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I N T E R NAT I O NA L J O U R NA L O F P H I L O S O P H I CA L S T U D I E S
F RO M R A D I CA L TO BA NA L E V I L
reality and breaks down all standards we know. There is only one
thing that seems to be discernible: we may say that radical evil has
emerged in connection with a system in which all men have become
equally superfluous.2
Evil has shown itself to be radical, to stand on itself as an independent
principle, because the evil of totalitarianism has not come from any good.
As the excerpt from the preface and this excerpt from the body of the work
make clear, one aspect of the absoluteness of the evil of totalitarianism is
its absolution from comprehensible motives. The root of evil does not lie
in the mind of human beings, namely in that which decides between good
and evil. Evil, for Arendt, does not have its root in human freedom. Given
that the radicality of evil is its independence both from the good and from
freedom, it cannot be justified in their names.
The thesis of the radical nature of evil is later abandoned. Eichmann in
Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil is not a study that limits itself
to evil in its banal aspect. In her reply of 24 July 1963 to Gershom
Scholems objections to the book, Arendt states her conviction that evil as
a whole is banal:
You are quite right: I changed my mind and do no longer speak of
radical evil. It is indeed my opinion now that evil is never radical,
that it is only extreme, and that it possesses neither depth nor any
demonic dimension. It can overgrow and lay waste the whole world
precisely because it spreads like a fungus on the surface. It is thoughtdefying, as I said, because thought tries to reach some depth, to go to
the roots, and the moment it concerns itself with evil, it is frustrated
because there is nothing. That is its banality. Only the good has
depth and can be radical.3
Evil is thought-defying not because it is too deep to be fathomed, but
because its superficiality does not permit it to be fathomed at all. In The
Origins of Totalitarianism, evil is radical because it is independent, but here
its very independence is its rootlessness. The radicality of evil is, properly
speaking, its banality. Evil cannot be understood because it cannot be seen
in relation to anything else. As it is without relation to anything, there is
nothing by which it could be justified.
Richard J. Bernstein, in his essay Did Hannah Arendt Change her
Mind? From Radical Evil to the Banality of Evil, contends that Arendts
two positions can be reconciled:
What Arendt means by radical evil is making human beings
superfluous eradicating the very conditions required for living a
human life. This is compatible with what she says about the banality
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as for late Arendt, cannot exist because it cannot take root. By aligning
being with goodness, Aquinas is able to discount the possibility of radical
evil since in the absoluteness of its non-being, radical evil absolves itself
from any relation to what is: it is simply that which is not. Evil is abashed
by life, namely by that which Arendt calls the first principle of the thought
of Aquinas and which could be called, with still more right, the first
principle of her own thought. The triumph over evil is assured from the
start for Aquinas because the first principle of his thought is the life of the
God of monotheism. The banality of evil in the Christian world is its
powerlessness against the life that is the Whole. What Arendt understands
by the banality of evil is not the powerlessness of evil, since the life against
which it is drawn up in opposition is the life of finite human beings. Evil is
banal for Arendt not because it cannot destroy life; it is banal because it
can.
Late Arendt shares the Scholastic position on the non-existence, the
nothingness of radical evil for reasons that have little to do with
eschatology. Evil does not need to be radical in order to be irredeemable.
