of that functioning. For
exemple, the department being studied provides
services, manages itself end responds to manage-
ment by externa] authorities, observes rules,
adapts to constcaints, seeks opportunities, and
changes staffing. Descriding and interpreting
these activities constitutes a large part of maay
case stadies.
These activities are expected to be influenced
by contexts, so contex:s need to be des
even if evidence of influence is not found.
Staffing, for example, ay be affected by the polit-
ical context, particularly union activity and some
form of “old boy network” Public anaoyncemvent
of services may be affected by historical and
physical contexts. Budgets have an cconomic
context, Qualitative researchers have strong
expectations that the zeality perceived by people
inside and outside the case will be social, cultural,
situational, and contextual—and they want the
interactivity of functions and contexts as: well
described as possible.
Quantitative researchers sindy te differences
among main effects, such as the different influ
ences of rural and urban settings and the differ:
ent performances of boys and girls, comparing
subpopulations. Demographics and gender are
common “main eects? Programmatic treotment
{s another common main effect, with researchers
comparing subsequent performance oF those
receiving different kinds o levels of treatment.
ven if all possible comparisons are made, some
perfarmance differences remain unexplained. A
typical treatznent might be personally accommo.
dated work conditions, Suppose urban females
respond differently t0 such a treatment. This
would show up in the analysis of variance as an
i And suppose a particular city
girl, Carmen, consistently responds differently
from other city gir's. Her pattern of behavior is
unlicely to be discerned by quantitative analysis
but may be spotted easily by case study, And on
further analysis, her pattern of behavior may be
teseful for the interpretation of the functioning
cof several subgroups, As cases respond dif
ferently to complex situations, the interactivity
of main effects and settings can be expected to require the particularistie scrutiny of case
study.”
Data Gathering
Naturalistic, ethnographic, phenomenologi-
ers also seek what is ordinary in
happenings, in settings, in expressions of value,
Herbert Blumer (1960, p. 149} called fae ns to
accept, develop, and use the distinctive expression
{of the particular case) in order to detect and
study the common, What details of life the
researchers are unable to see for themselves is
obtained by interviewing people who did see
them or by finding doc:ments records
Tart IV of this Handbook deals extensi
the methods of qualitative research, particularly
observation, interview, coding, data management,
and interpretation, These pertain, of course, to
qualitative case study.
Documenting the unusual and the ordinary
takes lots of time—for planning, geiaing access,
Gata gathering, aneiysis, and write-up. In many
studies, there are no clear stages: Issue develop-
‘ment continnes to the end of the study. and write-
up begins with preliminary observations, A
speculative, page-allocating outline for the repor:
helps anticipace how issues will be bandied and
how the case will become visible, For many
researchers, 10 sel gui upon an unstructured,
open-ended study is a calamity in the making. A
plar, is essential, bit the caseworker needs 10
anticipate the aeed to recognize and develop late
emerging issues. Many qualitative fieldworkers
invest lite in instrument construccion, pactly
because fallored (not standardized) questions are
needed for most data sources. ‘The budget may be
consumed guickly by devising anc: field-testing
inggruments to pursue what turns out to be too
many foreshadowing questions, with same of
them maturing, some dying, and some moving to
new levels of complexity Even the ordinary is too
complicated to be masteced in the time available,
‘When the case is too large for one researches to
now wel or far a callective case study, teaming is
‘an important option. Case research requires inte
grated, holistic compechension of the case, but i
cal casew
Stake: Qualitative Case Studies m 453
the larger studies, no ore individuel can handie
the complexity. Coding can be a great help, if she
team is experienced in the process and with each
other. But ‘earning 2 detailed analytic coding
tem wilhin the study period often is too great
a burden (L, ¥., Smith & Dwyer, 1979), eeduciag
observations (0 simple categories, eating up the
on-site time. Ofer sites, key groups or actors, and
sues should de assigned to a single team
member, including junior members. Tne case’
paris to be studied and the research: issues need :0
be pared dawn to what can be comprehended by
the coilection of team members. It is better 10
negotiate the parts to be stidied, as well as the
parts not,and to do an in-depth stucy ofa few key
issues, Each team member writes up his or her
parts; other team members need to read and eri
tique these wr Usually, the team leader
ngeds to write the synthesis, getting critiques
from the team, data sources, and selected skeptical
friends
Triangulation
With reporting and reading both “ill-
structured” and “socially constructed it is not
surprising to find researcher tolerance for ambi-
y and championing of multiple perspectives.
