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of Early Buddhism
UMA CHAKRAVARTI
Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
ISBN 81-215-0749-9
This edition 1996
1996 Chakravarti, Uma
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored
in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise,
without the written permission of the publisher.
Printed and published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,
Post Box 5715,54 Rani fhansi Road, New Delhi 110 055.
Contents
Abbreviations
Glossary
ix
xi
Acknowledgements
xiii
I. In trod u ction
I:
he
P o l it ic a l B
a c k g r o u n d of
u d d h is m
form ation
S e c t i o n II: E c o n o m y
T im e o f B u d d h a
the
and
S o c ie t y
at
r > n n n c '1 i H
n n *
B .C .
P
*
householders - Santanas
and brdhmanas
- Brdhmana
*
+
* as a
n o rm ativ e term O th e r sects at the tim e o f the
B uddha - B uddhism and oth er sects - T h e sahgha T he bhikkhus and the laity - Dana versus yahha - The
laity*s influence on the sahgha - T h e new society and
th e p h en o m en o n o f renunciation
HI, T he Gahapati
C hanging
connotation
65
o f the term gahapati - T h e
vi
Contents
associated with agriculture - The brdhmana-gahapati Gahapatit setthi , and setthi-gahapati - Gahapati as em
ployer o f labour - Gahapati as a status term - The
gahapaiVs association with wealth The gahapatis as
extenders o f popular support to Buddhism - The
gahapatis special relationship w ith the sahgha G/ttjrirt/ih' and gdmant Gahapati. from householder to
agriculturist - The social organization o f the ganasahghas - Landholding in the gana-sahghas - Tension
w ithin the gana-sahghas - T w o types of sahghas Some
94
T i .
i __ h i _ _
a n t: m i p u i u d iit c u i m e gurtttytA.it m
______ i j i _
ajvava\aia
122
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f-lip
150
Contents
vn
177
Appendices
182
191
198
Bibliography
Index
221
231
Abbreviations
A .N .
B .O .D .
B .S .O .A .S .
D .B .
D .N .
D .P .P .N ,
G .S .
J .B .B .R .A .S .
J .B .R .S .
J .E .S .H .O .
J .R .A .S .
K .S .
Af.L.S.
Af.N.
P. T .S .
S .B .E ,
S .N .
A hguttam N ikd ya
Book o f Discipline
Bulletin o f the School o f Oriental and African Studies
Dialogues o f the Buddha
Dtgha N ikdya
Dictionary o f Pali Proper Names
Gradual Sayings
Journal o f the Bombay Branch o f the Royal Asiatic
Society
Journal o f the Bihar Research Society
Journal o f the Economic and Social History of the
Orient
Journal o f the Royal Asiatic Society
Kindred Sayings
Middle Length Sayings
Majjhima N ikdya
Pali T e x t Society
Sacred Books o f the East
Sam yutta N ikdya
abhtscka C on secration
anna titthiya B uddhist term for w andering groups other than their
ow n
aranna Forest
drama A private park given to the sahgha for the benefit o f the
bhikkhus
artya savaha Ideal disciple o f the Buddha
dvdsa D w elling place, residence
ayya putta A n aristocratic gentlem an, a w o rth y gentlem an
brahmadeya G rant o f land, u s u a l l y to brdhmanas , from t h e k in g s
dom ain
brahmaloka T he w orld o f the celestials, the highest w orld
cakkavatti E m peror, head o f the social w orld
dakkh in d Fee given to brdhmanas for the perform ance o f sacrifice:
also a gift o r a donation
dalidda P oor, needy
ddna G ift
ddsa A slave, one w ho is in servitude (masculine)
if<ici F em in in e o f above
gana-sahgha C lan oligarchy usually o f one or m ore khattiya clans,
xii
G/osrary
. - .
y u r t t u
J l l U J
c:
X 1 V V
IL V X 4 1J
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L/V U d V 1 V U I
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recognized bhifefefiwj
uposatha D ays preceding four stages o f the m o o n s w axin g and
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Acknowledgements
T o th e U n iv e rs ity G ran ts C o m m issio n for the g ran t o f a fellow ship
w h ic h en ab led m e to p u rsu e th e w o rk u n in te rru p te d ly fo r th ree
years; to P ro fe sso r D . D e v a h u ti, m y su p erv iso r, fo r ju s t th e rig h t
c o m b in a tio n o f e n c o u ra g e m e n t, en th u sia sm , and c a u tio n w h ic h
im p ro v e d the quality o f th e w o rk ; to th e late P ro fesso r
A .L . B ash am fo r en c o u ra g e m e n t before th e w o rk w as u n d erta k en
and after it w as co m p leted ; to P ro fesso r S. J. T a m b ia h fo r
c o m m e n tin g o n an earlier d raft o f th e w o rk ; to Jag d ish for locating
b o o k s in th e m aze o f th e C e n tra l L ibrary, D elhi U n iv ersity ; to
A n a n d D o ra s w a m i for editorial assistance; to Lola C h atterji for
h elp in g to p re p a re th e index; to m y parents fo r lau n ch in g m e in to a
career in n isto ry ; an d to A n a n d , U p a li, and S id d h arth a fo r b e a rin g
w ith th e p re o c c u p a tio n s and th e d em an d s o f research.
CHAPTER I
Introduction
T h e problem
T h e six th century
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Bose all treat the evidence from the Vittaya and Sutta Pitakas and the
Jdtakas as reflecting the same society.5 T o some extent this confu
s io n w a s in e v ita b le , g iv e n th e in a d e q u a te s ta te o f k n o w le d g e o n th e
Introduction
6 T .W . Rhys Davids, Early History o f the Buddhists in E.J. Rapson (ed.), Cam
bridge History o f India , Vol. 1, p. 17); M W internitz, A , History o f Indian Literature,
V o l. II, p . 15; B .C . L a w , H isto ry o f PSH L iterature, V o l. I, p . 42.
attem pted to analyse the earlier and later strata w ithin the
N ik a y a s.10
Similarly, on the basis o f a study o f Pali metre, Warder has sug
gested that a com parison w ith the Prakrit inscriptions show s that
the Pali language is closest to the early records and may therefore be
regarded as having flourished in, and probably before, the Mau
ry an period. According to him , T he canonical texts have the
appearance o f standing close to a living language rather than that o f
an artificial production in a dead language like their com m entaries,
and w o u ld therefore seem to belong to a period w hen the language
flou rish ed .11
F ollow in g Pande and Warder, Wagle has accepted the major por
tions o f the S u tta P ita k a and V in a y a P ita k a as prc-Asokan. l ie treats
the first four N ikayas and the Vinaya material as being a reliable
guide to conditions betw een 500-300 b.c. In addition, W agle has
accepted the S u t t a N i p a t a , a text listed in the K k u d d a k a N i k d y a , as
b elon gin g to the earliest stratum o f Buddhist literature12 on the
basis o f a study o f the Sutta Nipata by Jayawickrame.
Jayawickram c remarks, T he social conditions reflected in the Sutta
N ipata regarding people and castes, countries and tow ns, hrahmanas
and sacrifices are no different from those in the Nikayas'
The
identification o f one o f the passages o f the Asokan inscription w ith
the Sutta Nipata m ay be cited as an additional reason to include the
Sutta N ipata am ong the earliest strata o f Buddhist literature.
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Introduction
T h e t e r m b r d h m a n a w a s u s e d b y b o t h s y s te m s as r e p r e s e n t i n g a
the term appears in both senses. Each system had clearly invested
the terms w ith their o w n special connotation.
T he use o f the t e r m ttr th a h k a r a is e v e n m o r e i n t e r e s t i n g . Its lite r a l
m eaning is Tord-maker, or one w h o helps to bridge a ford. In the
process o f its adoption the w ord came to be particularly associated
w i t h the J a i n a s , w h o used if i n its lit e r a l s e n s e f o r a g r e a t m a n , b u t
._
especially for the leaders o f the Jainas. The Buddhists, on the other
hand, derived the term titthiya from it, probably because o f its clear
i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w ith t h e J a i n a s , a n d u s e d the t e r m t o d e s c r i b e a rival
body o f teachers and their sects w ho were also opposed to the
Brahm anical system, like the Buddhists ^thinkers. H ow ever the
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16 A IN , II, p. 358.
17 A.L. Basham, Ajatasattu's War w ith the Lichchhavis, S/wdiei in Indian History
and Culture, p. 73.
10 This is evident trom the references to the fortification of Pataiigama in the
Digha N ikdya (D .N ., II, p. 70).
19 A.L. Basham. Ajatasattu's W ar w ith the Lichchhavis*, Sfudiei in Ancient History
and Culture , p. 75.
20 D .N ., II, p. 152.
21 D .N ., 1, p. 97.
& D .N .. II, p. 113.
23 G .P, Malala-Sekhara Dictionary o f Pali Proper Names, Vol. I, p. 856,
10
11
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w il ii
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Indian Republics,
31 We are concentrating here on a review o f the political system o f the gana-sahghas
to the exclusion o f the monarchical kingdoms which will feature in the chapter on
Kingship (Chapter VI).
32 Avaddna Pataka, ed. by J.S. Speyer, Vol. II, p. 103.
33 K.P. Jayaswal, Hindu Polity, p. 26.
34 D .R . Bhandarkar, Ancient History o f India, p. 147.
35 Acardhga SutraT tr. by Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., Vol. XXII, 1973,
p. 138,
36 M .N ., I, p. 284.
3 7 ji
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12
sahgha,38 but the terms are used synonym ously in the Majjhima
N ikdya, and in the Astadhydyt o f Panini,39 as well as in the Sanskrit
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term s gana and sahgha were used in the same sense to denote a form
o f governm ent where pow er was vested in a group o f people, as
opposed to m onarchy where pow er was vested i n one person.41 W e
13
and Trisala, sister o f the Lichchhavi leader o f Vesali., is called ksatriyam, and her husband Siddhartha o f the Natrikas is also described
as a ksatriya in the Katpa Sutra.47
We may draw attention to the tact that the territories o f the ganasangha were actually know n by the clans that occupied them. Signi
ficantly, the use o f the clan name was a prerogative only o f the
khattiyas and it was never used for other inhabitants of the ganasahgha , such as the artisans and the brdhmanas, whose occasional
presence is noticed there. Thus Upali the barber is not called a
Sakyan40 although he lived in Sakyan territory. N or is Cunda the
kammaraputta (son o f a metal-smith worker) referred to as a Malla.49
Similarly, the brdhmanas o f Khomadussa in the Sakyan territory are
not referred to as members o f the Sakyan clan.50 It has also been
argued that collective pow er in these territories was vested in the
khattiya clan composing the gana-sahgha, and that they had
sovereignty over other social groups inhabiting the territory o f the
gana-sahgha.51 Sovereignty therefore extended over the territory
and not merely over the members o f the clan.52
The prerogative o f the use o f the clan name only to the khattiyas
is related to the right to exercise power, which the non-khattiyas did
not possess. O n the basis o f a reference in Panini, Agrawala has
suggested that not all members o f the sahgha were entitled to exer
cise political pow er, which was the privilege only o f the governing
class. H e says: Tt appears that the descendants o f the pioneer ksat
riyas w ho had settled on the land and founded the janapada treated
political sovereignty as their privilege which they transmitted in
47 Katpa Sutra, Jaina Sutras, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, S.B.E. Vol. XXII, p. 226.
M ore instances o f khattiyas are recorded in Chapter V.
48 Cullavagga, p. 281.
49 D . N . , II, pp. 9 8 - 9 .
'
D R
'
...
the brdhmanas o f Khomadussa were antagonistic to the Buddha. They addressed the
Buddha as murtdaka and satnamka to indicate their disapproval of him (S .N ., I, p. 183).
51 K.P. jayasw al, HfWn Polity, p. 394.
D .R . Bhandarkar, Ancient H istory o f India, p. 161.
14
15
**
61 D.N., I. p. 85.
62 A .M . H ocart, Caste, p. 37.
63 Ibid., p. 3.4.
4-
WAM f
16
and
S o c ie t y
at the
T im e
of t h e
B uddha
Expansion o f agriculture
17
G angetic v a lley could n o t Have been undertaken w ith out the use o f
iro n .68 T he point has been restated since then by other scholars and
w e need m erely sum m arize the findings o f archaeologists and
historians o n this them e.
Early recognition o f the relationship betw een iron and the begin
nings o f a n e w civilization was suggested by Y .D . Sharm a.69 Later
i t..................
w a ...s rn o' i n t e d o u t t h a t t h e a r c h a e o l o gu i c a l e v i d e n c e f o r i r o n xn r e -
18
p .
4 A A
IT T -
19
IQSft fn
142. It has been suggested that Buddha's alms bowl, seen by Fa-hien and described
by him, was probably o f NBP ware (M .D .N. Sahi, Stratigraphical Position o f the
N B P ware in the Upper Ganga Basin and its Date, Puratattva, Vol. VI, 1974, p. 93).
37 I b i d ., p . 145.
20
21
22
did n o t p r o d u c e a w id e r a n g e o f g o o d s . B u t a
m ore im portant reason for none o f the cities o f the gana-sahghas
being listed as a mahdnagara was that the gana-sahghas were suffering
c h ic s , a n d t h a t t h e y
f r o m p r o b l e m s o f i n t e r n a l c o lla p s e . I n c o n tr a s t , t h e m o n a r c h i e s
cial centres, the m ost im portant appear to have been Savatthi and
Rajagaha. In the lifetime o f the Buddha, Savatthi probably had an
e d g e o v e r R a ja g a h a , a n d it w a s t h e r e t h a t t h e B u d d h a s p e n t a l a r g e
o u n c i l \ v i s Hwld.
in
th e
production o f material goods was reflected
in the num erous rules about the permitted articles o f possession
f o r t h e b h ih k h u s t h a t a ls o m a d e t h e i r a p p e a r a n c e i n the
tex ts.112 A natural outcom e o f this growing complexity o f the eco
nom y was expressed in the degree o f specialization which became
a p p a r e n t d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d . T h e S a m a n n a p h a la S u tta o f the D ig h a
N ikdya lists a num ber o f occupations that were com m only
pursued.113 There are 25 such occupations listed by the king, and
t h e s e i n c l u d e a w i d e r a n g e o f s p e c ia liz e d skills.
Types o f settlement
A p a r t f r o m n e w l y d e v e l o p e d l a r g e u r b a n c e n tr e s , t h e r e w e r e v a 104 A N ., II, p. 86; A N ., I, p. 107; A N ., Ill, pp. 65-7.
105 Cullavagga, p. 225; A N ., II, p. 286.
10,1 Cullavagga, pp. 239-49.
107 Parajika, p. 321.
108 Mahavagga, pp. 204-49.
109 Parajika, p. 348.
uo PSdttiya, p. 221.
111 M.N., II, p. 371.
m CuWavaosa, pp. 195ff.
U3 D .N ., 1, p. 52.
23
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It
t m t f i i u ru i A w ru i ix i/ m r m / v f iv i/ rm i i w w f v u i . t , p . i /
24
ated. It says that, w hen a man clears the land o f its forest and pre
pares it for cultivation he establishes rights over it: yathd . . . koci
puriso uanam sodhetud bhumim mharati tassa sd bhumi tijano voharati na
cesa b h u m i ten a p a u a tita tam bh u m im kdranam k a tv d bh u m i sd m ik o ndm a
hoti>u9 (It is as when a man clears away the jungle and sets free a
piece ofland and the people say that is his land\ N ot that the land
is m ade by him . It is because he has brought the land into use that
o f the holdings,122 the king also appears to have been in direct con
trol o f som e o f it. This probably consisted o f all the wastelands,
forests and m in es.123 From this category oflan d the kings o f Kosala
and Magadha began to grant brahmadeya lands to the brahmanas124
which make their appearance in the Pali canon. Such a view is sup
ported b y Radhakrkhna C houdhary, w h o argues that h rah am adeya
lands were granted out o f the royal domain or the crown lands, and
these had nothing to do with the lands held by cultivators.125 It
m ay he noted that all the b ra h m a d eya lands m entioned in the Pali
texts were granted by Pasenadi and Bimbisara. The fact that these
lands were a distinct category carrying a special connotation is evi
dent from a stock passage in the Pali canon describing hrahamadeya
lands as follows: 'tena kho patta samayena brahmano pokkarasddi ukkattang ajjhavasati sattussadang, satinakatthodakang, sadhannangt rajabhoo a nOo ./ ranna in asen din a kosalen a din n anaa rd^iadavan o h ra h m a d evva
tta
*.126
i
o
25
clear. It has been suggested that the lands were rent free and that the
grantee was entitled to full usufructuary rights on it, rather than
carrying adm inistrative and political rights with the grant.129 Rhys
D avids suggests that the lands were tax free, being a grant o f the
kings half share as tax, although he believes that the brahmadeya
carried w ith it judicial and executive rights too. He further suggests
that the grant would c o v e r only the kings rights, and that the right
o f the peasants to the other half and to the use o f the com m on
w asteland w ould remain w ith them .130 It should be noted that
b r a h m a d e y a lands in the Pali c a n o n a i e a lw a y s l o c a te d in a brdhm anct
gdma. In addition to the single brahmadeya holder, such as the
brdhmanas Pokkharasadi, Sonadanda, or Canki, there are a large
num ber o f b ru h m a ria -g a h a p a iis w h o a ls o c o n s t i t u t e the b r d h m a n a
gdma. This point is discussed in greater detail in the following chap
ter.
A n o t h e r c o n t r o v e r s i a l p o i n t r e la te d to th e q u e s t i o n o f l a n d h o l d
ing and land ow nership is that o f the transfer, sale and gift o f land.
A nathapindikas purchase ofjetavana from the prince Jeta Kumara
id w e l l k n o w n , a l t h o u g h n o t entirely* fre e o f c o n t r o v e r s y . It s h o u l d
129 D .B ., I, p. 3G8n.
130 Ibid.
131 T he Vinaya defines an drama f the usual term for the gift o f land to the sangha as
a flow er garden (pupphardtno), or orchard (phaiardmo). See Horner (B .O .D ., II,
p. 2n; Pdrdjika, p. 61). The Ahguttara Nikdya bans the sahgha from the possession o f
agricultural land (A . N , , IV, p. 266).
132 S. D u tt, Buddhist Monks and Monasteries o f lndiat p. 59.
26
27
T he term dalidda139 also annears freauentlv in the Pali texts to denote extrem ely poor people w ho led miserable and deprived exist
ences, and were needy, w ithout enough to eat or drink, w ithout
even a covering for the back.140 In contrast, there were people w ho
lived very com fortably or even luxuriously, possessing gold, sil
ver, grain, a carriage, and a beautiful house141 w ith servants to
w ork for th em .142 Bose has pointed to the pronounced social con
trast between classes expressed through the familiar Pali phrases
mahdbhoga kula and dalidda hula, sadhana and adhana; sugata and
duggata.143 The texts also reflect a pragmatic recognition o f the
pow er o f wealth. The Ahguttara Nikaya mentions a poor man w ho
w ould have to go to jail for non-paym ent o f debt, whereas a person
o f w ealth could escape the same fate.144
T he sharp differentiation between the tw o categories created the
beginnings o f social tension. The Vinaya Pitaka refers to the ddsakammakaras o f the Sakyans attacking their masters womenfolk as
an act o f revenge when the w om en were alone in the w oods.145
T he recognition o f exploitation had also emerged. The Majjhima
N ikaya relates a very significant incident146 o f a ddsi called Kali, and
her mistress, a gahapatm called.Vaidehi, who was reputed to be
even tem pered and gentle. Kali, however, attributed her mistress
supposed even tem per to the fact that her ow n exemplary be
haviour gave the mistress no cause for anger. Kali was meek, sub
missive and hard-w orking normally, but she decided to test her
m istress real tem per by rising late and ignoring her calls three
m ornings in succession. This was too much for the mistress whose
tem per cracked up under the strain o f the incident and she physical
ly assaulted the ddsi. The whole incident is narrated as a sarcastic
com m ent on the behaviour o f the rich mistress. While the dasas
were sometimes treated reasonably well, the normal food for the
ddsa-kammakaras was broken rice and sour gruel.147 The ddsaJ
A *
139 See Pacittiya, p. 108 for a dalidda kammakara, and Cullavagga, p. 254 for a dalid
da tunavdya. Also see M .N ., 11, p. 89; A . N ,, III, p. 84.
140 M .N ., III, p. 240; M .L .S . Ill, p. 215.
141 M .N ., HI, p, 248.
142 Cullavagga, p. 249.
143 A .N . Bose, The Social and Rural Economy of North-East India, Vol. II, p. 270.
144 A M I 0^0
145 Significantly this is also one o f the first written records o f wom en being the
obvious targets in the case o f antagonism between two social groups (Pacittiya, p.
Af.N., 1, pp. 167H.
A .N ., 1, p. 134.
28
to the samana-brdhmanas as alms could have gone instead to the ddsakammakaras. A setthi-gahapati o f Savatthi is described as giving alms
t o s a m a n a -b r d h m a n a s b u t s u b s e q u e n t l y r e g r e t t i n g h is a c t io n and
arguing that he should have given it to the dasa-kammakaras
instead.148 This opposition between the samana-brdhmana on the
o n e h a n d a n d th e d a s a -k a m m a k a r a s o n the o t h e r , in r e l a t i o n t o the
gahapati, is alsb noticeable in the Sigaloudda Sutta . The samanabrdhmana is placed at the zenith (uparimadisa) and the ddsa-kammakara
is p l a c e d a t t h e n a d i r (Jietth itn d d isa ) i n a s t r u c t u r e o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s in
AM j J
id L / v u i. a u u
v n v i^ v y
I a rt J
A ^
*A J
t m
i/ a ^ v v i t n v ^ f t v u u v u v
A A l TA^A v M
j y jl^ ih
AM
A f
an u u i
C r t / 'l o f l T
UUV1VV J j
ifo
i r a n r
J
_ IrU V v L
1 i ia
A
+> I
\ l t a r*
1U U iJ U U V J V lli
A
V V
V
tn a
lir
l l l i l a 1 11 jr
h ti
i 1 r> In
m ii o u g ii
his effort that the surplus was generated but since he had no control
over it he was placed at the bottom or nadir. The placement o f the
f^iTf\ rrrA im o
V
^ i
1e
my^irahTTa
1-1, o
VI T V V A
- V11W
WL
V1JV
*V
has been generally assumed that Indias econom y in the sixth cen
tury B.C. was producing enough surplus150 to feed a substantial sec,4H S .N ., I, p. 91.
149 D .N ., III, pp. 147-8,
150 It should how ever be noted that the existence o f surplus all the time cannot be
taken for granted. Occasional shortages o f food arc mentioned (see S.N ., HI, p. 286
and A .N ., II, p. .120). Also die l/iti/iya speaks o f fonrl being the product o f hard
labour (Cullavagga) p. 223).
29
30
31
'
J.
32
33
There is both dignity and pathos in this episode with the aged but
spirited Gotami being denied her justifiable rights by the Buddha,
w hom she had nurtured as her own son and it speaks volumes for
the discrimination against women.
Considerable distrust o f women is displayed in the Buddhist
texts. They are likened to black snakes, treated as evil smelling and
adulterous; they are accused ot ensnanng m e n /1" and are labelled as
secretive and not open;170 they are full o f passion, easily angered,
stupid and envious and have no place in public assemblies. They are
incapable o f carrying out any business or earning a living by any
profession because they are uncontrolled, envious, greedy and
stupid.171 A wide range o f restrictions were placed on bhikkhunis,
w ho were even required to offer their alms to the monks if they ran
into them .172 N o similar obligation was placed on bhikkhus, In
som e cases the bhikkhunis receive severer punishments than bhik
khus for similar offences.173
A w o m an s existence is described as centring round men, adorn
m ent, her son, and being w ithout a rival.174 W om en were expected
ideally to be like slaves and be obedient to their husbands.175 They
w ere under the control o f various bodies like the king, the sahgha,
the seni (guild) or puga (company). W omen w ho led their lives as
daughters, wives, and m others were therefore quite clearly sub
jected to the authority o f men and this attitude was projected even
into the asocial w orld o f the sahgha as we have noted above.
H ow ever, there were occasional glimpses o f greater understanding
o f the position o f w om en in relation to men. A m ong her five spe
cial disadvantages, three w ere biological but tw o others refer to a
w om an having tu leave her relatives at a tender age and going to
her husbands hom e, and having to wait upon men all her life {paricariyatn upeti).176 U nfortunately, such insights are few and the overwilling to go in its view o f change. W hile they may have been m ore progressive than
the brahmanas, the Buddhists certainly did not w ant to deviate from the norm s estab
lished by the w ider samana culture. N o innovation was considered apart from the
general traditions o f the samaras.
