THE STATUS AND DESCENT OF PRESS FREEDOM IN

ETHIOPIA: FACTORS THAT ACCOUNT

Ameyu Etana
Graduate student of school of Journalism and
Communication, Addis Ababa University
Ameyu Etana, July, 2014 Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

Email: ameyuetana@gmail.com
Abstract
This is a mini-research conducted to examine the status of press freedom in Ethiopia during
EPRDF period (1991-now). Academic pieces, documents, proclamations, interviews, news
reports and presentations were qualitatively analyzed in accord with the concept of press
freedom. To this end, the research find out that press freedom in Ethiopia is descending owing
to factors like government, the political economy, lack of professionalism culture, among
other factors. Generally speaking, scholars enmeshed in discussion on press freedom in
Ethiopia. Journalists who cost their fortune to keeping free press alive are increasing.
However, the status continued descending than progressing. Before two decades the media in
Ethiopia begun enjoying a good environment, however, as days and years wore on it
continuously rollbacks. The enactment of the draconian anti-terrorism law with the absence of
independence judiciary worsen self censorship of journalists and empowers the authority of
government to throwing journalists to prison than ever before. As donors claim, this is
legalized but, unconstitutional and illegal acts against the press that has long been done by
government. In fact, in 22 years old of private media in Ethiopia, hundreds of print media
outlets that covered the streets of Addis vanished, making Ethiopian government one of the
repressive governments in a globalizing world having a poor human right record.

Key Terms: Press freedom, Journalists, Anti-terrorism, EPRDF, Political economy, Ethiopia

To cite this article: Ameyu Etana (2014). The Status and Descent of Press Freedom in
Ethiopia: Factors that Account. Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia.

I.

Press Freedom during EPRDF period

The period of Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) brought

unprecedented time in the history of journalism in Ethiopia. It was never seen before as the
government liberalizes the press. Meseret Chekol (2013) posits, EPRDF issued a transitional
government charter on July 22, 1991. The charter which made its base on Universal Declaration
of Human Right (UDHR) guaranteed freedom of expression, religion, association, and peaceful
protest as due process of law for Ethiopian citizens.
The beginning of EPRDF era characterized by two important events: the outlaw of prepublication censorship and press ownership, both which are a typical of democratic government.
Meseret 2013: 237 puts that it is a period in which the Ethiopian government for the first time
introduced a press law, marked by the abolition of Censorship. It is following proclamation no.
34/1992 that private media flourished tremendously. This was earlier monopolized for years by
government and party though there are publications which came out a head of the enactment of
the press law (Skjerdal, 2012).
The 34/1992 press proclamation typify press freedom on article 3 (1) & (2). It reads: freedom of
the press is recognized and respected in Ethiopia, and censorship of the press and any restriction
of a similar nature are hereby prohibited.

Following, the first press proclamation, quite a number of media outlets joined the little existing
newspapers and magazines on the street of Addis Ababa. Aadland and Fackler (2012) states, the
Ethiopian publishing industry mushroomed after the press bill of 1992. Figures differ but,
according to the government, 385 publications were registered between October 1992 and July
1997, of which 265 were newspapers and 120 magazines. At any one time, there are probably
about 20 different newspapers for sale in Addis Ababa.

The great shares of this publication were owned by journalists who were active in 1960s student
movement. During Dergue time, most of them were hired in media institutions; however, when
the press 34/1992 guaranteed private ownership they got the opportunity to own media though
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had great professional and ethical problems. Neigh all of them were unanimously against the
government.

Aadland and Fackler (2012) posit that after the proclamation of the press freedom bill new
independent newspapers and magazines developed especially is Addis Ababa. These offer the
minority points of view often left out of government-owned publications, but suffer from
inadequate fact checking and occasional censorship, as well as the governments refusal to allow
representatives from non-official papers at its press conference.

This is a common problem elsewhere in the world where the democratic culture is yet to
develop. Other than ethical and professional problems, financial problem is also the hard-hitting
that made the newly flourished newspapers and magazines short-lived.

In addition, more than half of the total numbers of papers were closed down
during the same five-year period, often because of limited resources. The
independent papers are owned by private share companies (business
communities, political parties or just individual business entrepreneurs).
Because of a very limited middle-class, the income on advertising is also very
limited. The government papers are subsidized by government funds, and partly
financed by advertisements and subscribers (Ibid).