I have yet to meet case researchers uncon:
cemned about darity of their own perception and
validity of their own communication. Even if
meanings do not transfer intact but ins:ead
squeeze into the conceptual space of the reader,
there is no less urgency for researchers to assure
that their sense of situation, observation, report
ing, and reading stay within some limits of corre-
spondence, However accuracy is construed,
researchers dorit want to be inaccurate, caught
without confirmation, Counterintuitive though it
‘may be, the author hus some responsibilty ‘or the
validity of the readers’ interprevations (Messick,
1989), joseph Maxwell (1992) has spoken of the
need for thinking of valicity separately for
descriptions, interpretations, theories, generailza-
tions, and evaluative judgments.
To reduce the likelihood of misinterpretation,
varios procedures are employed, two of the most 454m HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE 3
ARCH —
common being reduridancy of Gata gathering and
procedural challenges to explanations (Denzin,
1989; Goetz & LeCompte, 1984), For qualitative
casework, ese procedures generally are called
trianguiation.® Triangulation has deen generally
considered a provess of using multigle percep-
sions to clarity meaning, verifying the repeatabil-
ity of an observation or interpretation.”
ns are perfectly zepeatable,” triangu
lation serves also to clarify meaning by identify-
ing different ways the case is being seen (Flick,
1998; Silverman, 1993). he qualitative researcher
is interested in diversity of perception, even the
meliple real'ties within which people live
‘Triangulation helps ;o identify different realities,
LEARNING Prov rae ParricuLar Cask
ig a teacher us
“the researcher ng 2 least two
pedagogical methods (Kisner, 1985), Teaching
didactically, the researcher teaches what he ot she
has learned. Arranging fer what eduentionists call
discovery learning, the researcher provides mezer-
ial for readers 10 ‘earn, an their awn, especiaily
things about which eaders may know better than
the researcher.
What can one learn from a single case?
David Hemilton (1980), Stephen Kemmis (1980),
Lawrence Scenhonse (1979), and Robert Yin
(1989) are among those who have advanced the
epistemclogy of the particular" Even Donald
Campbell (1975), the prophet of scientific gener
alization, contributed, How we learn from the
singular case is related tu how the case is like
and unlike other cases we co know, mostly by
comparison.” It 3s intuition that persuades bot
researcher and zeader that what is known about
one case may very well be truc about a sirnilar
case (Stith, 1978)
Experiential Knowiedge
Erom case reports, we convey and draw forch
the essence of gualitetive anderstanding--that
1s, experiential knowledge (Geertz, 1983; Polanyi,
APTER 17
1962; Rumelhart & Ortony, 1977; von Wright
1971). Case study facilitates the conveying of
experience of actors and stokeholde:s as well as
the experionce of studying the ease, licen enhance
the readers experience with the case. It does this
largely with narrotives and situasional descrip
tions of case activity, personal reiatioaship, and
group interoretation
are relatively easily ass'milazed by readers into
memory and use. When the researcher's narrative
provides opportunity for vicarious experience,
readers extend theit perceptions of happenings.
Naturalistic, ethnographic case materia's, atleast
to some extent, parallel actual experience, feeding
imo she most fundamental processes of aware-
sess anc understanding. Deborah Trumbull and I
zalled these processes nazurlistic generalization
(Stake & Trombull, 1982), That is, peaple make
some generalizations entirely from: personal or
sicarious experience, Enduring meanings come
froin encounter, and they oze modified and rein-
forced by repeated encounter.