As Arendt makes clear in her correspondence with Jaspers, the terms on
which she approaches the problem of evil are not theological. After reading
the final chapter of The Origins of Totalitarianism, Jaspers questioned
Arendt: Hasnt Jahwe faded too far out of sight?9 In her reply of 4 March
1951, Arendt writes: All traditional religion as such, whether Jewish or
Christian, holds nothing whatsoever for me any more. [. . .] Evil has proved
to be more radical than expected. In objective terms, modern crimes are
not provided for in the Ten Commandments.10 Despite this unambiguous
declaration of her lack of interest in religion as a response to the radical
evil of totalitarianism, when Arendt advances a decade later the thesis of
the banality of evil, Jaspers exclaims: Now you have delivered the crucial
word against radical evil, against gnosis!11
Arendts target, however, was not gnosis but the anti-political glamour of
evil. In a posthumously published interview she outlines her ambition: To
destroy the legend of the greatness of evil, of the demonic force, to take
away from people the admiration they have for the great evildoers like
Richard III.12 For Arendt, Eichmann was the true representative of evil
because he embodied its banality. She is not open to Jaspers suggestion
that the banality characteristic of Eichmann is missing from a Goebbels or
a Hitler. Jaspers, who prior to the trial imagines an Eichmann giving vent
and publicity to a sham Shakespearian rhetoric of genocidal anti-Semitism,
meets with Arendts curt dismissal of the risks. Even if Eichmann had
possessed Goebbels oratorical gifts, any attempt to invest his appearances
in court with the satanic nimbus of the villains of tragedy would, in her
opinion, have simply been ludicrous. Arendts flippancy in the face of the
enormities of Nazism, so offensive to many of her readers, is both sincere
and strategic. She employs her considerable talents for derision to take
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apart evils mythical allure. In the 1945 text Organized Guilt and Universal
Responsibility, for example, she sardonically attributes to Hitlers sympathizers in high society a romantic predilection for pirates.13 There was no
pact with the devil, only imprudence, unworldliness and conceit. In the
decades after the fall of National Socialism, evil, for Arendt, withers to a
banality, not because she finds her way to belief in an omnipotent Creator
but because evil is nothing in itself and must be seen, politically, as
nothing.
If Arendt sedulously strips evil of its radicality, which is to say its depth
and independence, it is in order to counteract a possible resurgence of the
magnetism that evil had exercised in pre-war Europe on what Arendt
sarcastically terms the elite. But where one Christian theologian after
another is able to bear witness to the nugatoriness of evil within the
spectacle of the cosmology of monotheism, Arendt does not have that
recourse. What, then, is her argument (as distinct from her political
motivation) for the claim that evil is nothing?
In order to see clearly the originality of Arendts argument, it is perhaps
best to compare it with that of Aquinas. The latter, in his Summa
Theologiae, Ia. 14, 10, writes:
Aristotle says that an intellect that is not in potentiality does not
know privation. But evil is privation of good, as Augustine says.
Therefore, since Gods intellect is never in the state of potentiality but
always in that of actuality, [. . .] it would seem that God does not know
evils. [. . .] To know a thing only through something else is to have
imperfect knowledge if the thing is knowable through itself. But evil
is not knowable through itself, because evil of its very nature is the
privation of good. And thus it cannot be defined or known except
through good.14
That which evil possesses of its own is merely its vacuity and unreality. It
thus frustrates the understanding, as Arendt says to Scholem, because it is
not knowable through itself.
Evil is not, according to Aquinas, a principle of a nature independent of
the good (it is not radical). Evil is evil with reference to a good, and with
reference to the greatest Good it dissipates as evil and reveals, according to
Ia. 49, 3, its fitness within the Whole:
As for those who upheld there were two first principles, one good and
another evil, their mistake sprang from the same root as that of other
strange beliefs of the ancient philosophers, namely they did not
consider the universal cause of the whole of being, but only the
particular causes of particular effects. On this account when they
discovered that by the strength of its own nature one thing was
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damaging to another they reckoned that the nature of that thing was
evil; for example, that fires nature was bad for burning down some
poor mans home.
The goodness, however, of a thing should not be assessed from its
reference to another particular thing, but on its own worth according
to the universal scheme of things, wherein each, as we have seen,
most admirably holds an appointed place.15
It is in its relations to particular beings that a thing can be judged evil; what
a thing is in itself, in its being and its relation to the Whole and the
goodness of the Whole, is necessarily good. The phenomenon of evil, for
Saint Thomas, is the corollary of a limited perspective.
Arendt does not venture this argument in defence of her claim of the
banality of evil. In The Life of the Mind she rejects it for the sake of
freedom:
Could it be that professional thinkers, basing their speculations on the
experience of the thinking ego, were less pleased with freedom than
with necessity? This suspicion appears inevitable when we consider
the strange assembly of theories on record, theories trying either to
deny outright the experience of freedom within ourselves or to
weaken freedom by reconciling it with necessity by means of
dialectical speculations that are entirely speculative in that they
cannot appeal to any experience whatsoever. The suspicion is
strengthened when one considers how closely all free-will theories
are tied to the problem of evil. Thus Augustine begins his treatise De
libero arbitrio voluntatis (The Free Choice of the Will) with the
question: Tell me, please, whether God is not the cause of evil? It
was a question first raised in all its complexity by Paul (in the Letter
to the Romans) and then generalized into What is the cause of evil?
with many variations concerning the existence both of physical harm
caused by destructive nature and of deliberate malice caused by
men.