According to Meseret, the government deeds during the transitional government were merely to
win the heart and mind of Ethiopian people. However, things becoming getting confusing just
after the press proclamation begun to practice. Then, the flourished papers got non-operational,
mostly, due to several factors: by their own and the influence from government. The chronic
problem is not to understand media as independent social institution, rather as an instrument as it
uses to be in Ethiopia. This goes in contrast to the togetherness concept of responsibility and
accountability in press freedom.

Press freedom dictates the media is free due to maintain human right. This is because the
presumption of the press is for the public. It lives along with other freedoms; therefore, it cannot
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be seen apart from other existing freedoms. Lamentably, it is the misunderstanding of this
concept that later brings defunct to mushroomed media institutions in Ethiopia.

The first press law that guarantees press freedom re-affirmed on 1995 constitution of Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). Article 29 (1, 2, and 3 (1 & 2) of 1995 Ethiopian
constitution guarantees:
1. Everyone has the right to hold opinions without interference.
2. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression without any interference. This right shall
include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of
frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any media of his
choice.
3. Freedom of the press and other mass media and freedom of artistic creativity is guaranteed.
Freedom of the press shall specifically include the following elements:
(a) Prohibition of any form of censorship.
(b) Access to information of public interest.

This above article is a direct copy of article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right
(UDHR), and article 19 of International covenant on civil and political rights (ICCPR), which
guarantees the right to freedom of expression.

It is reported that the free press has faced diverse problems at different times. Ross 2005 states,
the bright momentum for the private press began in 1993 but, faces twists and turns. Mainly, the
existence of press freedom gets boomed during election 2005. However, after the election due to
the violence several journalists and media got an axe. So, it could be marked as a turning point in
the Ethiopian media landscape. The government accused the private press for unbalanced report
citing it is the cause for post-election violence. Subsequently, it began a full-scale crack down on
members of the private press (Ross, 2005).

What has been discussed meticulously so far is mainly about print media as it has been the
leading to be owned privately. However, though lately, Ethiopian government guaranteed private
ownership of broadcast media by a proclamation number 533/2007. Hitherto, it is difficult to say
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the newly licensed media outlets are critical to government or serving their role for the
advancement of democracy in the country. Although, alike print media they are suffering from
professional and financial problems, it seems broadcast media are highly dealing with
entertainment and trivial part of journalism while ignoring political journalism.
The enactment of anti-terrorism proclamation law in 2009 becomes the most draconian law that
inhibits the independence of journalists as commentators note repeatedly. Even, it is believed, it
is the turning point in which government has controlled the continuation of media in the country
regardless of press law that granted the floor for inexperienced private sector.
The 2009 anti-terrorism law highly escalated the existing self-censorship of journalists working
for both but, much for private media than government owned. The proclamation came as the
main impetus for imprisonment of journalists and the cause for dying of various media outlets.
I.e. Eskinder Nega was imprisoned under the anti-terrorism proclamation for the criticism he
made on government during Arab uprising and Reyot Alemu and dozens of others can be noted.
As of government, these journalists and others are accused of inciting violence against the status
quo. Government officials have repeatedly say that whenever journalists are involved in criminal
activities, they will go through the same process as any other criminal. (VOA, May 02, 2014)
Recently, on the 6th African media leaders forum the eligibility of Ethiopia hosting the event
was questioned. Deplorably, vice Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen called no journalists are
detained for their profession. No journalists were jailed in Ethiopia for what they had written or
broadcast.

If there were any, then they were incarcerated because they were clandestine

terrorists. (Africa Renewal, November 28, 2013)