In ordinary living, this aceurs seldom to the
individual alone and more often in the presence of
otters. In 2 social process, together people bend,
spin, consolidate, and enrich their understand-
ings. We come to know wha: has happeneé partly
in terms of what athers reveal a their experience
The case researcher emerges from one social expe
rience, the observarion, to choreograph another,
the report. Xnowledge is socially constructed—or
50 we constructivists believe (see Schwandt,
2000}—and through their experiential end con
textual accounts, case study researchers assist
readers in the construction of knowledge.
Case researchers greatly rely on subjective
data, such as the testimony of pacticipants end
the judgmenss of witnesses, Many critical
observations and interview data are subjective:
Most case study is the empirical study of hmman
activity: The major questions are not questions of
opinion or feeling, but of the sensory experience.
And the answers come back, of cou:se, with
description and imerpretetion, opinion and Zeel-
ing, ell mixed together. When the researchers are
not there to experience the activity for themselves, they have to ask those who did experience it.
To make empirical data more obje:
subjective, the researcher uses replicative
ive and less
falsi
fication, and sriangulating methods. Good case
slucy research follows disciplined practices of
analysis and triangulation to tease out what
eserves to be called experiential knowledge fom
what is opinion and preference (Stak
2004).
depends oa whether or not it can be emibraced
intellectually by a single researcher (or a small
case study teara), When the case is something like
a person ora small Agency or a legislative session,
a researcher who is given enough time and access
can become personally knowledgeable about
the activities and spaces, the relationships and
contexts, of the ease, as modeled in Figure 17.1.
Possibly with the help of a few others, he or
she can become experientially acquainted with
she case, The case thea is embruceable. Through
observation, enumeration, and tals, the researcher
«can personally come to perceive the nature of the
case, When the researcher ca see and iny
about the case personally, with or without scales
and rubrics, that researcher can come to under-
stand the case in the most expected and respected
ways. But when the researcher finds the case
obscured, extending into to0-distant regions oc
beyund his or her comprehension, and thus
Devoné personal encounter, that researcher con-
ceptualizes the case differeatly, The case is likely
to become overly abstract, construct of criteria,
Whether or not they want to, researchers ther
depersonalize the assignment, rely more on
Jestruments and protocols, and accept simplistic
reporting from people who themselves lack dives:
personal experience. Even if the rescarczer has
extensive personal contact with parts of the case,
tha: contact fails to reach too many extremities
and complexities. Tais is a ease beyond personal
embrace, beyond experiential kaowirg.
rom Researcher to Reader
Both researcher and reader brig their con-
ceptual structures lo 4 ease. Inthe fiterature, these
Stake: Qualitative Case Studies mt 455
structures have been called many things, including
advanced organizers (Avsuibel & Fitzgerald, 1961),
schemata (Anderson, 1977), and an unfoiding of
reafizaricn (Bohm, :985), Some suck frameworks
for thought are unconscious. Communication is
facilitated by carefully crafted structures. Thought
itself, conversation surely, and writing especially
draw phrases in-o paragraphs and append labels
appregate or attenuate
Associations become relationsaias; relationships
become theory (Robinson, 1951). Generaliza
can be an unconscious process fo: both researcher
and reader,
In private and personal ways, ideas are
strucsured, highlighted, subordinated, connected,
embedded iit cantexts, embedded with ‘lostra-
tion, and laced with favor and doubt. However
moved to share ideas case cesearchess might be,
however clever and claborated their writings, they
will, like others, poss along to readers some of
their pessonal meanings of events and zelation
sips—and fa!l to pass along others, They know
thai reade-s,to0, will add and subtract invent and
shape —reconstructing the knowledge in ways
that leave it differently connected and more likely
to be personally usefil
‘A researcher's knowledge of the case faces
hazardous passege from writing to reeding. The
writer seeks ways of safeguarding the trip. As
reading begins, the case slowly jens the com-
pany of cases previously known to the reader,
‘Conceptually for the reader, the new case cannot
be hut some variation of cases already known, A
fnew cese without commonal’ty cannot be under-
stood, yet a ney case without distinction will not
be noticed, Researchers cannot know well which
cases them ceaders already know or their readers’
pect‘larities 0° mind, ‘They seek ways :0 protect
and substantiate the transfer of knowledge.