169 A . N . , H, p. 498; G .S ., III, p. 191.
170 A . N . , I. p. 263; G.S., I, p. 261
t7t A .N ., II, p. 87; G .S ., II, p. 93.
172 Cultavagga, p, 388,
173 I.B. H orner, Book o f Discipline, Vol. Ill, p. xxxix,
174 A .N ., II, p. 76.
175 A . N . , III, pp. 224, 361-7.
176 S . N . , III, p p . 2 1 2
13.
34
A J V l/iC I l
TT V 4 1S4
Wi.
o ?sTi>i srl-4
V11V wivtl^l W j
Hf/M non
T
V
mMin
.KM
.
U1V4 J V
w *v
in noticeable num bers. M ore w om en came into it from the ganasahghas draw n probably by kinship ties with other entrants, but
m a n y a lso ca m e in ord er to escape w h a t m a y be term ed the m isery
o f the pestle and m ortar. This becomes very clear from the senti
m ents expressed in the Thertgdthd.u s The fact that a w om an had to
w a it o n a m an all her life, s o m e tim e s w ith o u t the slig h test re c o g n i
35
III:
T h e R e lig io u s M ilie u
u jl
ir.il
t l: _
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
__
v duty,
i uis was d.
u n iq u e feature o f the period, unm atched in later years for its sheer
dim ensions, w h ich spanned a w ide range o f ideas from annihila
tion! sm {ucchedvada) to ctcrnalism (sdstmti/dda), and f r o m the fatal
ism o f the Ajivikas to the m aterialism o f the C arvakas. T h e B u d d h
ist texts m ake frequent references to other sects iahha titthiyas) and
m i
u f u f t r r t u j u i u
ijtw iti*
t^it . l
kJi iuw js t g r t u
________________
i y i r z u y u
... A
^u^ii dutia.
1S3
Jaina sources also corro b o rate the existence o f n u m ero u s sects, 184
O f these, special status has been given to six co n tem p o rary non_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
l;i ________l_______i_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
L U lU _
U
lliild
l_
U JL U U lL dlil pBUUL'-VdV'ULL'
l_
l_
Llib
1_
dU
L
dllU
U
,
IKS W 'UlUi
U lU i
36
a ttr ib u ted to th ese s ix d issid en t teach ers. 186 S ig n ifica n tly , there is a
Carious reference to the same six sects and their leaders in the M ilindapanha, a Pali text attributed to the first century b .c .,187 w hich
liiigut luuiCaiC tiic conunuiiig im portance oi tuc uissiucni tiauuicn
even into later years.
^
^ ^
^ i
Th o samisna tyctditi&n
37
38
1Q9 M a h d va g g a , p . 4 1 ,
700 P a iittiy a , p p . 2 4 5 - 7 8 .
39
tw een the dsrama ideal o f Brahm anism advocated by the father, and
the renunciation ideal espoused by the son, in the famous pitdputra
samvdda i n t h e &dnti Part/a o f t h e M a h a b h a r a t a . 203 W h il e con
troversy on the question o f the dsrama theory pre-dating the rise o f
B uddhism may be irrelevant here, certain points related to the term
sramana ( S a n s k r i t f o r P a l i santana) n e e d t o b e n o t e d . T h e w o r d f i r s t
appears in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad204 and is used for one en
gaged in a religious endeavour but significantly, i n the later Upanij
411U
.-ti * l_____i.L ^ ~z
L ilt i^srutf_____
rrtu m
ifu jy w n t i t u i l u jru m u u i l u i_ y im u a i i i v u u vi.:_
n,
^u
40
T i.__ l____________ _
L d t V l H\J W V V U ,
~
IkJ.1V
w hile rem aining in the w o rld .209 A t the tim e o f the B uddha h o w ev
er, the brdhmana w as seen as a householder by the brdhmanas th em V V O
iin tVV
ir aV Jl. 11
A J
n
Im
t rtfVi nt-cJ
j
k/ J
1 'h
n -td
H V
rwr*trn - w
j u
Jl t I ' l V H j '
g x
t w j
V iw a x
207 S. D u tt, Early Monastic Buddhism, pp. 5 7 -8 ; Chandogya Upanishad 8.15; Gauta
ma Dharmasiitra , tr. by F. M ax M uller, S .B .E ., Vol. II, p. 193; Vdsisktha Dharmasutra, tr. by G eorge B uhler, S .B .E ., Vol. X IV , p. 44.
20 S . N ., I, pp. 11617; For a sim ilar idea in ja in a literature see Sutrakritdnga , tr.
41
216 Ibid., pp. 10-11, 52; Atharva Veda, II, 3; Aitereya Brdhmana, VII, 2 8 .1.
217 D .N ., I, p.45; D .B ., I, p. 6.
Z1S T h e expression also occurs in the Jaina texts (Stitrakritahga tr. by H erm ann
Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E ., pp. 237, 241, 245, 287, 339), and in the Asokan inscrip
tions (E. H ultzsch, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarium , Vol. I, pp. 4, 5, 14, 15, 18,), and
in G reek w ritings (R .C . M ajum dar. Classical Accounts o f India, pp. 42548).
2)<* The Vyakamm Mahdbhdsya of Patahjali, ed. by F. Kielhorn, Vol. I, pp. 474,
476.
42
225
i*}
43
Ij f
frH
3 Q 1 /\ b u
C n
i nui u 1af*ii
b u
1j p 1 1 \h lm-^iq.1
nvi
ij
aiii
J i v a L im /i -l*
u tu
n v
l v -f-
^ t w wvvv
ing diligence (appamato) since he has to look after Ks wife and children, support his
parents and w o rk people and perform services for his kith and km and his guests
(M .N ., 11 p. 450; A IL ,S ., II, p. 373).
44
alms. O nly a few brahmanas appear to have been pursuing the task
o f teaching other young brahmanas, but even many o f these were
w ell provided for. They were the major recipients o f the
brahmadeya lands in Kosala and Magadha and sometimes possessed
additional property away from their homes. JanussonT is a good ex
ample o f the wealthy brdhmana. Pali texts mention his possessing a
white chariot with silver fittings and white trappings drawn by
four pure white mares. He drove about in this chariot dressed in
white garments, a turban and sandals. His chariot was considered
the finest in all Savatthi,229
U nlike the paribbdjakas w ho w andered around m eeting other
thinkers and having discussions w ith them , the hrdhmanas rem ained
in their o w n settlem ents, except w hen they travelled in connection
w ith their w ork, w hich was in the nature o f business. If bhikkhus or
the Buddha met some o f these brahmanas it was because the bhikkhus
toured from one place to another. In contrast to those o f the samanasi the discussions o f the brahmanas hardly ever centred on philo
sophical questions.230 The stock questions that the brahmanas took
up w ith the B uddha related to the pre-em inence o f the brahmanas as
a social group w ho deserved the best gifts because o f their know
Occasionally they sought an explanation
ledge o f the Vedas
from the B uddha for his allegedly not respecting aged and w ellestablished hrdhmanas.232 They also censured the B uddha for advo
cating a path for the bhikkhus w hich w ould yield gain, if any, for
one individual only, whereas the system o f sacrifice advocated and
perfo rm ed by th em b ro u g h t m erit to many people.233
*
, 231
45
____
l vtnn*_____
__ _1*1
_ i_ _
_ 1_______
!_
ny, rr,i
n i t t-viiiipvjuuu
surfHArtu-uiurirrtuTH*,
wiuui
wc
udvc caiucj.
show n to represent tw o distinct and opposing categories, also posses
ses a unity in relation to the ordinary mass o f people to w hom they
arc jo in tly opposed. T he term appears in this sense not only in the
Pali canon but also in jaina literature, in MegasthenesIndka, and in the
A iokan inscriptions. It refers to a respected group w ho were posses_______,1 __________
____J ________ _
: . i ___ l
avi9 v~ ic lMiuwitugv
4iiuJ tn^iii
nidi uiauiiguiaii^u
ui^m uvui mt
com m on people. T he Buddhist texts often refer to the laity's critic
ism o f any m oral lapses on the part o f the bhikkhus which according
to th e m is unlike the behaviour expected from a samana or a brdhma
na. T h e Pdrdjika, for exam ple, states that some bhikkhus suggested
suicide to a lay follow er whose wife complained that the Sakyaputtas w ere shameless and im m oral. She says: There is no rccluseship
am ong these, no brahm inhood am ong these , . . fallen from recluseship are these, fallen from brahm inhood are these. The people
around w ere also angry and said: These have departed from
b rah m in h o o d '.234 There are num erous other examples o f this kind
in the texts and in all these situations the w ider society is show n to
treat brdhmanas and samanas ideally as possessors o f spiritual m erit
for w h o m the norm s are different from those for ordinary people.
T h a t the brdhmanas represented the traditional and established relir * <r v i r r
g i w u j v a v v -^ v x J i nn m
t f u v i v v jr
tv (u
xvw
^ i u ^ v u t* -i u* t o m j r vV nJiv t vhv
f
l/ wv
also by the dissident sects. The titthiyas could not ignore the brdhma
nas potential for a higher life, nor could they fail to notice the im
age o f the brdhmanas in the existing Indian mind. This accounts for
their special status in the Pali and Jaina texts. Both use the same
metaphor to express this idea. The God Sakka (tndra) comes in
both traditions in the form o f a brdhmana to bless the respective
sects in the presence o f a wide audience.235
Significantly while the Buddha refused to accept that the brdhma
nas had any inherent qualities that w ere superior to others he did
not reject the term brdhmana as a conceptual category. The Buddha
used it instead in the sense o f an ideal value to represent acquired
spiritual m erit w hich was open to evetyone. It appears in the same
sense in the Jaina literature too.236 The Buddha even used the term
Parajtka , p. 89; B . O . D . , V o l. I, p. 125.
235. Mahavagga, p. 37; Vttarddhyayana, tr, by H erm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E.,
Vol. X L V , p. 40.
236 Uttarddhyayarta, tr. by H erm ann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S.B .E., pp. 138-9.
46
I, p . 7.
47
s o w and then I eat. Y ou also plough and so w and then eat. {akang
kho samana, kassdmi cha vapdmi cha; kasitva cha, vappitva cha bhutijd m i; tvang p i, samana, kassasu cha vappassu cha; kasitva cha vappitva
rL uu
b f t w
l / i v m r
r y
r v ^ (
242
A M W J
*iT ^ T " * m
V 4 w
U A t f V
*U
V A V
IT
A A A y j A
in the tradition o f debate. Some w ere still groping while others had
w o rk ed o u t a broad philosophy, but all tried to com prehend each
o th e r s thinking. T h e Buddha h im self w ent through various stages
-f-
(j
48
B u d d h a b y h i s f o l l o w e r s . 248 T h e f r e q u e n t i n t e r a c t i o n i n c o m m o n
___________________________________
i_
49
|*r T
jr J
~ \
S J
E?
T _pr, If' l
A^
254 T he m ain features o f the samana culture apart from asceticism were antiV edism and the negation o f the grihastha status.
255 S. D utt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries o f India, p. 24,
290 Mahdvagga, p. 105.
50
51
m.
262 D .N ., I, 138.
263 K .S ., V, p. 356; S .N ., IV, p. 360.
264 Pacittiya, p. 128.
265 Cullavagga, p. 220.
266 A.L. Basham , History and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 137.
52
w ith him and that he had planned his strategy thus because he knew
he w ould receive support. Subsequently, the departing bhikkhus
had to be w on back by loyal followers o f the Buddha. Som e lay
people w ere also carried away by D evadattas stand and accused the
B uddha o f living in lu xury.267 There are instances o f kings expect
ing certain m inim um standards o f asceticism from the religious
sects. Thus U dena expressed disapproval o f Anandas accept
ance o f a gift o f five hundred robes.268 Similarly in the M ajjhim a
N ikd ya the king censures some samana-brdhmanas for not upholding
the ascetic tradition and tor enjoying the pleasures o f the senses
instead.269
T here w ere o f course very im portant doctrinal and metaphysical
differences betw een various sects too. D erogatory statem ents about
the respective philosophies o f the Buddhists and the Jainas w ere
com m on, and occasionally it appears that the criticisms consciously
or unconsciously m isrepresented philosophical positions.270 T here
was an undercurrent o f tension am ong the sects for they com peted
not only for grow th and advancement but also in receiving alms
from the laity. The leaders o f the sects attem pted to prevent any
erosion in their ranks as this meant loss o f prestige. Nevertheless,
there was considerable m ovem ent from one sect to another so that
sects w axed and waned or coalesced and remained constantly in a
fluctuating state in the com m unity.271 H ow ever even in this cross
m ovem ent the paribbdjakas seem to have evolved certain norm s. It
w as thus considered ethical for a person leaving one sect to join
another, to do so only after inform ing his original gandcariya. Sariputta and M oggallana w ere originally followers o f Sanjaya B elatthiputta bu t later joined the Buddhist sahgha and they represent the
best exam ples o f this tradition. Sanjaya sought to prevent this
m ove by offering to share the leadership o f the group w ith them
b u t Sariputta and M oggallana declined the offer.372 A similar
obligation was placed upon the leader o f a sect w hen he decided to
jo in another religious sect. W hen the jatila U ruvela Kassapa in
form ed his followers o f his im pending action he gave them the op267 Cullat-agga, pp. 297-9.
26S Ibid., p. 413.
269 M .N .. II, p. 367.
270
N , H, p. 177; 2 \ N . , Ill, p. 287; Sdtratcritdnga, tr. by Herm ann Jacobi, Jaina
Sutras , S .B .E ., Vol. X IV , p. 411.
271 S. D titt, Buddhist M onks and Monasteries in India, p. 49.
372 Mahavagga, pp. 401.
53
r p m r r l t
o <-b
P **J*
Al117lVoC
**
T llP
verted views and leads people astray, causing discom fort and sor
ro w to m ankind.274 Basham argues that M akkhali Gosala rather
than M ahavira em erges as the B uddhas chief opponent and
rival.275 This appears som ew hat strange in an era when there was
such a w ide range o f doctrines to oppose, and the Ajivikas by com
parison seem to have advocated a philosophy that was hardly
aggressive. B ut in spite o f their seeming mildness the Ajivikas
f o r m ed a f a i r l v/ fn n In n l a r s e r f- -w- h i c h s u r v- i-v--e---d -i n t o m------e d i e...
v a-l t.im e s
LJ
T o h im w h o a c ts
o r causes a n o th e r to act, to h im w h o m u tila te s o r
o r d e r s a n o th e r lu m u tila te , to h im w h o p u n ish e s o r cau ses a n o th e r to p u n
ish , to h im w h o c au ses g r ie f o r to r m e n t, , . . to h im w h o causes o th e rs to
tr e m b le , to h im w h o k ills a liv in g c re a tu re , w h o b re a k s in to h o u se s, w h o
r n m m i t s d a c o ity , o r ro b b e ry , o r h ig h w a y r o b b e ry , o r a d u lte ry , o r w h o
s p e a k s lies; to h im th u s a c tin g th e re is n o g u ilt. I f a d iscu s w ith a sh a rp e d g e
lik e a r a z o r s h o u ld m a k e alt th e liv in g c re a tu re s o n th e e a rth o n e h e a p , o n e
m a s s o f flesh , th e re w o u ld b e n o g u ilt th e n c e re s u ltin g , n o in cre ase o f g u ilt
w o u l d e n su e . W e re h e to g o a lo n g th e so u th b a n k o f th e G a n g a s trik in g
a n d s la y in g , m u tila tin g a n d h a v in g m e n m u tila te d , o p p re s s in g a n d h a v in g
273 Mahuvugga, p. 33.
714 A .l V., I, p. 34.
275 A.L. Basham, History and Doctrine o f the Ajivikas, p. 55.
27f> d .N 1, pp. 34, 367.
277 A .L, Basham , History and Doctrine o f the A jivikas , p. 24.
54
m e n o p p r e s s e d , th e r e w o u ld b e n o g u ilt th e n c e r e s u ltin g , n o in c re a s e o f
guilt w o u ld ensue.278
M akkhali Gosala united all the freelance ascetics w ho thus far ack
now ledged no single authority and com piled a canon for th e m .281
T h e e v o lu t io n o f th e sahgha b e c a m e in e v ita b le g iv e n th e B u d d h a s
decision that the new doctrine should receive the w idest possible
audience.282 B h ikkh u s w ere exhorted to go forth w ith his message,
to u r in g c o n sta n tly in o rd er to reach the dhamma to th e p e o p le . B y
'
55
H e argues that though m onks could have lived in the forest, it was
necessary for them to live in monasteries for only then w ould they
be easily accessible to the people. There was also a recognition that
bhikkhus ow ed a debt to society in return to r the essentials o f life
provided to them by the people. This debt could be discharged
only th ro u g h the teaching o f the dhamma to them. The idea was
actually m ade explicit in the bhikkhunt Kundala Kesis statement: *1
am living on the alms o f the people but I owe no debt for I preach
the dhamma to the people in retu rn .285
T h e sahgha
56
developm ent was the acceptance by the sahgha ofland, which came
into the exclusive possession and control o f the B uddhist sahgha.
F ro m th e e v id e n c e availab le in th e Pali canon it appears that in
pre-B uddhist days there w ere com m on areas o f residence for all
samanas , either in open parks294 or in com m on halls. These w ere
p r o v id e d b y m em b e rs o f th e ro y a l fa m ily , as, for e x a m p le , th e Ekasala park donated by queen M allika,295 or by the resident com m un
ity as a w hole as in the case o f tjie Lichcchavis and the Vesaliyan
ku td g d m sd la .
290 M .N ., II, p. 368; S .N ., 1. p . 73.
291 This cannot be traced to the lack o f existing talent. There were at the time o f
B uddha's nibbdna a num ber o f senior m onks like Upali, Maha Kassapa, and Ananda,
w h o could very well have stepped into the B uddhas place.
292 D . N , II, p. 118.
293 CMavagga, p. 411.
294 D .N ., I, p. 150.
295 *t
M w,_a I r r 1 196
II
rn-1
171
r r f
57
58
. .
. . the
- o
w hich the bhikkhu taught dhamma to the giver and then m oved on.
W ith the developm ent o f perm anent residences or viharas a constant
relationship w a s h n ilt up b etw een bhikkhus and so m e sectio n s o f the
people w ho became updsakas and upasikds, supporting the sahgha for
its m inim um needs and accepting the B uddhas basic teachings at
the same tim e.
The transform ation o f the sahgha from an association o f erem itic
al bhikkhus to a settled monastic organization made ddna one o f the
central concepts o f Buddhism , particularly in relation to the lay
supporters o f the religion. Dana was described as the m ost im por
tant means available to the layman o f accumulating m erit.303 The
relationship between ddna and puhha for the layman is stated in the
Cullavagga by the setthi o f Rajagaha, w ho had sixty dwelling places
built in a day: Lord, I had these sixty dwelling-places built be
cause I need merit, because I need heaven (*ete me, bhante, satthi
vihdra punityathikena saggathikena karapita).3iH Further on, the Bud
dha states that am ong all gifts the ddna o f a vihdra is considered the
chief gift to the sahoha (vihdra danane sahehassa aw ane buddhena
vannitang)
T he Mahdvagga observes that the people were over
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59
joyed w hen h rst perm itted to gilt robes to bhikkhus. They ran about
happily saying now we will give ddna, now we will gain p u h h y a d 306
STha the Lichchhavi general once asked the Buddha if the visible re
sults o f ddna could be dem onstrated. The Buddha affirmed that this
could be done and proceeded to enumerate the concrete results of
ddna, w hich include fame, confidence, and rebirth in heaven after
death.307 Similarly the Buddha tells a mahamatta (great official) that
a gift o f food results in m uch merit accruing to the giver and en
sures heaven for h im .308 Suppavasa, the Koliyan updsikd w ho once
gave food to the Buddha, was told that the person w ho gave food
gave life, beauty, happiness and strength but in doing so one also
becam e a receiver o f the same benefits.309 The best path open to the
householder {gihT samici patipada) was to provide the sahgha w ith
essentials. The Buddha tells Anathapindika: Gahapati, possessed o f
four things, the arxyasdvaka enters the householders path o f duty, a
path which brings good repute and leads to the heaven world . . .
the arxyasdvaka waits upon the sahgha w ith the offer o f a robe, almsfood, lodgings, and medicines for use in sickness,310 The ideal
ariyasdvaka was one w ho believed in the dhamma and gave ddna to
Various items arc listed as objects o f ddna They in
the sahgha
clude food, drink, robes, vehicles, wreaths, perfumes, bedding,
dwellings, and lights.312 The giver surpasses the non-giver in five
ways: in lifespan, beauty, happiness, honour, and fame, and the
god Sakka (Indra) him self exhorts the yajamdna to give ddna to the
sa h g h a .M 2 D d n a also ensures rebirth in a higher status, whereas the
effect o f non-giving meant dow nw ard mobility in the next life.314
In a rare early B uddhist use o f the w ord canddla the term is used to
describe a person w ho looks for a gift-w orthy person outside
the sahgha and offers service there.315
. 311
307 A N . , H, pp. 3 0 4 - 5 .
300 A .N .. 11. p. 66.
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sects, m erely because the teachings o f one particular sect were m ore
appealing to a lay follower.
It m ig h t b e o f s o m e sig n ifica n ce to p o in t o u t that th e yanna
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large anim al sacrifice, did not have the support o f the com m on peo
ple, T he dasa-kammakaras w ho w ere required to help in m aking the
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gious experience. Everyone from the king and the gahapati dow n
w ards, including the m ore hum ble sections,325 could m ake a small
gift to the sangha b y feeding a fe w o f the bhikkhus. Ddna th ereb y re
placed dakkhind (daksina) as the m ajor link between the religious
categories on the one hand and the people on the other.
In th e sh ift o f fo cu s a w a y fro m yanna, ddna n ev er ca m e to o c c u p y
the central role o f yahha in the Brahmannical system, how ever.
Yahha had been the core o f the Brahm annical religion, so vital in its
p o te n c y th at a lm o st e v e r y th in g in clu d in g , tjie sea so n s, creation ,
and the w orld itself were founded on the sacrifice. D dnat on the
o th e r hand despite its trem endous significance for the layman, was
323 A.1V., HI, p. 298; B .O .D ., IV, p. 323.
322 M .N ., I, p, 114; A .N ., U, p. 221.
333 Sutta N ipata , Kkuctdaka N ikd ya , Vol. 1, p. 335.
324 S .N ., L, p. y4; A .N ., U, p. 221.
325 T here is an exam ple o f a poor kammakara w ho took an advance on his wages
from his m aster in o rd er to feed som e bhikkhus (Pdcittiya, p. 108). T he typical alms
giver how ever is the gahapati.
62
63
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CHAPTER III
The Gahapati
C han g in g connotation o f the term gahapati
66
55).
6 gahapati ko ndmo\ thapetva rdjanang rdjabhogang, hrahmanang auaseso gahapati ko
ndmo {Pdrafika , p. 319).
7 T he definition o f the gahapati cited above also gives us a definition o f the other
tw o categories: o f the king and his officials, and the brahmanas. According to this de
finition the king is one w ho rules, the kings officials arc those w ho are in the em
ploym ent o f the Ifing, and the brahmanas are those who are horn as brahmanas (rdjandtna yu koci rajjang karati\ rdjabhoggang nama yo koci rahiio bhattauetandhdro', brdhmano
nama jdtiyo brdhmano, Pardjika, p. 319). It is interesting to note that while the domain
o f pow er is represented by people w ho are actually wielding power, the domain o f
religion is represented by peopie w ho are born as brahmanas.
The Gahapati
n
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67
territory w ith dom inion as his ideal; the brahmana wants mantras and
yahha and has brakmaloka as his ideal; and th? gahapati w ants Jkamma
(w ork) and sippa (craft), and has the c o m p le tio n o f w o r k (or the
fruit o f w ork) as his ideal.8
Khattiya, brahmana and gahapati
T his categorization is an extrem ely frequent occurrence in early
Pali literature and is unique to the Buddhists. This them e will be
e x a m in e d in detail elsew here*i h ere w e shall restrict o u. rselv
es to an
. .