According Africa Renewal there are about five journalists who are detained in charge of antiterrorism proclamation. When it adds the recently jailed journalists and bloggers, the number
would surpass (CPJ, May 02, 2014). Ethiopia is accused of ignoring United Nations pleadings
for a review of its terrorism legislation.
Though Ethiopian government has been defending the detention of journalists for the mere fact
they had a connection with terrorists, donors including human rights watch have been repeatedly
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blaming the government for using the anti-terrorism proclamation to control journalists who are
critical towards the state. Ethiopia has long been blamed for poor human right protection.
The anti-terrorism proclamation came in to table in 2009 is a law that is criticized. It is thus that
made Ethiopia labeled not free in a press index. The toughest part is the practice; mainly with the
absence of independence judiciary government is making every decision. There is also, a
selective approach the government uses in implementing laws. (Freedom House, 2012)
Aadland and Fackler (2012) argue that direct censorship against independent newspapers is rare,
but the government, on the other hand, claims that the independent press is irresponsible and untrustworthy. This is the official reason why journalists from the independent press are denied
access to the government press conferences. Thus the situation is aggravated by both sides in the
conflict.
Explicitly, though, the Ethiopian government granted the abolition of censorship for the first
time in the countrys history, it is doing it indirectly. Meseret 2013: 237 argues that the
government closed down the censorship office which was operating under the ministry of
information for decades. However, in practice, the government assigned loyal cadres in each
government media organization so that they may censor the news and other information before it
gets published or broadcasted.
There are many private print media institutions than broadcast media Ethiopia. This is due to, the
proclamation that liberalizes the print press came 16 years ahead of broadcast media
proclamation. In addition, the government is uninterested to give a media outlet that would have
wider outreach to private owner. However, mostly, reaching the wider public is highly minimal
for both; the private print media is still the one that has been facing the repressive hand of
government.
According to committee to protect journalists(CPJ, June 2014), from June 1, 2009 to May 31,
2014, 404 journalists forced into exile globally. This is due to, threat of imprisonment, threat of
violence, imprisonment, violence and harassment. Out of those 41 journalists almost 10 percent,
are from Ethiopia, little from Somalia which makes the nation the grave yard for journalists. The
number arises great if we see it within a decade. Within ten years 79 Ethiopian reporters have
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fled into exile, the worst of all, according to CPJ data. A number of these have worked as
stringers for international news agencies. (Economist, September 27, 2011)
In addition, 2013 prison census of CPJ shows that 211 journalists jailed worldwide which is the
second worst year on record. Out of the lists 7 are from Ethiopia. As Economist put it, Ethiopia is
the second leading jailor of journalists in Africa.

If we are to see the recent year prison census of Ethiopia, it will transcend as 9 bloggers and
journalists are still in prison. In Reporters without Borders press freedom index of 2014, Ethiopia
lies on 143rd out of 180 countries, which is still 6 ranks behind the previous year.

A not merely local journalist, Ethiopian government has an experience in which it ignored
correspondents too. Additionally, since 2006, the Ethiopian government has detained or expelled
foreign correspondents from the Associated Press, the New York Times, the Daily Telegraph,
Bloomberg News, the Christian Science Monitor, the Voice of America, and the Washington
Post. (Economist, September 27, 2011)
So far, it resembles that though press freedom is guaranteed legally in Ethiopia it is poor in
practice, even it is deteriorating year by year. Therefore, lets see some factors behind the
descent of press freedom in Ethiopia.

II.

Factors account for descent of freedom of press in Ethiopia

There are several factors that account for the rollback of press freedom in the country. However,
to make it convenient for discussion the researcher divided in to three: government, political
economy, and lack of professionalism culture among other factors.

2.1

Government

The basic problem against press freedom in Ethiopia is the use of media as an instrument than as
an independent social institution which has a role in every affairs of a society. This resulted from
autocratic political nature of the countrys politics, the same to many other African countries.

As a matter of fact, the use of media merely for propaganda purpose so as to attack who are
critical to government is common. Meseret, 2013: 273 puts that the government has been using
the broadcast media to crush the opposition and independent journalists. This is mainly through
producing documentary to sway public opinion. E.g. Akeldama (Land of Blood), Arenguade
Abiyot (Green Revolution) even some of such documentaries used as evidence in a court
against journalists.
Media in Ethiopia has never been free of government control. Due to this they were subjected to
be a pipe line of propaganda for whoever controls them (Shimelis, 2000 & Skjerdal, 2012).
Ross (2010, 1050-51) noted the government is using the press law to adjudicate journalists:
Although Article 29 of the Constitution provides freedom of the press, the
government used Article 10 of the 1992 Press Proclamation as authority to
restrict the press and prosecute journalists. Article 10 established the presss
duty to ensure that all media content it circulated would not give rise to any
criminal or civil liability. Additionally, it imposed on the press the duty to
ensure that media content was free from any criminal offence against the
safety of the State or of the Administration and did not contain any
defamatory or false accusations against individual nationalities, people, or
organizations. Finally, Article 10 prohibited media content that encouraged
the incitement of conflict between peoples or agitation of war. It is under this
Press Proclamation that the Ethiopian government prosecuted journalists and
limited the freedom of press that is outlined in the constitution and necessary
to a democratic society.
The Ethiopian government has long been blamed for repressive rule over media. This is mainly,
probably, due to legal and constitutional laws that grant the existence of freedom of press is

given a mere paper value. For one thing there are rare functional systems to practice the freedom
of press; the other is the decline of interest from government for political benefit.
Skjerdal, (2012: 3-4) argues that the media policy of the incumbent, the Ethiopian Peoples
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), is commonly portrayed as an exemplar of Ethiopias
alleged authoritarian turn. Repercussions against journalists and tightly controlled state media
channels are widely used as evidence of restrictions of public liberties. Evidently, the current
political leadership regards the media as an integrated part of its governance strategy, similar to
the approach of preceding regimes.

