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With support from the Center for the Study of the Pacific Northwest at the University of Washington, the Sick Series in Western History and Biography features scholarly books on the peoples
and issues that have defined and shaped the American West. Through intellectually challenging
and engaging books of general interest, the series seeks to deepen and expand our understanding of the American West as a region and its role in the making of the United States and the
modern world.
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The paper used in this publication is acid-free and meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of
Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.481984.
Parts of chapters 3, 4, and the epilogue originally appeared in Trash Fish: Native
Fish Species in a Rocky Mountain Trout Culture, Western Historical Quarterly
45 (Spring 2014): 3758. Copyright by the Western History Association. Reprinted
by permission.
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For Brian
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CONTENTS
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .ix
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Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1 Headwaters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
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2 Trout Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
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3 Trout Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
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4 Trash Fish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
5 Lunkers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
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Epilogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
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Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
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In revising the book and moving across the country (twice), I have
met many new colleagues and friends. At Texas A&M UniversityCorpus
Christi, Eliza Martin and David Blanke insightfully commented on various revised chapters and Department Chair Peter Moore was helpful and
supportive. Adam and Keren Costanzo and Michael and Neda Jin offered
good company.
I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers as well as Ranjit
Arab, Mary C. Ribesky, Amanda Gibson, Tom Eykemans, and the others
whose hard work at the University of Washington Press made this book
possible.
Across the world and the West, anglers, fisheries managers, and conservationists are working hard to save rivers and trout. I would like to
thank them for their efforts. I also wanted to give a shout out to Captain
Steve Utley and Don Alcala in Corpus Christi for sharing their knowledge
of saltwater fly fishing and promoting conservation in their community
outreach classes at Texas A&M UniversityCorpus Christi.
This book is dedicated to Brian Pauwels, one of the most considerate
people I have ever met, whose love and cheer helped me finish.
A cknowledgments
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Introduction
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but now exist because of drastic and complicated environmental and social
changes. The billboards and beer labels belie a history in which anglers and
fisheries managers introduced nonnative trout; stocked billions of hatchery
fish; attempted to limit the fish use of Native Americans, lower classes, and
immigrants; dumped toxins into rivers to kill off millions of native fish; and,
in at least one instance, wrested the ownership and control of a river from a
western tribe. The history is not entirely a disaster, either. Many anglers and
fisheries managers also fought against pollution, protected fish and rivers,
and held views on conservation remarkably ahead of their times, thereby
playing an important role in addressing environmental issues in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The iconography of western fly
fishing and the nostalgia for majestic trout streams were not timeless features
of the West, but rather the product of anglers, fisheries managers, tourists,
guides, local business people, and regional boosters and their century-long
profound manipulation of the Rocky Mountain environment.
4
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The remade trout fisheries of the inland mountain West sit in large reservoirs and in tiny high country lakes; they run through breathtaking valleys surrounded by mountains, through mundane suburbia, and through
high plains. Since state entities manage fish and rivers, this book looks at
the five mountain states known for their trout and fly fishing opportunities: Montana, Idaho, Utah, Wyoming, and Colorado. Western watersheds
clearly do not fit into these neat state boundaries, but state agencies manage fisheries and much of the source material comes from these entities,
thereby requiring a more strict definition of place and region. The states
in question and their fisheries are therefore noticeably diverse. Known for
snowcapped peaks and extremes in weather, the Rocky Mountains are a
succession of smaller ranges that give much of the region its distinguished
topography, including basin and range, foothills, and prairie. High, semiarid valleys drain the towering mountains nearby. Tall cottonwoods and
stands of trees often line the banks of clear, swift, and rock-lined rivers.
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Other trout streams, flowing cold and clear from dams, seem out of place
on the treeless steppes of central Wyoming and eastern Colorado. Trout
now live in rivers and lakes throughout national forests, national parks,
wilderness areas, and backyards. The region is big, but not empty. It is
strewn with ranches, farms, vacation homes, and sprawled-out cities like
Denver, Salt Lake City, Boise, Jackson, Cheyenne, and Missoula.
The diverse landscapes contain a mix of people, many of whom like to
fish, hike, and spend their time outdoors. The real people of the West,
Wallace Stegner once observed, are infrequently cowboys and never
myths.4 Still, on lakes up in high mountain cirques, it is not unheard of
to see the occasional party of old timers riding horses, sporting vintage
fiberglass fly rods, and (from personal experience) giving other fly fishers
excellent advice about choice of fly patterns. Anglers also visit the West for
the fishing. In the warm summer months, guides frequently row tourists
down the larger rivers while guides and locals alike sometimes laugh at the
dudes. Tourists come for the sublime experiences that the popular, blueribbon trout rivers have to offer. Locals fish these rivers, but they also find
out-of-the-way places without the crowds. Even after a few fishing-themed
microbrews, they still guard their secret spots. On the smaller creeks and
urban waters overlooked by tourists, anglers come across other residents
with fly gear, spin gear, or some weird local combination of the two. All
of these anglers take advantage of nineteenth-century environmental
changes that created a West with many types of trout, a virtual troutopia.