The whole problem has haunted philosophers, and their attempts at
solving it have never been very successful; as a rule their arguments
evade the issue in its stark simplicity. Evil is either denied true reality
(it exists only as a deficient mode of the good) or is explained away
as a kind of optical illusion (the fault is with our limited intellect,
which fails to fit some particular properly into the encompassing
whole that would justify it), all this on the unargued assumption that
only the whole is actually real (nur das Ganze hat eigentliche
Wirklichkeit), in the words of Hegel. Evil, not unlike freedom, seems
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to belong to those things about which the most learned and ingenious
men can know almost nothing.16
Arendt impugns the history of philosophy for its aversion to freedom. She
wishes to unsettle the nexus in which freedom has been shackled to evil and
then explained away through evils dissolution in the Whole. The history of
philosophy has always already turned away from evil because evil is
nothing. For Arendt too, evil is nothing, but she does not turn away from
it. Philosophy turns away from evil towards necessity. Arendt, who is more
pleased with freedom than with necessity, does not turn away from evil,
not because evil is necessary for freedom but because in its nothingness,
against which the vita contemplativa is invulnerable, evil poses a danger to
the political.
In The Origins of Totalitarianism Arendt does not yet speak of the
banality of evil, but she does speak of its nothingness. Evil, as it had
appeared with the concentration-camp system, threatens the undetermined infinity of forms of human living-together with the nothingness
of the extinction of human beings. It is this threat above all which
constitutes for Arendt the historical novelty of Auschwitz. Everyone had
become a candidate for extermination. The list of groups to be killed, or so
at least it seemed to Arendt, was open-ended. In the last months of the war,
plans were afoot for the elimination of any German citizen with a
hereditary illness. The evil of previous wars had always drawn back from
the desire to exterminate all participants and onlookers. The vita
contemplativa, mistaking its life for the life of the eternal, is no longer equal
to the task of confronting the nothingness, which is to say the dangerous
banality, of evil. For the history of philosophy, the nothingness of evil is still
meaningful as one moment of the indestructible life of the eternal. For
Arendt, on the other hand, evil is banal because setting itself against the
destructible lives of finite human beings it sets itself against that in which
the meaningful alone has its being. The fragility of human life has proven
the absurdity of dialectical manuvres against evil. Arendt takes seriously
the banality of evil in order to avoid accommodating it by endowing it with
a meaning. She does not dismiss it and lapse into silence, but nor does she
place it alongside the infinity of forms of human living-together. Evil is
banal because it is the incomprehensibility of sheer meaninglessness: the
term evil is without a referent. The meaningfulness of evil, as the
thinkability of the non-existence of human beings, is, in Kantian terms, a
transcendental illusion: it is an ineradicable concomitant of our powers of
abstraction. Every attempt to assign evil a meaning and an attempt is
always already made so long as human beings exist inevitably reaches
beyond the absolute banality of evil. In this regard Arendts treatment
recalls the remark with which Karl Kraus opens The Third Walpurgisnacht:
When it comes to Hitler, nothing occurs to me. The experience of
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appearances, of wresting truth from the illusoriness and mitigated nonbeing of the phenomena of the world of the senses, only because he adopts
from the outset the perspective of eternity. Hegel is exclusively preoccupied with the essential, and on his demand evil, which is hollow and
has no essence of its own, can but surrender the good. But, as Arendt insists
in her reply to Eric Voegelins review of The Origins of Totalitarianism,
there is nothing to save in Auschwitz; there is no good to be recovered from
its evil.18 Hegels success in uncovering the moment of good that is the
truth of every evil is at the expense of the truth of his own human finitude.
The God who survives the annihilation of humanity to survey the good of
the perfect appointment of the universe in all its parts differs fundamentally from the human being who usurps the vantage point of God without
ceasing to be human. And yet this God likewise holds nothing whatsoever
for Arendt. She is at no stage a thinker of totality, and the very least that
can be said of her claim concerning the banality of evil is that she is not
trying to make sense of evil by referring it to the Whole. It is by refusing
to make sense of evil that Arendt breaks with the philosophical
tradition.
Arendt is rare among theorists of freedom in that she has no use for evil.
