KOHA SUMMARY # 120

Front Page: SOLDIERS WITH NO ARMY?

Date: 16 October 1996

EDITORIAL

NOBEL OF OUR NEIGHBORHOOD

by VETON SURROI

The satisfaction of reading our only Albanian daily in Kosova is that for a moment, for some
minutes, one gets filled up with optimism, with a feeling that despite all difficulties an
ordinary person in Kosova goes through, things are not as bad as they seem. This tradition,
naturally, is not new, and being one of those who started working in journalism in the only
Albanian daily in Kosova, I remember that the political leadership then used to send
authoritative suggestions about the need to have "the modern journalism cultivate optimism
amongst the working people and citizens (forgetting the villagers), and not plant defeatism".

I believe that within the framework of the cultivation of optimism campaign, we have had the
chance to, on a daily basis, read in the provisional organ of agriculture, that Dr. Rugova has
been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, and that there are many people dealing with
politics in Europe that sustain this candidature and that many presidents of committees for
friendship with Kosova have supported the same.

Naturally, there are very few people in Kosova that can't feel happy when a political figure
from Kosova is nominated for such an award, nevertheless, there are a few of them that have
not noticed the huge and ugly paradox of such a candidacy.

Dr. Rugova, as leader of Albanians, is nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, although
Albanians whom he leads have not had their status improved one bit since the times when he
started leading them.

Well OK, someone could say, he is not being nominated because of the victory of his political
concept, but for peace... If it is so, then the ones to nominate him, and the ones who use this
nomination as a campaign for cultivating of optimism, have a limited knowledge of the word
peace: Kosova has since long ago been away from peace and is spending its energy to try and
find the way towards peace. It would not be an exaggerated cynicism to have the Kosova
police chief nominated for the same prize: he also claims to preserve peace.

If the situation in Kosova is peace, then prison means freedom.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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INTERVIEW

DANA ALLIN, Deputy-Director of Aspen Institute in Berlin

HIGHLIGHTING THE IMPORTANCE OF KOSOVA

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

KOHA: Could you please explain the posture of your Institute in regard to the recognition of
FRY and the solution of Kosova's problem?

ALLIN: It is a natural tendency to believe that because of Belgrade's cooperation in the

implementation of Dayton, it is expected that the West should be less preoccupied with what
is happening in Kosova. The Commission has opposed strongly this posture. It can't be,
Kosova can't be neglected. When referring to the importance of the Commission's document,
as I see it, it is also very important that the significance of Kosova has been highlighted.

KOHA: Some of your conclusions are very interesting (withdrawal of military and police
forces from Kosova; need to have the will of Albanians to negotiate without any
preconditions; Belgrade should guarantee the Albanians the right to control their own police
and courts; and if the agreement can't be reached within two years, the matter should
undergo international arbitrage and a referendum). What would your instruments be, if
Serbia wouldn't agree with your suggestions, especially about arbitrage and referendum?

ALLIN: I would like to be more precise about what the Commission said: "If an agreement
can't be reached within a considerable time-frame, two years e.g., the Commission considers
that the future status of Kosova should be solved with a indispensable arbitrage and if the
arbiters recommend so, then a referendum would be organized for some
solutions/alternatives".

Therefore, it is not that the Commission is calling for a referendum after two years. In fact,
the Commission was concerned about the possible interpretations that this could lead towards
the alteration of the borders. On the other hand, the members of the Commission were very
much concerned about the repression the Albanian majority is subjected to. Hence, the
message of both parties is that pressure should be exerted on both sides to start negotiation
without any conditions. This also implies pressure on Serbia. The integration of Serbia in the
international community should depend on the efforts of mutual trust to solve the question of
Kosova. It is easy to say it - hard to do! Bosnia is still a concern to the West. But, as in many
places in the area, a unique approach of the West is critical.

