230: Energy in the natural environment dissertation

Biogas Technology in India:

More than Gandhi's Dream?
Jo Lawbuary, HES

Contents

Introduction
Why biogas?
Methanogenesis
Evolution of biogas technology
Dissemination of biogas technology
Factors hindering spread of biogas
Conclusion
References

Tables and Figures

Tables:
1. Estimated potential of renewable technologies in India
2. Different biogas plants recognised by MNES
3. Daily dung requirements and dung fed

Figures:
Fig1. Process of methanogenesis
Fig2a. common biogas plants a: KVIC floating-drum model
Fig2b. Camartec fixed-dome model

Frontispiece:
Biogas promotion poster produced by the Khadi and Village Industry Commission

Introduction

Mahatma Gandhi, in his vision for India, envisaged a system of devolved, self-sufficient
communities, sustaining their needs from the local environment, and organising income
generating ventures around co-operative structures. Fifty years on, and Gandhi's vision of
Swadeshi (self-sufficiency) for India, despite interpreted by some as a romantic and
bucolic notion, is perhaps more urgent than ever. Diminishing forests, and a burgeoning,
mainly rural biomass-dependent population of 984 million, necessitates a co-ordinated
effort of rural India to supply itself with a dependable and sustained source of energy.
Biomass alone currently meets 57% of the national energy demand, (Tata, 1998) yet is
rarely featured in any 'official' statistics of energy use, given perhaps its scattered nature,
and its low status as fuel. Indeed, according to statistics, in 1995, 63.3% of India's energy
production was from its reserves of low-grade coal, 18.6% from petroleum, while
hydroelectricity, natural gas and nuclear accounted for 8.9%, 8.2%, and 1% respectively
(EIA, 1998).
India's overall energy production in 1995 was approximately 8.8 quadrillion Btu (quads),
while consumption was 10.5 quads. India's energy demand is increasing, and its inability
to step up production to meet demand, has increased India's reliance on costly imports,
the gap between consumption and production projected to widen into the next century, as
demand for energy is projected to grow at an annual rate of 4.6% - one of the highest in
the world (EIA, 1998). Energy for developing industries, transport, and a drive towards
the electrification of India over the last three decades of an expanding residential sector,
so that currently, a great percentage of villages in the subcontinent have access to the
grid- as much as 90%, according to recent figures (EIA, 1998), have contributed to the
energy production deficit.
However, as mentioned earlier, the conventional statistics do not take into account the
informal and unorganised use of biomass, which is reputed to account for 57% of total
energy, therefore, effectively energy from biomass more than equals the marketable
energy production of 8.8 quads (However, given the inherent difficulty in estimating such
a figure, there must be a wide margin of error, potentially). Fuelwood is the primary
source of biomass, derived from natural forests, plantations, woodlots and trees around
the homestead (Agarwal, 1998). Alarm regarding the state of India's forests, which were
being lost at an estimated rate of 1.5 million hectares (Mha) in the early 1980's has kick
started an intense afforestation and forest regeneration scheme that attempts to share
management of forest resources between the forest department and local user
communities. Afforestation appears to be showing up on satellite images on the
subcontinent (Hall and Ravindranath, 1994), but whether ultimately, more fuelwood will
be available to rural communities, will be more a political question.
Table 1: The estimated potential of various RES technologies in India (Tata 1998)
Source / System

Approximate Potential

Biogas plants (in millions)

12

Improved woodstoves (in millions)

120

Biogas (MW)
Solar energy (MW / km2)

17,000
20

Wind energy (MW)

20,000

Small hydro power (MW)

10,000

Ocean energy (MW)

50,000

In an attempt to stem the projected deficit between production and consumption,

particularly for the increasing residential sector, which accounts for approximately 10%
of total energy use, and provide for an expanding rural sector, the government is pursuing
alternative measures of energy provision. Renewable energy potential is high on the
subcontinent. Table 1, above, lists the estimated potential of various renewable energy
sources. Energy from solar, wind, hydro and ocean all have a significant future potential
to play in a mixed energy production scenario. However, of particular interest here, in the
context of providing a devolved, sustainable energy supply for the burgeoning rural
sector in India, is the potential of biogas; the gas created as a product of anaerobic
digestion of organic materials.
The government views biogas technology as a vehicle to reduce rural poverty, and as a
tool in part of a wider drive for rural development. Alternative energy options are
promoted by The Indian Renewable Energy Development Agency (IREDA), which
operates under the Ministry of Non-Conventional Energy Sources (MNES). To promote
and disseminate information about biogas technology specifically, the government has
organised the National Project on Biogas Development nation-wide, and several NGO's
have been active in implementing the programme on the ground. Active dissemination is
also undertaken by the Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC), in the context
of rural development from small-scale income generating opportunities.
Currently, there are thought to be about 2.5 million household and community biogas
plants installed around India (Dutta et al, 1997), though table 1 estimates that 12 million
could be usefully employed. This essay will critically examine the drive to provide rural
India with an 'appropriate' energy source, with particular reference to the rural poor. The
potential benefits of biogas in a rural economy will be outlined, followed by the
biological and biochemical foundations of methanogenesis, and the evolution of biogas
technology. Case studies from different parts of India will be considered, from
construction of biogas plants, to their long term functioning amongst the communities
they are designed to serve.

Why biogas?
The enormous potential of biogas, estimated at 17,000 MW can be seen from table 1. The
capacity was derived principally from estimated agricultural residues and dung from
India's 300 million cattle. Biogas technology may have the potential to short-circuit the
'energy transition' Leach (1987) describes from biomass to 'modern' fuels. Biogas
technology is a particularly useful system in the Indian rural economy, and can fulfil
several end uses. The gas is useful as a fuel substitute for firewood, dung, agricultural
residues, petrol, diesel, and electricity, depending on the nature of the task, and local
supply conditions and constraints (Lichtman, 1983), thus supplying energy for cooking
and lighting. Biogas systems also provide a residue organic waste, after anaerobic
digestion, that has superior nutrient qualities over the usual organic fertilizer, cattle dung,
as it is in the form of ammonia (Sasse et al, 1991). Anaerobic digesters also function as a
waste disposal system, particularly for human waste, and can, therefore, prevent potential
sources of environmental contamination and the spread of pathogens (Lichtman, 1983).
Small-scale industries are also made possible, from the sale of surplus gas to the
provision of power for a rural-based industry, therefore, biogas may also provide the user
with income generating opportunities (KVIC, 1993). The gas can also be used to power
engines, in a dual fuel mix with petrol (Jawurek et al, 1987) and diesel (KVIC, 1993), and
can aid in pumped irrigation systems.
Apart from the direct benefits gleaned from biogas systems, there are other, perhaps less
tangible benefits associated with this renewable technology. By providing an alternative
source of fuel, biogas can replace the traditional biomass based fuels, notably wood.
Introduced on a significant scale, biogas may reduce the dependence on wood from
forests, and create a vacuum in the market, at least for firewood (whether this might
reduce pressure on forests however, is contestable).
What is more certain, is the impact on rural womens' lives. Promoted by KVIC, and other
bodies as 'eliminating drudgery of women' (see frontispiece), a regular supply of energy
piped to the home reduces, if not removes, the daily task of fuelwood gathering, which
can, in areas of scarcity, be the single most time consuming task of a woman's day taking more than three hours in some areas (Lewanhak, 1989). Freeing up energy and
time for a woman in such circumstances often allows for other activities, some of which
may be income generating. Additional knock on benefits in this context, apart from a
positive contribution to the household economy, may be an increase in personal status,
both within the family, and the wider community, and a greater role in decision making;
no small feat in the traditional gender power imbalance, characteristic of rural India.
Alternatively, the saving, in terms of energy can perhaps contribute to a reduction in the
gender difference in terms of food intake and proportion of energy expended in labour,
which, according to Revelle (1976) is higher for a woman (over 15 years) at 44%, but
lower in males at 38%. However, more likely is that a woman's energy will be directed in
other areas.
A clean and particulate-free source of energy also reduces the likelihood of chronic
diseases that are associated with the indoor combustion of biomass-based fuels, such as