Qualitative researchers recognize a need te
accommodate the readers’ preexisting knowl
edge, Although everyone deals with this neeé
every day and draws upon a lifetime of experi
ence, we know precious lite abort iow new
experience merges with oki, According to Rend
Spiro and colleagues (1987), most personal expe-
red, neither pedagogically cor
Fience is i-strect: 16m HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE RES?
epistemologically eat, It follows that a
well-structured, propositional presentation often
will not be the better way to transfer experiential
knowledge. The reader has a certain cognitive
flexibility, the readiness to assemble a sitvation-
zelative schema from the knowledge fragments
of a new encounter. The Spiro group (1987)
contended that
the best way to lear: and instruct in order to
attain the goal of cognitive exibility in know]
edge represeztation for future application is by a
tnethod of case-besed presentations whick: treats
4 conte: Comain as a landscape that is explored
by “criss-crossing" it in many directions, by reex-
amining each case “site” In the varying contexts
of dierent neighboring cases, and by using a
variety of abstract dimensions for comparing
cases, (p.178}
Knowledge transfer remains di‘ficult to
understand. Even less understood is how a small
aspect of the case mzy be found by many readers
to mudily an existing understanding about cases
in general, even when the cese is not typical.
In a ghetto school (Stake, $995), T observed
a wacher with one set of rales for classroom
decorum—except that foc Adam, a nearly
expelled, indomitable youngster, a more liberal
set had to be continuously invented. Reading my
account, teachers from very éilferent schools
agreed with two seemingly contradictory state
ments: “Yes, you have to be strict with the rules
and “Yes, sameti=nes yon have to bend the rules”
‘They recognized in the repor: an unusual ut
generalizable circumstance, People find in case
reporls certain insights into the human condi-
tion, even while being weil awaze of the atypical
ity of the case. They may be foo quick to accept
the insight. The case researcher needs to provide
grounds for validating both the observation and
the generalization,
Some say we should just let the case “tell its own
story” (Carter, 1983; Coles, 1989). Tae story a case
RCH—CHAPTER 17
tells of itself may or may not be useful. The
researcher should draw out euch stories, partly by
explaining issues and by referring to other stories,
but itis risky to leave it to the case actors to select
the stories to be conveyed. Is the purpose to convey
the storyteller’ perception or to develop the
researcher's perceptior, ofthe case? Given expecta
tions of the client, other stakeholders, and
drs, cithcr emphasis muy be nivre appropriate
One cannot know at che outset what issues, per-
ceptions,or theory will be useful, Case researchers
usually enter the scene expecting, even knowing.
thar certair, events, problems, and relationships
will be important; yet they discover that some of
them, this time, will be of little consequence
(Parlett & Hamilton, (976; L.M. Smith, 1994), Case
content evolves even in the last phases of writing
Even when empathic and respectful of each
persor’s realities, the researcher decides what
the case's “owe story” is, or at least what will be
included in the report, More willbe pursued shan
was volunteered, and fess will be reported than
was learned, Even though the competen:
researcher will be guided by what the case indi-
cates is most important, end even though patrons
and other researchers will advise, that which is
necessary for a understanding of the case will be
decided by the researcher” It may be the case's
own story, but the report will be the researcher's
dressing of the case's own scory. This is not to dis-
tmiss the aim of finding the story that best repre-
sents the case, but instead to remird the reader
that, usually, criteria of representation ultimately
are decided by the reseaccher
Many a researcher would like to tell the wale
story but of course cannot; the whole story
exceeds anyone's knowing and anyone’ telling.