KOHA: Since some restricted negotiations are taking place, do you consider that your
recommendation 21 has been fulfilled before recommendation 20 that suggests a very
interesting idea: "Serbia should..., reinstall the status of autonomy and gradually withdraw
the military and police troops, before the negotiations start!". What are your suggestions
regarding negotiations in new conditions, once the Albanian and Serb leaders have signed
the preliminary agreement on education?

ALLIN: The agreement was reached after the Commission had ended its report. It is good that
it has been reached, but much of it will depend on the details. However, any step towards
conversations is positive.

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KOHA: Do you perceive that the "issue of relations between Albanian communities" can be
solved in a broader framework of Balkan integrations or regionalizations?

ALLIN: A clear message of the Commission's report is that - it is almost always better not to
strengthen and dramatize the borders so much, than change them. I would use an analogy of
my colleague Jacques Rupnik made in Belgium. There are huge differences between the
French-speaking and Dutch-speaking minorities. However, there is no pressure for unification
with France or Holland, despite the fact that the borders of Belgium with France and Holland
are so provisional that can even be considered as non-existing. It is very clear that the
Southern Balkans is far away from such a situation. But, in comparison, the open borders
must be one aim.

KOHA: Could you say something about "The Balkans Infrastructure Association", our your
posture in recommendation 26 referring to Albania, where the Commission says: "The
Turkish and Balkans links should be encouraged above the Islamic bounds"?

ALLIN: In regard to the first institution, the Commission was sensitive towards the fact that
any ambitious proposal for regional cooperation could be considered as an attempt that aims
at the recreation of Yugoslavia. It is not so. But, infrastructure is a segment where cooperation
is not only sensible, but also necessary. It is a practical segment of cooperation and a formal
association that would help the countries to harmonize their national plans and ask for funds
from international bodies on regional bases.

As it regards the recommendation to encourage the links between Turkey and the Balkans
above the Islamic, I believe we were not being critical towards the Islam in general. But, in
the Balkans context, the Commission considered as positive the fact that Albanian in general
don't define their nationality in the sense of religion.

KOHA: What do you expect after the publication of the report?

ALLIN: Our expectations are modest. The report is detailed and is comparable and it
represents the best opinions of some of the leading personalities, politicians, academicians
and journalists, from more than six countries. Our hope is that this will be the catalyzer for
the further discussions and cooperations both in and outside the Balkans.

KOSOVA

SOLDIERS WITH NO ARMY

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

On September 16, while they were riding on a tractor, Besim Rama and Avni Nura were
kidnapped. In an ambush organized by units of the Serbian police, who were masked and
were waiting in civics, the armed two persons were caught. According to Nedeljni Telegraf,
one of them even tried to activate a hand grenade, but was prevented by the policemen.
Afterwards, Rama and Nura were kidnapped, and there was no trace of them. The upset
families had engaged attorneys, who started investigating about the whereabouts of their
clients. In fact, Nura was wanted for having wounded one man in a quarrel in the village of

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Beqiq. However, attorney Bajram Kelmendi tried to find him and found no trace of him in
any of the regional or municipal courts. He was not found in the Mitrovica prison either.
Everything was revealed when judge Danica Marinkovic interrogated the accused on October
2, at 6,30 p.m. This was not only a serious breach of the procedure, but after being "lost" for
17 days, they were sent to the investigating judge on October 2, after working hours! On this
occasion, Rama and Nura declared before the judge without the presence of the defending
attorneys. Moreover, as the attorneys claim, they were not allowed to communicate normally
with their attorneys, what is more, the guards were even suggested to warn the attorneys about
how far they could go in their conversations with the accused!

And so it happened. Fifteen people are accused of terrorism. Beside Rama and Nura, Idriz
Asllani from Vushtrri, is also in prison since 7 September. Therefore, 12 people listed in the
registers of the court are fugitive. Nedeljni Telegraf accused the Council for the Defence of
Human Rights and Freedoms in Prishtina for this (!), because it was prompt in informing
about the kidnapping of the two, thus giving sufficient time to the others to escape. Moreover,
the central police in Belgrade was also accused for rushing to publish the news at the eve of
the elections.