respiratory infections, ailments of the lungs; bronchitis, asthma, lung cancer, and
increased severity of coronary artery disease (Banerjee, 1996). Benefits can also be
scaled up, when the potential environmental impacts are also taken into account;
significant reductions in emissions associated with the combustion of biofuels, such as
sulphur dioxide (SO2), nitrogen dioxide (NO2), carbon monoxide (CO), total suspended
particles (TSP's), and poly-aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH's), are possible with the largescale introduction of biogas technology.
The use of biogas systems in an agrarian community can increase agricultural
productivity. All the agricultural residue, and dung generated within the community is
available for anaerobic digestion, whereas previously, a portion would be combusted
daily for fuel. Therefore more is returned to the land. Moreover, as mentioned earlier, the
slurry that is returned after methanogenesis is superior in terms of its nutrient content; the
process of methane production serves to narrow the carbon:nitrogen ratio (C:N), while a
fraction of the organic nitrogen is mineralised to ammonium (NH4+), and nitrate (NO3-),
the form which is immediately available to plants. According to Sasse et al (1991), the
resulting slurry has double the short-term fertilizer effect of dung, while long term
fertilizer effects are cut by half. However, in the tropics, the short term effects are the
most critical, as even the slow degrading manure fraction is quickly degraded, due to
rapid biological activity. An increase in land fertility, then, can result in an increase in
agricultural production. The knock on benefits may include improved subsistence,
increased local food security, or income generation from a higher output.
Biogas systems, then, offer an integrated system that lends itself to a rural setting; the
plants can be maintained with a variety of organic residues, from humans, animals, crops
and domestic food waste. Indeed, biogas plants could also be usefully employed in an
urban environment also. Ranade et al (1987) successfully maintained a biogas plant of 25
litres capacity, fed with market waste, in Pune, western India and suggest such a system
to be a viable option for solid waste disposal in areas of rapid urbanisation. Although this
essay is more concerned with biogas in rural areas, the example does, nonetheless,
demonstrate the potential of biogas technology and its multifunctional and flexible
applications.
Integral to biogas technology also, and the philosophy it represents, namely Swadeshi, is
the requirement of devolved, and self-reliant communities to manage the systems. This
may seem a rather obvious point to make, but necessary nonetheless. For biogas systems
to be truly viable and workable in rural India, demands the technology to be preferably
generated from within the community. As will be seen later, this may not always be
possible logistically, amongst other reasons. If not actually produced from the community
it is to serve, then the technology must be amenable and possible to manage and modify
by individuals within the community, preferably the plant owner, and reliance on 'outside'
assistance kept to a minimum. Without this basic requirement being fulfilled, biogas
technology will not be a truly viable option for meeting India's rural energy demands.
With this in mind, the government agencies involved in designing biogas plants have
attempted to create plants that could be maintained locally. Although the designs have

evolved over the last forty years since their inception which will be outlined later, the
microbial processes around which they are built, methanogenesis, remains the same.

Methanogenesis
Methanogenesis is a microbial process, involving many complex, and differently
interacting species, but most notably, the methane-producing bacteria. The biogas process
is shown below in figure 1, and consists of three stages; hydrolysis, acidification and
methane formation.

Figure 1: The process of methanogenesis (After GTZ, 1999).

In the first stage of enzymatic hydrolysis, the extracellular enzymes of microbes, such as
cellulase, protease, amylase and lipase externally enzymolize organic material. Bacteria
decompose the complex carbohydrates, lipids and proteins in cellulosic biomass into
more simple compounds. During the second stage, acid-producing bacteria convert the
simplified compounds into acetic acid (CH3COOH), hydrogen (H2), and carbon dioxide
(CO2). In the process of acidification, the facultatively anaerobic bacteria utilise oxygen
and carbon, thereby creating the necessary anaerobic conditions necessary for

methanogenesis. In the final stage, the obligatory anaerobes that are involved in methane
formation decompose compounds with a low molecular weight, (CH3COOH, H2, CO2), to
form methane (CH4) and CO2 (Gate, 1999).
The resulting biogas, sometimes referred to as 'gobar' gas, consists of methane and carbon
dioxide, and perhaps some traces of other gases, notably hydrogen sulphide (H2S). Its
exact composition will vary, according to the substrate used in the methanogenesis
process, but as an approximate guide, when cattle dung is a major constituent of
fermentation, the resulting gas will be between 55-66% CH4, 40-45% CO2, plus a
negligible amount of H2S and H2 (KVIC, 1993). Biogas has the advantage of a potential
thermal efficiency, given proper equipment and aeration, of 60%, compared to wood and
dung that have a very low thermal efficiency of 17% and 11% respectively (KVIC, 1993).
Methanogenesis or more particularly, the bacteria involved in the fermentation process
are sensitive to a range of variables that ultimately determine gas production, and it is
worth briefly outlining these factors. Temperature is perhaps the most critical
consideration. Gasification is found to be maximised at about 35oC, and below this
temperature, the digestion process is slowed, until little gas is produced at 15oC and
under. Therefore in areas of temperature changes, such as mountainous regions, or winter
conditions that may be more accentuated inland, mitigating factors need to be taken into
account, such as increased insulation (Kalia, 1988), or the addition of solar heaters to
maintain temperatures (Lichtman, 1983).
Loading rate and retention period of material are also important considerations. In the
KVIC model, retention ranges between 30-55 days, depending upon climatic conditions,
and will decrease if loaded with more than its rated capacity (which may result in
imperfectly digested slurry). KVIC state that maximum gas production occurs during the
first four weeks, before tapering off, therefore a plant should be designed for a retention
that exploits this feature. Retention period is found to reduce if temperatures are raised, or
more nutrients are added to the digester. Human excreta, due to its high nutrient content,
needs no more than 30 days retention in biogas plants (KVIC, 1983).
Other factors likely to affect methanogenesis are pH; gas production is found to decrease
with increasing acidity, and can result from over-loading the plant, which may stimulate
the more fecund acidophiles, at the expense of the more tardy methane-producing
microbes. Improved nutrient content, also, as mentioned above will increase the digestion
process, and can be manipulated by the addition of animal (and male human) urine, while
toxic substances, such as heavy metals may inhibit gas production (KVIC, 1983).
Understanding the process of methanogenesis allows manipulation, which can serve to
maximise gas production in the field. Workers over the last twenty years have
experimented with the digestion process, and have made strides in increasing gas yields,
using techniques that can be similarly employed in a rural environment. Sharma et al
(1988), have shown that biogas generation is increased when the particle size of organic
material is small, in this case, less than 1mm. The workers recommend that a physical
pre-treatment, such as grinding would improve a system's performance, and could also