68
15 D . N . , II, p. 1 36.
69
The Gahapati
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It is evident from the early Pali texts that the possession o f property
was an essential aspect o f the gahapati. There are specific references
to the m anagem ent and control o f property by the gahapati .1B In the
Potaliya Sutta o f the M ajjhima N ikaya the gahapati Potaliya is de
picted as being offended by the B uddha's reference to him as a gaha
pati since he considered him self to have retired from that position.
Potaliya specifically points to the fact that he had relinquished his
control over property (vohdra samuchhedam) w hen rem arking that
he had handed over to his sons all his wealth and substance, ail his
gold and coins o f silver, and that he no longer issued orders w ith
respect to these th in g s.19 Gahapatis are also frequently show n
travelling in order to transact business connected w ith the manage
m ent and control o f their property.20 In a m ore general sense, the
evidence for the gahapati being associated w ith the possession o f
large assets consisting o f land, orchards, com , cattle, slaves, gold
and silver are too num erous to recount in detail. It is im portant to
note that it was the possession o f these assets that enabled the gaha
pati to becom e the donors o f the sahgha par excellence. The gahapatis* m anagem ent and control o f property is reinforced by the fact
that the largest category o f donors to the sahgha , apart from the
king, w ere gahapatis whose gifts included land in the form o f dramas
and the erection o f uiharas for the use o f bhikkhus.2^
16 D .B ., III, p. 141; D .N ., III, p. 114.
,7 D .N ., III, pp. 110-38.
18 M .N ,, 1ITp. 15; Pacittiya , p. 216; C utlavagga, p. 32.
19 M X .S ., II, p. 26 (idftame bho Gotarm, yati ahosi dhamng va dharwang va mjatang va
jettarupa va sabbang tan puttanattg ttayajung rtiy yittiwg, tuihuyattg attovudi itrmpuvudi
gkaschddan-paratno viharaml, M ,N . t [I, pp. 27-8).
20 S . N , , III, p. 252; Pacittiya , p. 216.
21 Cultavagga, pp. 240, 253; A . N ., I, p. 255.
70
T h e gahapati as ta xp a yer
Since the gahapati was associated w ith property as ow ner and con
troller, he was actually the pivot o f the econom y and therefore the
m ajor tax payer. A part from the im plicit representation ofthe^a/idpati as the base o f the k in g s treasury and the actual locator o f the
treasure in the m ythical account o f King M ahasudassana referred to
earlier, there is also an explicit reference to the gahapati as tax payer
in the D tgha N ika ya , T he gahapati is described as som eone w ho
pays taxes and thus increases the kings w ealth.22
The gahapati as associated with agriculture
The Gahapati
71
Sanskrit Buddhist texts tend to lose the clarity o f the early Pali texts,
particularly in the use of terms to specify economic categories.
M endaka, a p rom inent gahapati in B uddhist literature, is definitely
72
The Gahapati
73
b ra h m a d e y a h o ld e r s o n th e o th e r h a n d , a rc a lw a y s r e fe rre d t o a n d
addressed as brahmanas 39 O ne explanation for this is that brdhmanagahapati is a descriptive term applying to brahmanas based on the
Jand, w h o n o n e t h e l e s s c o n t i n u e d t o be i d e n t i f i e d w ith the l a r g e r
body o f brahmanas w ith priestly rather than econom ic functions.
T he brahmanas w ere one o f the distinct groups that had em erged by
this t i m e a n d p o s s e s s e d a c o h e s i v e n e s s w hich w a s probably diffe
rent from that o f other categories in society. In this context, the
Vinaya definition o f a brdhmana as one w ho is born a brdhmana m ay
b e r e c a l l e d , e v e n t h o u g h t h i s d e f i n i t i o n is c o n t r a r y t o t h e spirit o f
the B uddhist system o f ideas. A further point to notice is that,
w hile brdhmana inhabitants o f the brdhmana-gama o f O pasada are
r a i l e_ d__ hrdhmana-aahanatis
^ 0 0 o t h e r hrdhmanac w h o w e r e v is itm c0 r it
_
r . r v _.
_ T
74
siderably later (about the fifth century a .d .). A prom inent exam ple
is the case o f A nathapindika a w ell-know n supporter o f B uddhism ,
w h o is described as a setthi o f Savatthi in the Jdtakas and the com
mentaries, However, in the entire Sutta and Vinaya Pitakas Anatha
pindika is consistently described as a gahapati and never as a setthi.
In contrast, his brother-in-law , through w hom A nathapindika first
m et the Buddha, is consistently referred to as the setthi o f Rajagaha
and this distinction is systematically maintained right through the
passage in question.42 The confusion in the use o f terms in the
Pali literature has resulted in some serious m isconceptions re
garding a num ber o f prom inent figures associated w ith
early B uddhism . Following the later texts, historians have indiscri
m inately used the term setthi, a m erchant or banker, for m any o f
the gahapatis. The case o f M endaka is particularly striking. As we
have already show n, he and his family are quite clearly based on the
land. H ow ever both M endaka and his son Dhananjaya are referred
to in later Pali sources as setthis,43
**
T h e first point to note is that both the term s setthi and setthigahapati are found m ost frequently in the Vinaya Pitaka . This fact is
o f some significance because the Vinaya Pitaka is considered to have
been com piled a little later than some o f the earliest texts, such as
the Swtta Nipata or the Digha Nikaya, where these terms do not
occur at all. Also, the term setthi, or its Sanskrit equivalent sresthin,
does not appear in the Astddhyayt of Panini whose w ork is generally
regarded as falling between the period 500 to 300 b . c . The absence
m ay be explained by the suggestion that the term s setthi and setthigahapati w ere new and represented an em erging phenom enon o f a
specific region. Broadly, this region is likely to have been north
eastern India and the N B P ware culture sites.
It is significant that setthis and setthi-gahapatis are m ost frequently
located in the big urban centres o f Varanasi and Rajagaha, followed
b y C am pa and Saketa. All references to the tw o term s suggest that
they represented great wealth. For instance, Yasa, one o f the B ud
d h a1s earliest converts, was a setthi-putta and is depicted as having
three palaces for the different seasons: one for the w inter, one for
the sum m er, and one for the rains. T he entire description relating
42 Cutlavagga, pp. 249-50.
43 Dkammapada Atthakatha, tr. by E.W . Burlingam e as Buddhist Legends, Vol. Ill,
The Gahapati
75
i_
jiv a r* .a
lu
^ ____I n . _ _:1:___
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liic
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/ _ _J_____..
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76
H is p e r m i s s i o n t o u s e t h e s e r v i c e s o f J i v a k a f o r t h e t r e a t m e n t o f h i s
so n .49 T he entire Jivaka-V atthu dem onstrates the links betw een the
setthi's w ealth and, through it, w ith pow er. A nother passage in the
C u l l a v a g g a a ls o d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e l in k s b e t w e e n t h e s e tth i a n d t h e
der w hether the setthi involvem ent w ith the arrangem ents was be
cause the king and his retinue were com ing to the feast.50 The
n a r r a t i o n c le a r ! v/ s t iuf lu e s s t h a t t h e s e \tth
i a n d c p ttk i-o
a h as.n a ti n o t o n l vj
*
t">
77
The Gahapati
t o- rteo
li v i n aCJ
X" Jnle
T
55 Ibid.
56 Cullavagga, p, 249.
57 Mahavagga, p. 21.
78
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lr
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n u L^uaiu^t.ij,
The Gahapati
79
his death. T here is the possibility also o f this position being heredit
ary. O n the question o f the setthi o f a particular place, like the Bardnasi setthi , Fiser suggests that it could include in itself a distinct
function or privileged position, and that the term meant the setthi
w orking for the king o f the region.6'5
A lthough based on the adm ittedly later sources o f the Jatakas ,
Fisers conclusions could explain the term setthi as it appears in the
Vinaya literature. W hen it appears w ithout the qualifying gahapati
attached to it, and w hen associated invariably in the context o f a
particular place, the term setthi signifies a very prestigious semi
official position w hich the m ore com m on setthi-gahapati did not
have, although he m ay have been wealthy enough in his ow n
rig h t.64 W e may now return to the specific-category o f the gahqpati.
Gahapati as employer o f labour
T h e im a e e o f the oahanati
as an in d en
i
* en d en t o w n e r o. f th
. e .m ean s o f
63 I. Fiser, T he Problem o f the Setthi in the Buddhist Jatakas\ Archiv Oriental tit.
Vol. X X IV , Praha, 1954, pp. 250-1. "
04 Ibid. 65 Mahavagga, p, 255. 66 D .N ., III, p. 147. 67 Cullavagga, p. 249.
80
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T he Gahapati
81
matte jetthako7* or the head and oldest member o f a house. The con
ception is similar to that o f the karta in Bengal, w ho is the head o f a
76 Cullavagga, p. 255.
82
82 A . N . , II, P. 90.
83 S . N . , III, p. 268.
The Gahapati
83
c1
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84
a lamp burning and four wives to wait upon him with all their
charms . . . H9
T h e g a h a p a ti s as e x te n d e r s o f p o p u la r su p p o rt to B u d d h is m
92 K . S V, p. 347n.
S . N . , IV, p. 329.
The
Gahapati
85
86
The Gahapati
87
rested u p u n their lineage based s o c ia l a itu ccuiioinic u i g a nizations, which were m arked by the absence o f private property in
the land. In contrast, the gahapatis spread out in the kingdom s o f
Kosala a n d M a g a d h a w e r e d i r e c t l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e p o s s e s s i o n
o f private property in land. Let us now consider some o f the facts
th at are available.
sunghas
T he existence o f a large concentration o f khattiyas in the ganas a ttg h a s has also b e e n p o i n t e d out in C h a p t e r II. These areas reveal a
com paratively simple social organization consisting preponderant
ly o f one or m ore khattiya clans and their slaves and w orkm en.
Some artisans arc m e n t i o n e d such as t h e b a r b e r and t h e m ctalsm ith, bu t apart from these there are hardly any references to other
social groups, and even those to brdhmanas are not very num erous.
T he early Pali texts refer to o n l y one b r d h m a n a village located in the
Sakyan territory and also gives us the additional inform ation that
the brdhmana-gahapatis o f this village had their ow n assem bly.104
n M
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The Gahapati
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in society (see C hapter II). It indicates also the inner tension that
existed w ithin the gana-sahghas. W hile there are num erous refer
ences to th e ddsa-kammakaras in th e P a li te x ts, th is is th e o n ly e x a m
ple w e have o f their having resorted to violence against their m as
ters. W e suggest that this attack on the Sakyans is itself an indica
tion o f th e g r o u p c o n s c io u s n e s s o f th e ddsa-kammakaras in re la tio n
to th eir Sakyan m asters. Since the ddsa-kammakaras w orked as a
group o n the land fo r their m asters as a group , they took collective
a c tio n a g a in st th e ir j o in t m a sters T h e group c o n s c io u s n e s s it s e lf
w as possible n o t only because the ddsa-kammakaras shared the same
m aterial interests b u t because it was possible to translate this into a
w e feelin e- in a situ a tio n in w h ic h th e v and th eir m asters b o th r e n resented collective units in relation to each other. This exam ple o f
in n er tension w ithin the gana-sangha also provides the clue to the
Arthasdstra*s injunction that, in order to create dissension w ithin a
republic, the king w h o wishes to destroy them should foster inJ
m Pardjika, p. 22.
R a d h a k r i s h n a C h o w d h a r y , ' O w n e r s h i p o f L a n d in A n c i e n t I n d i a , J . B , R . S . f
90
d ig n a tio n
its
in h ab itan ts
by
h ig h lig h tin g
e c o n o m ic
The Gahapati
91
Vesali w ith f r i e n d s a n d a c q u a i n t a n c e s ,1 s u g g e s t s t h a t
B uddhists had no drama w ith perm anent structures o f their o w n in
Vesali, Similarly, at least on o n e occasion, even am ong his ow n Saa ro u n d
k y a n s , t h e B u d d h a h a d n o w h e r e to s ta y in K a p i l a v a t t h u , a l t h o u g h
n o t a l l o w e d t o m a r r y s in c e t h a t w o u l d m a k e h e r t h e p r o p e r t y o f
gahapati never occurs in the Buddhist texts and also to the fact that
the khattiyas w ere specially associated w ith the gana-sahghas. These
f a c t s a n d t h e n e a r a b s e n c e o f t h e gahapati fr o m t h e gana-sanghas 122
119 D . N . , II, p. 79.
120 A .N ., I, p. 258.
121 W .W . Rockhiil, The Life of the Buddha, p. 64.
122 T w o ga h a p a tis a re m e n t i o n e d i n t h e V a jjia n t e r r i t o r y a n d o n e in t h e B h a g g a
territo ry . The presence o f these three may indicate the beginnings o f a process o f the
breakdow n o f the social organization o f the gana-sahghas which was bound to hap
pen sooner or later, surrounded as they were by the monarchies where a different so
cial organization had come into existence. It may also be pointed out that the Vajjian
confederacy was a larger and less hom ogenous gana-sahgha than the Sakyans were.
T h e Bhaggas on the other hand appear to have already become an appendage o f the
kingdom o f Vatsa since the prince Bodhiraja Kumara had a palace in Sumsumaragiri.
92
The Gahapati
93
C H A P T E R IV
95
R h y s D a v id s, D , R ,
I, p . 1 02.
2 T h e pukkusds are one o f the five low groups frequently m entioned in the
B u d d h ist texts. T h ey w ere associated w ith sw eeping flowers. Actually Sunita is
described as a pupphachaddaka in the Theragdthd (Khuddaka N ikdya, Vol.II, p. 330).
3
1, p. 102.
4 D .B ., I, p. 104. See also Swffa Nipata, Khuddaka N ikd ya ,
Vol. I, pp. 3 0 4 -7 .
5 D .B ., I, p. 107.
6 H. O ldenberg, The Buddha, p. 154. He how ever points o u t that even this
p o sitio n w as n o t unique to the B uddha, and long before his tim e there w ere religious
o rd ers w h o received m em bers from all castes.
7 Ibid., p. 155.
96
9 Ibid., p. 153.
The Social Organisation of North-East India in Buddhas Tim e , p. 3 3 5 .
156.
13 Ibid.
97
98
s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n d e p i c t e d i n t h e e a r l y P a li c a n o n . I t is i m p o r t a n t
out the texts w ith o u t any clearly defined pattern being im m ediately
annarent.
g division o f b r d h m a n a .s k h a ttivJ a .r oessa.r and s u d 1 I
' the e x i s t i n W
da, is associated m ost often w ith situations in which the Buddha
converses w ith a brdhmana.20 Occasionally the four-fold division
also occurs in discussions w ith kings.21 It is frequently m entioned
w hile m aking the point that all divisions o f people into these social
groups are irrelevant in relation to their potential for salvation. It is
never m entioned in discussions w ith the laity. The second scheme
o f classification is never used by the brahmanas, nor by the Buddha
w hile conversing w ith brahmanas. It is used frequently in the con
tex t o f w ealth, learning, and eminence, in situations w here B uddh
ist m onks or the laity w ere present.22
B uddhist references to the four-fold division o f society are not a
replica o f the Brahm anical system o f differentiation. The Buddhists
invariably place khattiyas first in the serial order o f social groups
being enum erated w ith brahmanas following next.23 This contrasts
w ith the brdhmana's enum eration o f the four-fold scheme in the
same texts.24 The Brahmanical stand on the question o f the super
iority o f brahmanas as a social group over all others, including khat
tiyas, w as em phatically denied by B uddhists.25 T hroughout the
B uddhist texts a special tension is noticeable between the khattiyas
19 O r som etim es the khaltiyct. brakrtiana, gahapati and stimtinn, as indicated in
C h ap ter III
2QD .N ., 1, pp. 80, 204; M .N ., 11, pp. 404-13.
21 M . N . , II, pp. 310-11; M .N ., I, p. 375.
77 A . N . , II, p . 89, lW.N., I, p. 122, M . N . , II, p. 7 0 , C h / W , ^ , . 255.
23 D .N ., 111, p. 64; D .N ., 1, pp. 80, 204; M .N ., II, pp. 311-12, 370.
24 M .N ., II, p. 440.
25 D .N ., I, p. 86; D . N ., III, p. 64; D .N ., II, pp. 442-H; M .N ., II pp. 310-16.
99
100
n f A
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is evident, therefore, that the idea o f the sudda as one whose specific
function was to serve the brahmana, khattiya , and vessa,55 finds no
l le l 111 B u d d h i s t t e x t s .
Term s o f categorization
A n i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e o f t h e P a li t e x t s is the use o f a v a r i e t y o f t e r m s
to categorize people in society. Three term s are used frequently
vanna , jd ti, and kula. I n addition, a fourth categorization also
a p p e a r s w h i c h d o e s n o t e x p l i c i t l y r e f e r t o v a n n a , jdti, o r k u la , but
w hich is left unspecified, A com prehensive classification o f the use
o f these term s (see A ppendix A) leads to certain conclusions; first,
t h a t t h e four
f o l d s c h e m e o f k h a t t i y a , b r a h m a n a , v e s sa , a n d s u d d a
appears m ost often under the Brahm anical vanna and jd ti system s o f
classification. O n the other hand, the Buddhist scheme o f khattiya ,
b r d h m a n a , a n d g a h a p a ti, is never c la s s if ie d as e i t h e r v a n n a o r as jd ti. It
is used frequently in the context o f kula. Alternatively, it is left u n
specified. T he second conclusion that emerges is the existence o f
t h e n o t i o n o f h i g h and. l o w w i t h i n a ll t h e s y s t e m s o f c la s s i f i c a t i o n . I t
is pertinent that the Buddhists did not have a com plex linear system
o f ranking. Instead, they had a simple tw o-tier system o f stratifica
tion. T h e l i n e a r order o f c a s te s o f t h e B r a h m a n i c a l t e x t s , w h e r e the
four vannas are ranked one below the other, were reduced to tw o
strata by the Buddhists in one passage o f the M ajjhima N ikdya
w h e r e K i n g P a s e n a d i a s k s t h e B u d d h a w h e t h e r t h e r e c o u ld b e a n y
101
A basic opposition betw een high and low appears in the context o f
(rraftV
ere are hWh iatis
j idti.' kula r_ kamma fworkV
\
J r and sinna
i
\
/ f thus
~ th------and lo w jatis; high kutas and low kulas; high kamma and low kamma;
and high sippas and low sippas. The conception o f high and low is
quite explicit in the classifications o f jd ti and kula
A long passage
in the Vinaya texts represents jdti, ndma , gotta, kamma, and sippa as
being o f tw o kinds: ukkatta (high) and h im (low). While ndma and
ootta refer to individuals, idti. kamma. and sitwa refer to orouns. We
shall confine ourselves to the groups being categorized as high and
low . Thus ukkatta jd ti is defined as khattiya and brdhmana , while htna
jd ti is defined as candaia, venat nesada, ratthakarat a n d p u k k u s a .^ The
latter categories are conventionally translated as low casteman,
b am b o o w o rk er o r basket maker, hunter, cartw right, and flow er
sw ecner
or scavenger,
bvj Buddhist scholars. T he same division is
j^
repeated exactly in the same form further on in the Vinaya Pitaka.39
In the Anguttara N ika ya We get an unusual scheme o f jatis: the
khattiya, brdhmana, vessa, sudda, and the catiddla-pukkusd, bu t they
arc n o t classified as high or lo w .40 An im portant point to note in the
above m entioned classifications o f jd ti is the absence o f the vessa and
sudda from the list o f categories w hich is difficult to account for.
O ldenberg has draw n our attention to the fact that the text gives
..
, 3 7
I A
A
.
102
T he division o f kamma (work) and sippa (craft) into low and high in
the Pdcittiya passage o f the Vinaya Pitaka already cited throw s som e
light on the B uddhist view o f stratification. Low kamma is defined
as kotthaka kammam (w ork o f a storeroom keeper), and pupphachaddaka kammam (w ork o f a flow er sweeper), o r w hat is disdained,
disregarded, scorned, treated w ith contem pt and despised in these
d istricts'.46 H igh w o rk is defined as kast (agriculture), vdnijja
(trade), and gorakkhd (cattle keeping), or w hat is no t disdained
. . . n o t despised' in the area,47 It is evident from this passage that
the B uddhists were reflecting an existing conception o f high and
lo w prevalent in the region w here B uddhism was located. Similar
ly, in the case o f the sippas too the division into high and low sippas
is related to w hat was disdained and despised in the region and w hat
was not. T hus, w e have the nalakdra sippam (craft o f the basket41 H. O ldenberg, O n the H istory o f the Indian Caste System ', Indian Antiquary r
V o l. X U X . n
103
104
(-Jt
m a^ trTrxiMa
yt viv<
ranked as high. Similarly one can also draw a correlation betw een
low kulas, low kamma , and low sippa:
High;
Kula
khattiya, brdhmana,
gahapati
Kamma
hast, vdnijja, gorakkhd
Sippa
muddd, ganand, lekhd,
rdjapomena, issathena
Low:
canddla, pukkusa,
pupphachaddaka, kotthaka
na la k d ra , ttahdpiia,
katttma
kumbhakdra, pesakdra,
cammakdra
nesdda, vena,
rathakdra
60 Ibid.
S u tta N ip a ta , K h u d d a k a N ik d y a , V n l. I7 p 3 3 4
105
61 D . N . , III, p. 63.
106
nom ic groups are in any w ay linked w ith the vessas. Similarly while
there are no suddas there are innum erable references to dasas and
kam inakuras w h o arc a ssociated n o t w ith serv ice o f the h ig h er aannas
b u t w ith providing labour for their masters w ho are alm ost invari
ably gahapatis.
T h e a b sen ce o f certain categ o ries w h ic h arc em p irica lly id en tifi
able extends into the low status groups too. It is not ju st the suddas
w ho are missing but the hinajatis or meet kulas o f the Buddhist texts
arc a lso n o t d iscern ib le in real situ ation s. E x c ep t for the lo n e exam
ple o f M atanga, w ho was referred to as eanddlaputto sopdko,69 nesd6 V iiistka Dharmasutra , S.B .E,, Vol. XIV, p. 11; Baudhdyana Dharmasutra,
Vol. XIV, p. 199; Gautama Dharmasutra, S .B .E ., Vol. II, pp. 232-3.
68 Mahdvagga, pp. 56, 255; Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka Nikaya, Vol. I, p. 270.
L9 Sutta Nipdta, Khuddaka Nikdya, Vol. 1, p. 289. It m ay be pointed out that
Ttjf =i.________
ivutdu^d
a : ^_i
m y iiu u ti
_i_____ i.________________
in viiv avvvrujj-i
____ A *
w t t v i t mw i t i c i v u w u c c m s , <mu m t
107
108
tix
tiiv n
p u i^ n u d i
iu i
i * : __ 1 1 ______ . ______1
a d iv a u v ii
<ui d iv .
i __
d iiu
u__
u il^
W' 11 r *r
T 7 7* -t -\tA --------T C y IT fn * ' H
I *
109
, IV ,
?.1f)
85 A N . , IT, p 4 8 ?
no
-m
^3
v-_
I b i d . , p p . 8 4 6.
I b id .
111
'r "
'
. . .
112
113
lies that are high: a rich khattiya family or a family o f rich brahmanas,
o r a fam ily o f rich gahapatis, in such a family as is well to do, o f
great possessions, o f great resources, w ith abundant gold and sil
ver, abundant means, abundant wealth in grains. M oreover, he
w ould be lovely, good to look upon, charm ing, endow ed w ith the
greatest beauty o f com plexion; he w ould be able to get food, drink,
clothes, vehicles, garlands, scents and perfum es, bed, dw elling and
lights.104 The only possibility o f escape from this system o f strati
fication envisaged by the Buddhists is the idea that by leading a vir
tuous and generous life in this existence one can ensure rebirth w ith
an im proved social status in the next . 1Ui> Alternatively, joining the
sahgha and renouncing the social w orld itself was necessary in order
to escape from the system o f stratification. Bougie has argued that
by adopting the vow s o f mendicancy and chastity bhikkhus sim ul
taneously turned aw ay from the w ork o f production (or econom ic
effort) and reproduction (family life).106 We have already dem ons
trated the existence o f stratification in Buddhism , both in the con
tex t o f m arriage and occupation. In the social w orld everyone had
necessarily to be involved both w ith production and w ith repro
duction and therefore could not evade becom ing part o f the system
o f stratification. O nly the bhikkhu could possibly escape from the
system , for both the nature o f occupation and endogam ous m ar
riage no longer had any relevance for h im .107
W e have earlier pointed out that B uddhist society does no t dis
play a com plex system o f ranking. The elaborate design o f the
B rahm anical system is missing. Instead, w e have a simpler tw o-tier
system o f stratification w ith a conception o f high and low w orking
separately in the context o fja ti, kula, kamma and sippa. The idea that
all these strands can be w oven into a com prehensive system w ith
birth, race, occupation and service being accommodated in it clearly
does no t exist in the B uddhist texts. This was probably because at
the tim e of the early Pali canon caste was in an em bryonic state. It
was still in the process o f being form ulated and did not yet have all
the features that it was to exhibit later.