Above all, the recent government in Ethiopia is widely known for developing a home of
detainment for several journalists primarily due to the enactment of draconian proclamation
called anti-terrorism law. This law highly aggravates journalists to put themselves in selfcensorship either in state or private media.

Another point raised by several scholars is self-censorship. Some argue that it is the unwritten,
unspoken, but widely accepted and applied approach for all news outlets, regardless of
ownership. Pundits of the area caution that self-censorship should not be taken solely as a stateinduced problem, but rather a combined production of state, business, religious, and other actors
who want to silence or threaten the media, or dictate coverage on their activities. (The Reporter,
November 16, 2013)

Actually, recently, state owned Oromia Radio and Television Organization (ORTO) can be a
good example for squeezing out 20 journalists without any solid reason. They denied entry to
their station headquarters. According to CPJ, (July 10, 2014) the station management told that
the order is directly given by government. The news identified the case may be due to their
political views. Journalists are frightening if the worst is not coming although the cause for their
dismissal was not officially disclosed by government yet.

Such like incidents are highly common in Ethiopian media industry which depicts the heroes of
journalism and surrogates of the public, reporters as powerless even to defend their rights. In
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Ethiopia, government directly involves with such its handedness in media industry and indirectly
through various methods it is threatening press existence in the country. As told repeatedly, this
is for the fact that the government sees media as much instrument of the state as a police or any
other departments.
Ethiopia has one of the continents most progressive freedoms of information laws. However,
access to public information is largely restricted in practice, and the government has traditionally
limited coverage of official events to state-owned media outlets. (Freedom house, 2012)

Due to the ineligible control of government over media in Ethiopia, media have hardly served the
advancement of democracy in the country.

2.2

The political economy of Ethiopia

The issue of political economy separately discussed here merely to see the impact it has long
brought on the press freedom in the country. The current political economy called the democratic
developmental state together with the former revolutionary democracy is shortly understood by
the wider public, however, its impact on media explicitly depict the repressive rule of Ethiopian
political structure.

Ethiopia would be the first country to testify Democracy and development at a time. Intrinsically,
developmental states are repressive. Hence, how could the government of Ethiopia make both
things go together? Abdissa Zerai (PhD) in his work Media in a democratic developmental
state: the Ethiopian quandary explicitly identified as democracy is not much emphasized in
Ethiopia like that of development. Whereas, democracy is gets focused once in a while: when an
election comes(Negeri, 2010).

This has many things to tell. Press freedom is non-existent without independent press. So does
to the existence of democracy. For this, there should be a media which serve as a public forum.
Unfortunately, this was not happening, rather what is bogging down is the death of political

journalism in Ethiopian media except the social media which is becoming the emerging political
arena for youth of the country (Tesfaye, 2013).

The outcome may have either the effect of mellowing the premier-- who has so far not done
much to rock the boat that is the Meles Zenawi-era power brokersor give him a clear mandate
to further tighten the rules governing Ethiopias media, under a seemingly Chinese-inspired lessfreedom more-development model. For now, Meles' now famous saying continues to hold in
contemporary Ethiopia: "There is no connection between democracy and development." (Africa
Renewal, November 28, 2013)
In reality, it seems democracy and developments are not on the same path in Ethiopia. However,
the chilling effect is on the media as the political economy of any nation has an impact on the
media system of a country. The chronic problem for media came when this political economy
brought a polarized politics which in turn brought polarized media in our country between
private and state media. Hence, due to uneven political view in the country, the media become
polarized in which the state and private media began to see each other in an evil eye. This highly
makes government dubious of deeds of private media and takes itself in blaming and detaining
them for doing against government approaches.

2.3

Lack of professionalism culture

Lack of professionalism in Ethiopia has also a great share in aggravating the descent of press
freedom in the country. According to Berhanu Olana (2014) there are around 1,400 professional
journalists in Ethiopia. Amongst, the great shares are working for government.