The indictment states that the accused have had military training in military barracks in
Albania, and later continued the same in the village Prekaz i Ulët. Further on, says the
indictment, the group has perpetrated terrorist attacks in Gllogovc, Vushtrri and Mitrovicë,
killing 4 people and attempting against the life of other 16. Besim Rama, Jakup Nura, Rafet
Rama, Sami Lushtaku are accused of perpetrating an attack against a police van in Gllogovc,
in 1993, when two policemen were killed and five others were wounded. Besim Rama, Sahit
Jashari, Ali Jonuzi and Idriz Asllani are accused of throwing hand grenades in the refugee
settlement in Vushtrri. The grenades didn't explode. Further on, Besim Rama, Adem Jashari,
Sahit Jashari, Nuredin Lushtaku, Fadil Kadriu and Zenun Kadriu are accused of attacking a
police patrol car in the Mitrovica-Rozaje highway on 22 April 1996, killing convict Dragana
Nesic, and wounding policeman Slobodan Dudic. Besim Rama, Adem Jashari, Fadil Kadriu,
Nuredin Lushtaku and Rexhep Sejdiu are accused of attacking a police patrol in Shipol, and
killing policeman Predrag Djordjevic and wounding policeman Vukojevic.

In fact, these accusations have been mainly admitted by the accused. The dilemma was
whether they had done it under the evident brutal violence they were subjected to. However,
the three of them have declared before the attorneys, that regardless of the violence they were
exposed to, they had admitted the crimes. Even, trying to be as convincing as possible, one of
them described how prior to having perpetrated the attack, he had eaten fli (traditional
Albanian salted pie) that his wife had made him. This maybe speaks of another profile of the
accused. They either give the impression of an organized gang, ideologized fanatics that have
been thoroughly trained and work in full conspiracy or are "popular" people that are willing to
always have a quarrel or two!? (According to the Serbian press, both Rama and Nura had
wounded or killed Albanians, even their close relatives).

The majority of the accused are from Drenica and surroundings, and are between 20 and 40
years old, mainly not with high qualifications, some of them peasants, with completed
military service, the majority married. This seems to fit a description made by the military
intelligence service - KOS, published in Intervju in May 1996. However, only three of them
are in prison, the other 12 being fugitive. In fact, it is evident that the police action was long
prepared and that the ambush was also prepared well based on the exact information on their
movement. In the funeral of the inspector of the State Security Service, Bajgora, the head of

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the Prishtina SSS, Lakovic, had said that his service would soon knock on the doors of the
terrorists. The abduction and non-knocking had happened in the times of the prelectoral
campaign, as the Serbian press claims, to give courage to the Kosova Serbs that were
frightened with the actions prescribed to the UÇK. But, the indictment doesn't state that the
15 accused ever functioned within an organization called the Liberation Army of Kosova
(UÇK)! The indictment states that beside the incident in the highway Mitrovica-Rozaje,
similar actions had taken place in Deçan, Pejë and Shtime with the death of 4 and the
wounding of 3 persons, and that when the attack in Shipol occurred, attacks against police
stations in Lluzhan and Podujevë happened with one wounding.

What is very interesting is to read the part of the accusation that accuses Albania and its army
for having allegedly trained all these people!

In fact, it is interesting that after the kidnapping of Besim Rama and Avni Nura, an attack
against the military barracks in Vushtrri happened, and Idriz Asllani is accused of it. He was
arrested some time later. Witnesses claim that on that night, Vushtrri was flooded with
policemen and military that continued their search and raids in the coming days. However, it
seems that the most important information came from inside, following the arrests. This
action was either a vengeance, or there was no coordination, if it is supposed that the group
existed!

But, anyhow, it is still unclear how will this group be linked to the other activities that
occurred in the other parts of Kosova, and that were not just a few and that had quite some
mortal victims. All of these are claimed to have been perpetrated by UÇK, while the Serbian
press has hurried to link these persons to this organization and declare them terrorists!
Apparently, there will be an explanation for everything after the elections...