reduce the size of digester needed. A manual machine for physical pre-treatment of
material would be a viable piece of equipment in a rural environment; indeed, there may
be a similar piece of equipment already in use.
Other workers have found that biogas production is accelerated by the presence of metal
ions in biomass (Geeta et al, 1990). The species principally researched was water
hyacinth (Eichornia crassipes Solms.), which flourishes in eutrophic water bodies. The
plant characteristically grows at high densities, which often leads to clogging, and is
therefore considered an environmental pest. Water hyacinth, however, also concentrates
nickel from eutrophic environments, upto 0.27 kg h/day, which, when mixed with bovine
excreta upto 25 parts per million (ppm) was found to enhance gas production by 40%.
The use of E. crassipes in biogas systems can both increase gas production, and
contribute to environmental management, by way of controlling a pest.
Research in other areas has focused on the composition on the substrate, and its effect on
gas production. Habig (1985), fermented a range of organic materials from marine
macroalgae to vegetables and discerned that carbohydrate and protein are the principal
components utilised during methanogenesis.
Such work is invaluable in enabling a sound management and manipulation of
methanogenesis, and can be of use to users in a rural environment.

The evolution of biogas technology

Biogas plants in India were experimentally introduced in the 1930's, and research was
principally focused around the Sewage Purification Station at Dadar in Bombay,
undertaken by S.V. Desai and N.V. Joshi of the Soil Chemistry Division, Indian
Agriculture Research Institute, New Delhi. The early plants developed were very
expensive and were not cost effective in terms of the gas output, indeed the early models
were not producing enough gas to supply a small family (KVIC, 1993). Some of the early
models were also prone to burst, so overall, the technology was not viable for
dissemination.
Over the next twenty years, Jashbhai Patel designed and made several small-scale biogas
digesters, envisaging farm labourers as the user. Although other individuals and
institutions were also designing biogas plants, in 1961 the Khadi and Village Industry
Commission chose to promote Patel's design, which, although more costly than other
models, was more productive, had a longer life, and required minimal maintenance
(KVIC, 1993).
The basic plant, which came to be known as the KVIC model, consists of a deep well,
and a floating drum, usually made of mild steel. The system collects the gas, which is
kept at a relatively constant pressure. As more gas is produced, the drum gas holder
consequently rises. As the gas is consumed, the drum then falls. The biomass slurry
moves through the system, as the inlet is higher than the outlet tank, creating hydrostatic
pressure. Only completely digested material can flow up a partition wall, which prevents

fresh material from 'short-circuiting' the system, before flowing into the outlet tank.
Dimensions of the plants depend upon the energy requirements of the user (Lichtman,
1983). The basic system can be seen in figure 2a. By the early1980's, there were thought
to be about 80,000 systems built by KVIC.

Figure 2a: The KVIC floating drum model (Lichtman, 1983)

Figure 2b: The Camartec fixed dome model (Sasse et al, 1991)

Research into anaerobic digesters continued around the country, and the Planning
Research and Action Division (PRAD) based in Uttar Pradesh, northern India developed
the 'Janata' fixed-dome plant, based on a modified design widely used in China. Key
features of the Janata model, is the fixed-dome, in contrast to the floating dome of the
KVIC model. With this design, the inlet and outlet tank volumes are calculated for
minimum and maximum gas pressures based on the volumes displaced by the variation of
gas and slurry within the system (See figure 2b). The Janata system is about 30% cheaper
to construct than a KVIC model of the same capacity with added advantages that there
are no moving parts, making local construction possible and maintenance easy. Lichtman
(1983) notes that savings may diminish with scale with this design, so Janata may be
more appropriate for small-scale users. One disadvantage with the fixed-dome design is
that gradual accumulation of sludge is likely within the system, making periodic cleaning
necessary. In china, where similar designs are widely used, small birds in cages are
placed inside the digesters prior to human attempts at entry. In a variation of the canary
and mining scenario, if the canary lives, it is assumed that there is no concentrated CH4,
which is highly toxic and potentially explosive, and hence safe for humans (Lichtman,
1983).
Anaerobic digester design has continued to evolve over the years, but systems are
generally variations around the theme of the floating-dome and the fixed-dome design.
Often construction materials vary, or loading positions differ. Table 2, below, shows some
of the most common biogas plants that are recognised by the government.

Table 2: Different types of biogas plant recognised by MNES (Ministry of NonConventional Energy Sources). After Gate, 1999.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Floating-drum plant with a cylinder digester (KVIC model).

Fixed-dome plant with a brick reinforced, moulded dome (Janata model).
Floating-drum plant with a hemisphere digester (Pragati model).
Fixed-dome plant with a hemisphere digester (Deenbandhu model).
Floating-drum plant made of angular steel and plastic foil (Ganesh model).
Floating-drum plant made of pre-fabricated reinforced concrete compound
units.

7. Floating-drum plant made of fibreglass reinforced polyester.

The discussion so far has highlighted the potential contribution of biogas systems in a
rural, Indian economy. Although the systems evolve through a process of research and
development, the critical test of their appropriateness, and ultimate usefulness, is their
application in the field.

Dissemination of biogas systems:

Since the 1960's, biogas systems have been implemented in India, but it was in 1981 with
the beginning of the sixth 5-year Plan, and the formation of the National Project for
Biogas Development (NPBD), when the drive to step up dissemination was taken,
perhaps also reflecting the alarm of fuelwood shortages at the time.
Currently, there are thought to be about 2.5 million biogas plants installed around the
country (Dutta et al, 1997), though the potential of large-scale implementation of biogas
technology remains unrealised. According to MNES, in 1991, the use of electricity for
cooking, which includes biogas, only accounted for about 2% and 3% for rural and urban
areas respectively, and sharply demonstrates the continued minority status of this
alternative fuel.
The Tata Research Institute, New Delhi, estimates that 12 million biogas systems in total
could be installed over the subcontinent, while GATE, an alternative energy NGO based
in Germany, estimates the total potential number of plants that could usefully be
employed to be 30 million household-size, and nearly 600,000 community-size plants,
one for each village. However, it is not clear on what data these estimates are based on.
Nonetheless, there is still enormous potential for biogas technology, and the government
continues in its drive for more widespread implementation. However, for biogas to be
considered as a viable source of fuel, depends not only on an effective dissemination
programme, and extension, but also upon the success of existing plants in the field.
Although literature could not be found regarding the success rate of the 2.5 million
biogas plants installed to date, e.g., how many are fully operational, which may be
indicative of a lack of consequent monitoring, it would be instructive to examine the