Evidence o f stratification from Ceylon
107 [bid.
114
L
I I u . d -0
v Jtd L / rtJttt g
u i a i
tu w
v a jv v
j l ^ i h
u w w u t "
A
i
n nM
An
A^
the top and b o tto m strata o f the Indian caste system are m issing in
Sri Lanka. O f the four Brahm anical social castes the Sinhalese lack
th e brahmana and kh a ttiya s
The fact that th ey d o n o t exist as s o
cial groups in Sri Lanka is o f som e im portance to our analysis. We
have earlier pointed out (see C hapter II) that in the m onarchical
k in g d o m s m e n tio n e d in B u d d h ist te x ts , the khattiyas w e r e res
115
W ith the elim ination o f tw o o f the three high groups o f the early
B u d d h ist texts, only the gahapati has survived in the form o f the
g o y ig d m a or rice a g r ic u ltu r ist in Sri Lanka. T h e y are th e h ig h e s t
WM
OC 1n fla O
IJ-i
AA l i i U M
m n ri'i
UVl^OV
A^UV(N4111Jlii
n /\ fc-vi o -fr-1!
( i LC
l 1I
116
c e r t a---i--n--
tasks for the cultivator, and this was how caste was generally
understood. Illustrating w hat they could not easily define they said:
T h e p e o p l e o f X a r e d m m m e r s . T h e y a r e lik e s e r v a n t s . W h e n c a l
led they m ust com e for dancing, festivals and processions. The far
m ers give them food and also cash for their hard w o rk . H ocart
concludes that w hat was upperm ost in the minds o f all his w i t n e s
ses was the idea o f service.117 Ryan reiterates this point: 'D irect per
sonal services to the goyigdm a are preserved in the K andyan pro
vinces. narticularlv w here e c o n o m i c o o w e r . usuallv in the f o r m o f
rentable land, is in the hands o f the highest caste or the goyigdma.
C aste status m ust be approxim ately congruent w ith the type o f ser
vice required. 118 T he goyigdm a is ranked high in Sinhalese society
and is superior to the low castes because he is an independent
o w n er-p ro d u ccr w ho may or not w ork on his ow n land, b u t w ho
c o m m a n d s service from o th e r s . H is similahtv
of"
v w i t h the ooakanati
I
the B uddhist texts is striking.
O th e r notable features o f the Sinhalese caste system relevant to
o u r analysis include the absence o f sub-castes and the idea that new
castes arise from a breach o f endogam ous practices. T he Brahm anic
theory regarding the fissiparous origins o f a m ultiplicity o f caste
divisions has no significance
in Sri Lanka in leeend
or in fact.119 We
w
i
'
have earlier indicated that Buddhist texts do not reveal the concep
tion o f the varnasamkara origins o f various castes. T he use o f terms
to indicate social groups in Sri Lanka also corresponds to our con
clusions o f early Buddhist society. The ordinary term for caste is
jd ti, w hich is associated w ith birth, and carries the connotation o f a
specie or a category. T he m ore scholarly term vattya is never
u s e d .J2 The term kula m ay also signify caste. For instance, the
'
117
m v* th o f caste origins
is called kula bedimak and refers back to the
r
m ythological ancestor Maha Sammata w ho, needing variuus kinds
o f services done for him , first divided people into castes.121
In the context o f family and m arriage also the Sinhalese evidence
is valuable. Ryan rem arks that concepts o f family and m arriage
provide the m ost substantial bulw arks for the preservation o f caste
structure. T he solidarity o f kin as a unit o f action and loyalty, the
concepts o f family honour and reputation, the injunctions and cus
to m o f m arriage all lead to the m aintenance o f caste integrity and to
som e extent o f caste hierarchy. He holds that an indispensable and
fundam ental characteristic o f caste in Ceylon is its restriction upon
m arriage. T he m arriage system o f the Sinhalese prevents marriage
outside caste, and, together w ith concepts o f family honour, is part
o f the very substance o f caste, where family integrity is inevitably
defined in term s o f caste and birth status.122
It is evident from an analysis o f the B uddhist texts and the em pir
ical evidence o f Sri Lanka, that Buddhists had certain central princi
ples for the social organization o f a Buddhist society. Ryan has
observed that these principles were not merely the acceptance o f a
social system by a religious m ovem ent but, rather, an ideological
integration w ith it, since through the principle o f kamma it accepted
an ideological justification for the existence o f social hierarchy.
H ow ever, B uddhism was not a driving force in building and
elaborating social hierarchy as a sacred institution. It rationalized
rather than prom oted caste.123 T he existence o f social hierarchy
w as far from being inconsistent w ith the ideology o f Buddhism ,
and concepts evident in the early Pali canon probably provided the
concrete blueprint for the developm ent o f the social organization o f
Sri Lanka,
T h e exam ple o f C eylon has been cited to dem onstrate the rela
tionship betw een the idea o f social stratification reflected in early
B uddhist literature and a concrete expression o f these ideas in social
reality. Except for the penetration o f caste distinctions into the
sahgha itself, w hich certainly violated a fundam ental tenet o f
B uddhism (see C hapter VI also), there was a significant converg131 Ibid., p. 89.
o f the M ajjhima N ikdya w hich state that w rong actions will result in re-birth in fam
ilies w hich are poor and o f lo w social status (M .N ., III, pp. 240, 283; S .N ., I, pp.
9 2 -6 ).
118
119
AL AJAA^1 i-\
^ ^
M
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l l rtv^vu^dV
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>-7
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l i y
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the B rahm anical position wherein the role o f the econom y is clearly
subservient to the role o f ritual and pow er.
T h e a r g u m e n ts co n ta in e d in th e p reced in g se ctio n s b rin gs us to a
crucial aspect o f the evidence exam ined by us; the m arked absence
o f the gahapati from the Brahm anical vanna and jd ti schemes both in
th e B ra h m a n ica l so u r c e s as w e ll as in the references to th e vanna and
th e econom ic dom ain, and m ore specifically were the ow ners and
controllers o f the p rim ary means o f production in the form o f land,
th e ir in c lu sio n in th e B u d d h ist sc h e m e is o f particular im p o rta n ce.
T h e gahapatis w ere not a caste or a group whose status was based on
b irth. In fact the gahapati cut across other social groups since the
te x ts u se th e w o r d hrdhmana-gahapati for hrdhmanas w h o w e r e based
120
121
CHAPTER V
v n
i i i b
i i
IA A J -V *
V V ^
( p U
j v
V V * V t J k ^
A-
* V
% J
t J il
1 V
A V / l
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T V j
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i n
XXX
i i t
I i I a Ii
FT 11XWJIX
A
p r f T i n
m X
mXIL W
a c
WVX VUA XX X..X
h/
K ' i uVab
M. I U
123
be draw n from the texts themselves). This has meant the non
inclusion o f several nam es for w hich the com m entaries have pro
vided in fo r m a tio n , b u t fur w h o m sp ecific in fo r m a tio n is la ck in g in
the texts themselves. O u r analysis also leaves out certain group re
ferences, specially w here these pertain to large round num bers o f
en tra n ts in tu the sartgfja fur w h o m oth er in fo r m a tio n is e x tr e m e ly
124
-----------------------
--
............................
--------------------------------------
'
'
'
X-3 t -/J /4
^
^ari /-h
it*- 4 ^ f' m rt ^ / I r t h p J*l i / i f
Luv
uv>v^Aia j^is^ai^xi^ u u t i k u u u i v i v a i m a t
-- j-i /J
iiiv j j u i i i v u
th e sangha; seven were students o f the famous sage Bavari and the
eighth w as Bavari himself. T hey have been classified separately,
jAiic-v i i i v y
n mv /'la^*'ltT
rl iufb iiiw bt A'/n
m.
j w
i i u ivi
m ilnnf
a j r n f \ ^ rn. t-f fir jc* r\ i^ fl*iA
vuv l*,1 *t /h yf
MVW V VAW
1*
l-ti f h
cm iWJ.
f cW
iVn
t a
#4V V
T
r p l m i n tw
i*c u r ^f A
ilc
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^
A n iii
U V AAJ V
V I
b-JAV
4 Wc have placed the settkis am ong the ucca kulas, rather than am ong the gahapatis,
in o rd er to distinguish the different roles that the tw o categories played.
125
"
"
--
(J"
-C
?
"
sm a ll g a h a p a ti c o m p o n e n t c o n s is tin g m e r e ly o f o n e
A p art fro m form ing the largest group w ithin the sahgha, brdhmanas
also figure significantly am ong the inner circle o f disciples sur
ro u n d in g the B uddha w h o m he relied upon for the propagation o f
the doctrine. T he nam es o f Sariputta and M oggallana in particular
stand o u t in this context. B oth w ere already parihbdjakas w hen they
m e t the B uddha in the early stages o f his career as a teacher.6 T h ey
had been follow ers o f the titthiya leader Sanjaya and duly inform ed
5 W e have classified the courtesan am ong the ucca fetddi since there is nothing in
the B u d d h ist texts to show that the courtesan had low status, r u r sim ilar reasons w e
have classified T alaputa the nata gdmant as low because o f the grave disapproval
sh o w n b y the B uddha against T alaputa *s profession.
6 Maiiavagga^ pp. 38-41.
126
18
7 Ibid.
* Ibid., B .Q .D ., IV, p. 55.
9 D.JV., H, p. 6.
10 Sutta Nipata, Khuddaka N ikdya , Vol. I, p. 358.
11 S .N ., II, pp. 4 5 0 -5 .
12 Maltavagga, p. 86;
IV, p. 103.
13 M .N . r II. d. 100: A f.L.S., II. p. 91.
14 S .N .. I. p. 61: iC.S.. I. p. 87.
15 Cullavagga, p. 301.
16 M .N ., I, p.. 20; M .N ., HI, p. 347.
17 S .N ., II, p. 198; A N ., I, p. 71; A N ., II, p. 174.
18 Cullavagga, p. 285.
127
forest dw eller22 and the B uddha was unable to persuade M aha Kas
sapa to rem ain near him . This may be one reason w hy he is referred
to less frequently than Sariputta and M o g g a lla n a w h ile the Buddha
was alive, although he too features in a collection o f suttas based on
h im .23 M aha Kassapa appears to have been a paribbajaka earlier,
a c c o r d in g to the adverse rem arks o f a critical bhikkhunL24 H e s to o d
consistently for discipline and in the Mahdgosinga Sutta declared the
need for stricter observances,25 M aha Kassapa rose to great p ro m
inence after the death o f the Buddha, and his initiative resulted in
the convening o f the First Council, over which he presided. H e
foresaw the possibility o f the break-up o f the sangha and the indi
vidual anarchy o f bhikkhus in the absence o f the B uddha.26 Kassap as trem endous presence o f m ind, organizational skill, and qual
ities o f leadership played a significant role in strengthening the sahpha and J.preventingk*" it from slidinek/ into obscuritvJ in the crucial davs
W
J
after the B uddha's death. A ccording to the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta ,
th e B u d d h as b o d y refused to burn till M aha Kassapa could com e
and pay hom age to it.27 Later, M aha Kassapas regard for discipline
carried the day at the Council o f Rajagaha, w hen the question o f
d ro p p in g the lesser and m inor rules o f the Pdtimokkha was
d eb ated .28 T he Vinava and the Sutta Pitaka w ere com piled at the
^
j.
19 A . N . , III, p. 312.
20 Cullavagga, p. 300.
21 T h e erem etical stage o f early B uddhism probably died out ultim ately but, in
th e lifetim e o f the B uddha, a few m onks at least continued to live according to it.
S .N ., II, p. 132; K .S ., II, p. 109,
22 In the Majjhimct N ikdya he recom m ends forest dw elling for the m onks ( M .N ,,
I, p. 265; M .L .S , i, p. 266).
23 S .N ., II, pp. 165-88;
24 Ibid., p. 183.
25 M .N ., I, p. 265; A f.L .S., I, p. 266.
26 Cullavagga, p. 406.
27 D .N ., II, p. 125.
2S Cullavagga, p. 410.'
128
Perhaps the best know n figure apart from the B uddha him self in
B uddhist legend is Ananda, w ho was a close kinsm an o f the M as
ter. H e had joined the sahgha along w ith five other kinsm en o f the
B uddha: Bhaddiya, Bhagu, Kimbila, A nuruddha and Devadatta.
O f all these kinsm en, the closest associate o f the Buddha was Anan
da, for w h o m the Buddha had the greatest affection. Ananda consi
dered him self to be the B uddhas spiritual heir.30 T h ro u g h o u t the
later years o f the B uddhas life Ananda was his personal assistant,
and was constantly in his com pany like a faithful shadow . This
accounts for A nandas m ajor role in compiling the teachings o f the
B uddha in the form o f the Sutta P ita ka .^ Every sutta in the first four
nikayas begins w ith the statem ent evam me sutam' (thus 1 have
heard).
T he m ost striking feature o f A nandas personality was his very
hum an quality, a characteristic that makes him such an endearing
figure. It was probably his deep attachm ent to the Buddha that
accounted for the fact that he did not become an arahant in the life
tim e o f the B uddha.32 W hen he realized that the Buddha was about
to die he stood at the door, weeping inconsolably.33 Earlier, he is
spoken o f as becom ing sympathetically sick along w ith the
B u d d h a.34 In his concern fur the Buuulias health he cuulu not be
bothered w ith rules. Ananda was also a great cham pion o f good
causes.35 It was entirely due to his intervention that w om en were
allow ed entry inLo the sangha. Even in this acLiuu Ananda was
m oved to com passion by the sight o f M ahapajapatl G otam l, the
B ud d h as foster m other, w ho stood outside at the entrance hall,
w ith sw ollen feet and covered w ith dust, sad and sorrowful*.36 She
had arrived after travelling a long distance, disregarding the heat
and cold in order to seek permission to enter the sahgha. When
Ananda failed to persuade the Buddha initially, he did n o t g iv e up
b u t tried again, using different tactics this time. Finally the doors o f
2<> Cullavagga, pp. 4089.
3(1 M .N . , II, p. 378.
31 Cullavagga, p. 409.
32 D .N ., I f p . 110; D .B ., II, p. 158.
33 D .N ., II, p. 110; D .B ., II. p. 158.
34 D .N ., II, p: 79; D .B ., II, p. 107.
33 Cullavaj&a, p. 374.
36 Vinaya Texts, tr. by T, W. Rhys Davids and Hermann Oldenberg, Vo!. HI.
p. 321.
129
the sahgha w ere throw n open to wom en, 37 Subsequently his cham
pioning o f the cause o f w om en was one o f the charges against him
at the First C ouncil held at Rajagaha. In all hum ility Ananda replied
that he saw no w rong in duing so, but nevertheless if the Council
held him guilty he w ould accept its censure.38
A nandas generally helpful nature seems to have encouraged his
c o lle a g u e s to c o n su lt h im a b o u t their various p ro b lem s. l i e w a s
WJ
_^1___
O L 1 1 C 1 p u t IU U U J U K .U S
U N t
l_l_.
Jd U U 4 1 \c l,
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l i t
w u i i
u v t i
iV J
t i i t
c : - : _____ u l .
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j
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th e m .42 A nanda was extolled by the Buddha for his erudition, good
behaviour, endurance in w alking,43 resoluteness and personal
attention. He was called a dhamtna hhandagarika or the treasurer o f
dhamm a.44 So pervasive is A nandas presence in the Buddhist texts
that it is im possible to im agine them w ithout him.
A nother kinsm an o f the Buddha who appears to have a prom in
ent position am ong the founders close associates is A nuruddha, H e
is described in the texts as being delicately nurtured and having
three storeyed residences, one for the cold season, one for the h o t
season, and one for the rains.45 A nuruddha was reluctant initially
to go forth into the houseless state because o f his delicate upbring
ing, b u t w hen he discovered that it was even m ore hazardous to
lead a household life, he renounced the w orld in the com pany o f his
kinsm en.46
A nuruddha features in the Angitttara N ika ya s list o f em inent dis
ciples as being the m ost clairvoyant o f the Buddhas disciples,47
A nuruddha was present along w ith Ananda when the mahdparinibhana o f the Buddha took place. Immediately thereafter and up to
37 Cullauagga, p. 374,
38 Cullavagga, p. 411.
p, 255.
40 M .N ,, II, pp. 212-13.
41 D .P .P .N ., Vol. I, p. 254.
42 M .N ., III, p. 350; S ,N IV, pp. 151, 152.
43 A . N . , I, p. 25.
44 D .P .P .N ., Vol. I, p. 262.
45 Vinaya Texts, tr. by T ,W . Rhys Davids and H erm ann O ldenberg, Vol. Ill,
p. 224,
46 Cullavavoa. n. 281. 47 A I \ J 1_ n .23.
t-fm -j
- a
'
130
-v
r t
i A i v . , ii, p.
A r tA
v t
if p.
A A
ioi.
131
vinaya by t h e R u H d h a h i m s e l f a n d w a s k n o w n a s
vinayadhdrdnam .54 In the Ahguttara N ikaya ys enum eration o f em inent
ta u g h t
th e
132
mi n i m u m s n 1r m
L n r t rh p bhikkhus w o u l d h a v e b e e n u n a b l e t o Lm i r s u e
'
133
134
W hile m any prom inent brdhmanas are described as becom ing updsakas o f the Buddha, they are rarely depicted as being continuously
i m p o r t a n t i n t h e e a r l y P a li texts. S o n a d a n d a , P u k k a i a s a d i o r K uUdanta do n o t appear to have contributed any further support to the
sahgha other than having fed the Buddha and his band o f bhikkhus
w hen t h e y d e c l a r e d t h e m s e l v e s h is wpasafeus. A lthough t h e y w e r e
them selves frequently land-based, they never gifted any land to the
sahgha . N o r is there any reference to them in the context o f the con- r
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ever made.
T h e gahapatis, on the other hand, feature as continuing su p p o rt'
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m ost im portant com ponent o f the laity and their acceptance o f the
B ud d h as teachings is given considerable im portance. The narra*
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136
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M endaka, w ho possessed psychic pow ers,99 Sandhana,100 N akulam ata and N ak u lap itar.101 N akulam ata and N akulapitar arc said to
K ' H ?*/*' T 'i r
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him because they had been his parents in m any previous b irth s.192
T h ey are depicted as an ideal couple and appear in the Ahguttara
N ik a y a s lis t o f e m in e n t d iscip le s, as the m o s t in tim a te d iscip les o f
the B u d d h a.103 A m ong the Buddha's best know n updsikds is
V isakha M igarm ata, w ho also belonged to the gahapati category.
S h e is liste d as an id ea l lay w o m a n , as w e ll as c h ie f a m o n g th o se
137
P rom inent lay followers o f the Buddha included the ruling kings o f
M agadha and Kosala, w here the Buddha spent a great deal o f time.
B oth the kings o f M agadha w ho were contem poraries o f the Bud
dha, Bim bisara and Ajatasattu, are described as becom ing his
updsakas.110 The sketch o f the Buddhas early career in the Mahdvagga
describes the first m eeting betw een the Buddha and Bim bisara, his
subsequent acceptance o f the B uddhas teachings, and the gifting o f
the Veluvana, w hich was the first property given to the sahgha.111
T h e significance that the Buddha attached to the patronage o f B im
bisara is evident from num erous references in the early Pali canon.
T he pdtim okkha, or custom o f the fortnightly assembly o f m onks,
w as introduced at the suggestion o f B im bisara,112 Similarly, the ex
trem ely severe rule that m onks bathe only once a fortnight fol
low ed an occasion w hen Bimbisara had to w ait for his bath while
bhikkhus indulged in som e m errim ent w hen bathing in the riv er.113
iUtJ Mahdvagga, pp. 306-10; B .O .D ., IV, p. 416.
t07 Pdrajika , pp. 278-9.
1011 A .N ., III, pp. 352, 364, 366.
109 A . N . , III, p. 149. T h s gahapatis include Bhallika, Anathapindika, Citta, U gga,
N akulanita. T avakannika. V irehavo. Viiavamahita. Mendaka. tJooa o f Vesali. 1si
datta, and Purano.
110 Mahdvagga , p. 37; D .N ., I, p. 74
111 Mahdvagga , pp. 35-8.
112 Mahdvagga, p. 105.
m Pdcittiya , pp. 159-60.
ji
>
138
1,6 D . N . , H, p p . 7 8 - 9 .
:___ u ,
r a u o^.c
1 i \ a j a g a i ia< cuau^v
h im self as Jivakas father, we have listed him as khattiya. Jivaka also regards him self
as a m em ber o f a kings family w hen he says, It is hard to make a living in these
k in g s families, and goes o ff to train as a physician (Mahavagga, p. 287).
126 Mahavagga , p . 76,
u / Mahavagga, p, 297.
139
129 A . N ,, I, p. 26.
13<) Mahdvagga, pp, 248-53,
131 Mahdvagga, pp. 260-1.
133 Ibid., p. 262.
133 Ibid.
134 A .N ., I, p. 26.
!3S Cuitavagga, p. 239.
13f> Ibid., p. 240,
140
%f
K hattiya, brahm ana, and gahapati: key figures in the Buddhist texts
In presenting details concerning the social com position o f the
B uddhist sahgha and the laity, an enum eration o f figures alone
cannot convey the flavour o f the texts, which throw considerable
light on the prom inence attributed to various social groups. We
shall take up som e o f these features before concluding this chapter
and analyse the facts that have already been enum erated.
If one looks- at the structure o f the texts as a w hole, the narration
o f the meetings between the Buddha and the jatiia Uruvela Kassapa,
K ing Bim bisara, and the gahapati Anathapindika are given special
im portance. All three appear in Khandhaka portion o f the Vinaya
Pitaka from w hich it is possible to piece together a sketch o f the
B uddhas career as a teacher. It is likely that the acceptance o f
B uddhist teachings by these key figures (along w ith certain other
sim ilar situations interspersed in the texts) were specially significant
for their dem onstration effect on the people, and explains the
prom inence given to them in the narrative.140
Bim bisara and Anathapindika appear frequently in the early Pali
canon and w e have already discussed them in the preceding sections
o f this chapter. U ruvela Kassapa, on the other hand, appears only
in the context o f his first m eeting w ith the Buddha, and his gradual
137
D . N . } II, pp. 76-8; Makavaga , p. 246. We have placed Ambapali am ong the
/'-if dirViSnr rt
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* J
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l l l * l g |
111
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V -C 4 1 # J
W -1 J.
L J
1 I1 U L
I V
TV
status for a courtesan. We have also classified her as a supporter because our sources
do n o t indicate that she joined the sangha.
138 D .N ., II, pp. 9 8 -9 .
139 D .N ., II, pp. 105-6.
140 Ibid.
141
142
w here the conversion took place*148 Uruvela Kassapa does not fea
ture anyw here else in the texts, except in the list o f em inent
disciples. He is described as chief o f those who had a large
follow ing,144 but we do not know w hat influence he had on the sahgka. It is possible, however, to deduce the im portance of the jatilas
as a group w ithin the sahgha from the Buddhas ruling that the
probationary period o f four months mandatory for all other parib
bdjakas w ho wished to join the sangha could be waived only in the
case ofjafilas.150
Wealthy supporters o f Buddhism
15H
t i
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143
144
.if
n* fruv
t7q_qi
h at r /
172 rkia
^ *
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n QA
145
.ft.
146
147
ist m ovem ent w orked in the opposite direction too* H ow ever hon
est their acceptance o f the B uddhas teachings, the brdhmanas carried
along w ith them m any ideas and beliefs from their earlier environ
m ent. We have an example o f this in the case o f the brdhmana
brothers Yam elu and Tekula, w ho requested the Buddha to allow
the use o f Sanskrit in teaching the dhamma.192 While the Buddha
was alive his charisma and unquestioned leadership o f the sangha re
sisted such m oves, but later on the brdhmana com ponent probably
influenced the developm ent o f B uddhism in a variety o f ways.