Western trout, while often steeped in local lore and regional nostalgia, tell an important story of the changing human relationships to the
natural world that extends far beyond the American Rockies. Todays fishy
West can be understood only within a larger network of global processes
and transnational exchanges, particularly during the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries.5 In this larger history, the region became part of the
rise of outdoor recreation and sport around the world, processes caused
by industrialization and imperialism. Middle classes around the Western
world legitimized their own leisure and the consumption of nature during this era. Rocky Mountain anglers played their part, remaking western waters for better fishing and helping to define conservation solutions
based upon transnational sporting culture. Significantly, in doing so, they
adapted national and international conservation practices to fit regional
conditions. Here, fishing remains distinct from the history of conserva6
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tion and hunting, with the harsh control that hunters had over non-sportsmen. Western fish conservation focused on the very common technique of
angling (fishing with a hook and line) and restocking fisheries with hatchery fish. As such, fish conservation laws were relatively mild compared to
hunting laws, and often went unenforced.6 The growth of state conservation and the influence of a transnational sporting culture had worldwide
magnitude.
Unlike the Pacific Northwest, once famously defined by Timothy Egan
as wherever the salmon can get to, it becomes problematic to define a
region based on the presence of trout. With the exception of Antarctica,
trout species were introduced and subsequently naturalized on every
continent for sport fishing purposes during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The long history of fly fishing confuses matters even more.
Angling has existed for thousands of years, with evidence dating back to
the Paleolithic era. Humans angled long before they invented agriculture,
used the wheel, or wrote their stories. As a form of angling, fly fishing has a
definitive written record dating back to 200 AD, when the Roman Claudius
Aelianus first described Macedonian fly fishing in De Natura Animalium.7
If trout live almost everywhere and fly fishing has an expansive history,
why do they seem so western?
This question is rooted in the construction of place. From the midnineteenth century to the present, westerners physically and ideologically
refashioned the region. They introduced preferred trout species, based
largely upon Euroamerican sporting traditions. In the industrial age,
steamships and railroads allowed fish culturalists to exchange favored fish
species and transport fish eggs to far-off destinations, like the American
Rockies. Over time, many trout species became naturalized in coldwater
lakes and streams.8 Yet, trouts existence in the West did not automatically
make a place.
Westerners gave meaning to new species, inventing social, cultural,
political, and economic trout in the region.9 During the twentieth centurys first half, they formed a new fly fishing culture, generating distinctly
regional flies and methods. They also marketed Rocky Mountain trout and
sold the trout-fishing experience.10 Cultural and economic power translated to political sway. In the twentieth centurys second half, anglers and
their allies in state fish and game departments won court cases, protested
(and occasionally won) against new dams, and brought water pollution
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Chapter 3 investigates the emergence of a Rocky Mountain trout culture and economy from the 1920s to the 1950s, its democratic character,
and its environmental transformations. The creation of western fly fishing
traditions, from Franz Pott and Ted Trueblood to countless other western
guides, fly tiers, and anglers, marked the growth of the western tourism
and recreation industry. Westerners, tourists, and fish managers remade
nonnative trout and non-local practices into something distinctly regional.
This Rocky Mountain trout aesthetic relied on an entrenched hatchery system that privileged nonnative fish.
The development of a regional trout economy, chapter 4 argues, caused
neglect and mistreatment of native coarse fish (non-trout fish species)
by anglers and fisheries managers alike. Starting with the roots of these
prejudices in Euroamerican fishing culture, the treatment of coarse fish,
which became known as trash fish by the mid-twentieth century, worsened with the rise of western trout fisheries. In this context, fish managers frequently dynamited, netted, and dumped fish toxicants in numerous
western waters, attempting to improve trout populations.
Testifying to the widespread manipulation of fisheries, chapter 5
focuses on irrigation and dam building in the twentieth century. New
West met Old West as anglers and fish managers adapted to the regions
irrigation system and water law. PostWorld War II dams were even more
consequential. While damming coastal rivers proved deadly to fish, bottom-release dams on inland rivers ironically created bigger trout in greater
numbers than naturally possible. These tailwater fisheries also produced
native fish declines, crowding, and user conflicts. The disturbing tensions
confirm the controversial nature of romanticized trout fishing and the
need to address this history.
The wild trout era of the 1960s and 1970s, as addressed in chapter 6,
concludes this history. Years of environmental change naturalized nonnative trout, creating self-sustaining populations throughout the region
that were deemed wild in an era that celebrated the natural world. The
modern environmental movement inspired western anglers and fisheries managers to reimagine their interactions with nature. As a result,
they started to dismantle the western hatchery system after discovering
hatchery fish actually caused wild fish declines. The new focus became
the protection of habitat and environmental health for the naturalized
populations of nonnative and native trout. The Rocky Mountain trout
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