implementation of biogas systems in rural India, to determine how the technology has
been received on the ground.
Implementation of biogas technology is overseen centrally by MNES, but actual
dissemination is devolved to the individual state governments, public corporations, such
as KVIC, the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB), and also NGO's. Although
there will be differences between states, the general approach to disseminate biogas
technology is based on a system of subsidies and concessions, to encourage uptake.
Subsidies are granted on plants upto 10m3 (a large family-sized system), and usually for
the models recognised by the government, as listed in table 2, though there may be
regional differences. Allowances are paid towards investment costs, to every user and for
every biogas plant that is installed, in what may be interpreted as a measure of intent to
promote biogas technology, and perhaps the most critical instrument in determining
initial uptake. The extent of the allowance is dependent on the size of plant, socioeconomic status of the user, and geographical region, according to rules worked out by
central government. India has been divided into three areas according to altitude; the
mountainous north-east is where the highest allowances are paid, perhaps reflecting the
commonly held notion that tribal communities are depleting forests (Maikhuri and
Gangwar, 1991). Mountainous, or high altitude areas in other states form the second
category, and the remaining states make up the last category. Here, socio-economic status
largely determines the size of the allowance, with priorities for scheduled caste and tribe,
and smallholders. Landless and marginal farmers are entitled to higher allowances than
farmers not in the fore-mentioned groups who have more than five hectares (GATE,
1999). Other allowances exist for bodies to establish and maintain an organisational
infrastructure, subject to reaching certain targets, of which a percentage must be allocated
in the provision of follow up services and monitoring.
Subsidies certainly appear to have encouraged up take, and participation seems to be high
amongst target groups, such as marginal and smallholders. This can be demonstrated in
the size and type of digester opted for. Orissa, on the east coast, is one of the poorest
states in India, and characterised by smallholders of approximately 1.6 ha, less than the
average of other states, and agriculture is the principal industry in Orissa. Therefore, it is
not surprising that of all the digesters, the most popular is the smallest capacity fixeddome Deenbandhu model, at 6m3, which accounts for 84% of all plants installed (Gram
Vikas, 1991). Similarly, in Sangli, Maharashtra western India, where there are 345,000
biogas digesters, more than any other state, the same Deenbandhu model accounts for
85% of all systems constructed (GATE, 1999).
However, Chand and Murthy (1988) note that up take is no guarantee of a successfully
operating plant. From studying installed systems in Maharashtra, western India, the
workers note a correlation between decreasing land size and non-functioning plants.
Similarly, Moulik (1981) maintains that of the early biogas plants installed a great
percentage, perhaps as many as 70%, are inoperative. Moulik explains that in the
enthusiasm to promote biogas technology, many 'marginal' farmers and landless were
hastily provided with plants, as full subsidies were given, and NGO's and other

organisations had targets to reach. However, many were to remain inoperative, due to a
variety of reasons, but critically, due to an inability to fulfil the requirements necessary
for operating the plant.
Moulik states that however well intentioned, the biogas programme cannot cater to the
needs of the poorest and marginalised, as these groups fail the technical requirements to
maintain a viable plant. More specifically, for even the smallest-sized plant, three to four
cattle are needed to provide the necessary quantity of dung. Less than this, and the plant
is not economically or operationally viable.
Moreover, considerable constraints may also exist in the provision of space and water
that are likewise necessary for a biogas plant. According to Moulik, the smallest 3m3
family size plant requires about 27m2 of land, when area for the plant and a compost pit
for the slurry is taken into account, which in many circumstances may not be available.
The characteristic clustering of houses in a village between networks of narrow lanes
may render land enough around the homestead to accommodate a biogas plant as the
exception, rather than the rule. Even if surplus land is available, issues of land tenure and
ownership may prohibit the construction of a plant.
Water scarcity, or difficulty in obtaining water, e.g., from a distant source, may also
impose further constraints on the viability of biogas technology in a rural environment.
To function properly, a biogas plant requires feeding a mixture of cow-dung and water, in
the ratio of 1:1 or 4:5, thus imposing a significantly higher daily water demand over
domestic needs. If there is difficulty in obtaining water, particularly resonant for low
caste groups in a village environment, who may not have the same resource access rights
as others, or general scarcity, then the maintenance of a biogas plant may not be possible.
Given the above, Moulik estimates that perhaps only 10-15% of the rural population
fulfils the technical requirements. Despite a well-intentioned attempt to cater for the
energy needs of rural India, and particularly the poor, as defined by 'scheduled caste' and
'scheduled tribe', the biogas programme seemingly cannot meet these needs, through
insurmountable constraints associated with their very marginality, ironically. In this
sense, then, the biogas programme may be an unrealisable notion, and the Gandhian
aspirations of Swadeshi, little more than a bucolic dream. However, it may be instructive
to briefly consider a case study, to understand how biogas technology has been received
in targeted areas.
In the 1980's, the NPBD was active in promoting biogas in low-caste and tribal areas of
Udaipur, Rajasthan, north-western India. Nag et al (1986), conducted a survey in eight
villages of mixed caste and tribe, in an attempt to assess the impact and effectiveness of
NPBD in these areas. 114 samples of families who had installed biogas plants under the
NPBD programme upto 1985, notably the cheaper fixed-dome Janata were considered.
The data revealed some interesting findings; of the 114 beneficiaries, 107 were registered
as 'landless' or 'marginal', though the survey discovered the plant owners were mostly the
wives or sons, of landowners who owned between 6-20 acres of land. These family
members had been encouraged to apply to make use of the higher rate of subsidies

available for marginal and landless groups. Only 10 were found to be scheduled caste or
tribe with poor landholdings.
Curiously, Nag et al interpret the results as a success for the NPBD, and describe the
scheme as a 'peoples' programme'. That participation amongst farmers is high is a
positive sign of the potential role of biogas in an agricultural community, however, the
programme does not appear to be delivering to the rural poor, as defined by scheduled
caste and tribe, which may be indicative of the inherent incompatibility of the technology
with regard to marginalised groups. Nag et al, note a correlation between education level,
and uptake, attributed to a greater exposure to biogas promotion through the media, etc..
Of the 10 scheduled caste and tribe beneficiaries, 8 were illiterate, and according to Nag
et al, 'adopted biogas plants only when told by their masters'. However, the lack of a
formal education in such groups is perhaps more indicative of their general marginality;
economically and socially.
Uptake of biogas technology among scheduled caste and adivasi (tribal) groups, then is
found to vary across the subcontinent, though even where participation is high, the
technology may not be truly viable. Biogas, however, does appear to be taken up more
successfully by the more wealthy sectors of the agricultural community. As Nag et al
(1986) note, over 30% of the families with biogas plants sampled were found to be
engaged in more than one service or business, which is usually an indication of
entrepreneurship and solvency. Further, according to Nesmith, (1991), biogas technology
appears to be associated with status and wealth, and was observed most commonly in top
income groups in a study in West Bengal, eastern India. (This association with wealth
may well be a hindrance to the wider dissemination of biogas technology amongst groups
who may view themselves as perhaps not fully entitled to it).
As household size plants may be generally non-viable to many scheduled caste and
adivasi groups, community size plants might be more appropriate. Larger sized plants,
servicing a cluster of houses, or indeed a whole village, may overcome the seemingly
insurmountable problems apparent regarding individual plants and the rural poor, as
discussed earlier. However, Lichtman (1983), states that the government subsidy system
has discriminated against the provision of community-size plants, by subsidising upto
6m3 plants only (and later upto 10 m3). Thus, wealthier farmers have been able to apply
for grants and loans to construct household size systems, while larger plants that may
benefit the wider community, have been ineligible for support. In this way, the
government subsidy programme may be interpreted as discriminating against the poorer
sections of the community, while supporting the wealthier farmers.
However, where community plants have been constructed, many problems have been
encountered. Singh (1988) randomly sampled half the beneficiaries of seven community
biogas plants in Punjab, northern India, after the first year of operation, and discovered
considerable technical, economic and social problems. Singh found that all the plants
were being routinely underfed with dung, by 30-50%, as shown in table 3. In one case,
the entire daily dung load needed bringing from the nearest city. Although, in theory,
there was enough cattle to provide the required amounts of dung, competing demands

with non-beneficiaries were evident, who collected dung for fuel, in the absence of crop
residues. Gas production was also found to fall to 30% of its rated production in winter
months, due to greater direct use of dung, for fuel.
At the time of writing the paper, Singh noted two plants to be non-operational, principally
due to problems associated with the availability of labour. Labour shortages were
attributed to economic factors, such as low pay compared to agricultural labour. Social
factors were also evident in the non-availability of labour, particularly the stigma
associated with working with dung; considered as a low-caste task, and usually
performed by women. However, in this instance, the volume of dung involved in the
daily maintenance of the community plants, 3000 kg, was considered beyond the physical
strength of women labourers, given its dispersed nature and
Table 3: Daily dung requirements and dung fed (quintal =100kg) (Singh, 1986)
Name of
village