Even those inclined to 1 | [te Speciar od
LeaLiv 2] 1) |_| atomatves
7 ' | [1 prmpanag
tanisy ]2 P21 fx) |x| x) parents
susuicsine]22 0 [x] [xy xd |x
Alt. ed. policy: * x
inepeotsion: |, | yy
cesererwareg| * ||
Interpretation:| ||
tnoluston| 4 | |X l
aurora} 2] | [x
4
Figure 17.3. Plan for Assembling Ukraine Final Report
Little from contral or reference eases chosen only
Yor comparison. When there are multiple cases of
intrinsic interest, then of course it can be useful to
compare them.” But offen, there is but ore ease of
intrinsic interest, if any #: al. Reacers with intrin-
sic interest in the case learn more about it cirectly
rom the description; they do not ignore compar-
isons with other cases but also do not concentrate
on comparisons. Readers examining instrumental
case studies are shown haw the phesomenon
exists within particular cuses, As to reliability,
differences between measures, such as how much
the group changed, are fundamentally more unze-
liable than simple measurements, Similarly,
conclusions about measureé differences between
any two cases are less to be trusted than are
conclusions about a single case. Nevertheless,
illustresion of how a
enonvenin occurs in the circumstances of severe) exemplars can provide
valued and trustworthy knowledge
Many ate the ways of conceptualizing ca
to maximize learning from a case, The case is
expected to be something thet functions, taat
operates; the study is the observation of opera
tions (Kemmis, 1980}. There is something to
be described and interpreted. The conceptions
phenomenological cese studies need accurate
description and suojective, yet disciplined,
interpretation; a respect for and curiosity abou:
culturally different perceptions of phenomena
and empathic representation of local settings
all blending (perhaps clumped) within a con
siruciivist episteinulogy.
Eric
Ethical considerations for qualitative research
are reviewed by Clifford Christians in Chapter 6 of
this Handbook (and elsewnere by authors such
as Coles, 1997, and Grave and Walsh, 1998), Case
studies often deal with matters that are of public
interest aut for which there is neither public nor
scholarly right wo now, Funding, scholarly intent,
or Inst'tutional Review Board autaorization does
not constitute license to invade the privacy
‘of others. The value of the best research is not
likely t0 outweigh injury ‘0 a person exposed.
Quaiitative researchers are guests in the private
es of the world. Their maaners should be
pood and their code of ethics strict
‘Aloag with much qualitative work, case study
research shares an intense interest in personal
views and circumstances. Those waose lives
and expressions are po-trayed risk exposure
and embarrassment, as well as loss of stand
2, employment, and self esteem, Something
of a contract exists between researcher and
the researched: a disclosing and protective
coverent, usually informal but best not silen
moral obligation (Schwandt, 1993). Risks to
well-being cannot Se inventoried but should be
exemplified, Issues of observation and reportage
should be discussed ‘ny acvance. Limits tw access
Stake: Qualitative Case Studies mi 459
should be suggested and agreements heeded. It is
important (but never sufficient) for targeted
persons to receive drafts of the write-up cevealing
how they are presented, quoted, and ‘ncerpreteds
the researcher should listen well to these persons’
responses for sigs of concern, It is important that
great caution be exercised tu minimize risks to
participants in the ease, Even with good advance
formation from the researcher about the study
the researched carnot be expected to protect
themselves against the risks inherent in partici-
pation, Rules for protection of human subjects
should be followed (yet protested when they serve
little more than to protect the researcher's institu
tion from litigation). The researcher should go
beyond those rules, avoid low-priority probing
of sersitive issues, and draw in advisers and
reviewers to he'p extend the protective system.
Ethical problems arise (both inside and out-
side the research topics) with nondisclosure of
malfeasance and immorality. When cules for a
study are sot thot prevent the researcher from
“whistle bh
ng” or the exercise of compassion,
a problem exis's, Where an expectation lias been
raised that propriety is being examined and ne
rmentior is made of a serious impropriety that has
been observed, the report is deceptive. Breach of
ethics is seldom a simple matter; often, it occurs
when two con:radictory standards apply, such as
withaolding full disciosure (as per the contract)
in order to protect a good but vulnerable agency
(Mabry, 1999). Ongoing and summative review
procedures are needed, with impetus from the
researcher’s conscience, from stakeholders, and
from the research community.
Mm SumMary
Major conceptual resporsibllities of the qualtts-
tive case researcher include :he following:
2 Renadting the case, comoeptualizing the object
of stud
b. Selecting phenomera, themes, or issues (ie.