Evil ceases to be the price of freedom. Not only does it not show itself
within the open space of freedom, but it does not constitute the limit by
which freedom has traditionally at once curtailed itself and liberated itself
from the necessities of behaviour and the laws of nature. For Arendt, evil
is no longer the non-ethical moment of the ethical, the free abdication of
freedom. Even if the freedom of the undetermined infinity of forms of
human living-together faces a limit in the evil of sheer non-being, it cannot
compromise itself with this limit since any compromise would involve a
mediation of that which cannot be mediated. Evil relinquishes its role, and
hence the justification that came with its role, in marking out the distinct
space of freedom. By refusing to justify evil, Arendt disentangles freedom
from the ambiguity of evil and transfigures it.
This ambiguity is a favoured topic of discussion among Christian
theologians. Saint Anselm, for instance, interprets evil as the free
abdication of freedom. Sin is the consequence and abolition of freedom. In
order to be truly free, freedom in its traditional conception must have the
possibility of renouncing itself.19 Evil is the possibility and responsibility of
freedom: it is the proof of human freedom.
Freedom does not stand in need of proofs: for Arendt as for Kant,
freedom is a fact. With her thesis of the banality of evil Arendt by no means
intended to rob freedom of its proof and criticize the notion of
responsibility. It was far from Arendts mind to exonerate Eichmann, and
she was surprised and irritated when this construction was imposed willynilly on her report of his trial. On Arendts analysis, Eichmann was
culpable because in his official capacity as head of the Bureau for Jewish
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absolute for which the revolutions then erroneously and vainly tried to find
a substitute.26 The inventiveness of freedom is obscured by political
absolutes, which are self-contradictory because absolutes are irreconcilable with human plurality. In pulling a community into line, the absolute
erases the distance of the freedom of human plurality from the phenomena
appropriated by the so-called laws of nature. The absolute puts itself
forward as the unity of plurality when it lies precisely in the nature of
human plurality to be always already united; united not in the logical sense
of a point of indifference but in the mutual interweaving and contestation
of activities and identities.
We are free inasmuch as we are many. Even the freedom of the solitary
thinker is, for Arendt, the freedom of the plurality populating his or her
solitude. Solitude, because it is populous, is distinct from loneliness and its
inactivity and invisibility. The solitary is already a polis. For all her
fascination with the classical polis, Arendt is loth to abandon late
antiquitys deepening insight into the populousness of solitude. If the
following passage from On Revolution speaks of the visibility of the public
realm, it must be borne in mind that Arendts work as a whole constitutes
a redefinition of visibility:
The Greeks held that no one can be free except among his peers, that
therefore neither the tyrant nor the despot nor the master of a
household even though he was fully liberated and was not forced by
others was free. The point of Herodotuss equation of freedom with
no-rule was that the ruler himself was not free; by assuming the rule
over others, he had deprived himself of those peers in whose
company he could have been free. In other words, he had destroyed
the political space itself, with the result that there was no freedom
extant any longer, either for himself or for those over whom he ruled.
The reason for this insistence on the interconnection of freedom and
equality in Greek political thought was that freedom was understood
as being manifest in certain, by no means all, human activities, and
that these activities could appear and be real only when others saw
them, judged them, remembered them. The life of a free man needed
the presence of others. Freedom itself needed therefore a place where
people could come together the agora, the market-place, or the
polis, the political space proper.27
The abolition of the absolute is physically manifest in the polis, whose
centre is not the restricted site of the palace but the open space of the
agora. Only the free man is, in the Greek sense, visible. To be seen means
not merely to be an object perceived by an eye: it means to be seen, judged
and remembered. The proposition that the truly visible is the permanent
forms, of course, the principle of Platos doctrine of Ideas. Needless to say,
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Deception is not evil in Arendts sense. Evil is the closure of the space of
the decision between falsehood and truth. Evil does not deceive; it destroys
both the true and the false. Consummate evil, as projected by the Nazi
genocide, leaves no traces. Deception, on the other hand, as it presupposes
the ability to concede that things could be otherwise, stands in need of
existence and its freedom. Consummate evil has little in common with the
evil of Pericles Athenians, with which, by contrast, Arendt almost seems to
feel a certain sympathy. According to the funeral oration recounted by
Thucydides, the Athenians had left behind among their neighbours
monuments to their good as well as evil. This evil which is to be
remembered is not the evil of the oblivion into which Nazism sought to
disappear with its crimes. The Athenians left behind monuments to their
good and evil because what the classical polis desired above all was to
scintillate in the variety and complexity, in short, the isonomy, of its
appearances.