Dung
requirement

Dung fed

Difference

From village From

outside

Total

Mehdoodan

30

14

14

16

Peharkalan

30

16

20

10

Ablowal

30

10

10

20

10

Passiana

30

12

10

22

Hambran

95

45

45

50

Pandori

30

12

15

15

Chabewal

30

30

30

distance of some of the sources. Labourers were found to complain about the logistical
difficulties in collecting dung from diffused sources, weighing and recording it to the
satisfaction of the donor, and for the community records of dung input, etc. Four of the
community latrines were also not functioning, due to labour shortage. Supervision
problems were also identified by Singh, principally relating to low pay, which resulted in
an ad hoc arrangement and a high turnover of supervisors. Sometimes closure of the
plants occurred as a consequence.
Singh describes the experience of scheduled castes and tribes; the targeted beneficiaries
of the community biogas system. It was found that dung was having to be purchased in
substantial quantities to feed some of the plants, upto 1000kg in several, while in one, the

entire 3000kg daily need was having to be imported (See table 3). While dung purchasing
costs were high, and increasing, returns on the sale of slurry were considerably smaller
than estimated, between 15-30% of the expected revenue. Consequently, an increase in
the gas charges was necessary to cover costs, and prices were raised from Rs30 to Rs50
per month. The increased prices could not be borne by many of the scheduled caste and
adivasi community, and many disconnected themselves from the supply. In one village,
Mehdoodan, 24 of the 29 scheduled caste and tribe connections to the biogas supply were
duly removed.
Community biogas plants, then, appear to be logistically difficult to co-ordinate, and,
certainly in the Punjab, similarly failing the sections of the community most in need of a
reliable source of energy. Other workers have reported community biogas plants failing
for reasons such as political feuds (Lichtman, 1983), and due to variable climatic
conditions, that resulted in the forced sale of cattle (Lichtman, 1983). However, there
have also been reports of community biogas plants successfully maintained by collective
management efforts. Hall et al, (1992) report the eventual success of a community biogas
system in Pura, southern India, after several years of problems, and a change in the end
use of gas. The programme was implemented with the help of The Centre for Application
of Science and Technology to Rural Areas (ASTRA), which considered Pura, a village of
430, with 240 cattle, suitable for a community biogas plant. ASTRA calculated that
manure from the village could fuel a biogas plant sufficient to provide for all cooking
needs, and generate surplus gas for lighting and pumping drinking water. The plant
became operative in 1982, but serious logistical problems became apparent, as gas would
run out before the cooking of the second daily meal. Conflicts ensued between villagers
regarding contributions and share of benefits, and the project stopped in 1984.
Interestingly, when ASTRA attempted to revive the project, and suggest that the gas
could be used solely for generating electricity for lighting, it was discovered to ASTRA's
surprise, that the villagers' top priority was actually the provision of safe drinking water.
ASTRA duly acted according to the village needs, rather than work to their own
assumptions, and by all accounts, the programme is now a success. The standard of living
has been raised, and management is possible by the tangible benefits enjoyed by the
whole village. At the time of writing the paper, Hall et al report that the success of the
programme has encouraged residents to consider building a wood gasifier, to bolster their
energy supply.

Factors hindering spread of biogas

It would be worth briefly considering the problems associated with the alternative
technology, in terms of technical/operational, economic, and cultural aspects, which may
potentially hinder its spread. Finally, the government's overall approach in disseminating
biogas technology will be considered.
Technically, problems have arisen from installing too large a capacity plant, either by
accident or design. Nag et al (1986) discovered that there was a general tendency for
householders to construct an over-sized plant, even when they were only used for
cooking purposes and not applied to wider energy demands. Too large a plant was found

to lead to under feeding, and eventual failure of the plants to produce gas. Under feeding
was also found to occur due to the under-collection of dung, estimated typically at 3040% of the required capacity, and principally due to cattle being worked in the field,
which would also lead to a reduction in gas production. Dung may also vary in its
availability. As mentioned earlier, in areas of climatic instability, the occurrence of
drought may reduce dung availability, by forced sale of cattle, or even death of cattle. In
some areas, the plant may not be technically feasible all year round due to low winter
temperatures that inhibit methanogenesis (Singh 1985, Sudhakar and Gusain, 1991).
Sometimes the plants are faulty in their construction, or develop problems that lead to the
non-functioning of the plant, due to shoddy construction (more relevant to the fixeddome models, than the floating dome, which comes pre-cast). Chand and Murthy (1988),
analysed factors in the non-functioning of plants in Maharashtra, western India. The
workers discovered that often, specially trained masons in biogas plant construction were
overlooked, due to their higher cost, in favour of cheaper trainees, or those with no
training at all, and often encouraged local by the government agencies, to meet ambitious
targets. Chand and Murthy identified 50% of 1670 plants in the study as incapable of ever
being made functional.
Economically, biogas systems have been shown to be cost-effective (Nag et al, 1985).
Lichtman (1983) modelled different energy use scenarios of village size plants in Pura.
The analysis was site specific, and localised in its approach. Lichtman found that in 78%
of the situations modelled, the village showed a net gain. This percentage is likely to
decrease in the consideration of smaller, household size systems (Sodhiya and Jain,
1988). Lichtman concedes, however, that it is more profitable to maintain a communitysize system as a public utility and fertilizer plant, than as a source of cooking gas, subject
to the viable provision of an alternative energy source for cooking, such as woodlots
(Verma and Misra, 1987), and for fodder. Biogas production could perhaps be linked to
small-scale industries.
Despite the positive cost-benefit of biogas technology, the 'macro-environment', may
discriminate against the uptake of biogas. Bhatia (1990) notes that the macroenvironment which determines price structures of conventional fuels most likely acts as a
disincentive to adopt renewable technologies, generally. Subsidised conventional fuels,
such as electricity, along with free connection to the grid for farmers, will continue to
make non-renewable technology the cheapest option, unless subsidies for biogas can be
brought into line, or prices of conventional fuels raised.
The system of grants and loans may hinder the correct choice of plant for different users,
such as the ineligibility of community size systems, due to their size. While finally,
another point in prohibiting uptake may be the perceived unnecessary switch from the
existing free source of energy, such as wood and crop residues (Moulik, 1983).
Cultural practices may also hinder general uptake, due to reluctance to adopt different
behaviour, particularly regarding the use of latrines in biogas systems (Singh, 1988).
Traditional cooking practises may also need to be altered. Moulik (1983) reports that a