In Ethiopia, other than individual editorial policy for media institutions there is no organized
media code of conduct. This can show the level of professionalism in the country. As press
freedom is about the press being free from any control mainly from that of government and
existence of independent rule under which it makes itself function, yet this is not happening in
Ethiopia.

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As with its recent interview Negeri Lencho (Ph.D.), an instructor at Addis Ababa University and
post- graduate coordinator of the School of Journalism and Communications says that journalists
who work for the government media regard themselves as promoters of the nations development
and consider the private ones as destructive. On the contrary, those who work in the private
Media consider themselves as a real source of information and disregard the others. So, due this
dichotomy, the concept of professionalism is in a weak position(The Reporter, November 16,
2013).

Media personnel also agree with the scholar. Amare Aregawi, general manager of Reporter
News Paper and chairman of publishers association with his presentation of challenges of
professionalism in Ethiopia states the confusing lines between activist and journalists in the
country, the view of opposition parties towards private media, lack of professionalism, the
misunderstanding of press freedom, lack of professional associations, lack of media council, lack
of code of conduct, absence of professional training centers with the lack of all these he said, it
is try and error that is leading Ethiopian media.
The issue of professional association is also a tiresome in Ethiopia. The long known association,
Ethiopian journalists association (EJA) has long been suffering from finance, professional
obligation and others which make it unable to be effective even for its members(Meseret, 2013).
Similarly, later coming associations lacks a clear objective. Their nature of government or
private media affiliation and financial dependence are a cause for their short-lived experience.
So far, we have discussed the problem for press freedom in Ethiopia is government, political
economy, and lack of professionalism culture: poor professional quality and lack of strong
professional associations.

Although, many donors have been blaming the Ethiopian government for taking the harsh way to
suppress the press, there are activists who use the noble profession of journalism for political
gain. This is what the government mostly notes. With the name of journalism many of them
honored several awards, they are serving as a voice for opposition parties and others commonly
heard from government. The researcher believes this needs further research.

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Negeri Lencho says, an activist cannot be a journalist. There shouldnt be any form of
connection between journalism and activism. An activist has an established intention. Hence, the
activist will pursue his agenda under the guise of journalism to promote a particular cause. So
when being held accountable for his actions he will claim to be a journalist. (The Reporter,
November 16, 2013)

This is not happen without the lack of government deeds to advance the press freedom. (Addis
Zemen, 2012) Abdissa Zerai (PhD), head of Addis Ababa University, school of Journalism and
Communication, in his recent interview says that one reason that leads a journalist to speculation
is the unwillingness of government officials to make information accessible. It is questionable or
open to dispute that officials in Ethiopia are addressing the information need of journalists
adequately(Asmeret, 2013: 42).

More than 75 media publications have been closed in Ethiopia in the past 20 years and seven
journalists are currently imprisoned on charges of terrorism (VOA, November 08, 2013). This
has to tell many things. Not only governments, even, media institutions by themselves are the
reason to decide on the cost their fortune. Thereby, there is a paradox on the existing media
situation in the country. There are conflicting ideas even from local private media managers
about the existence of press freedom in Ethiopia. Mimi Sibhatu, owner of Zami Fm says:

A lot of other countries speak about the restrictiveness of the media in Ethiopia,
which Im sorry to say, is exaggerated. There are far worse countries in Africa.
We are able to criticize our government and hold them accountable. Here as
long as you are responsible, and have your facts right, and keep your opinion
out by being objective-- after all journalism is a profession--you can grow in
Ethiopia as an independent journalist, she said. (Africa Renewal, November
28, 2013)

This may be a different story for Tamrat Gebregiorgis, a managing editor of the English weekly
newspaper Fortune.
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The truth is somewhere in the middle when it comes to the perception that the
Ethiopian government is brutal to the media. There are too many elements society, culture, history. Those are all factors that affect to the extend
journalists are operating. This is not an ideal environment where you can
publish anything you want and get away with. Its not as doomy and gloomy as
many critics of the government tried to portray. That there is no room to
criticize the government and report stories that deem negative to the authority
or power that be. It is possible, at the same time it is difficult, it is somewhere in
the gray area (VOA, May 02, 2014).

To this end, the researcher believed the problems of freedom of press in Ethiopia are factors that
discussed so far. Hence, it is believed the existence of press freedom in Ethiopia is deterring
from what it was decades before by legalized but unconstitutional and illegal acts against the
press.

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