Arendt sides with the classical polis. She sides with opinion against truth,
but she does not base her decision on a mere opinion about truth. Truth, for
Arendt, at once presupposes the freedom of human plurality and conceals
it. In this respect, Arendts account resembles Heideggers archaeology of
the traditional understanding of truth in On the Essence of Truth.
Heidegger asserts:
Freedom, conceived on the basis of the in-sistent ek-sistence of
Dasein, is the essence of truth (in the sense of the correctness of
presenting), only because freedom itself originates from the originary
essence of truth, the rule of the mystery in errancy.42
Human Dasein in-sists, i.e. holds fast to what is offered by beings,43 and
ek-sists, i.e. is exposure to the disclosedness of beings as such.44 By always
already stepping beyond itself, beyond its unity and possible subsumption
under a concept, Dasein, which is essentially Being-with-one-another, loses
all measure and errs. Dasein has no telos by which it or its actions could be
properly judged. It is essentially errant, and it is only as such that it can
traverse the distance between a statement and its referent and thereby
constitute the condition for the understanding of truth as adaequatio rei et
intellectus. It is to Daseins errancy that Heidegger gives the name of
freedom. This errancy is prior to any failure to meet a given standard:
Humans err. Human beings do not merely stray into errancy. They
are always astray in errancy, because as ek-sistent they in-sist and so
already stand within errancy. The errancy through which human
beings stray is not something that, as it were, extends alongside them
like a ditch into which they occasionally stumble; rather, errancy
belongs to the inner constitution of the Da-sein into which historical
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human beings are admitted. Errancy is the free space for that turning
in which in-sistent ek-sistence adroitly forgets and mistakes itself
constantly anew.45
Human beings err inasmuch as they are free. Error rises up, for Heidegger,
against the derivative authority of truth as correctness, of templates and
banisters. Truth itself, because it involves a falling away from the
originarity of error, remains in error. Freedom is thus able to reclaim the
sphere of truth and the necessity of the laws of nature.
By contesting the hegemony of the endsmeans category on the basis of
the primacy of freedom, Arendt can look upon error far more dispassionately than any teleologist, and even accommodate it. But her rupture with
teleology does not mean that she accommodates evil. Instead, she redefines
it: evil is that which cannot be accommodated because it is the destruction
of the fact of existence. Death destroys existence, but evil, which is the
aggravation of death, destroys the very fact of existence because it
extirpates all trace of the deceased and strips the survivors of the freedom,
in other circumstances identical with existence, to remember and recognize. Evil is thus the consummation of the decline of the classical polis as
the historical site of freedom.
The end of the Greek polis, its retreat rather than its extinction, is the
triumph of the vita contemplativa in the birth of metaphysics and
Christianity. At first sight, Arendts interpretation of Heidegger as an
exponent of the vita contemplativa is puzzling, but it can be argued that
Arendt only seemingly misreads Heidegger. She understands his thought
so intimately that she can allow herself, on occasion, not to be taken in by
the letter of what he says. Such a hermeneutic practice would be
inadmissible if Arendt, on the basis of reflections on the problem of evil,
were not able to offer an assessment and critique of Heideggers central
question concerning Being.
In The Life of the Mind, remarking on Heideggers notion of errancy in
On the Essence of Truth, Arendt advances the following inaccurate
paraphrase:
But, just as, in Being and Time, this guilty self could salvage itself by
anticipating its death, so here the erring Dasein, while lingering a
while in the present realm of errancy, can, through the thinking
activity, join itself to what is absent. There is the difference, though,
that here the absent (Being in its enduring withdrawal) has no history
in the realm of errancy, and thinking and acting do not coincide. To
act is to err, to go astray.46
Heidegger, however, does not exclude thought from the errancy of human
beings. Indeed, for Heidegger we are not yet truly thinking precisely
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because philosophy has always shrunk back from error. Heidegger is not a
Platonist, and he is so emphatic on this point that Arendts interpretation
cannot help appearing wilfully obtuse. The expositions of Being-in-theworld and the criticisms of the abstractness of the subject could not be any
less ambiguous in declaring Heideggers opposition to the theoretical
standpoint of the vita contemplativa.