common complaint about the use of gas burners for cooking, is that the staple bread
chapati, cannot be properly roasted, also the cooking of dal (pulses) may be increased.
Further, women are not necessarily the decision makers in a household, and the men of
the household may not consider benefits, which mainly accrue to women, to be of
significant urgency (Moulik, 1983).
Some of the problems discussed above may be overcome, through effective selection
processes for the technology, and proper extension and support services. By all accounts,
the government does not seem to be effectively organised to achieve such a goal, and a
high number of non-operative biogas plants are likely to continue. Criticisms of NPBD
have been widely articulated, from the lax selection process, to the arbitrary fixing of
regional targets, which are then pursued. Chand and Murthy (1988) discovered in study
of biogas uptake in Maharashtra, that in a sample of 1670 plants, 1086 beneficiaries were
found not to qualify under the feasibility criteria. Further, when complications have
arisen in the functioning of plants, a common complaint articulated is that there is a lack
of available technical support (Sudhakar and Gusain, 1991). In this way, plants may be
allowed to fall into disrepair, when their functioning may depend upon adequate
maintenance skills, which should be available in every village. There is a danger that
biogas may come to be thought of as a useless and inappropriate initiative, a folly
imposed from policy makers and NGO's.
Compared to the biogas programme in China, where seven million household and
community biogas systems have been successfully installed, India has a long way to go to
realise the benefits of biogas technology. China, through the creation of effective
institutions and by placing an emphasis on training and education, has achieved
widespread dissemination of biogas technology (Ruchen, 1981, Daxiong et al, 1990),
though the social organisation may particularly facilitate the spread of new, communityfocused technologies.
Workers stress the need for micro-planning (Lichtman, 1983), so that genuinely
appropriate biogas technology is made available to rural communities. Moulik (1983)
emphasises the importance in promoting the participation of local people in the whole
process of education, planning and monitoring, so that the renewable technology is viable
and sustainable in the communities it is designed to serve. Other workers also propose
co-ordinated management information systems as part of biogas development, in order
for problems to be identified and remedial measures undertaken (Chand and Natarajan,
1987, Chand and Murthy, 1988).

Conclusion
Biogas has shown to be a useful component in the rural economy in India, though its
application is logistically difficult. Ill-co-ordinated dissemination has led to high rates of
non-functioning plants, and may endanger further uptake, as such, its status as a fuel
remains marginal.

Participation in biogas technology varies across socio-economic groups, and across

regions. Despite a well-intentioned attempt to cater for the energy needs of rural India,
and particularly the poor, as defined by 'scheduled caste' and 'scheduled tribe', the biogas
programme has not appeared to meet these needs on any meaningful scale, through
insurmountable constraints associated with their very marginality, paradoxically. Limited
success has occurred in other agricultural groups.
Further, the essential 'commodification' of dung, which has occurred since the
introduction of biogas systems may impact detrimentally upon the poorest families, who
may experience a scarcity of the fuel once gathered for free. The need to provide rural
India with a viable and sustainable source of fuel has perhaps never been more urgent, yet
curiously, this is not reflected in current literature, as biogas seemingly drops out of
journals in the 1990's, as a subject to be written about. Therefore, the very current
situation regarding the status of biogas technology in India is unknown, though
dissemination is still being undertaken. Bapu's (Gandhi's) dream therefore remains
largely unrealised, though 'small steps' may have been achieved.
Raw Materials (19)
Raw materials may be obtained from a variety of sources - livestock and poultry wastes,
night soil, crop residues, food-processing and paper wastes, and materials such as aquatic
weeds, water hyacinth, filamentous algae, and seaweed. Different problems are
encountered with each of these wastes with regard to collection, transportation,
processing, storage, residue utilization, and ultimate use. Residues from the agricultural
sector such as spent straw, hay, cane trash, corn and plant stubble, and bagasse need to be
shredded in order to facilitate their flow into the digester reactor as well as to increase the
efficiency of bacterial action. Succulent plant material yields more gas than dried matter
does, and hence materials like brush and weeds need semi-drying. The storage of raw
materials in a damp, confined space for over ten days initiates anaerobic bacterial action
that, though causing some gas loss, reduces the time for the digester to become
operational.
Influent Solids Content (16, 19, 21)
Production of biogas is inefficient if fermentation materials are too dilute or too
concentrated, resulting in, low biogas production and insufficient fermentation activity,
respectively. Experience has shown that the raw-material (domestic and poultry wastes
and manure) ratio to water should be 1:1, i.e., 100 kg of excrete to 100 kg of water. In the
slurry, this corresponds to a total solids concentration of 8 - 11 per cent by weight.
Loading (14, 19)
The size of the digester depends upon the loading, which is determined by the influent
solids content, retention time, and the digester temperature. Optimum loading rates vary
with different digesters and their sites of location. Higher loading rates have been used
when the ambient temperature is high. In general, the literature is filled with a variety of

conflicting loading rates. In practice, the loading rate should be an expression of either (a)
the weight of total volatile solids (TVS) added per day per unit volume of the digester, or
(b) the weight of TVS added per day per unit weight of TVS in the digester. The latter
principle is normally used for smooth operation of the digester.
Seeding (14, 19)
Common practice involves seeding with an adequate population of both the acid-forming
and methanogenic bacteria. Actively digesting sludge from a sewage plant constitutes
ideal "seed" material. As a general guideline, the seed material should be twice the
volume of the fresh manure slurry during the start-up phase, with a gradual decrease in
amount added over a three-week period. If the digester accumulates volatile acids as a
result of overloading, the situation can be remedied by reseeding, or by the addition of
lime or other alkali.
pH (14, 19)
Low pH inhibits the growth of the methanogenic bacteria and gas generation and is often
the result of overloading. A successful pH range for anaerobic digestion is 6.0 - 8.0;
efficient digestion occurs at a pH near neutrality. A slightly alkaline state is an indication
that pH fluctuations are not too drastic. Low pH may be remedied by dilution or by the
addition of lime.
Temperature (13,14,19, 21)
With a mesophilic flora, digestion proceeds best at 30 - 40 C; with thermophiles, the
optimum range is 50 - 60 C. The choice of the temperature to be used is influenced by
climatic considerations In general, there is no rule of thumb, but for optimum process
stability, the temperature should be carefully regulated within a narrow range of the
operating temperature. In warm climates, with no freezing temperatures, digesters may be
operated without added heat. As a safety measure, it is common practice either to bury
the digesters in the ground on account of the advantageous insulating properties of the
soil, or to use a greenhouse covering. Heating requirements and, consequently, costs, can
be minimized through the use of natural materials such as leaves, sawdust, straw, etc.,
which are composted in batches in a separate compartment around the digester,
Nutrients (13,17,19, 21)
The maintenance of optimum microbiological activity in the digester is crucial to gas
generation and consequently is related to nutrient availability. Two of the most important
nutrients are carbon and nitrogen and a critical factor for raw material choice is the
overall C/N ratio.
Domestic sewage and animal and poultry wastes are examples of N-rich materials that
provide nutrients for the growth and multiplication of the anaerobic organisms. On the
other hand, N-poor materials like green grass, corn stubble, etc., are rich in carbohydrate