T h e khattiyas form ed the second largest unit w ithin the sahgha
and this feature also requires some explanation. Scholars like
O ld en b erg 193 and W eber194 have seen Buddhism as a khattiya reac
tio n to the increased social dominance o f brdhmanas and their claim
to pre-em inence. We have already pointed to the special tension be
tw een these tw o groups. H ow ever, the status o f the khattiyas as
w ieiders o f political pow er should have placed them in a position o f
opposition to the ascetic tradition and the w orld-renouncing ideal.
N evertheless, khattiyas adopted Buddhism in significant num bers.
It is possible to argue that, since the Buddha was a khattiya he
w o u ld naturally have draw n into the new m ovem ent other m em
bers o f his ow n social group. While this is very likely, a m ore im
p o rtan t reason is the nature o f the society in which B uddhism
arose.
It is significant that the bulk o f khattiya representation came from
tilc gana-sahghas. T h e y a cco u n ted fur 22 o u t u f a total o f 2 8 khattiyas
in the sahgha. In discussing the religious propensities o f various sta
tus groups, W eber has argued that concepts like salvation are re
m ote fr o m all ru lin g strata and that th e ii relig io u s p ro p en sities
w o u ld norm ally be low , except at times when they were faced w ith
a crisis o f declining political p o w er.195 According to Weber, 'T he
d e v e lo p m e n t o f a str o n g salvation r e lig io n b y so cia lly p r iv ile g e d
groups norm ally has the best chance when demilitarization has set
in for these groups and w hen they have lost . . . the possibility o f
political activity. . , . C onsequently, salvatiun religions usually em erge
when the ruling strata , . .have lost their political pow er.196 This
w as exactly the situation in the gana-sahghas in the sixth century
192 CuUavagga, pp. 2 2 8 -9 ,
193 H . O ldenberg, The Buddha: His Life, His Doctrine, His Order, p. 156,
194 M ax W eber, Religion o f India, pp. 226-7.
195 M ax W e b e r , E c o n o m y <xnd S o c ie ty , Vol. I, p. 472.
148
B.c. D u rin g the lifetim e o f the Buddha the gam-sahghas w ere steadi
ly b e in g cru sh ed b y th e g r o w in g m o n arch ical k in g d o m s o f K o sala
and M a g a d h a . T h e Sakyas had lo s t their sta te to K osala, and e v e n
th e p o w e r fu l V ajjian C o n fed er a cy w as facin g th e o n sla u g h t o f
A jatasattu . T h e p ro u d and in d ep en d en t Sakyas and L ich ch h a v is, so
c o n s c io u s o f th eir khattiya status, w e r e b ein g ren d ered irrelevan t in
th e ii r o les as w ield era u f p o litica l p o w e r . T h e y w itn e sse d w ith
h e ig h te n e d c o n sc io u sn e ss the fact that all th in g s are tran sitory and
su b jec t to ch a n g e, w h ic h w a s ex a ctly w h a t th e B u d d h a ta u g h t. N o
w u n d e r , then, that they resp o n d ed tu th e call o f th e B u d d h a.
K o s a m b i h as also rem arked u p o n th e co lla p se o f the gana-sahghas ,
w h ic h c o u ld n o lo n g e r co n ta in its ablest m em b ers, and th e effects
th is h a d u p o n the in d iv id u a ls w ith in U ,197 A few s o u g h t o u tle ts in
p o litic a l careers in th e n e ig h b o u r in g m o n arch ical k in g d o m s , w h ile
o th e r s tu rn ed to m o n k h o o d .198
B e fo r e th is chapter is co n c lu d e d it is n ecessa ry to a ccou n t for the
a b sen ce o f gahapatis in th e ranks o f bhikkhus. T h is is u n u su al, g iv e n
th e fact th a t th e gahapati w a s a vital c o m p o n e n t o f the la ity and an
. : __ : ______ j. _ r -D i j i _ : ___
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U1UH13IL
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p o s itio n o f th e sahgha to reflect so c ie ty o u tsid e the sahgha, as w a s
la r g e ly th e case as far as th e rep resen tation o f o th er social g ro u p s
__________TM__
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fea tu re is e v e n m o r e n o tic ea b le i f w e con sid er that m a n y setthi-puttas
j o in e d th e sahgha.
It is p o ssib le to argu e that certain categ o ries d id n o t ex p erien ce
th e sp ecia l T e n s io n requ ired to ren o u n ce th e w o r ld , and that this
te n s io n w a s n o t ea sily g en erated a m o n g certain g ro u p s, su ch as the
la n d -b a se d . It is also p o ssib le that th e e c o n o m ic and so cia l sy s te m in
w h ic h th e gahapati w a s lo c a te d d id n o t create th e c o n d itio n s fo r re
n u n c ia tio n . W e m u st re m e m b er that th e p eriod w a s o n e in w h ic h a
p r im a r ily agrarian e c o n o m y had e m er g ed and that this e c o n o m y
s u p p o r te d a risin g urban p o p u la tio n . W e h a v e already esta b lish ed
th at th e gahapati w a s th e p iv o t o f this e c o n o m y and th e p rim a ry tax
p a y er. T h e w ith d r a w a l o f su ch a ca teg o r y fr o m th e so cia l w o r ld
w o u ld h a v e h a d a crucial, n eg a tiv e im p a ct o n th e e c o n o m ic and s o
cia l s y s t e m . T h e t w o areas w h ic h th e bhikkhu r ig o r o u s ly a b )<w D .D . Kosam bi, A ncient Kosala and M agadha, Journal o f Bombay Branch o f the
Royal Asiatic Society , Vol. X X V II, 1952, p. 183.
198 T h e Malla Bandhula and his nephew Karayana joined King Pasenadfs service
(J 3 .P .P .M ., I, p , 1079, U, p. 266).
149
gahapati o n
sangha, he tended to re
gahapati b ecam e the m o st im p o rta n t
sahgha,
C H A P T E R VI
Ly
151
state in which the state simply becomes an instrum ent o f dhamma, which now
assum es the form o f a cosm ic force capable not only o f containing the challenge o f
the pow er o f the state but also o f regulating its behaviour. In this sense the state be
com es an ethical institution draw ing its authority from the dhamma and guided by
its repository the sahgha. The m ajor themes w e have taken up for consideration are
sim ilar to G okhale's m odel, but we have seen the ideas as existing at the same tim e
a c r i n g a n d r e a c t i n g u p o n e a c h o t h e r in a d ia le c tic a l m a n n e r
152
the Vedic doe^ma o f the divine creation o f the social o rd er.9 Tn the
Agganna Sutta social divisions are related to the functional distinc
tions am ong m en and arise as a m atter o f convenience. Some peo
ple teach, others perform econom ic functions, and still others live
by hunting and fishing.10 This feature o f the Agganna Sutta has im
p o rtan t im plications for the Buddhist notion o f kingship. In the
B rahm anical conception the maintenance o f the social order based
on vanna divisions was one o f the m ost im portant duties o f the
king. In contrast, it was the maintenance o f the social order based
on p ro p erty w ith w hich the king was m ost often associated in
B uddhism .
Seven symbols o f sovereignty
153
' *
* * |
- - |
j - - i i
I >- -
ft * I V
L fttfc rijw p
wrw
^ \ | i h
*froj3.lt"
J .L J V i k
ft h)
t-A ha
L U
O il
attrib u te o f kingship and the king is invariably accompanied by the cdturangini sena
even w hen he visits the pleasure garden (uyydna hhitmi). D .N ., II, p. 136.
2T O tto B ohtH ngkand R u d o lf Roth, Sanskrit Worterbuch, p. 906.
154
dominions, and winning the various quarters o f the world for the
king.22 The wheel is also described as beginning to slip dow n from
its position at the approach o f the king's death.23 We suggest that
this symbolizes the weakening control of the dying king over his
dom inion and the fact that each succeeding king had to establish
control over his dominion for himself. The possession of the wheel
by the new king cannot be taken for granted since it was clearly not
a paternal heritage (petakam ddyajjang),2* but had to be won by each
succeeding king. The fact that control over dominion was intrinsic
to kingship appears m ore directly in the Pali canon. The state is
sometimes referred to as vijita,25 or subjugated territory, and one o f
the term s expressing sovereignty is issariya, 26 which signifies
variously rulership, mastership, supremacy, and dominion,
according to the Pali dictionary.27
The hatthiratana and assaratana, as described in the Mahdsudassana
Sutta , are related to the cakkaratana in that they represent the means
o f physical control over dominion. Both are described as sabheseto
(all white), idhima (wonderful in power) and vehahgasdmo (able to
fly through the air).28 The kings ability to make both o f them sub
m it to his control is considered an auspicious sign. Since they are
well-trained, both submit to the kings control and carry him over
his entire dom inion and bring him back to his capital.29 The
elephant and cavalry corps were very im portant organs o f the tradi
tional caturangini send in Pali literature, and the possession o f large
num bers o f elephants and horses, led by the hatthiratana and the
assaratana, along with a large number o f chariots, led by a chariot
called vejayanta (flag o f victory), are listed among the treasured pos
sessions o f king Maha Sudassana,30 They presented themselves ev
ery m orning before the king in order to be o f service to him .31
A part from indicating that the army was one o f the elements o f
22 J. Gonda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point o f View, p. I26n. See
also A Wiiesekhara {Wheel Symbolism in Chakravartin Concept in A.S. Altekar et
al. (eds), S .K , Belvalkar Felicitation Volume, p. 267), who argues that the evidence o f
the Pali texts should symbolize in its original state the militaristic power o f a con
quering hero w hich Buddhism borrow ed from the pre-Buddhist Vedic culture. He
suggests that it is based on the legend o f the all-conquering hero Indra, who was the
wielder and turner o f the wheel o f power.
23 D .N ,, 111, pp. 50-1. 24 Ibid., p. 47. 25 M .N ., II, p. 398, 26 M .N I, p. 355.
Z7 T .W . Rhys Davids and W. Stede, Pali Dictionary, p. 123.
28 D .N ., II, p. 138. 29 Ibid., pp. 133-4, 30 Ibid., p. 143. 31 Ibid.
155
_i_r^ .liiu
i__
.. l~ _ J f . _
j . . . j \ _. . i . : . 1.
d.nuj laisvui aiou.
gem...uu cup ui
d urtujjurtg pLiinudiu;
wiiieii tiiabled him to m arch into the darkness w ith the help o f its light.
Sim ilarly, all the inhabitants o f the villages around set about their
w o rk thinking that the day had begun.34 The association o f the
priceless gem w ith the arm ed forces o f the king m arching out, as
w ell as w ith the inhabitants o f the countryside going to w ork, rep
resents tw o sides o f the same coin. The priceless gem was sym bolic
o f the financial basis o f kingship in the form o f a full treasury. The
full treasury supported the arm y, while the hard w o rk o f the in
habitants o f the dom inion contributed in turn to the maintenance o f
a full treasury. G okhale has also pointed out that a full treasury and
the arm y arc tw o im p o rtan t constituents o f kingship. He writes:
*nri
i ____ __________________________
__
Illk- pV^W^l Ul LIA^ i_:_
KJil
Vdltglk/lW dllU imtdtlgl"
bles. A m ong the m aterial possessions tw o arc com m only
m entioned one is a full treasury (pari-puntiakosa kotthakaro)35 and
32 Ibid., p. 134.
33 J. G onda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point o f View, p. 38.
34 D .N , II, p. 134.
35 D .N ., I, p. 115,
156
157
quently the base o f the system o f taxation (w ithout whose effort the
king could not locate the treasure in the narration), but th e gahapati
also represents here the people who inhabit the territory or dom in
ion o f the king
T he last o f the seven treasures is the parinayaka ratana 42 The
w o rd parinayaka has been explained in the Pali Dictionary as a lead
er, a guide, an adviser. In the Mahdsudassana Sutta Rhys Davids
translates parinayaka as adviser. The later w ork Lalita Vistara
(approxim ately first century a , d . ) describes him as a general,43 and
this m ight be closer to his m ore specific function as a leader of the
k in g s forces. T he Mahdsudassana Sutta narration itself suggests such
an interpretation since the parinayaka is associated with being the
chief o f 84,000 khattiyas of the king.44 The king communicated his
orders on the daily elephant and cavalry parade through the
p a rin a y a k a .4^ The queen sum m oned the parinayaka when she
w ished the four-fold army to accompany her to visit the king.46
T he parinayaka was the agent through w hom the king ruled. He
was m eant to be wise and learned, know ing w hat should be done
and w hat should be left undone, and lie actually executed both civil
and m ilitary pow er on behalf o f the king.47 There is also some evi
dence o f the eldest son and heir apparent perform ing the functions
o f the com m ander o f the forces, and o f being trained as a general
during the lifetime o f his father. Thus, Vidudabha is described as
the sendpaE o f Kosala in the M ajjhim a N i k d y a . 48 The parinayaka
could therefore have been the heir apparent o f the king and sym bol
ized at the same tim e the kings military strength. This is supported
by a sculptural representation o f the cakkavatti at jaggayapcta,
w here th e parinayaka is represented as a boy.
These seven precious gems, the possession o f which enhanced
the k in g s prestige, represent the constituent elements o f kingship
and can be reduced to three basic ideas: (1) dominion or territory
represented by the wheel or the cakkaratana ; (2) the means o f con
trol over dom inion represented by the hatthiratana, the assaratana,
and th e parinayaka', and (3) the basis o f control over dom inion, rep
resented by the itthiratana, gahapati ratana , and maniratana. Reduced
to this form, the Buddhist notion o f the constituent elements o f
42 D ,N U, p. 135.
43 D .B ., II, p. 2f#in.
44 D .N ., p. 143.
45 Ibid.
4fl Ibid., p. 144.
47 I bid. , p. 1 35 .
M . N . , II, p. 3 5 7 .
158
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
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_
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_
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_
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_
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_
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_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
_
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V illiU lld lt
fJlt
...................._
_
_
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jSWt \JftllU
KJL
IV p t*
by the seven precious gems thus seems to share certain basic ele
m ents w ith Vedic political ideas on the one hand, and w ith those o f
K au tily a o n the other.
j j v j
v/ x
u i a v
t u o
m .
( u u i
v /i
v -a c x v j j v
u r
pow er by contem porary kings; and the other reflecting the ideal or
normative exercise o f pow er by the k in g . We shall classify them as
the actual k in g and the n o rm a tiv e k in g and ex a m in e the t w o ideas
separately.
Despotic kingship at the time o f the Buddha
159
161
-S.N., I, p. 69.
70 D .N ., I, p. 52.
71 A .N H, p, 409.
72 For exam ple, the decline o f the role o f the sabhas and satnitis as the area governed
by the king increased.
161
162
v vv i
ss n
v A p u i t a u v i aviL y
anu
ui
jvmg,*?.
vv ^
W / a
lin tT A
hayw
L-atij.\i
Ti i v i i uv/iiJi
vT1/\1 "kVi
f> +U
^
i>ijiv
Tira/i
rv v u iuLui i
n la
v/ l n ^
vA
V^J-V*
iAr v v u i i i m
^ / 'W U '^ i V
n
r
VX
C 1 i cVrt/kJ'VA
\ r
k/ -fj.-"
nrt/'l
HA4
mUi n i c l i^^<1
t'
r\lF
V Jl
V j- A
-V I XW V AU ^
Unfr
fc/" k-XV
l i i m e A i r exo
XXXXXXl/ V-i 4
robber and speaking up for h im .75 Similarly, kings and robbers are
kl p. r / v r n A r c i t i n n Ki
^r-u- u
LTXV V*
* + V*
kX
k-#
w i V V VkT
i v v V f V xx w u
m. v
-w
,
* AT v
ui*fc*
x&
bhikkh u s,16
K
^ uf
i
n* q
n p rn tn l
- i nr l
arK ifr^n^
?
r^np
-----
T~ h u
c
m
i /ic
"v""
*irpv
r- trx p y t irp
I r\r
* h a t t-Vi r I t i n cro nf-M
- " irt p
''*
S .N .,
A N .,
S .N .,
S .N .,
I, p. 75.
74 A . N . , II, pp. 311, 424; S .N ., I, pp. 30, 89.
II, pp. 385, 497,
76 D .N ., I, p, 150; D .N ,, III, p. 29.
ill , pp. 301-3.
78 M .N ., II, p. 378; A f.L.S., II, p. 312.
1, pp. 99-100.
163
164
c a l l e d l^ayasi
II, p.
o f K o s a l a is
HH Ibid, pp. 1 3 2 - 5 .
165
A fter the cakkavatti had brought the entire universe under his
um brella he m ust proceed to ensure that his people live in com para
tive com fort, in a w orld w here destitution has been wiped out. The
dham m iko dhammaraja thus provides for the basic needs o f the peo
ple, before a stable social order can be established, and this stable
social order appears to be a precondition for the establishm ent o f a
m oral ord er in the w o rld .95 T he dhammiko dhammaraja m ust not
m erely be concerned w ith upholding the property and family rights
o f people in society but go beyond these m inim um obligations and
also ensure that everyone's basic needs arc met. The ideal king
M aha Sudassana, for instance, establishes a perpetual grant (evarupang danang p a tth a p eyya n g jf 5 to provide food for the hungry,
drink for the thirsty, gold for the poor, m oney for those in w ant, as
w ell as w ives for those w ho required thcm . Jf>
T he breakdow n o f the m oral order, and the problem o f offences
against the family and property w hich the king was expected to
punish, w ere inter-related. Instead o f only punishing offenders,
w hich w ould m erely ensure the stability o f the social order but no t
m ake for m oral order, the norm ative king first had to provide the
p o o r and deprived w ith the essentials o f existence. T heft and viola
tio n o f p ro p erty w ould disappear only w hen all have been given the
m eans o f subsistence. In the Cakkavattisihandda Sutta a variety o f
offences, such as stealing, violence, m urder, lying, evil-spcaking
and adultery are described as the outcom e o f the poverty o f the des93 In this context the statement o f the Samyutta Nikdya which speaks o f the futility
o f w ar as a m eans o f settling anything is relevant (S .N ., I, p. 83).
04 D .N ., III, p. 30.
95 D .N ., II. p. 137.
96 D .B ., II, p. 211.
166
titute w hich the king had not succeeded in elim inating.97 O n the
other hand, the king in the K utadanta Sutta is told by his wise advis
er that his country, w hich was being harassed by dacoits required a
com prehensive approach to deal w ith the problem o f disorder.
M ere punishm ent o f offences w ith fines or m ore serious penalties
like death w ould not w ork because this w ould be ju st a piecemeal
approach to the problem o f disorder. The only m ethod o f ending
disorder is to provide food and seed-corn to those w ho keep cattle
and farm s, capital to those in trade, and wages and food to those in
the k in g s service.9H In the w ords o f Rhys Davids, Then those men
follow ing each his ow n business will no longer harass the realm ,99
W hen the king follow ed these instructions disorder disappeared,
the people were quiet and at peace and could dwell with open doors.
T h e elim ination o f destitution was the highest function o f the
norm ative king. For instance, in the CakkavattisThandda S u tta a
successor o f the cakkavatti D alhanem i w ho was a raja and khattiyo
m uddhavassitto (an anointed king), docs not how ever possess the
ca kka ra ta n a , the first precious possession o f a universal ruler, for as
w e have seen the cakkaratana was not a paternal heritage100 but had
to be gained by each cakkavatti through righteous governm ent.
Such governm ent required the eradication o f destitution, and the
m ere protection o f his subjects by the king is not enough. The C a k kavattisthandda S u tta makes this point very clearly.
T h e n b r e th r e n , th e k in g , th e a n o in te d k h a ttiya , h a v in g m a d e all th e
m i n i s t e r s a n d .ill t h e r e s t s it d o w n t n p
r rh -er. a^ k ed- t h e m i h m i t t h e a r iv/ .in
d u ty o f th e s o v e re ig n w a r - lo r d . A n d th e y d e c la re d it u n to h im . A n d
w h e n h e h a d h e a rd th e m , h e d id p ro v id e th e d u e w a tc h a n d w a rd a n d
p r o te c tio n [rakkh a va ra n a g u tin g sa m vid d h i), but on the destitute he bestow ed
n o w e a lth [italics m in e ] (tic cha k h o addhanang d h a n a m a n u p p a d a si).m
This led to the breakdow n o f the social and moral order that we
h a v e o u tlin e d a b o v e . P r o te c tio n o f the pen pie is, n e v e r th e le s s , th e
167
antithesis o f the actual kings depicted in the early Pali canon, where
he is frequently lum ped w ith robbers and expropriators o f the
V Y V - c ir X i.il
i i ^ .
i i v
i f l n
j i i
v i x -
' - j.
i u
t u
i w
n r r n
t y
i ^
a i j i i A
v i
a w u u w j .
t r
.-V*, u
j. l a
popular base, dear to his people like a father to his sons. They look
at him as he drives past them and request him to drive slowly, so
fV K
-if
A A U V
4-V./
, !
^ 1 J. V ^
.V -ir
-i
U l i .
rtT T
fi
l i V
Jp g U
IJ . /\
1 1 i'ta
t'
W fv #-
i t *V
1-I<ti-v
t i l J- J J . t
TA l tiAf V
' i f fV '
I r u j r -* i- l*
* "V
tV nV
fli
L a stly , th e dhammiko dhammaraja p a tro n izes samanas and brdhmanas w h o are w o r th y , p r o v id in g th em w ith all the th in g s n ecessa ry
to p u rsu e th eir g o a ls .107 T h e p o sitio n attained b y the rig h teo u s u n i
v ersa l ruler is it s e lf a rew ard for g iv in g , s e lf co n q u est, and s e lf c o n trol_ s o t h a t r h e s t. a. .t u s is a s s o c i a t e. d
w i t h an a l r e a d v/ m o. r. a. l hein tr
.
07
'
168
iis~
.- 4 ^ M
1 4
^ 4
r t M
4 4 1 n
v i viiL p i i i i L i p i v
/J L
.-4 U / l *.!.* ^
4 a t o v ls v v j v v v v u a j
v l u im rn rn u m a y
JP-I 1 j
4 V 4 r tX
<1
if>
:cc
ll
v m
iij
u ia m L V Jia L iv iiJ
m vci
n u tv a -
O n the basis o f the Vedic texts, Sharma argues that the vis or the
people o f the tribe chose the king in the Rg Vedic period.111 H e also
suggests that in the period o f the Brdhm anas the m o n a rch ies o f
Vedic tim es appear to have undergone a change: whereas Vedic
m onarchies w ere lim ited, w ith the king being only primus inter
pares, the m onarchies o f the Brdhm ana period had b e c o m e
au to cratic .112 Similarly, D rekm eier holds that, because o f the exist
ence o f tribal councils and popular assemblies in the Vedic period,
pow ci was dispersed am ong the m em bers o f a c o m m u n ity to an
extent that was rare in Indian h isto ry .113 Following the breakdow n
o f the king-people bond, the need for a replacem ent resulted in the
developm ent o f the king brdhmana relationship in the Brahmanical
trad itio n a rd kingship came to be conceived as a m arriage betw een
110 U .N . Ghoshat, History o f Indian Political Ideas, p. 69.
111 J.P . Sharm a, Republics in Ancient India, p. 27.
112 Ibid., p. 62.
^ ^ C . D r s k n i ^ i ^ f j K in g s h ip ciyi Cowt t tt tf tt i fy
p . 284-,
169
U iiifltflU
<U1U
K rlUlfUy
- J . * ______ }
ct i U l d l i L l J l i a i l i p
111
w illt^ ll
JCJUUU
t-u u iu
ij
__
lU Jt
: _
5 U L V 1 VL
115
r i
l i \j vv ^ v t i ,
e i i
titL-
ciai^ uiavivii
aiiu
r , ;
~ C
ui
i u wai
technique turned the cerem ony into the exclusive dom ain o f ritual
specialists, and the people were gradually excluded from the ritual.
T h e king-pcoplc relationship then gave way to a king -brahmana re
lationship. Wc w ould how ever argue that the exclusion o f the peo
ple from the ritual was itself a result o f the gradual erosion o f the
I V
11
j-\ i t r i t t ai i U
VV J l l g
frrtn^
V 1 1 C
eJ Wr \ c4 iU ^4 1)
V I
n n Wl i *_A
rvt-Vir>
~ r ------- t
n n f'ch w 'in
r \ f o AA tA A A iy- B u t - ix /l i r s
------ -----
' ^ ........ *t i
Ir^rrl
i c i- ti r 1 v r t i n n
rjwr
raja, the roller o f the wheel, the dhamma man the dhammarajaV The
B uddha replied: It is dham ma . . . : H erein bhikkhu, the raja, the cak
kavatti the dhammiko dhammaraja , relics ju st on dhamma , honours
dham m a , reveres dhamma, esteems dhamma: w ith dhamma as his stan
dard, w ith dhamma as his mandate, he sets a dhamma watch for folk
w ithin his realm_,llf' The Buddhist form ulation o f the cakkavatti
dhamm iko dhammaraja also implied that pow er could be used not
only negatively to punish, tame, and control society, but also m ore
positively to create a new society and new social order. The new
social order w ould in turn provide the basis for a new m oral order.