For a moment, in The Human Condition, hence in a work that never
mentions his name, Arendt skirts the region in which Heidegger is
ostensibly at home:
There is perhaps no clearer testimony to the loss of the public realm
in the modern age than the almost complete loss of authentic concern
with immortality, a loss somewhat overshadowed by the simultaneous
loss of the metaphysical concern with eternity.47
Heideggers modernity is his concern with the mortality of Dasein as
opposed to the immortality of the glorious deed and the eternity of the
unchanging Ideas. Heidegger is not a Greek in the heroic or the
metaphysical sense. He is not an Augenmensch; if anything, his work
constitutes in the history of philosophy the formulation of the most
uncompromising suspicion of visibility and presence. Heideggers modernity does not mark the triumph of the spectator over the actor of the Greek
polis but rather the possibility of putting into question the privileged status
of the spectator by inquiring into the hidden counter-essence of the
visibility of both the vita activa and the vita contemplativa.
Arendts misreading is strategic. Its obfuscations show up, however, in
the obfuscations of her commentators. In The Thracian Maid and the
Professional Thinker: Arendt and Heidegger, Jacques Taminiaux reiterates
Arendts classification of Heidegger as a theoretician:
Heidegger too thinks that praxis is the appearing of each one in his
ownmost individuality, his own way of excelling. Yet, because
excellence in his eyes resides in bios theoretikos given over to the
solitary contemplation of Being, he merely retains from the Aristotelian praxis what puts him on the way to speculative excellence.48
Certainly excellence, in Heideggers judgement (putting aside everything
that could be said against excellence as timidity before the errancy of
Dasein), resides in the understanding of Being, but that this understanding involves an exclusion of plurality and a valorization of theory is
a construction at odds with Being and Time. Being cannot be understood
by an entity that withdraws itself from others and suppresses the truth of
its Being-with-others just as fallenness into the everyday is, for Heidegger, in no way something negative and self-evidently inferior to the vita
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Villa believes that Heidegger remains bound to a productionist metaphysics, and thus to techne, when he turns to poetry and compares poetry and
the State. But what Heidegger understands by poetry is as removed from
the ordinary connotations of poiesis as his understanding of producere. In
a note from 19401, Heidegger distances his conception of poetry from
techne: Poetry [Dichtung] no longer as art; with the end of metaphysics
the end of art techne.51 Arendt, and her commentators in her wake,
cannot pull clear of Heidegger.
But the accuracy of Arendts reading cannot be brought into doubt by
adducing passages in Heidegger where he criticizes the prejudices of the
vita contemplativa concerning action and plurality. In Arendts judgement, Heidegger protests in vain his innocence of these prejudices. His
devotion to the question of Being renders him incapable of properly
addressing action and plurality because it blinds him to freedom.
Freedom goes unthought in the meticulous and unyielding attempt to
ground and reformulate the Scotist claim concerning the univocity of
Being. Heideggers thinking was always to revolve around the task, as it
is outlined in 1 of Being and Time, of securing the unity of the many
ways of Being:
Aristotle himself knew the unity of this transcendental universal as
a unity of analogy in contrast to the multiplicity of the highest generic
concepts applicable to things. With this discovery, in spite of his
dependence on the way in which the ontological question had been
formulated by Plato, he put the problem of Being on what was, in
principle, a new basis. To be sure, even Aristotle failed to clear away
the darkness of these categorial interconnections. In medieval
ontology this problem was widely discussed, especially in the Thomist
and Scotist schools, without reaching clarity as to principles.52
Aristotle fails to illuminate the categorial interconnections between the
various ways of Being, furnishing with his conception of a unity of analogy
only an unsatisfactory substitute for what Heidegger names at differing
stages the meaning, truth and place of Being. Heidegger seeks a unity
that does not unite in the way a genus unites. A genus unites by means of
common properties, whereas the variety in the ways of Being is not
explicable in terms of incompletely shared sets of properties. The many
ways of Being are the equivocation of Being. If the unity that Heidegger
seeks is not a common property, it is also not the unity of the Aristotelian
One. For Aristotle, unity can be said of every being inasmuch as it is one,
in the sense of being identifiably distinct as one x. Heidegger, who sets out
to make sense of the equivocation of Being in his existential analytic,
discovers in Dasein a being that stands outside the sway of the One.