substances that are essential for gas production. Excess availability of nitrogen leads to
the formation of NH3, the concentration of which inhibits further growth. Ammonia
toxicity can be remedied by low loading or by dilution. In practice, it is important to
maintain, by weight, a C/N ratio close to 30:1 for achieving an optimum rate of digestion.
The C/N ratio can be judiciously manipulated by combining materials low in carbon with
those that are high in nitrogen, and vice versa.
Toxic Materials (13,14,19)
Wastes and biodegradable residue are often accompanied by a variety of pollutants that
could inhibit anaerobic digestion. Potential toxicity due to ammonia can be corrected by
remedying the C/N ratio of manure through the addition of shredded bagasse or straw, or
by dilution. Common toxic substances are the soluble salts of copper, zinc, nickel,
mercury, and chromium. On the other hand, salts of sodium, potassium, calcium, and
magnesium may be stimulatory or toxic in action, both manifestations being associated
with the cation rather than the anionic portion of the salt. Pesticides and synthetic
detergents may also be troublesome to the process.
Stirring (13,14,17 - 19, 21)
When solid materials not well shredded are present in the digester, gas generation may be
impeded by the formation of a scum that is comprised of these low-density solids that are
enmeshed in a filamentous matrix. In time the scum hardens, disrupting the digestion
process and causing stratification. Agitation can be done either mechanically with a
plunger or by means of rotational spraying of fresh influent. Agitation, normally required
for bath digesters, ensures exposure of new surfaces to bacterial action, prevents viscid
stratification and slow-down of bacterial activity, and promotes uniform dispersion of the
influent materials throughout the fermentation liquor, thereby accelerating digestion.
Retention Time (19, 21)
Other factors such as temperature, dilution, loading rate, etc., influence retention time. At
high temperature bio-digestion occurs faster, reducing the time requirement. A normal
period for the digestion of dung would be two to four weeks.

Developments and processes for rural areas

Two years ago, the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations adopted a survey,
presented in 1978 to the Committee on Science and Technology for Development, listing
the on-going research and development in unconventional sources of energy. From the
point of view of the developing countries, it is heartening to note that the "use of farm

wastes to produce methane" has also been identified in the United Nations World Plan of
Action for the Application of Science and Technology to Development.
The Economic and Social Council for Asia and the Pacific, moreover, adopted the
Colombo Declaration at its thirtieth session, which determined that the most urgent
priorities for action are in the fields of food, energy, raw materials, and fertilizers, and
that these priorities would be best met by the integrated biogas system (IBS).
An integrated system aims at the facile generation of fertilizer and acquisition of energy,
production of protein via the growth of algae and fish in oxidation ponds, hygienic
disposal of sewage and other refuse, and is a tangible effort to counteract environmental
pollution. The heart of the system is the biogas process; it has the potential to "seed" selfreliance in relatively primitive economies (14, 22, 23). Allied benefits include the
development of rural industry, the provision of local job opportunities, and the
progressive eradication of hunger and poverty (Figures 4 - 7).
Figure. 4. Two Ways of Increasing Fertilizer Production Target: 230,000 tons of nitrogen
fertilizer per year. (Adapted from A.K.N. Reddy, Uniterra, Vol. 1, 1976)
Figure. 5. Biogas Cycle in China (Source: FAO Soils Bulletin 40, Rome, 1977)
Figure. 6. Interactive Loop of Rural or Village Farming System Based on Biogas or
Methane Economy
Figure. 7. A Proposed Integrated Nuclear Cooling and Organic Waste Disposal System
(After W. Oswald, University of California)
The coupling of a photosynthetic step (24 - 26) with digestion provides for the
transformation of the minerals left by digestion directly into algae that can then be used
as fodder, as feed for fish, as fertilizer, or for increased energy production by returning
them to the digester process (Figure 8).
Figure. 8. Simplified Scheme Indicating Various Combinations of Digestion and
Photosynthesis for Fodder, Fertilizer, and Fuel Production (After J.W.M. LaRivire, J.
Sci. Soc., Thailand, 1977)
The IBS aims at putting back into soil and water what has been taken from them, and
increasing the amounts of nutrients by fixing CO2 and N2 from the atmosphere into the
soil and water through photosynthesis by algae. Involving low cash investments on a
decentralized basis, the implementation of IBS provides employment to the whole work
force without disruption of the rural structure. Furthermore, it is an apt example of soft
technology that does not pollute or destroy the physical environment. At the College of
Agriculture of the University of the Philippines, preliminary work on a small scale has
begun. In England, an Eco-house (Figure 9) has been built by Graham Caine on the
Thames Polytechnical Playing Fields at Eltham, southeast of London. Results on the
project, however, are not yet available.

Biogas is methane collected in a power plant from decomposing animal manure and
organic matter.
ADVANTAGES
Firstly, I would like to say that biogas is not a thing to throw away just like that. because,
having it will remove the fear that the world will one day face shortage crisis of natural
gas. And Government will spend less for imported gas.
secondly, biogas will encourage majority participation in the natural resuorces trade,t hat
is, there would no longer be a CARTEL comprising of few nations who control the prices
of natural gas, in a monopolistic manner.
Thirdly, biogas would remove this attitude of some nations in the world today, who
engage in the practice of using natural gas to sign agreements to assist the other in time of
war, and get a certain percentages of this resources as the benefit.
Fourthly, biogas will enable majority of communities in different countries, to participate
actively in the power sector, since these raw materials would be extracted from these
communities in various countries of the world. And thereby encourage rapid development
from the Rural Areas in various countries of the world.
Fifth, biogas will encourage large production output, and less production cost, due to the
fact that we would no longer need to, for instance, go far to order for the resources
needed for production, and no TIME WASTAGE, but limited time, due to the fact that
everything would become within reach. Furthermore, INFLATION would be completely
reduced to the ground, since we would now have enough resources to set a balance in
prices of goods and production cost.
Sixth, biogas would bring about JOBs CREATION, and encourages new inventions like
chemical experiments, Agricultural development and methods of improving large scale
farming. Then, more industries would be created, and a new improved living would be
experienced by low income earners in the populace, and this would reduce urban
congestion in most countries.
DISADVANTAGES
To mention but few;
Biogas would encourage deflation of goods prices, due to many producers, and surplus
goods availability to the populace.
biogas will bring about high corruption level, from the top to the lowest level in the
public.

pollution would be on the increase both sound, air, and water pollution. due to many
industrial waste materials in the society.
There would be FOOD SHORTAGE, in the countries in the world, especially those
nations with limited land for food production. And since BIOGAS would involve using
raw materials from both cash crops and otherwise. And the fact that not all the nations in
the world, have land for farming activities e.g, The nations living on Islands, and others
in the deserts. this sets of nations would be denied the necessary means of survival.
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Persian gardens
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Persian Arts
Visual Arts
Painting
Miniatures
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Motifs

Tileworks

Handicrafts

Pottery
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Cinema

Art depicting two men in a Persian Garden

The tradition and style of garden design of Persian gardens (Persian ) influenced
the design of gardens from Andalusia to India. The Taj Mahal is one of the largest Persian
gardens of the world, but the gardens of the Alhambra equally show the influence of
Persian garden style on a more intimate scale.