On the other hand, Nedeljni Telegraf, according to its sources, claims that the 12 fugitives
will not get intimidated by this action, but will be more careful, what's more, their next
actions will be even more brutal! If it is so, does this mean that there more actions to come -
be it by the police, be it by the group? It seems that the game has just started.

Analysing this whole process, especially after the arrests, there is one more thing that should
be observed carefully. So far there have been different ideas about the coordinated explosions
in Kosova. There were versions that they were done by UÇK; that UÇK doesn't exist; that the
whole thing was invented by the Serbian organs; that a foreign intelligence service remains
behind them, etc. The arrest could give these options some flesh. We are no longer talking of
ghosts, but of people with names and surnames, that someone knows. This can destabilize the
situation even more making the dilemma grow - until the elections. This could make the
public chose to be in favor or against!

Once the UÇK is mentioned, it is interesting to say that according to "Zëri i Kosovës", organ
of the Kosova's People Movement, the financial contributions for this organization has started
being collected. If it is so, then this organization occasionally comes out from deep illegality
and also works in contact with masses!!! Yet another dilemma...

And, if the group that committed the incriminated acts really exists, but something like UÇK
is not mentioned, then the question is: "Soldiers" are here, and where is the "army"?

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In fact, the issue is - will there be still more of the actions we are getting used to see lately in
Kosova and what could the consequences be. Could this challenge the basically peaceful
policy of the Albanians in Kosova, especially if there is no rapid and deep change of the
situation in Kosova in the sense of its normalization? Therefore, the ones that have caught a
group (if you could call it a group) that acts in the way it does, have not ended the game yet.
The challenge could become bigger. Regardless of the elections.

INTERVIEW

BOGOLJUB KARIC, Chairman of the Karic Corporation

"BOTH ALBANIANS AND SERBS WILL BUY KOSOVA!"

Interviewed by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Pejë

KOHA: It has not been a long time since you started your career in Pejë: people know you as
a musician, then as a good entrepreneur and now as owner of one of the largest corporations
in Eastern Europe. How do you perceive this ascension and why did you leave your home-
town so soon? Was Kosova a too restricted market for the realization of your purposes?

KARIC: It is true that we started in Pejë as a family, with a lot of enthusiasm. It was strange
even in old system to have us as pioneers of the so called small economy. We started by
producing distinctive, traffic signs, then we went into spare parts for agriculture, food
industry, etc. From a small garage, where we started, and thanks to an American loan worth
500 thousand dollars, we built our first factory. We employed 100 people. This all happened
20 years ago. It was not our intention then to leave Pejë; we all thought that we would find
our fate in one place and live as a family. However, the nature of business is such that one can
always find other possibilities, another market, etc.

KOHA: Some of your ideas for the development of Kosova and the "prevention of the
emigration of Serbs" never came true. You had the "Program of 50 factories", and you
managed to construct only one building and not even start the other 49. What happened with
this project?

KARIC: We had the ambition to build at least one factory in each municipality and bigger
locality of Kosova and employ between 50 and 100 workers each. Thanks to the research of
our experts and professors of our University, we found out that Yugoslavia had enterprises
with equipment worth over 25 billion dollars that were not used. Besides the four factories we
built here, we built another one in Vitomirica and started one in Dorbushë. We were
expecting to use the Kosova Funds, and signed contracts with 50 enterprises. Ante Markovic
supported us, but unfortunately we never came to the money, although we were being accused
of being the only ones to use the Funds, which was not true.

KOHA: Nevertheless, those factories had a political connotation, e.g. "the prevention" of the
emigration of Serbs. Were you thinking of the development of Kosova or the political factor
in all of this?

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KARIC: We were most interested in the economic aspect. Of course, it had to had political
connotation, because of the political moment. Nevertheless, we were most interested in the
development factor. The best example that served us was Italy - a country where each and
every garage became a workshop, a factory. This is how Italy got developed.

I must say that despite the support of political leaders, we didn't manage to break the
bureaucratic wall. Dogma against business was still there.

KOHA: However, no other organization but your enterprise managed to do something in

Kosova.