Dasein, because it ek-sists, because it is merely towards its own death and
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F RO M R A D I CA L TO BA NA L E V I L
of human finitude, and yet he himself retains the dispassionate view of evil
proper only to the indestructible. Having pursued a critique of the
ontological tradition on the basis of a more originary understanding of
temporality obtained through his analysis of human finitude, Heidegger
endangers his own project through his equanimity regarding evil. On her
guard against the eternalist prejudices of the vita contemplativa, Arendt
experiences the utter and hence banal irreconcilability between the
existence of finite human beings and evil.
Even as he defends Schelling against Heideggers reading, Nancy
suggests that Schelling, and Heidegger similarly and with a far more
sinister historical corollary, has no genuine understanding of freedom.
Nancy asks:
Is it possible to say that the thinking of being, at least as Heidegger
was able to announce it, has escaped the profound logic and tonality
of the idealism of freedom, according to which freedom for good and
evil is first established and can only be established through evil, and
must therefore, whether it wants to or not, in one way or another
justify evil, which means dialecticize it, as is the case when discord is
at best what makes unity appear? [. . .] At what point does this
identity, specifically presented as not being one, cease dialecticizing
itself and producing a superior identity, the result of which seems to
be nothing other than a deaf return to a theodicy or logodicy, this
time in the form of an ontodicy? And yet, why does being need a
justification if it is not and does not cause unless we must ask
ourselves whether it isnt the unjustifiable that, in spite of everything,
we want to justify? (This clearly means: to what extent, in spite of
everything and everyone, did Heidegger silently justify Auschwitz?
Yet this also means, above all for us: to what extent is this silent
justification not a weakness of the very thinking of being, understood,
as we are trying to do here, as the thinking of freedom or of the
generosity of being?)55
In Schellings Idealism, the justification of evil in the name of freedom
corresponds to a spurious conception of freedom. In such a conception,
freedom is liberated from the rule of necessity only to the extent that it now
itself invests the position of necessity and justifies whatever is in return for
its ratification. Heidegger does not openly justify evil, but inasmuch as he
attempts to uncover the superior identity of the manifold ways of Being, his
silence regarding Auschwitz must be suspected of harbouring an ontological motivation. From the aloof vantage point of the thinker of the truth
of Being, even the unjustifiable must have its appointed place in the
ontological totality. The prejudices of the vita contemplativa, as Arendt
intimates, prevent Heidegger from speaking out and actively intervening
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against the extermination of his fellow human beings. What Arendt takes to
be the anti-metaphysical lesson of Auschwitz is lost on him. Non-being, as
it threatened to assert its hegemony in the extermination, is not simply one
of the many ways of Being. Non-being is unthinkable. For all the
vociferousness of his confrontation with Plato, Heidegger implicitly
subscribes to the founding thesis of metaphysics in Platos Parmenides:
non-being is. Arendts meditations on the pre-Socratic polis are properly
understood only if they are seen as a response to Auschwitz and not as a
flight into nostalgia and the Graecomania once endemic to Germanspeaking intellectuals.
It is not an issue of a choice between fundamental ontology and ethics,
between Heideggers question of the categorial interconnections of the
ways of Being and Arendts political opposition to totalitarianism.
Unjustifiability threatens rather than extinguishes ontology. The question
of the categorial interconnections of the ways of Being is ill served by any
restoration or reinvention of theodicy. Through justification the unjustifiable is presumed to be understood when it can only ever be misunderstood.
The unintelligibility with which non-being withholds itself from the sway of
the proposed categorial interconnections is to be rendered intelligible as
unintelligible. This means that it is to be considered a block to any answer
to the question of the categorial interconnections, but not to the question
itself. The question of the categorial interconnections asks after unity and
in the name of the unjustifiable must work, perhaps even more vehemently,
against it. Dasein, as the meaning of the originary finitude of Being, as the
being-outside-of-itself of ecstatic temporality, must be grasped in the
impossibility of its unity. Ontology, if it is to be itself, must come asunder
and must never cease coming asunder against the unjustifiable.
University of Queensland, Australia
Notes
1 Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1967),
pp. xxxxxxi.