‘he esearch questions to emphas
c. Seeking patterns of deta to develop t 460 m HANDBOOK OF QUALTIATIVE RESEARCH—CHA2TER 7
dd, Triangulating key observations and bases for
interpretation;
¢. Selecting alternative interacetations to pursue;
and
Developing assertions or generalizations about
the case
Except for (a), the steps are similar to taose of
other qualitative researchers, The more intrixsic
the interest of the researcher in the case, the more
the focus of sudy wit! be on the case's idiosyn
crasy, its particular context, issues, and story.
Same majar stylistic options for cese researchers
are the follwing
4. How much to muke the repoet a story,
b. How much to compare with other eases,
¢. How much to formalize genereiizations or leave
such generalizing. sa readers,
How much description of
include in the report, and
Whether or not and
anonymity,
vesearcher to.
W much to protect
Case study is a part of scientific methodology,
but its purpose is oot limited to the aévance of
scietce. Populations of cases can be represented
poorly by single cases or samples af a very few
cases, and such small samples of cases can pro-
vide questionable grounds for advancing grend
generalizetion. Yet, “Because more than one theo-
retical notion may be guiding an analysis, coxti-
mation, fuller specification, and contradiction ll
may resvlt fram one case study” (Vaughan, 1982,
p. 175), For exa:nple, we lose confidence in the
generalization thata child of separated parents is
better off placed with the mother shan with tae
father when we find a single instance of resulting
injury. Case studies are of value in refining theory,
suggesting complexities for further investiga-
tion as well as helping to establish the limits of
generalizability
Case study also can be a disciplined force in
setting sublic policy and in zeflecting on human
experience. Vicarious experience is an important
basis for refining action options and expecia
tions, Formal epistemology needs further devel-
opreent, but somehow people draw, from the
description of an individual case, implications for
‘other cases—not always correctly. but with a con-
fidence shared by 2euple of dissimilar views,
‘The purpose of a case reportis not to repre
the worl, but to represent the case, Criteria for
conducting the kine of research that ieads ta valid
sgexeralization need modification to fir the search
for effective particularization, The u:ility of case
receatch to pact
its extension of experience. The methods of qual-
itative case stucy are largely the methods of dise'-
ining personal and particularized experience.
jonere and policy makere ie
Notes
Many case studies ate both cualitative and
quantitetive, In search of fundamental pursuits conte
ron to both qualitative and quantitative research,
Robert Yin (1992) analyzed three well-crafted research
efforts: (23 3 quantitative investigation to resolve dis
Pulec authorship of she Federalist Papers, (b) a qua
lative scedy of Soviel ate al the time of the Cuben
missle crisis an {c) his own studies othe recogniz-
ability of hume= ‘ound four common com
‘mitmezts te bring expert (1922/1984, p. xvi). There is a good
spit thes atnough sotalities defy the acwizy of the
ye and the longevity af the watch
9. Generalization from collective case study has
been discussed by Heeriott and fitescone (1983), Jobn
and Lyn Lofland (1986), Yes and Huberman (1994},
and again by Firestone (1993)
1G. Malinowski claimed that we could disingaish
between arriving with chosed minds and arriving with
an idea of what to look for. He wrote:
Good taining in theory. and acquaintance wich
its latest resuls, isnot identical wit being bur
dened with “preconceived ideas.” If a man sets
em an expedition, determined to prove cet-
tain hypotheses, if he is incepable of changing
ihis views constantly and casting theut vt
ungrudgingly under the pressure of evidence,
ncedless to say h's work will be worthless, Bt
‘the more problems be brings with hen anto the
field, the more he isin the habit of moulding his
Stake: Qualitative Case Studies @ 461
theories according to facts, and of seeing fecis
in their bearing upon theory, the better he is
equipped for tre work, Presonceived ideas are
pernicioes in any scienifc wrk, but foreshuad-
wed problems ase the mesic: endowment of a
Scientific thinker, end shese problems are fst
revealed to the observer by his theoretical
2211984, p. 9)
studi
13, woul refer fo call aierpretve co eraphae
Sze the production of sncasings, but ethnographess
have used that term to mean“fearn the special views vf
acters, the local meanings” (see Erickson, 1985;
Schwandt, 2000}
12, Ethnographic use of the term reflective some
times limits atension to the need far self challesging
the sseatchee’s etic issues, frame of reference, andl cl
‘oral Sas (Tedlock, Chapter 18, this volume), That chel-
lenge is ssportant but, following Donald Schon (1983),
refer to general frame of mind when | call qualitative
cease work reflective (Issues rough in are called erie
those found during field study are called evi)
33. Coding is the method of connecting data,
{ssues, interpretations, data sources, and repor: writing
(Miles & Hubecmas, 1994). tn small studies, this
‘means careful Inbeling and sorting into Tle folders ar
computer files. Many entries ae fled into more than
‘one fle. the fle becemes too bulky, scbiiles need to
Ye created. Too many files spoils the soup. In Tagger
studies with fies to be used by several tcam members,
a forme coding system ngeds to be developed, possibly
Using a campuier program suck at Evmograph,
ATLAS tio HyperRESEARCTH.