Contents
[hide]

1 History
2 Origins
3 Elements of the Persian garden
4 Descriptions
5 Styles
o 5.1 Hayt
o 5.2 Meidn
o 5.3 Chahar Bgh
o 5.4 Park
o 5.5 Bgh
6 Samples
7 See also
8 References
o 8.1 Notes
o 8.2 Bibliography
o

8.3 External links

[edit] History
From the time of the Achaemenid dynasty the idea of an earthly paradise spread through
Persian literature and example to other cultures, both the [[Hellenistic gardens of the
Seleucids and the Ptolemies in Alexandria. The Avestan word pairidaza-, Old Persian
*paridaida-, Median *paridaiza- (walled-around, i.e., a walled garden), was
transliterated into Greek paradeisoi, then rendered into the Latin paradisus, and from
there entered into European languages, e.g., French paradis, German Paradies, and
English paradise. The word entered Semitic languages as well: Akkadian pardesu,
Hebrew pardes, and Arabic firdaws.[1]
As the word expresses, such gardens would have been enclosed. The garden's purpose
was, and is, to provide a place for protected relaxation in a variety of manners: spiritual,
and leisurely (such as meetings with friends), essentially a paradise on earth. The Persian
word for "enclosed space" was pairi-daeza, a term that was adopted by Christian
mythology to describe the garden of Eden or Paradise on earth.[2]
The manner in which the garden is constructed may be formal (with an emphasis on
structure) or casual (with an emphasis on nature), following several simple rules
governing the design. This is said to allow a maximisation, in terms of function and
emotion, of what may be done in the garden.

[edit] Origins
The origin of Persian gardens may date back as far as 4000 BCE; the decorated pottery of
that time displays the typical cross plan of the Persian garden. The outline of Cyrus the
Great's garden, built around 500 BCE, is still viewable today.
During the reign of the Sassanids (third to seventh century CE), and under the influence
of Zoroastrianism, the presence of water in art grew increasingly important. This trend
manifested itself in garden design with greater emphasis placed on fountains and ponds in
gardens.
During the Arab occupation the aesthetic aspect of the garden increased in importance,
overtaking the utility of the garden. During this time the aesthetic rules by which the
garden is governed grew in importance. An example of this is the chahr bgh (), a
form of garden which attempts to emulate Eden, having four rivers and four quadrants,
representing the world. The design sometimes extends one axis longer than the cross-axis
and creaters water channels running through each of the four gardens to connect to a
central pool.
The invasion of Persia by the Mongols in the thirteenth century saw a new emphasis on
highly ornate structure within the garden, examples of which include tree peonies and
chrysanthemums. The Mongol empire then carried a Persian garden tradition to other
parts of their empire (notably India).

Hafezeeyeh Garden, Shiraz, Iran.

Babur introduced the Persian garden to India; the now unkempt Aram Bgh garden in
Agra was the first of many Persian gardens he created. The Persian concept of an ideal,
paradise-like garden is perfectly embodied in the Taj Mahal.
The Safavid Dynasty (seventeenth to eighteenth century) built and developed grand and
epic layouts that went beyond being a simple extension to a palace and became an
integral aesthetic and functional part of it. In the following centuries European garden
design began to influence Persia, particularly the design of France and secondarily that of
Russia and the United Kingdom. Western influences led to changes in the use of water
and the species used in bedding.
The traditional forms and style are still used among the population of Iran. They are also
be found in historic sites, museums and affixed to the houses of the rich.

[edit] Elements of the Persian garden

Sunlight and its effects were an important factor of structural design in Persian gardens.
Textures and shapes were specifically chosen by architects to harness the light.

Elements of the Persian garden, such as the shade, the jub, and the courtyard style hayt
in a public garden in Shiraz.

Due to the dry heat of Iran, shade is also very important in the garden, without which it
could not be usable. Trees and trellises largely feature as biotic shade; pavilions and walls
are also structurally prominent in blocking the sun.
Also related to the heat is the importance of water in the gardens. A form of underground
tunnel, below the water table, called a qanat is used to irrigate the garden and its
environs. Well-like structures then connect to the qanat, enabling the drawing of water.
Alternatively, an animal driven Persian well would be used to draw water to the surface.
Such wheel systems could also be used to move water around surface water systems,
such as those which exist in the chahar bgh style. Trees were often planted in a ditch
called a jub, which prevented water evaporation and allowed the water quick access to
the tree roots.
The Persian style often attempts to integrate indoors with outdoors through the
connection of a surrounding garden with an inner courtyard. Designers often place
architectural elements such as vaulted arches between the outer and interior areas to open
up the divide between them.

[edit] Descriptions
The oldest representational descriptions and illustrations of Persian gardens come from
travelers who reached Iran from lands to the west. These accounts include Ibn Battuta in
the fourteenth century, Ruy Gonzles de Clavijo in the fifteenth century and Engelbert
Kaempfer in the seventeenth century. Battuta and Clavijo make only passing references
to gardens and do not describe their design.
Kaempfer made careful drawings and converted them into detailed engravings after his
return to Europe. They show chahar bgh type gardens with the following features: an
enclosing wall, rectangular pools, an internal network of canals, garden pavilions and
lush planting. There are surviving examples of this garden type at Yazd (Dowlatabad) and
at Kashan (Bgh-e Fin). The location of the gardens Kaempfer illustrated in Isfahan (city)
can be identified.

[edit] Styles

The garden in the Golestan Palace of Tehran.

Eram Garden is a famous historic Persian garden in Shiraz, Iran

Shazdeh Garden is one of the largest gardens of Kerman Province.

The six primary styles of the Persian garden may be seen in the following table, which
puts them in the context of their function and style. Gardens are not limited to a particular
style, but often integrate different styles, or have areas with different functions and styles.
Classical Formal
Casual
Public Hayt
Meidn
Park
Private Hayt
Chahr Bgh Bgh

[edit] Hayt
Main article: Hayat
Publicly, it is a classical Persian layout with heavy emphasis on aesthetics over function.
Man-made structures in the garden are particularly important, with arches and pools
(which may be used to bathe). The ground is often covered in gravel flagged with stone.
Plantings are typically very simple - such as a line of trees, which also provide shade.
Privately, these gardens are often pool-centred and again structural. The pool serves as a
focus and source of humidity for the surrounding atmosphere. Again, there are few plants
- this is often due to the limited water available in urban areas.

[edit] Meidn
Main article: Meidan

This is a public, formal garden that puts more emphasis on the biotic element than the
hayt and that minimises structure. Plants range from trees, to shrubs, to bedding plants,
to grasses. Again, there are elements such as a pool and gravel pathways which divide the
lawn. When structures are used, they are often built, as in the case of pavilions, to provide
shade.

[edit] Chahar Bgh

Main article: Charbagh
These gardens are private and formal - the basic structure consists of four quadrants
divided by waterways or pathways. Traditionally, such gardens would be used in workrelated functions for the rich (such as entertaining ambassadors). These gardens balance
structure with greenery, with the plants often around the periphery of a pool and path
based structure.

[edit] Park
Much like many other parks, the Persian park serves a casual public function with
emphasis on plant life. They provide pathways and seating, but are otherwise usually
limited in terms of structural elements. The purpose of such places is relaxation and
socialisation.

[edit] Bgh

Dariush Grand Hotel, Kish Island, is a newly-built construction. Its garden combines
elements of both Persian and Caribbean styles.
Main article: Bagh (garden)
Like the other casual garden, the park, bgh emphasizes the natural and green aspect of
the garden. Unlike the park it is a private area often affixed to houses and often consisting
of lawns, trees, and ground plants. The waterways and pathways stand out less than in the
more formal counterparts and are largely functional. The primary function of such areas
is familial relaxation.