T h e king and the sahgha
170
171
T h e s e p a r a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e t e m p o r a l and. t h e s p i r i t u a l s p h e r e s is
w here the social w orld itself is ruled by the righteous king, the
separation b e tw e e n the tw o w o r ld s co n tin u es and ca n n o t be blur
red. T h e Buddha him self established the norm s for the righteous
king in one o f his previous births and consciously took the decision
to b e a cakkavatti in m anv/ o th e r s .127 In his current h isto ric e x iste n c e
h e ju s t as c o n s c io u s ly a d o p ted th e a ltern ative m o d e l or" the w o r ld
r e n o u n c e r for h im se lf.
jr '
#T -1
r *
\ r T
r i r
' k
<
172
t o p l a y i n t h e p r o p a g a t i o n o f t h e n ib b d n ir g o a ls o f B u d d h i s m . T h e
173
W VAAUAll t W H V
I 1 J.LA#
A-r u
VTfff^TVIF
w j '
km
AW
Aupp
N .,
II, p p . 6 0 - 2 .
174
the First C ouncil is called to codify the rules and teachings o f the
sahgha. T h e bhikkhus decide to hold the Council at Rajagaha because
o f the abundance o f dw elling places available there. T hey spent the
first m o n th o f the rainy season repairing the dw ellings and subse
quently proceeded w ith the task o f the first council. In the M ahavamsa account, how ever, the rcigm ng king is introduced as playing
a definite role. A fter the dw ellings had been repaired the bhikkhus
announce their intention of.holding a council to the king, A jatasattu. T o his question, w hat should be done? they answ ered that a
place should be provided for the meetings. After the king had a hall
built he retired saying: M y w ork is fin ish e d /136 In the Samanta
Pasadika a fifth-century com m entary on the Vinaya w ritten by
B uddhaghosha, also from Sri Lanka, Ajatasattu retires saying,
Y ours is the authority o f the spirit (dhammacakka ) as m ine is o f
p o w e r (andcakka)
E ven though the king in both the later narra
tions concedes the separation betw een the asocial and the social
w o rld , and then retires fro m the scene, the very fact that he is in
form ed and his patronage specifically sought, suggests that the later
chroniclers from Sri Lanka could not conceive o f any im portant
event in the sahgha taking place w ithout the involvem ent o f the
king.
T h e account o f the second Council is even m ore striking. T he
Cullavagga makes no m ention o f Kalasoka during w hose reign the
Council was supposed to have been held. In contrast, the Mahavamsa
m akes K ing Kalasoka play a very significant role w ith the rival fac
tions appealing to him for h elp .i3H Finally, the king w ent to the
M ahavana, assem bled the bhikkhus , and w hen he had heard w hat
w as said by both sides, decided for him self w hich was the true fa ith
[italics m ine]. T hen he retired saying to the rightly believing bhik
khus. D o w h at ye think well to further the doctrine. H e also
prom ised to be their protector before returning to the capital.139
. 137
ijr.
Mti/idUiwisa, tr, by W. Geiger, p, 1.6.
137 B uddhaghosha, Samanta Pasadika, ed. by Birbal Sharm a, Vol. I , p. 11.
138 T he Mahavamsa, pp_ 223. In the Cullavagga the factions deal w ith the differ
ences th at has arisen betw een the tw o m ajor groups entirely by them selves
(pp. 4 1 6 -30).
139 Mahavamsa, p. 23.
175
M Lav |u**vnM
v u ii3
iiLk v u4 c p rt
a It"c i i
* i i i i j j i v j j uf 1i>vj-\ wv*rt
.-*II
rti1
rti4*.
an***vJ-S.uI1an ^
v 1u1 n fn4*4i v
j"* I n vrt /I
vlh^
was the rise o f num erous sects within Buddhism which resulted in
the k in g s increasing role as the ultim ate judge of which sect repre
s e n t e d t h e t r u e f a ith a m o n g the v a r i o u s c o n t e n d i n g f a c tio n s . T h i s
fact m ore than any other gave the king a lever to use in the internal
affairs o f the sangha, as f r o m time to time he took upon him self the
r tf
Lao i\ v/i
^+^
-%,Tu1 VI
m A jf 1m*rt g/V *1 fl iUi va
fyn-vsr tL*
*+ a
^ +v
jwi
fr-w
nu
r t l l * n r^
>
er /vv H^/v,nui
^i-i
i /'r wyvr ll^
. A*
r. /vi 'ui rj
iteA ^f oc tli*^u
-ilil
*-i
early Pali literature the sahgha quietly and w ithout much fuss split i f
there were irreconciliablc differences, in later Buddhism the king
takes it u p o n h i m s e l f t o u p h o l d th e t r u e f a ith a n d p u n i s h h e re tic s*
This probably occurred for the first time under Asoka who states in
the Allahabad pillar- inscription that he had expelled the schismatics
from t h e s a n g h a . 140 The p r a c t ic e w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y followed f r o m
tim e to tim e by Buddhist kings of south and south-east Asia. A
striking example o f the penetration o f temporal pow er into the satig h a s s p i r i t u a l a r e n a , r e s u l t i n g in a n e r o s i o n of the b a s ic p r i n c i p le s o f
the sahgha, is cited by G om brich.141 A bhikkhu's explanation for the
penetration o f caste principles into the sangha held the king rec n o n d Klr> f n r t-li
4
AV
X V
*-
V f 1 V
n r i r ' h / r 142 J |
J ~ *-
V J. U *
** t V
U -
V'
fhr> KTitirnnr-if'fir n f n
t i l '* '
j- ' 1 4W
* ^
4-
j'c c p n ti o 1
f b r-
V tn r lr lk f ic
r V i l n n-*
th n t
n r n r i n c
w m m
**&*------------- ----------------------------
(cd.),
K atikavat Sankara,
143 O n e o f the three major organizations o f bhikkhus in Ceylon (R. Gombrich, Prccept and Practice, p. 309).
It m u st be p oin ted ou t that the op tio n oi disagreeing w ith the king w as alw a ys
o p e n i f the Mukfdius s o desired. Rahula cites cases w h e re the k in g s authority over
ecclesiastical matters w as subject to that o f the sangha. T h e king had no p o w e r to
force th e hands o f the .wuvhci aeainst their w ish es. O n one occasion the m o n k s
---- r>
176
i1
1
1j i
n
U WhiU
-t*--*-*- jf
i-i1
^>1
^ln
i>
/\f
i-LAV l**-k SylL
/T
i tFrt i v
n/t d
11J J.<
C
^
ii
rill
m
J
c
*
_
V
-I-l 1_- U 1II1J
/V
it 1
\
V T iy ,
(I U1LI1
urnc
UL
j
Conclusion:
Early Buddhism in a Historical
Perspective
In this w o r k w e h a v e a ttem p ted to place early B u d d h ism again st
the background o f the socio-econom ic and political changes occur
ring in India in the sixth century b . c . We have argued that B uddh
is m o rig in a ted and w a s nurtured in a p erio d characterized b y an
ethos.
T he transition from the pastoralism o f an earlier era to a surplus
u
- J 4 - 1 ^ 4 V4 n .
L lV Jiig ,
.-v
u j-k A
c i g j. e m a i l
JS 4--N jw.
V L U iiu u i
-* -r
pT
g ^ u v i .c u v u
1k r t
liiv
/J
i i - T
u * L /a~
o f the gana-sahghas was organized around the clans and the labour
perform ed by the ddsa-kammakaras. The social and econom ic sys
te m o f th e gana-sanghas w a s co m p a ra tiv ely sim p le, in con trast to an
econom y based on the individual h o ld in g o f land and organized
"
<KVL
va . ^
V 4 AV ^
f tU*
u *.
n r t b \ s l + iw
r tt i
^ Ti
1 C 1 V
c i n^ r4f l t f i
W
k# u
cant social category was a special feature o f this period and was as
im p o rtan t as the collapse o f the gana-sahghas. The tw o develop
m e n ts m u st be seen to g e th e r as th e y are interrelated and c o n stitu te
178
__ _
_
TU
Jjjj-..VJ_uy/O
yv v-* V*
U y frUA L-I
rung,*
i n v j * MM
i vAjflvAiM
u I.- A
u. j u a i j,-
! . . __LJ
1_ JtdlVr
.I
___ L._1.l i n i n g
Hi
W IJ.lVi.il
179
Conclusion
high social status but also the acceptance o f his continuing parti' cipation in the econom y w ithout w hich the sangha itself could not
afford
Thf*^*naU/in/i~
------------to_ rrmrsnp
^
T it< nihhanir
_ _T _ 0o-oal
---- --throno-h
CJ_ , rpmitiriation
------ - ---------- ~r rr
t i s support from outside the sahgha was therefore vital and it is in
this context th at the B uddhas discourse to the young gahapati SigaSioalovdda
l d h' e se
O
Sutta s h ou-- en
T he SigdlovddaSutta2 w hich has been called the laym ans social
vinaya, is o f considerable significance in depicting the responsive
1a in t h e
III,
p . 176.
4 A . N , f II, p p . 3 3 8 - 4 0 ; G .S ., III, p p . 6 2 - 4 .
5 A . N . , II, p . 339.
180
181
Conclusion
011
m ore
rational principles than the Brahm anical system , and the creation o f
this ideal society w as the responsibility o f the king in his new role
as a cakkavatti and dhumtntko dhammaraja. T he existing political sy s
tem based on absolute kingship as reflected in B uddhist literature
had to be tran sfo rm ed into one in w hich kingship w o u ld be an in.i___________ _
_1
_ j ________________________^ _
sL im iiu ii u i a u u d i an u
j/cu in cai c u a u g c .
t i
____________________________
x lie n e w
p u n u e d i sy ^ itiii
th at tim e.
A P P E N D IX A
V a*rn a
Reference
C o ntext
(1) D . N , I, p.-80.
(2) D .N ./Ill,
pp. 63, 64, 72,
74.
(3) M .N ., II,
pp. 375 ff
re p lie s
M . N . ,
II, p. 3 7 7 .
(6) M .N ., II,
pp. 405-6.
A ppendix
(7) M .N ., II,
pp. 311-15.
183
(9) A N . , IV , p. 270.
(10) Cullavagga,
p. 356.
(if) A N ., n, p. 117.
II. Jati
(1) Pacittiya, pp. 11,
22.
(2) A N ., 1. p. 14y.
184
p. 314.
(7) D.N., I,
pp 86-7.
(8) P d c ittiya ,
p.
421,
/O'!
979
\/t \t
it
is re fe rre d to as itara
pp. 329-30.
Jotipala.
King Bimbisara, on seeing the Buddha
approaching from a distance, is convinced
from the Buddhas noble bearing that he could
not be oflow birth, and could only be of the
khattiya jdti. In his reply to the king's question,
the Buddha says that he is o f the Sakya jd ti , his
gotta affiliation Adicca, and that he has gone
f o r t h fro m th a t ku ia .
185
A p pendix
p . 363.
(13) Pdrajika,
pp. 253-4,
(14) A .N ., HI,
pp. 93-4
(15) A .N ,, II,
pp. 467 ft.
186
ItT
m.
j\ u ia
(1) A .N ., II,
pp. 8 9 -9 0 .
K huddaka
N ik d y a , I,
kula is irrelevant.
I n 167.
t
j.
(8)
M .N .,
II, p. 447.
(11)
a .n ' , iii ,
p . 375.
187
A ppendix
(12) M .N ., III,
p. 430.
(13) Cutlavagga,
p. 255.
'
suddas.
Whether one is from a brdhmana, khattiya, vessa
or sudda kula, %11have equal potential in the
brdhm anas, vesscts a u d
(3) S .N ., I, p. 73.
(A)
* * A . N.. 11.' D.
1. 219
(5) A .N ., III,
pp. 756.
188
(6) M .N ., I, p. 103;
A . N .. II
p p . 3 0 5 , 491;
S . N . , II, p. 246;
A I N . , II, p. 199.
86 .
* s
R- N ..j- I.pp. 9 7 -8 .
(9) D . N . , I , p. 204.
(10) P d r d j i k a , p. 192.
an d samanas-.
T h e k i n c r recruit's kum dras fro m th e hrdhm anas.
k h a ttiya s , vessas and suddas, re g a rd le ss o f th e ir
o rig in s.
T h e B u d d h a gives th e e x a m p le o f a m a n w h o
say s, H o w I lo n g for, h o w I lo v e th e m o s t
b e a u tifu l w o m a n in th is la n d , w ith o u t
k n o w in g a n y o th e r d etails a b o u t th e w o m a n .
T h e details in c lu d e in fo rm a tio n a b o u t w h e th
th e b e a u tifu l w o m a n is a kh a ttiya , a brdhmana a
vcssa o r a sudda.
W om en are o f four kinds: k h a ttiy a n i,
brahmani, vessi o r suddi.
V. K am m a (work)
(1) P d c ittiy a , p. 11.
(2) A . N . , III,
p p . 375, 378.
T h e r e are tw o k in d s o f w o rk : h ig h a n d lo w
w o rk H ig h w o rk is d e sc rib e d as a g ric u ltu re ,
c a ttle -k e e p in g , o r tra d e . L o w w o rk is th a t o f a
s to r e ro o m k e e p e r, a n d o f a flo w e r sw e e p e r.
F u rth e r, h ig h w o rk is asso c iated w ith w h a t is
n o t d isd a in e d an d n o t d e sp ise d in th e area, a n d
lo w w o rk is th e o p p o site .
W o rth w h ile o c c u p a tio n s o r liv e lih o o d s fit fo r
kula-puttas to p u rsu e are: a g ric u ltu re , c a ttle k e e p in g , tra d e , b o w m a n s h ip , k in g s serv ice,
c o u n tin g , a c c o u n tin g a n d c o m p u tin g ,
rk
K h u d d a ka
!
vr*
*
v*^ * v n t i\
*
*
*
*
N ik d y a , II,
w a s o f lo w o rig in an d h a d p e rfo rm e d th e lo w
w o rk o f th e flo w e r sw e e p e r b e fo re b e c o m in g a
p . 330.
b h ik k h u .
189
A ppendix
VI. Sippa
(1) Pacittiya, p. 11,
(2) D . N ., I, p. 52;
D.JT, I, p. 68.
(8) Mahdvagga,
p. 262.
(9) D . N . , 1, p. 191.
(10) M .N .,
pp. 272-3.
Pesakdra (weaver).
Tantavava fweave rh
An Antevdsi (acrobat) calls his activity a craft.
j,
>
Buddhas teachings..
Ghatikara is a potter and o flo w birth.
(4) P d r d j i k a ,
K o s i y a kdra
pp. 321-2.
(5) M .N ,, I, p. 159.
(silk w eaver).
190
VTTT
Pm
(with
no other_ term
of
,
_ . n. a. m. i c Clatponrips
., _
x
_
descriptions)
(1) Mahdvagga,
p. 255.
(2) Mahavagga,
p. 255.
(3) D .N ., III,
^
r- 1 /1 - 7
(4) A .N ., IV,
p. 130.
(5) A .N ., I, p. 134.
(6) A IN ., I,
pp. 167-8.
______ .
(9) D .N ., 1,
pp. 52-3.
(10) Cullavagga,
p. 249.
bhikkhu.
The setthi of Rajagaha exhorts his ddsakammakaras to prepare a meal for the Buddha.
(8) S . N . , I, p . 9 1 .
A P P E N D IX B
Inscriptions*
S.
No
1.
In sP ag e
c rip - N o .
tio n
num ber
L ocation
C a te g o ry
O th e r details
A dd itio n al
references fo r
orig in al in sc rip tio n s
181
Sanchi
kam ika
(labourer)
28
2.
201
29
Sanchi
gahapati
gunapau
4.
206
30
Sanchi
setthin
209
30
Sanchi
lekhaka
(clerk)
6.
246
33
Sanchi
setthin
7.
248
33
Sanchi
setthin
8.
255
34
Sanchi
Setthin
9.
10.
269
271
35
35
Sanchi
Sanchi
vanija
11.
283
36
Sanchi
setthin
12.
320
39
Sanchi
vanija
rdjalipikara
(royal scribe)
192
13.
14.
345
40
42
Sanchi
sotika
(w eaver)
G ift o f th e sotika
D am ak a.
Sanchi
damtakaras
T h e inscription records
that the carving
(r u p a k a m m a ) w a s d on e
b y the damtakaras o f
V edisa.
15.
346
42
Sanchi
dvesanin
16.
348
42
Sanchi
setthin
17.
355
43
Sanchi
vdnija
18.
363
43
Sanchi
setthin
19.
379
44
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f th e setthin
N a gad in a, the
inhabitant o f
R ohanlpada.
20.
416
47
Sanchi
rajuka
G ift o f the su rv ey o r
(r
Tuvar-a
v /tiu k A \ I---------
21.
422
47
Sanchi
setthin
-*
22 .
423
47
Sanchi
setthin
K am d ad igam a.
G ift o f D ev a b h a g a , w ife
o f th e K a m d a d ig a m iy a
setthin.
.2 3 .
449
48
S anchi
setthin
24.
450
49
Sanchi
gahapati
Tumbavana
gahapati fro m
T u m b avan a.
ya ddnang
yut-wt tfutu
.....................i.-.. * _
....................
(Epigraphica Indica
II, p. 3 8 4 ).
25.
76
470
495
50
52
Sanchi
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f th e setthin
uiidfi bin
N a g ila .
G ift o f the carn(nrcr
x -----(vadakin) M an oram a.
27
576
36
Sancni
setthin
G ift o f th e setthin
B uddhapalita, the
inhabitant o f
P andukulika.
28.
581
57
Sanchi
setthin
G ift o f N a g a p iy a setthin
o f A ch ch avada.
193
Appendix
29.
725
70
Bharaut
g a h a p a ti
30.
728
70
Bharaut
asavarika
31.
788
Bharaut
brdhmana
(mdnavaka)
32.
857
86
Bharaut
rupakdraka
Bitha
gahapatika
102
Kanheri
suvanakdkdra
987
102
Kanheri
vanijaka
36.
993
103
Kanheri
heranika
(treasurer)
37.
1001
105
Kanheri
negama
gahapati
33.
900
91
34.
986
35.
Buddharakhita.
Gift o f som e gahapatika,
son o f Enaja,
Gift o f die goldsmith
(suvamkd kdra) Samidata
o f Kalyana.
Gift o f the vanijaka
(trader) brothers,
Gajasena and Gajamita,
Gift o f Sivapalitanika,
(wife o f the heranika
Dhamnaka).
Establishment o f a cave putasa negamassa
gahapatisa (Jzs
{iena) by the negama
gahapati.
Burgess,
Archaeological Survc
o f Western India, IV,
.
r'
38,
1005
105
Kanheri
manikdra
39.
1032 108
Kanheri
kammdra
40.
1035 109
Mahakal
brdhmana
Gotama^efnj.
41.
1050 111
Kuda
brdhmana
42.
1051
111
Kuda
mdldkara
43
1053 111
KuHa
rd ia t t i/t rrh t i
batnmhana updsaka
Ayitilu.
Gift o f the mdldkara
(gardener) Sivapirita,
son o f the mdldkara
Vadhuka.
G ift o f G n v a m m j
th e
R\
194
44.
1052
112
Kuda
45.
1056
112
Kuda
46.
1061
112
Kuda
maldkara
47.
1062
113
Kuda
satthavdhagahapati
48.
49.
1063 113
1064
1066 113
50.
1073 114
51.
1075
114
Kuda
setthin
Kuda
satthavaha
M ahad
setthigahapati
Kol
gahapatiputasa setthi
52.
1084
115
Bhaja
halika
53.
1087
116
Karle
setthin
54.
1092
117
Karle
vadhaki
gahapatino vasulasa
setthim
(Archaeological
Survey o f Western
India, IV, p. 87).
gahapatisa setthisa
Samgharakhita
sapulasa v i , , .
(Archaeological
Survey o f Western
India, IV, p. 88);
gahapatiputasa setthi
S a m g harakitasa deyti
dhammam
(Archaeological
Survey "of Western
India , IV, p. 88).
A ppendix
Sailarwadi
kdlikayaI
kndubika,
gahapati
56.
1127
124
125
N asik
nyegama
gahapati
195
Gift o f a r a v e by
Siagutanika, wife o f the
hdlikaya (ploughman)
and kudubika
(householder)
Usabhanaka, together
w ith her son the gahapati
N am da.
Gift o f a four-celled lena gahapatisa nyegamasa
lena (Archaeological
(cave) by the nyegama
Survey o f Western
gahapati Vira,
India, IV , p . 1 1 6 ).
57.
1131
125
126
Nasik
ksatfiya,
brdhmana
58
1138
127
128
Nasik
lekhaka
59.
1153
131
Junnar
gahapati
60.
1157
131
Junnar
gahapati
61.
1170
133
Junnar
gahapati
62.
1171
134
Ju n n ar
gahapati
63.
1177
135
Junnar
suvattakdra
64.
1187
137
Pitalkhora
gadhika
(perfumer)
Utamabhadrakdndm
D edication o f a cave by
Ushavadata and his
eha ksatriyd nam . . .
achievement in releasing brdhmanasa hathe
kinita mulena
U tam abhadra w ho had
(Archaeological
been beseiged by the
Survey o f Western
Malayas and his defeat
India , IV, o. 99fii
o f the U tam abhadraka
Ksatriyas (warriors), and
his donation o f a field
bought at the hands o f
the b r d t t n u t r i a AsvibhuU.
Gift o f a lena (cave) by
Ramanaka, son o f the
lekhaka Sivamita.
gahapati pamugasa
Gift o f a caitya by the
(Archaeological
pious hamlet
Survey o f Western
(idhammanigama)
rdiV. t v ^
VJrasenaka, headed by
f.
the gahapatis,
Gift o f a five-celled cave
(pachagabha) by tw o
b ro th e rs. , , the sons o f
a gahapati.
Gift o f the gahapati
Sivadasa, son o f the
gahapati Sayiti.
D onation by various
people and Nadanaka,
the grandson o f some
gahapati.
Gift o f a cistern by the
suvattakdra Saghaka.
Gift o f a pillar by the
family o f the gadhika
Mitadeva from
Patithana.
196
65.
1198
138
A ja u u
vuniju
66.
1206
141
Am aravati
gahapati
67.
1209
141
Am aravati
gahapati
68.
1213
142
Am aravati
vattija
69.
1214
142
Amaravati
vdniya
70.
1216
142
Am aravati
gahapati
71.
1220
143
Am aravati
gahapati
72.
1221
143
Am aravati
gahapati
73.
1222
143
Am aravati
gahapati
74.
1229
144
Am aravati
vdniya
75.
1230
144
Am aravati
gadhika
vdniya
76.
1239
146
Am aravati
vdniya,
heranika
77.
1244
147
Am aravati
gahapati
78.
1253
148
Am aravati
gahapati
79.
1254
148
149
Am aravati
gahapati
80.
1255
149
Am aravati
gahapati
81.
1260
149
Am aravati
gahapati
197
Appendix
82,
1Z73
151
152
Amaravati
83,
1277
152
Amaravati
cammakdra
gahapati
84.
1285
153
Amaravati
85.
1333
158
159
Bhattiprolu
vaniya
gamani
hiranakdra gamani
puto Bubo
(Epigraphica Indica,
H, p. 328).
APPENDIX C
2.
Name
Social
background
bhikkhu or
updsaka
Other details
Reference
Akkosaka brdhmana
Bharadvaja
bhikkhu
S . N . t I.
Aggika
brdhmana
Bharadvaja
updsaka
pp. 161-3.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikaya,
1, pp. 287-90.
insulted by A ggika w h o
3.
Angulimala
brdhmana
bhikkhu
Af.N., II,
pp. 344-51.
4.
5.
Ajita
Arrnata
Kondanna
bmktttatta
Became an
arahant but
there is no
specific
mention of his
joining the
sangha.
brdhmana bhikkhu
Asurind- brdhmana
aka
Bharadvaja
Assalaya- brdhmana
na
bhikkhu
updsaka
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikaya,
L p. 424;
D.P.P.N., I,
p 36.
Very distinguished
brdhmana who left home
with the Buddha.