2 Ibid., p. 459.
3 Arendt, Letter of 24 July 1963 to Gershom Scholem, in The Jew as Pariah, ed.
Ron H. Feldman (New York: Grove Press, 1978), pp. 2501.
4 Richard J. Bernstein, Did Hannah Arendt Change her Mind? From Radical
Evil to the Banality of Evil, in Larry May and Jerome Kohn (eds) Hannah
Arendt: Twenty Years Later (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997), p. 142.
5 Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism, pp. 4423.
6 Arendt, On Violence (London: Penguin, 1970), p. 56.
7 Arendt, The Life of the Mind: Thinking (London: Secker & Warburg, 1978), p.
3.
8 Arendt, The Life of the Mind: Willing (London: Secker & Warburg, 1978), p.
118.
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9 Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers, Correspondence, ed. Lotte Kohler and Hans
Saner, trans. Robert and Rita Kimber (New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1992), p. 165.
10 Ibid., p. 166.
11 Ibid., p. 525.
12 Roger Errera, Hannah Arendt: From an Interview, New York Review of Books,
26 October 1978, p. 18.
13 Arendt, Organized Guilt and Universal Responsibility, in Essays in Understanding: 193054, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company,
1994), p. 126.
14 Saint Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, ed. and trans. Thomas Gilby and
others (Oxford: Blackfriars, 1964), Vol. 4, pp. 357.
15 Ibid., Vol. 8, pp. 1435.
16 Arendt, The Life of the Mind: Willing, pp. 334.
17 Arendt, Concern with Politics in Recent European Philosophical Thought, in
Essays in Understanding: 193054, p. 444.
18 Arendt, A Reply to Eric Voegelin, in Essays in Understanding: 193054, pp.
4018.
19 Cf. Kant, Lectures on the Philosophical Doctrine of Religion, trans. Allen W.
Wood in Allen W. Wood and George di Giovanni (eds) Religion and
Rational Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 411: In
paradise the human being here appears as a darling of nature, great in his
predispositions but crude in his cultivation. Thus he lives undisturbed, led by
his instincts, until finally he feels his humanity, and in order to prove his
freedom, he falls. Now he no longer is an animal, but he has become an
animal.
20 Arendt, The Life of the Mind: Willing, p. 217.
21 Arendt, Crises of the Republic (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1969), p.
179.
22 Arendt, Hermann Broch, in Men in Dark Times (New York: Harcourt, Brace
& World, 1968), pp. 1478.
23 Arendt, On Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1990), p. 274.
24 Margaret Canovan, The Political Thought of Hannah Arendt (London: J. M.
Dent, 1974), p. 124.
25 Gilles Deleuze and Felix
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36 See the political and historical exposition of Anaximanders cosmology in JeanPierre Vernant, The New Image of the World, in The Origins of Greek Thought
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), pp. 11929.
37 Arendt, What is Authority?, in Between Past and Future (New York: Viking,
1968), pp. 1078.
38 Ibid., p. 109.
39 Ibid., pp. 11213.
40 Arendt, Truth and Politics, in Between Past and Future, pp. 2378.
41 Ibid., p. 246.
42 Heidegger, On the Essence of Truth, trans. John Sallis in Pathmarks, p. 151.
43 Ibid., p. 150.
44 Ibid., p. 145.
45 Ibid., p. 150.
46 Arendt, The Life of the Mind: Willing, pp. 1934.
47 Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1958), p.
55.
48 Jacques Taminiaux, The Thracian Maid and the Professional Thinker: Arendt and
Heidegger, ed. and trans. Michael Gendre (Albany: SUNY Press, 1997), p. 94.
49 Heidegger, Letter on Humanism , trans. Frank A. Capuzzi in Pathmarks, p.
239.
50 Dana Villa, Arendt and Heidegger: The Fate of the Political (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1996), p. 170.
51 Heidegger, Metaphysik und Nihilismus, ed. Hans-Joachim Friedrich in the
Gesamtausgabe, Vol. 67 (Frankfurt: Klostermann, 1999), p. 108.
52 Heidegger, Being and Time, p. 22.
53 Jean-Luc Nancy, The Experience of Freedom, trans. Bridget McDonald
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), p. 132.
54 Arendt, What is Existential Philosophy?, in Essays in Understanding: 193054,
p. 180.
55 Nancy, op. cit., pp. 1312.
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