14, Michael Pattos (1990), Anselm Strauss and
fullet Cosbin (2990), and William Firestone (1993)
save discussed successive selection of cass ever sime.
15, Asindicated in a previous section, {call shem
issues, Mary Kezaedy (1925) called them “relevant
attribztes? Spiro et al. (1987) called them “abstract
dimensions.” Malinowski (1922/1984) called them
theories” In contemporary case research, chest will be
cour*wotking theories” more than the “grand thea
of te disciplines
16. If my emphasis is on learning about bo:h she
individua! case and the phenomenon, T might do two
studies, one a case study and the other a study of she
pleuvuicnon, giving dose attention 4
instances of hostage taking
17. Firestone (1993) advised mavimizing diversity
and “tobeas ike the population of interes: as possibie™
(p18 462 4 HANDBOOK OF QUALITATIVE Re
18, The project is ongoing, and no report is yes
available. The Step by Step program is described in
Hansen, Kaufmann, and Salter (0.4),
(9, For a number of years, psychologists Lee
Cronbach and Richare Snow (1977) studied aptitude-
treatment inceractions. They hoped to find general
rules by which teachers could adapt instruction te
personal ‘earning styles, Az deeper and deeper levels,
of interaction they found si § Not C0
Prespecitying teaching on iy cut
supporting the conc usien chat differeatiated ca
teccies cf response by individuals are to he expected in
complea situations,
20. Laurel Richardson and Elizabeth St. Pierre
speak similarly cf erpstalization in Chapter 38 af shis
volume,
21. Creative ase of “member checking” submitting
adres for review by data sources, is ome of the most
needed forms of validation of qualitative research
(Glesne & Peshkin, 1992; Linealn & Guba, 985).
22. Or that a reality evists outside tie waservers.
23, Armong the earlier philosophers of science
providing groundwork for qualitative contributions to
theory elaboration were Herbert Blumer, Barney
Glasct, Brow 'slaw Malinowski, and Rober: Merion,
24, Yet in the words of Charles Ragin, “vanable
‘oriented comparative wore (e.g. quantitative ccoss-
fatiozal research) as compared with case criented
comparative work disembadies and obscures eases”
(Ragin & Becker, 1992, 7.5)
25. Sociologists have used he ter: "microé acta”
to refer to the leap from ungerstanding individual cases
(f parts to understanding the system as a whole, Even
without a2, adequate epistemological ma, sociclogists
do leap, and so do our readers (Collins 1981)
26, Storytelling as representative of eviturs axe as
sociological text emerges from many traditions, but
nowhere more than fram oral history and falklore. tis
decoming more disciplined in a line of work called
narcative inguicy (Clandenin & Connely, 199%; Ells
& Bochner, 1996; Heron, 1996; Lociridge, 1988;
Richardson, 1997). The fournal of Narrative and Life
History includes studies using such methods,
27, Timay appezs that I claim here that participa-
tory action escarch is problematic. Joint responsibilty
for design, dats gattering, and interpretation is poss
ble. often commencable. It ix impertant that readere
Know when te valtes of the study have Deen sp
shaped.
28. Evaluation studies comparing an inzovative
program to a control cese regulasy fall to make the
cance, lea
sEARCH—CHAPTER 17
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