He was the third of the
Bharadvaja brothers.
A . N ., I> p. 33.
He was a young
brdhmana who asked the
JVf.N,, U,
pp. 403-13.
S.N., I. p. 163
A ppendix
199
bhikkhu
O ne o f the Bharadvaja
brothers w ho was
initially antagonistic to
the Buddha.
S.N., I, p. 164.
Amagan- brahmana
dha
bhikkhu
He believed in the
defilement o f certain
foods betore he joined
the sahgha.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikdya.
I, pp. 304-6.
A ram ad-
updsaka
A .N . h pp. 624.
Ahimsaka brahmana
B haradv-
aja
9.
10.
brdhmana
anda
K -accana w h y k h a ttiy a s
He wishes to know if
people can rise above
their bondage to sensual
lust?
updsaka
12.
Ujjaya
brdhmana
updsaka
13.
U nnabha
brahmana
updsaka
14.
U ttara
brdhmana
updsaka
M .N ., II,
pp. 383 f t
15, Udaya
brahmana
becomes an
arahant. (there
ISnn
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka Nikdya,
I, pp_ 4358.
information
of his having
joined the
sangha)
16. U daya
brdhmana
updsaka
Wishes to perform a
great sacrifice. Becomes
an updsaka.
Asks the Buddha his
opinion on the efficacy o f
sacrifice.
A . N ., HI,
pp. 184-8.
A . N ., II, p . 44.
S .N ., IV, p. 188;
p. 233.
S.N ., 1, p. 174.
200
17.
D e v a h i-
brdhm ana
18.
ta
U pavana brdhmana
19.
U ru v ela
Rassapa
20.
22.
N adi
Rassapa
Gaya
Rassapa
Esukari
23.
U pasena brdhmana
24.
KasI
B h arad -
21.
brdhmana
updsaka
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
brdhmana
updsaka
bhikkhu
updsaka
K an d ra-
H e was an upathaka
(attendant) o f the
Buddha.
H e was already a
paribbdjaka since he was
a very fam ous jati la. His
acceptance o f the
teachings is given
considerable im portance
in the text.
B rother o f U ruvela
Kassapa.
A nother brother o f
U ruvela Rassapa.
H e tells the Buddha that
brahmanas lay d ow n
four types n f service fnr
the various vattrns. A fter
listening to the
B uddhas teachings he
becom es an updsaka.
B rother o f Sariputta. He
is listed as chief am ong
those w h o was
charm ing.
H e was a very w ealthy
brdkmana o f
nvi I
%
fc
I-la
iv
S .N ., I, p. 175;
D .P .P .N 1
p. 399.
Mahavagga,
pp. 29-33 .
pp. 280-3;
S . N . , 1,
pp. 171-3.
itAi A
25.
S . N . , I, p . 1 7 5 .
brdhmana
updsaka
^yjina
26.
K u n d adhana
fcrJ/iwtJHti
bhikkhu
thent
27.
K u tad anta
brdhmana
updsaka
Mahavagga,
p. 33.
Mahavagga,
p. 34,
M . N . , II, p. 447.
A .N ., 1, p. 24.
Sutta Nipata,
Khuddaka
T
1 fVH
S
ij.
pp. up to 363
A . N . , I,
pp. 64-5 .
A . N . , I, p. 24;
D. P. P. N. , I,
p. 625
pp. 109-26,
201
A ppendix
28.
ttem v a
brdhmana
29.
K aranapali
brdhmana
30.
M aha
C unda
brdhmana
31.
Jan u sso -
brdhmana
supporter
expresses
h om age by
kneeling
bhikkhu
updsaka
Makdvasga, m>.
259-60; B .O .D .,
IV, p. 336,
A .N ., II,
s u p e rin te n d e n t o f w o rk s
p p . 4 7 7 -9 .
by the Lichchhavis.
H e was a brother o f
Sariputta and one o f the
chief elders o f the sahgha,
Very wealthy and
prestigious brdhmana
A .N ,, III, p. 68;
D .P .P .N .,1 ,
p. 878.
S .N ., II, p. 64.
A.N.-, I, p. 153.
w h o r o d e a r o u n d in a
32.
Ganaka
M o g g aLlana
A jita
brdhmana
T issa
M etteya
brdhmana 3 became
arahaflts
35.
T odcyya
brd h m a n a
36,
T ikanna
brdhmana
updsaka
37.
D ona
brdhmana
becam e an
anagdmin (ac
c o rd in g to the
co m m entary
33.
34
brdhmana
updsaka
Af.N., in,
pp. 6 1 -7 .
Sutta N ipata,
K huddaka
N ikaya,
I, p. 438.
A . N . , I,
pp. 150-3.
D .N ,, U, p. 128,
h e w o u ld be
38.
D h an aftjani
Tandul*
apala
dvara
brdhmana
reb o rn only
once m ore).
Reached (the
highest)
heaven
M .N ., II,
pp. 44961.
202
39,
D nananjanl
(Female
40
D hananjanis
husband
brahmana
[F])
brdhmana
M .N ., II, p. 493;
S.N ., 1, p, 160.
upasika
bhikkhu
A brdhmana o f the
Bharadvaja gotta w ho
was initially indifferent
tO
41.
D hotaka brdhmana
became an
arahant
42.
N agita
thera
brahmana
bhikkhu
43.
P m g iy a -*
brahm ana
updsaka
44.
Pilinda
Vaccha
45. Pindota
Rharadvaja
46. Punna
**
M antanIputta
47.
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
bhikkhu
brdhmana
*
bhikkhu
B ahudhiti
brdhmana
48.
B avari
brdhmana
Became an
arahant. (N o
reference to
him joining
th e sangha.)
49.
B ilangaka
B haradvaja
brdhmana
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
S.N ., I, p. 160.
XJa Mg
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka
Nikdya, I, p. 438.
A .N ., II, p. 297,
d . p .p . n ., n,
p. 47.
A .N ., II,
pp. 477-80.
A .N ., I, p. 24.
He had special iddht
n4 ftw m .
He was one o f the great
disciples and was a
nephew o f Anna
Kondanna. He w ent
aw ay to propagate
Buddhism in a district
inhabited by fierce
people.
H e was a very poor
brdhm ana w ith seven
daughters.
H e was a very fam ous
sage w ho had m any
disciples. All became
followers o f the
Buddha.
A .N ., I, p. 23;
C lullavaaoa,
pp. 199-200.
A .N ., I, p. 24;
A .S., HI, 89; IV,
3 4 6 .
S.N.,1,
pp.
1 6 9 -7 1 .
Sutta Nipdtaf
Khuddaka
N ikdya , I,
pp. 419-24;
D .P .P .N ., II
p. 279.
S .N ., I, p. 164.
203
Appendix
50. B rah m adeva
thera
51. B rah m adevas
m other
52. B rahm ayu
Son o f a brdhmam
brdhmana
S .N ., 1,
updsikd
brdhmana
S.N ., I,
pp. 141-2.
pp
brahmana
updsaka
53, M ahabrdhmana
Kaccayana
bhikkhu
54, M aha
brdhmana
bhikkhu
55, B haradvaja
thera
brdhmana
bhikkhu
56. Maha-
brdhmana
updsaka
57. M anatthadha
brahmana
upasaka
58, M ogharaja th em
brahmana
M ogga
llana
He is described as the
forem ost brdhmana o f
Mithila.
He is described as
foremost among those
w ho could expound in
full sayings which were'
brief.
Moggallana was already
a p a rib b d ja k a w hen he
becam e the B uddhas
disciple. Later he rose to
great prominence
w ithin the sahgha.
He was a young pupil o f
the brdhmam Tarukkha,
Along w ith his friend
Vasettha he joined the
sangha.
A wealthy brdhmana
ililu
Becomes
arahant
brdhmana
60. Tekula
brdhmana
bhikkhu
61. Yasa
Kakanda
brdhmana
bhikkhu
62. Radha
thera
brdhmana
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
A proud brahmana w ho
respects no one. Later he
falls at the B uddhas feet
and kisses them .
A disciple o f Bavari
1412.
M .N .t II,
pp. 382-95.
A .N ., I, p. 24;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 468-9.
Mahavagga,
pp. 38-41;
A .N ., I, p. 23.
D .N ., I,
pp. 198-212.
S .N .,t I,
pp. 175-7.
S . N ., I,
pp. 177-8.
SuCfo Nipata,
Khuddaka
These hrdhmanas who
had become bhikkhus
w ere the object o f
Buddhas statement that
bhikkhus should not
preach in Sanskrit.
Played a prom inent role
in the second council
held at Vesali.
N ikdya , I, p. 438.
Cullavagga,
pp. 228-9.
Cullavagga,
pp. 416 ff.
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. UO/
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 730-1.
204
/^
u ji
rvcvd w
-I
u ia a m u rtu
I. J. ' J. 1 I. .
v n iK K n u
Y y u iIg C i
of
Sariputta.
64. Lohicca
brdhmana
65, Vanglsa
brdhmana
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
updsaka
67. A n o th er brdhmana
V asettha
updsaka
- n . i v . ,
V etthadipika
brdhmana
updsaka
69. Veracchani
brahman i
IF]
brdhmana
updsikd
p .
j .- r ,
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 753.
D .N .,1,
pp. 191-8.
A brdhmana o f Salavatika
w h o ow ned brahmadeya
land.
A . N . , I, p. 24-,
T old peoples future by
n p p .v , n,
tatinini?
II. V skulls till he m et
the Buddha.
p. 802.
Along w ith Bharadvaja
D .N ,, I,
he was a student o f
pp. 198-212.
T iru k k h a . They w ent
to see the B uddha to ask
him about w h o was a real
brdhmana.
a n ., in,
pp. 149, 199;
D .P .P .N ., II,
.
68.
i,
A brdhmana w ho asked
for a share o f the
B uddhas relics.
T he brdhmam sought the
teachings o f the Buddha
while seated on a high
seat. She was told to sit
on a low seat before the
dhamma w as taught to
her. She is described as a
QO
VU 4
-*
D .N ., II, p. 127.
S .N ., III,
pp. 111-4.
te a c h e r h e rs e lf.
70, Sakula
then [F]
72. S ariputta
brdkwiana b h ikk h m i
brdhmana
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
He was an inhabitant o f
N alakagam a w ho was
already a paribbajaka
hefore he joined the
sangha. H e was one o f
the m ost im portant
disciples o f the Buddha.
Sundarika Bh5radvaja
asked the Buddha w hat
his jd ti was. T he Buddha
replied that even the fact
o f having originated in a
niea kula was irrelevant
in the case o f a muni.
A .N .,1 , p. 26;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 957,
A N ., I, p. 25;
Mahduagga,
p. 38.
Sutta Nipdta,
Khuddaka
N ikaya, I,
pp. 334-9.
205
A p pendix
73. S o n a d i-
b ra h m a n a
u p d sa k a
nda
74. S obhita
thera
brahman#
75. Subha
brahmana
updsdfea
76. V assakara
brahmana
feeds
the
B uddha
updsaka
77. P o k k h a- brahmana
rasadi
A very w ealthy a n d
prestigious brdhmana
w h o accepted the
B uddha's teaching
although he did n o t do
so publicly on the
gro u n d that his
follow ers w ould find
fault w ith him .
bhikkhu
Resident o f T u d i near
Savatthi.
C h ief M inister o f K ing
Bim bisara and King
Ajatasattu.
A very rich and
prestigious brdhmana
w hose conversion has
great dem onstration
effect. His fam ily atso
D M , I, p p . 9 7 -
108.
A N ., 1, p. 25;
Z X P.P.N ., II,
p. 1 3 0 4 .
D .N ., I,
pp. 169-82.
D .N ., H, p. 71.
D .N ., I, p. 65.
b c L a u it f o ll o w e r s .
7B. Pingala
A* N 1, p. 255.
brdhmana
updsaka
brdhmana
updsaka
Resident o f Savatthi,
described as a brdhmana
w ho kept purifying
himself.
S .N ., I, p. 183.
80. A n o th e r
b rd h m a n a
upa<ttta
R e s id e n t o f
M . N . . 11, p . 4 3 2 .
updsaka
Candalakappa. Declared
the Buddha as his teacher.
He was the object o f a
long discourse oil w ho
is a really spiritual person.
A N ., III, p. 293.
Koccha
Sangarava
81. V erahja brdhmana
hraHmam
82. Jata
B h a rad '
vaja
83. S u d d h ika
t i l -
brdhmana
bhikkhu
5 . A M . P - 165.
brdhmana
bhikkhu
S .N ., I, p . 165.
JJU ia id L L -
vaja
84. EVlaha
K am m ika
B haradvaja
brdhmana
updsaka
S .N .,1 , p. 179.
Social Dimensions
206
85. Paccanlka
86. M atuposaka
87. Lokayatika
88. A
brdhmana
89. A nother
brdhmana
90. A
brahmana
updsaka
S N , I, p . 1 7 9 .
brahmana
updsaka
S . N . , I, p . 181.
brdhmana
updsaka
S . N . , II,
pp. 65-6.
brdhmana
updsaka
S . N . , II,
pp. 64-5.
brdhmana
brdhmana
updsaka
S . N . , II,
updsaka
pp. 155-6.
A . N ., I,
brahmana
Paribbajaka
91. Maha
Kassapa
p p . 1 4 5 -6 .
brdhmana
bhikkhu
93.
A nother brahmana
brdhmana
updsaka
A . N . , I, p. 23;
D . P . P . N . , II,
pp. 476-83.
A . N . , III, p .
78.
A .N .,1 , p. 145.
G R O U P R EFEREN CES*
9498,
brdhmana
Sutra Nipata,
Khuddaka
brahman,
w h o c a m e t o a s k th e
Nikdya^ I,
as o f
Kosala
pp. 311-14,
A group
of
updsaka
*For purposes o f the statistical analysis we have treated each group reference as consisting
o f fiv e n i c m c b c i s . T h i s h a s b e e n d o n e o n th e b a s is o f a ic a s o n a b lc m e a n b e tw e e n t w o
references in the Pali literature. The Vinaya refers to a gatna as consisting ot one feuii tw o kutis.
three kutis or four kutis (Parajika, p. 56), and a reference to a small gdma consisting o f 30
families in the Jdtakas (Jataka I, ed. by V. Fausboll, p. 199).
207
Appendix
99
103.
104108.
A g ro u p
brdhm ana
of
brdhmdnagahapatis o f
V enagapura
Brahtnbrdhmana
anagahapatis
o f Sala
109
updsaka
M .N ., I, p. 355.
updsaka
MW I
U v g I* t f t s i f t s i
113.
114-
118.
119123,
nagahapatis o f
Veranja
tirahmanagakapatis o f
j" V eludvara
drdhmanagahap-
A .N .. I, pp. 16779.
-------
- -
- r
pp. 3563.
brahmana
upasaka
5 .N ., IV,
pp. 300-3.
brdhmana
updsaka
atis o f
K hom adussa
1.
2.
Ajita
Ajatasa
ttu
3- Avantiputta
4. A nuru-
khattiya
khattiya
updsaka
updsaka
khattiya
updsaka
khattiya
bhikkhu
ddha
5.
6.
A bhayaraja
kum ara
Abhaya
He was a Uchchhavi
King o f Magadha w ho
was a parricide.
King o f Madhura.
Cullavagga,
nn
II I 279-81
o f tine B u d d h a
khattiya
khattiya
7.
Ananda
khattiya
8.
U dena
ichattiya
bhikkhu
updsaka
bhikkhu
updsaka
A lso a
M .N ., II, p. 316.
II, p. 71;
D . P . P . N , , I,
pp. 127-8.
A.N., II,
pp. 213-16.
Cullavagga,
p r. 279-81.
A .N ., I. p. 24.
Cullavagga,
pp. 412-13.
208
9.
U p a n z n d i khattiya
bhikkhu
10.
Kakudha khattiya
bhikkhu
11. Kalara
khattiya
bhikkhu
k h a ttiy a
12. Kaligokhattiya
dha IF]
13. Bhaddiya, khattiya
Kajigodhiyaputto
updsika
bhikkhu
14. K im h ila
khattiva
hhikleitu
15. Khema
therT[T]
khattiya
bhikkhutti
1u.
khattiya
updsika
khattiya
updsaka
C undi
[F]
17.
jeta-
A Sakyan. M other o f
Bhaddiya thera.
A Sakyan. Listed as ,
chief among those w ho
were o f high birth (ucca
kulirn).
A Sakyan who w ent
forth along w ith other
kinsmen o f the Buddha.
Wife o f king Bimbisara.
A bhikkhum o f great
wisdom.
According to the
comm entary she was
the daughter o f king
Bimbisara.
rajakula
kuiTiArA
18.
D ib b a
Mallaputta
khattiya
bhikkhu
19 .
D evada-
khattiya
bhikkhu
Cta
20.
Dlghajanu
Koliya
khattiya
updsaka
A Malla. A senior
bhikkhu who was
incharge of
apportioning lodgings.
A Sakyankinsman of
the Buddha w ho was
jealous of the Buddha.
A Koliyan. Object o f
Buddhas discourse on
S.N ., II,
pp. 43-8.
S.N ., IV, p. 338.
A .N .,1 , p. 23.
Cultavatwa,
p. 281.
ovy-'xw*
rr
Cultavagga,
p. 153,
Cultavagga,
pp. 281-4, 300ff.
A .N ., III,
pp. 375-8.
kulaputtas.
jjutia
21.
Nanda
khattiya
bhikkhu
22.
N anda
then [F]
khattiya
bhikkhunt
23-
N andiya khattiya
thera
bhikkhu
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., [I,
p. 10.
Mahdvagga.
p. 26.
A .N ., I, p. 26;
D .P .P .N ., 11,
p 9A.
Mahdvagga,
p. 381;
D .P .P .N ., II,
209
Appendix
24 .
25.
N a g a sa -
khattiya
bhikkhu
(A S5kyan)
mala
pp. 115-16;
N andiya khattiya
D .P .P .N ., [I,
p. 45.
S .N ., IV,
pp. 339-45.
S .N ., I,
fe a tu re s p r o m i n e n tl y in
pp. 67102.
S . N . , II,
updsaka
(A Sakyan)
r
26.
27.
28.
M . N . , I,
Pasenadi khattiya
Pukkusa
Roia
khattiya
khattiya
updsaka
updsaka
updsaka
Malla
pp. 100-4.
Mahavagga,
pp. 260-2.
h e w a s i m p o r t a n t , s o th e
29.
Bhagu
khattiya
30.
B o d h i-
k h a ttiy a
31.
rdjakumdra
B haddiya khattiya
32.
B hum ija
thera
33.
A Malla khattiya
bkikkhuni
3^
M aha-
khattiya
m
nam a
k h a ttiy a
Cullavagga,
p. 281.
updsaka
B e lo n g e d t o a raja ku la
A . JV., II,
pp. 318-19.
updsaka
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
bhikkhunt
A .N ., II,
pp. 2 0 3 - 7 .
M .N ., II, p. 204;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 387,
Cullavagga,
p. 388.
A . N . , 1, p , 2 6 .
2U)
,15,
M ahapajiipau
G otam i
Miirriy<i
bhikkhuttt
[F|
36.
M aha
k h a ttiy a
b h ik k h u
Kappina
37.
Rahula
khattiya
bhikkhu
38.
Vaddha
khattiya
bhikkhu
39.
Vappa
khattiya
bhikkhu
A . N . J . p. 26;
Cullavagga t
pp. 374fT.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 473-5.
Mahavagga,
p. 86.
Cullavagga,
p. 213.
A .N ., II,
pp. i i y - u .
rtlt A
40.
Sarakani
41.
Slha
scuapati
khattiya
updsaka
42.
Sum ana
raj aku-
khattiya
u p asika
upasaka
mari
43.
bhikkhum
44.
H atthaka khattiya
bhikkhu
45.
Sabbak-
b h ik k h u
k h a ttiy a
am in
46.
A
Vajjian
khattiya
bhikkhu
khattiya
bhikkhu
SB; y aft)
(A Sakyanl
Originally a follower o f
the Niganthas. H e was
asked to continue giving
alms to thcrn even sftcf
accepting the Buddha as
his guide. (A
Lichchhavi)
Sister o f a raja. She is
listed am ong the
eminent upasikas .
She was called Alavika
and belonged to a raja
kula.
A Sakyan
A Vajjian, one o f the
oldest bhikkhus w ho
participated in the
second council o f
, Vesali.
A Vajjian.
r|
S .N ., IV,
pp. 319-21.
Mahavagga,
pp. 248-53.
pp. 425-30.
S .N ., I, p. 201.
bhikkhu
47.
Tissa
48.
N andaka khattiya
upasaka
A Sakyan. He was a
nephew o f the B uddhas
father.
A Lichchhavi m inister
who exhorts inner
purity after listening to
the Buddha.
S .N ., II, p. 328.
S .N ., IV, p. 333.
ApfiviutiA
A'J.
lO U
kit,tlliyu
klu'iinik.i
updsaka
30,
Ghariiy.i
updsaka
N igrodharam a in
K apilavatthu, T h ey
w ere S ik y a n s,
khattiya
ill
M N . t III, p . 17-1.
!|F
t.
A n a th a .-
M o s t p r o m i n e n t upasaha
gahapati
pindika
pp. 2 4 9 -5 3 .
m an y suttas addressed to
A . N . , L p. 26.
Agahapatt
U gga
gahapati
gahapati
updsaka
A N . , 1,
updsaka
A jivikas.
O f H atth igam a in the
pp. 2 0 1 -2 .
A N . , I, p. 26.
5.
6.
U gga
U p a li
gahapati
gahapati
K evatth a gahapati
updsaka
updsaka
updsaka
O fV e sa li. B est a m on g
th o se w h o gave
A . N . , I, p. 26.
agreeable gifts.
O rigin ally fo llo w er o f
M . N . , 11,
N iganthas.
pp. 4 3 -6 0 .
O fN a la n d a , H e asked
th e H u d d h a
p e rfo rm a
D . N . , 1,
p p . 1 8 3 -9 .
miracle.
7.
Jotika
8.
D ig h a v u gahapati
(puttaj
9.
D asam a
gahapati
^a/uipari
updsaka
updsaka
updsaka
O f Rajagaha. H e was
the father o f D lgh avu .
H e sent a m essage to the
S .N ., IV,
pp. 2 9 2 -3 .
10.
12.
M .N ., 11,
pp. 15-19;
M . L . S . , II,
11~
AT~ tO
1U*
upasatea
A N . , I p. 26.
N a k u la - gahapati
m ata
updsikd
A . N ., I, p. 27.
P otaliya gahapati
updsaka
N a k u la - gahapati
pita
11.
pp. 2 9 2 -3 .
S .N ., IV ,
^disciples.
Potaliya objected to the
B uddha addressing him
as a gahapati because he
had g iven up the
m anagem ent o f
p r o p e r t y . L a te r he
becam e an updsaka.
M .N ., 11,
pp. 2 7 -3 7 .
212
Id.
M endaka gahapati
14. M anadi-
upasaka
gahapati
updsaka
gahapa ti
updsaka
gahapati
updsaka
updsaka
Mahavagga,
pp. 254-9.
S .N ., IV , p. 152.
mT1-G
,
15. V ij a y a m ahiko
16. V ichayo
18.
Sigalagahapati
mata (F|
19.
Sujata
bttikkhum
gahapati
updsika
gahapati
upasikd
(Ft
20.
Visakha
m
21.
Kalyanbhatta-
M entioned in a special
list o f followers.
M entioned in a special
list o f followers.
Had 500 followers o f his
own and features in the
special list o f followers.
M other of Sigala
gahapati. C hief o f those
who was released by
faith.
She was the younger
sister o f Visakha. The
Buddha taught her the
duties o f a wom an.
M ost prom inent updsika
o f the Buddha. She was
A .N ., I, p. 26;
G .S .t- 1, p. 22.
A .N ., III,
pp. 223r-5,
A .N ., I p: 27;
Mahdvagga,
r n n t erred eirrht b o n u s
nn
10
11' 5fl6
by the Buddha.
Provided good almsfood to the bhikkhus.
Cittlavagga,
pp, 1556.
gahapati
upasaka
gahapati
updsaka
23. Sona
gahapati
updsaka
24. A Raja-
gahapati
updsaka
He was a supporter of
ko
22.
gahapati
Sigala
gaba
(>dhapati
25. Agahupati w ho
the sangha
D.NIll,
pp. 139-49.
S .N ., II,
pp. 279-84.
