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While another guide book admits that Dahab's reputation as a "drug-infested hippie hangout" might be somewhat unfair, it remains unclear why these views of Dahab
enjoy such widespreadcurrency.3Drug use and sexual activity occur in all sectors of Egypt's tourism industry. Why is
Dahab so easily branded with an illicit reputation?
TheTransformation
of Dahab
Like so many other tourism communities in Sinai, Dahab
has undergone striking demographic transformation in the
two decades since Egypt repossessedthe peninsula from Israeli occupation. National tourism initiatives during this
period have resulted in both the increasing marginalization
of the native Bedouin population from the economic opportunities associated with the industry, as well as their removal from the valuable seaside propertieswhich now serve
as the center of tourism activities. While the development
of tourism in Dahab has excluded the Bedouin from both
the economy and spaces of tourism, the industry simultaneously depends upon the (contained) presence of Bedouin
whose "culture"and "hospitality"are central components
of the tourist experience in Sinai. After all, what would a
"Bedouin village"be without any Bedouin? In conjunction
with these developments, Dahab has witnessed a dramatic
influx of generallyyoung and primarilysingle Egyptian men
migrating from the mainland in search of better economic
prospects. It is these young men who compose the bulk of
the labor pool that now serves the local tourism industry.
In contrast to Sharm al-Shaykh, which boasts numerous
luxury establishments and draws a relativelywealthy range
of tourists, Dahab is a small, laid-back "Bedouin village"
offering budget accommodations and leisurely beach front
cafes. While multinational hotels and enterprises in other
Egyptian tourism sites enjoy virtual monopolies, the local
industryin Dahab is primarilycomposed of a rangeof smaller
Bedouin- and Egyptian-owned establishments which generally cater to younger and less affluent tourists. Furthermore, in contrast to other segments of the Egyptian tourism
industry, there are extremely high levels of informal interaction between tourists and local tourism providersin Dahab.
Tourists informally arrangefor many of their needs, includ-
Surveillance
Discrepancies
Accordingto Egyptianlaw,it is illegalfor an Egyptianman
to occupya campor hotel roomwith a womanwho is not
his wife. I heardquitea few firsthandstoriesof policestaking out camproomsto snaresuch"illicit"couplesandarrest
the Egyptianman (policedo not enjoyjurisdictionoverthe
sexualbehaviorof non-Egyptians).One Britishwomantold
me how she and her Egyptianhusbanddecidedto drawup
a marriagecontractafterthe policehad brokendown their
camproomdoorandarrestedhim.4Men simplywalkingin
the streetwith foreignwomen can be pickedup by police
forquestioningor detainment.The rangeof stateinitiatives
toutedas the maintenanceof"security"-almostexclusively
meaningthe protectionof foreigntourists-are ultimately
intendedto policesexualbehavior.
mealsand excursions,
It is instructive to examine why such intense and aggresing accommodation,transportation,
their
interactions
with
individualEgyptians. sive police activity is not imposed on other Egyptian sexual
through
daily
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33
contexts. Forexample,why has therenot been a similarcrackdown on prostitution between Egyptian women and foreign male tourists in Cairo, particularlythe sex tourism of
GulfArabs? One important factor in this discrepancyis that
the Egyptians involved in sex tourism in Dahab are men,
and the result is a disturbing emasculation which strikes a
national chord.5 It is not only this gender inversion which
instigates such rampant police activity, but also the fact that
these relationships do not figure into larger tourism initiatives. The sex tourism of Gulf Arabs in Egypt accounts for a
mere portion of the over one million Arab tourist visits per
year, the majority of which are from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Gulf Arab tourist revenues are considerable and continue to increase. Neither the tourism industry nor the
Egyptian economy stand to benefit significantly from the
relationshipsbetween Egyptianmen and foreignwomen that
predominate in Dahab.6The low purchasingpower of backpackers, young "budget" travelers and "hippies" visiting
Dahab makes them among the most undesirable of Egypt's
tourists. Hence, the state is more willing to police and intervene in their interactions and behavior.
In manyThirdWorldtouristdestinations,young men working at the informalperipheriesof the tourism industryare often subjectedto such policing.7These men not only come to
representsexualpromiscuityto the state, but they also serveas
bearersof a range of social ills perceivedto be infiltratingthe
nation as a resultof the tourismindustry,includingdishonesty,
theft, drug use, imitations of "Western"behaviorand general
moral decay.They embody these perceivednegativeeffects of
internationaltourism, and are targetedas threatsto the "successful"developmentof a local tourismindustry.In the caseof
Dahab at least,we see that the Egyptianstateis in fact systematicallysexualizingthesemen in an effortto excludethem from
a rangeof interactionsinvolved in tourism.
Economic
Exclusion
34
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