Pacittiya,
pp. 96-7 ,
gahapati
updsaka
O f Kosambi. He
became a lay follower
through Ananda,
A .N ., I,
pp. 201-3.
original
ly an
AjTvika
follower
26. H aliddi- gahapati
updsaka
O f A vanti,
S.N ., II,
pp. 248-51.
w as
kani
A p p e n d ix
!?7_
C itta
tl/lUsitont*
t"JM /
iv / t b / l
28.
SirivadL
dha
gahapati
upasaka
29.
Sajha
gahapati
updsaka
A i/f'r'V
hc--r----p----^
t---i-f---r----i--r---t---n
c------irfcrl
--- j
--
learned gahapati. He
could aspire to be a
(akkauatti. T he bhikkhu
Sudham m a had to seek
his pardon,
O f Rajagaha. H e was
visited by bhikkhus
when he was ill.
M igaras grandson. He
seduced the beautiful
213
A W 1 t> 96f
---------.?
Cullavagga,
pp. 32-5.
S .N ., IV, p. 151.
Pddttiya, p. 253;
A .N ., I. pp. 179-
t. tKKftttflfr cjunuitiiiK
j
iiivfl,
G R O U P R E FE R E N C E
30.
34.
P atahg- gahapati
am a
gahapatis
updsaka
1.
A m b a p a li urea ktdu
updsijhi
2.
K aludayin
urea kula
3.
K um ara
Kassapa
ucca
bhikkhu
kula.
His
m other
was the
daught
er o f a
setthi.
urea kula,
bhikkhu
his m other
was the
daughter
o f a setthi
C ula
P anthak i t herd
bhikkhu
D .N .. U,
pp. 6 8 -9
A courtesan (jjiwifca) o f
Vesali w ho donated the
A m b a v a n a to the
sahgha.
He was the son o f a
minister o f
KapiJavatthu.
According to the
com m entary he was
able to induce the
Buddha to visit his
father, He is described
as the best am ong those
w ho were good at
reconciling families.
According to the
com m entary Kumara
Kassapa was brought up
by the king since he was
born after his m other
heram e a hhikkhuuT. He
was a brilliant speaker.
He was chief am ong
those w ho were skilled
in mental evolution.
D .N ., 11,
pp. 76-8.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., I,
p. 589.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., I,
p. 632,
A .N ., I, p. 24;
D.XJ.P .N ., I,
p. 897.
214
5.
6,
gopaka
hhiithhit
bhikklmni
D lu m y a was a
prosperous o w n er of
Sitfhi Nipiita,
Nikaya , I,
Khuddaka
pp. 2 7 1 -4 .
B y aka
seftfn
fjhifsfcliu
kula
m et the Buddha.
By aka w as the grandson
Pardjika, p, 23.
;i
i <iiiin y
:
jU
w jli i
aji
ni-ii
B ijak a s
m o th er
jrew/ii
kuia
bkikkhum
9.
Pukku-
ucca hu h
A m on k w h o
died w ith o u t
bein g
sati
ordained
upasaka
Kaccana
M . N . , IH,
PP 32232.
H e w as a sugar dealer
Manavagga,
w h o m et the Buddha
w hile travelling from
pp. 2 4 0 -1 .
A ndhakavinda to
Rajagaha.
11.
T ap u ssa
ucca hula
upasaku
A Vanija. A lo n g w ith
Atahdvagga,
pp. 4 - 6 ,
t o h e a r t h e B u d d h a s
teachings.
12.
Patacara
then [ F]
ucca hula
bhikkhunT
A .N .y 1, p. 25;
D .P .P .N ., II,
pp. 1 1 2 -1 3
Punnaji
ucca k u l a
bhikkhu
discipline.
A s e t t h i - p u t t u w h o w as a
friend o f Yasa, son o f
Maitai'uggu,
p. 2 1 .
B hallika
ucca kula
upasaka
A vanija w h o w as an
associate o f Tapussa.
Mahavagga
pp. 5 - 6 .
A ftp m ti ,v
I,I.J!.1,1...
16.
M igasa-
ucca kula
upasaka
updsaka
updsaka
IMF]
17.
18.
nA ______
v i jr
11
nurtured kula-putta
setthi-putta whose father
was a wealthy setthigahapati ofBanaras.
She was the daughter of
Purana w ho was the
kings chamberlain.
They were king
Pasenadis chamberlains
and were in charge o f
JIjT.Cj:.,____
iriHFHI
lJ
*
pp. 18-21.
A .N ., III>
pp. 62-5.
M .N ., H, p. 371,
ro y al co n v ey an ce,
19.
20.
A Raja
gaha
setthi
Ratthapala
21. Lady o f
ucca kula
ucca kula
ucca kula
updsaka
bhikkhu
updsika
V e k ik a -
22,
nda[FI
Sudinna
Kaland-
ucca kula
bhikkhu
aka
73
p u tt a
S ir im a
ucca kula
updsika
Cullavagga,
pp. 2 3 9 -4 ^
M .N ., II,
pp. 281 ff.
28.
Subahu ^
Vimala
G avam pati
j
Sona
Kutikanna
Sona
Kolivisa
ucca kula
ucca kula
ucca kula
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
ucca kula
bhikkhu
A setthi-putta.
ucca kula
bhikkhu
A setthi-putta c f Cam pa
w h o w a s v e r y d e lic a te ly
A .N ., I, p. HI;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 934.
Pdrdjika,
pp. 15-24.
A .M ., I ll, p . 4 28;
D .P .P .N ., II,
p. 1145.
Mahdvagga, p. 21.
Mahdvagga,
p. 213.
216
29.
30
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
Pahcakahga
Mallika
IPl
\- r
p. 21.
updsikd
updsikd
supporter
ucca kula
updsaka
uccii kula
updsikd
Mafirtvaj^d,
updsaka
hlpkkhu
updsaka
updsaka
D .N ., 11, p. 71.
M .N .t II,
pp. 212-13.
A .N ., II,
n r,
321-2.
01 A _1 7-
r r
'
* ' >
S .N ., H,
pp. 2 3 2 - 3 . K .S ., II, p. 190.
S .N HI, p. 271.
S . A , t III,
pp. 2 7 6 - 8 5 .
S .N ., III,
ucca kula
39.
ucca kula
updsaka
A gamani.
5 . N . , II,
pp. 2 9 1 - 9 .
40.
Pataliya
ucca kula
updsaka
A gam am.
S .A ., IV,
pp, 2 9 9 -3 1 1 .
41.
updsaka
5 . N . . IV. p. 333.
42.
D ham madina
A setthi
putta o f
Savatthi
A
M ahamaccha
{great
minis
ter)
A ddhakasi
ucca kula
uu^saka
m ta kula
upasaka
H f w as a s u p p o rte r w h u
Parajiku, p . 305.
updsaka
offered robes to
Upananda.
He was a supporter who
wished to gift a shelter
to the sahgha.
Pdrdjika, p. 367.
43.
44.
45
updsaka
A gdmani.
M aniculako
Rasiya
pp. 2 8 7 - 9 .
ucca kula
uaa kula
bhikkkum
S .N ., IV, p. 348.
Cullavagga,
pp. 397-9.
217
A ppendix
46.
47,
Maha-
urea kula
bhikkhu
p a n th a -
B r o t h e r o f C u la
ka thera
Bhadda
Kapilani
Patithaka (hera.
She went forth' along
w ith Mahapajapati
GotamI and was know n
as one who could
rem em ber previous
lives.
ucca kula
bhikkhum
mta kula
bhikkhu
[FI
1.
A riitlia
vulture
trainer
(gadha
badhi)
2.
Upali
nica
bhikkhu
kuh1,
C itta
nica kula
(son o f
an
barber
3.
w h o jo in e d
A .K M , p. 24.
D .P .P .N ., II,
p, 520.
Pacittiya,
pp. 3G3ff;
A .N ., I, p. 25.
PaiiUiya,
pp. 180-2.
A .N ., I, p. 25;
CuUai,>afif*a,
P. 281.
D .N ., I,
pp. 158-68,
bhikkhu
elep h a n t
4.
5,
tTaiiiCr}
nica kula
Kesi
(horse
trainer)
C unda . nica
kula,
son o f a
m eta l-
sm ith
w orker
(kammdTaputta)
updsaka
updsaka
A .N ., Uf
pp. 117-19.
He fed the Buddha for
the last time at his
house. The Buddha fell
ill after eating this meal
but exhorted the
bhikkhus not to blame
Cunda. He said that
C unda w ould be blessed
with long life, good
birth, fame, inheritance
and sovereign pow er in
d .n
., rr,
pp. 9 8 -9 ,
218
6.
C hanna
nica
kula,
slave
{ddsi
putta)
T alaputa niea
kula , a
head
m an o f
8.
y.
D haniya
bhikkhu
bhikkhu
actors
life t o o b u t w a s t o l d b y
{nata
gdmint)
nfca
kula,
bhikkhu
D .N ., II, p. 118;
D .P .P .N ., I,
pp. 923-34.
S .N .. III.
pp, 272-3.
Pdrdjika, pp. 51
4.
p o tte r
a n o th e r o n e o f w o o d .
{kumbhakdra)
B haggava nica
kula ,
potter
upasaka
(hum/j/iakdra)
nica
ku la ,
bhikkhu
10.
Sati
11
m an s son
(keuattaputla)
Subhadda nica
bhikkhu
kulat
barber
(nahdpita)
A'i.N ., I,
pp. 315-18.
reprim anded.
Cullavagga,
p. 406;
Mahduagga,
p. 262.
219
A ppendix
12,
13.
14.
15.
Assa
gamanl
H atha
nica kula
upasaka
nica kula
upasaka
Yodhajlvi
H itA h illA
ijhajjjfj
A poor
tailor
nica
kula,
tailor
{tuniaavdya)
gamam
11 a - __ AUi
4 Ip ^TUVi
L.,1,
fHVH r^M
updsaka
....
karnmakam
17. A
kumbkakdra
18. A darttakdra
19. Bhesika
1.
Acela
K assap-
Acela
Kassapp a (2 )
i av
. - . . I . .... .
kv1
*-1is
a n
a u
v a n ^ u
v n
updsaka
updsaka
H e carried a message to
,1
.
tv.
i it
i.
.i
- if 1
Cullavagga,
pp. 253-4.
t '. , n .
. . . ______ . . . .
nica kula
(ivory
w orker)
nica
I. . i
KHUt,
d
barber
(nahdpita)
pp. 108-9.
Pdrdjika, p. 348.
PdciUiva. o. 221.
D . N ., I
r
_ .
4A4 i-n
p p . 1 J l J .
undsaka
paribbdjaka
bhikkhu
paribbdjaka
bhikkhu
P4 (1)
3.
updsaka
aka
2.
professions are
nica kula
( f-n n.T
r*t--a l iIv~i P a rtb h d**t-
S .N ., Ilf,
pp. 2746.
H
the Ruddha
_ p- miPstintipH
i"
'
on the profit o f the
B uddhas style o f living.
O riginally an Acelaka.
H e joined the sangha
after four m onths o f
probation and became
an arahant.
He was a friend o f C itta
gahapati to w hom he
adm itted that after 30
7------ivf IvAino
t
paribhdjaka he did not
know much. He then
joined the sangha.
.S
' W.. II_
pp. 68-71.
D .N .,
pp. 138-49.
s .n ., m t
pp. 267-8.
220
4.
T im b a r- paribbaj
uka
aka
updsaka
5.
Punna
pariMflj-
upasaka
^ 1 ; __
Ii . ' j i i y <i
t/
9.
putta
M ag an diya
M oliya
SIvaka
V acchnffotta
Saccaka
10-
Sabhiya
6.
7.
8.
paribbaj
bhikkhu
He was antagonistic to
the Buddha initially.
S .N ., HI, p. 205.
updsaka
M .N ., 11, p. 189.
updsaka
T he bhikkhus were
invited for a meal by
Saccaka. H e was
supported by the
Lichchhavis and was a
reputed teacher w ho
was Respected by the
people.
bhikkhu
It.
SusTma
12.
N an d iy a paribbaj
aka
upasaka
13.
P o tth a -
upasaka
bhikkhu
pada
1 '1.
Subbhada
p a r 'i b b d f -
upasaka
aka
15.
Sandaka
paribbaj
aka
M .N ., II, p. 210.
updsaka
aka
paribbdjaka
A4.N., U, p. 65.
V 1M IV U L liv U l t U U l l i l .
UK. 1*
aka
paribbaj
aka
paribbaj
aka
( A N ig
antha,)
S .N .. II.
pp. 212.
J X n ..j jl.
-L-
paribbaj
aka
paribbaj
He questioned the
B uddha on the origin o f
pleasure and pain.
H e w as an Acelaka w ho
bhikkhu
H e was initially
attracted to the Buddha
and the sangha because
they w ere honoured and
well looked after.
M .N . I, pp. 2 8 0 309.
nSwtta N ipdta,
Khuddaka
N ikaya, J, p. 353.
S .N ., II,
pp. 102-11
S .N ., IV,
pp. 11-12.
D .N ., I, p. 168.
D , N . f II,
pp. U 5 -1 8 .
A IN ., II,
pp. 211-20;
M X ,5 ., II,
p. 202.
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_
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Subject Index
A griculture, 16-20, 23-26
cycles o f cropping and fam ily o rga
nization, 9 2 -3
and econom y, 16
I, i:___________in
aiiu
v u n i vauwii) i /
second urbanization and, 20
sim iles relating to, 18
status o f occupation of, 112
use o f iron in, 16
young m en o f good fam ily and,
102-3
Arya, 6
Ariyasavaka, 6, 179
Asrama grihastha, 40
Bhikkhu
kinship ties and, 30-1
lay follow ers and, 62
m aterial requirem ents, 56
hakyaputta samanas and, 31
B h ik k k u n i
bias against entry into sahgha, 31
distrust of. 33
entrants from gana-sahghas, 34
punishm ent for lapses, 33
restrictions on, 32
Bruhmadeyu land, 57
Brdhmana,
t ' 3946
agriculture and, 43
asceticism after brahmacarya and, 40
Brahm anical schem e o f categorization
and, 9 8 -9
category in religious ethics o f B uddh
ism, 64
clan-nam es in gana-sahghas and, 91
cult o f sacrifice and, 37
laity and, 97, 132
m aterialistic tendencies o f society
and, 42, 64
perform ance o f yanha and, 61
religion and, 6 6 -7
sahgha and, 132-3
Cl- 1 U
1... 1.)
X V lllg
1 U
dj 1 1 LJ j
''I
Iu V)
J
J -------T
B uddhism
Asian countries -in, 1
B rahm anism , alternative to, 1, 9 6 -7 ,
146
caste-system and, 9 5 -6
categories in religious ethos of, 64
doctrinal differences and, 53
inequality and expanding econom y
and. 177, 180
kings function and role in, 150-76
M ah ars an d , 95
Dasa
display o f envy and, 26, 180
232
Subject Index
Dti>n*ka m niaka va
as base o f working population in
gathi-saiijhas and lowest economic
strata, 35
exploitation of, 278
food and wages, 79
group consciousness of, 89
j o i n t l y w o r k in g la n d in gitttu-satiglws,
8 8 -9
and labour, 26, 79, 106
and performance of sacrifice, 61
as producers o f surplus, 29
reversal of roles in ploughing festival,
88
o f 8alcvart
and
masters 18T
/
' ' '<(divan
J
samana-brdhmana relationship opposi
tion to, 28
in economy 16-26, 102
Gahapati-putta. 80-1
Gdmika, 85
Gama, 19, 23
Gdmitu
and agricultural operations, 85
and gahapati, 85
political and economic functions in,
85
self-possession of, 85
Gana-sahghas
catiya worship in, 6 3 -4
communal holding of land by, 88-9
decline
of, 22, 148
/
and gahapati, 86, 91-2
inner tpnsinn in, 89
khattiya clans associated with, 12-6
kinship ties in, 31
and monarchical kingdom s,. 6, 8,
10-11
Gahapati Ch. HI
absence from ranks o f bhikkhu, 148
and agriculture, 70-1, 106
authority role within family, 801, 86
as category among disciples o f sahgha,
84, 134-7, 148-9
as category in system o f production.
120
connotation and te-rrrunoio^gy o f 6,
65-6, 80, 86-93
auu koiiUul u v t i laud d^iu prupctiy
69, 86. 92
as donors to sangha and asset holders,
69
and economy, 6 6 -7 178
as employers o f labour, 79-80
and goyigdma in Sri tan k a, 116
and kingship, 678
as kula, 102
as nodal point in relationship struc
ture, 28
and performance o f sacrifice, hi
and pursuit o f pleasure, 83
and seven treasures o f cakkdmtti ,
68
status term, 80-1
and stratification within ranks, 79
as usurers, 77
and ucssa, 1 19
233
Subject Index
(ihuni)na as integral pan. uf, 17f>
legitim ate and d esp otic, 1 5 8 -6 3
origm associated w ith separate fields,
23
origin associated w ith fam ily , private
pruperty, 151
Kula
and
a n d cyrnbols; o f s o v e r e i g n t y ,
St'ijhi, stUhi-(/(Ih up a ri
1 5 2 7
fu n ctio n s o f, 77
and king o f region , 75, 79
o f Rajagaha, 58, 74, 7 6 - 8
and sp ecific location s, 78
srstiis o f, 789 , 106
term in o lo g y related to, 6, 74
100
em pirical relevance of, 1 0 4 -5
and entry in to sahgha, 1 0 8 -9
and stratification, KM), 1 0 2 -4
Laity
and
5 8 -6 4 , 1 3 1 -2
social co m p o sitio n of, 1
M u n a t L l i k a l k i n g d o m s , 7 11
regional d im en sio n o f
as o p p o se d to tw am a th eory, 3 8 - 9
P u n ch -m ark ed coins, 20
Patimokka, 65
in Sri Lanka, 1 1 4 -8
pre A r y a n origins. 37
102
Suddas
i/lsJ
V edic culture sh un n ed , 37
Smuma-brahmmti, 45
Sahgha
1
U
1
L
J^
%
U
f
e
X 4
.k
Texts
131 aliiiidiiiLtii a n d j a m a , u i v
pdialkl
sources, 5
and fn b a l yam cs
and w o m e n , 32
97/
w o m e n o f im p ortan ce in, 34
1 itf liiya, ml fin titthiya, 5 - 6 , 32, 63,
138
234
Subject Index
Trade
m o v e m e n t o f fo o d g ra in s, 20
p u nch-m ark ed coins facilitate ex p a n
sion of, 20
status o f vdnijja, 102. tOfi, 112
Urbanization
and gatia-saiighas, 21
and N o r th e r n
Black
Bolishcd ware,
1?
and political power, 21
and punch-m arked coin, 20
Vatina, 29, 99, 104, 119, 152
Vartia-samkiUii (see also stratification)
and Brahmanical scheme, 29, 1001,
11tS
and Brahmanical political theory, 152
criteria o f service, 99
empirical relevance of, ) 1)4-5
60
W omen
Ananda as cham pion o f rights of,
22-5
l
bias o f the Buddha against, 31
and patriarchal values, 31
Yamm, 59-61
A m b a p a li , 3 4 , 9 1 , 139
a n d la u g h a, 95
Bhaggas,. 16
Bhagu, 128, 144
Bhallika, 107, 139
Bhandarkar, IT R., 11
Bharadvaja, 104
Bharu Kaccbaka, 131
Bimbisara, King o f M agadha, 8 -9 , 11,
57. 67, 75 104, 133-4, I 37 140-1
161
B odhirajakum ara, 138
Bose, A. N ., 2 -4 , 27
Bose, N. K., 29
236
Indra, 4(J
Indus Valley civilization, 36
Jaina, 31
Jatakas, 2, 4 15
Bhaddasala, 8
Chavaka, 42
Vessantara. 4 1 - 2
Jayaswal, K P., 11, 15
Jayatilleke, K. N ., 48
Jayawickrame, N , A ,, 4
Jcta, 139
19, 9 1, 430
Karayana, 148
Kasi, 9, 11
Kaslbharadvaja, 26
Kautilya, 89, 158
Keith, A. B ., 16
Khomadussa, 134
Kimbila. 128. 144
Koliyan, 15
Kosala, 1 0 -1 1 , 16, 24, 87
Kosam bi, D, 19., 1 6 -7 , 148
\ f ...
ixu.'xM
JLLO,
1f \
iv,
f \i l
-/\t
Kundala Kesi, 55
Kuru Pahcalas, 12
Kutadanta, 60, 132, 134
Law, B. C .t 3 - 4
Lichchhavi, 1 2 -4 , 5 5 -6 , 59, 63, 82,
8 9 -9 1 , 132, 139, 148, 179
Ling. T .. 16, 19. 171
Lillie, A ., 146
Lohicca, 132
Lokayatas, 48
Maccikasanda, 135
Madras, 12
Magadha, 16, 19, 21. 24, 87, 133
&JT. . 10^1
iviciganuiya,
Makkhali Gosala, 53
Mahabharata, 40
Mahacunda, 144
Mabakappina, 131
Mahakassapa, 125, 1 27-8, 130, 146
Maha Kotthita, 131
Mahanama, 87, 91, 139, 143, 179
Maha Sudassana 1 54-6, 165, 167
Mahavagga, 3 / - 8 , 5 7 -8 , 71, 75
Mahavijita, 60, 167
Mahavira, 53
Mallas, 10, 1 2 -3 , 32, 90, 130
Mallika, 56, 138
Manadinna, 84, 129
Matanga, 106
MegasthcneS, 8, 45
Mehta, R., 2 - 4
r ' aa
IT
1V
4JI0iJV
U
/Y
j
X
ji|
r'*
/
AujiuitdiLi, 7* 40
237
Sharma, J. P ., 168
Sharma, R. S., 151
Sharma, Y. D ., 17
S id d h a rth a , 13
Sigala, 79
Siha, 60, 82, 139
Khuddaka, 4
M ajjhima, 1 1 -1 2
rJ d. l N.
l l yU L L d j
do
1 U
O kkaka, 43
O ldenberg, H ., 95, 101, 147
Pande, G. C ., 3 - 4
Pan ini, 12-3
Parajika, 45
Pasenadi, K in g o f Kosala, 9, 11, 81, 100,
538, 1 6 1 -2 , 172
Patim akha, 38
Pindola Bharadvaja, 78
Piprawa, 19
Pokkarasadi, 1 3 2 -4
Potaliya Gahapati, 69
Puiina, 79, 95
Punna M antaniputta, 131
Punnika, 95
Purana Kassapa, 53
Rahula, 143
T axila, 20
T e k u k , 147
T heravada, 3
T herlgatha, 34
T risak , 13
Rajagaha, 2 0 - 2 , 7 4 -5 , 90
setthi of, 139
Raja Vishal Ka Garh, 19
Revata, 144
R g-V ed a, 36
Rhys-Davids, G
A. F . , 24.
1 2 7 3
Ryan, B ., 1 1 4 -7
Saketa, 74, 90
Sakya clan, 10, 12, 15, 148
Sal a, 134
Sandhana, 136
Sanjaya, 126
Sanjaya Belatthiputta, 52
Sankha, 173
iariputta, 52, 96, 1 2 5 -7 , 131, 135, 144,
146
Sati, 95
Savatthi, 19, 22, 90
Sekhiya D ham m a, 38
Senart, E ., 97
Subha, 40, 95
Sudivma Kalandaka. 89
Sujata, 145
Sona K olivisa, 75, 1 4 2 -3
Sundarika Bharadvaja, 61, 104
SunTia, 95 , 107
SuppaVasa, 59
63
U dayin , 137
Uddalaka, 40
U dena, 52, 62
U p a h , 13, 9 5 , 1 3 0 i , 143
U ru vela Kassapa, 38, 5 1 -2 , 140, 144
V aidehi, 27
Vajjian confederacy, Vajjians, /, y - 1 2 ,
14, 91, 138, 148, 172
Varanasi, 74
Varma, V. P. , 12
V asettha, 104
V eludvara, 134
V enagapura, 134
V eriirija, 134
Vesali, 13, 19, 90
V idudabha, 8, 10, 157, 162
V inaya, 2 4
V inaya Pitaka, 18, 27, 38, 55
238
Index o f Pt oper N am es
W internitz, M ., 3 - 4
Y am elu, 147
W aol^
- -
- '
N
"
'
N
"
' T
A' 1
W arder, A, K ., 4, 54
W eber, M ., 97, 147
ft1
-
- t
4 I1
^ i nn
y a s a , / t , / / ,
^n,
Z i m m e r , H ., 153
4
\<iz