KARIC: None. They had no strength to struggle. They gave up. It was a huge victory when a
private owner got a loan. This was something for the Central Committee to decide, maybe.

KOHA: I remember a reportage where you were called "red capitalists". Any colors of your
preference?

KARIC: We were called so by Austrian journalists, for they knew that we were private
owners and all our workers were members of the Party. They called us so because our
enterprise was visited by party officials, followed by diplomats, journalists...

KOHA: What is your attitude towards parties now?

KARIC: We have reached an agreement in our family: we don't become members of any
party. We are into business, we consider it to be a huge thing, and this is the biggest
contribution we make to our family, to our country and the citizens living in it. I could say
that we are not oriented politically at all.

KOHA: Indirectly, what party are you the closest to?

KARIC: If it is important to say, our orientations lean towards the left, closer to center. I wish
to explain this based on our experience. Whatever we do and build, we want to share with the
others. The most important economic goal is profit, but that is not the only thing you should
aim at. We wish to accomplish the interests of all the employed and give their families a high
standard of living. If I say that the average salary in our corporation is around 1 thousand
DEM, then this is great. We want them to be happy, we want to give their children a chance
for education. This is why we established the University, we send our students to practice
abroad and learn there what they can't here in the country.

Many countries are famous for having Ford, Mercedes or Sony. We want our country to be
known because of us. Just for having this idea, one must be brave and responsible. I am
conscious that this can't be done in 20 or 50 years, maybe we will not live to see it, but we are
doing our best for our heirs to do so.

If it weren't for our ambitions, we wouldn't be working in North and South America, Western,
Eastern and Central Europe as well as Asia. We will be successful. I don't want to say we are
magicians. This is more or less my political orientation, and I believe that the program of the
Democratic Party in the USA or the Labour Party in Great Britain are as much oriented
towards the left.

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KOHA: Your right hand in matters of economy is an Albanian.

KARIC: Yes. Our company has also Albanian managers. Our senior economic official is
Muhamet Mulhaxha. Along with the Karic brothers, he is the controller of all our finances in
the world. He even knows more than we do.

KOHA: But, he was once accused of being a nationalist for having embraced Mahmut
Bakalli?

KARIC: He was qualified as such for having met with Bakalli and thus was expelled from the
party. We knew that he was a hard-working and honest man and we wanted him to work for
us, leaving aside all accusations.

KOHA: No one defended him them.

KARIC: No one! When we gave him a job, we had a lot of problems with the ruling structure.
Maybe he was not the reason, however, we had inspections coming on a daily basis. And this,
we were forced to remove all our accounts from here and transfer them to Belgrade. This was,
in a way, the beginning of our transfer from here to Belgrade.

KOHA: Was this the main reason?

KARIC: No. We had already some business in Russia, and it was very hard to follow it from
Pejë.

KOHA: There are rumors about your new citizenship.

KARIC: I have no other citizenship. We are Yugoslavs and patriots. In times of sanctions, we
had to manage somehow. Once lifted, the circumstances are quite different. Since I move a
lot around the world, I can say that the politics of certain states is changing to our favor. I am
happy for this and I think that the biggest merits are of President Milosevic, who in the past
three years, from the Pale Convention and up to now, is actively engaged to stop war and
place it behind us.

KOHA: Have you helped SPS financially?

KARIC: Never.

KOHA: You have greeted the Rugova-Milosevic agreement. Do you believe this is the best
step to overcome stalemate?

KARIC: I believe this agreement should have been achieved earlier, but it is good that it has
been signed now. I believe that dialogue is much better than isolation. It is catastrophic for a
people to have its children study in alternative schools, have the sick be treated in people's
hospitals and people working in national factories. Political projects should be at the
periphery of the economic flows. I believe that the activation of economy will diminish the
gap between Albanians and Serbs. Once people go back to work, things will change for the
better.

KOHA: The return to work is an economic or a political problem?

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KARIC: I see it only as an economic problem. If any leadership perceives it as a political
issue, this is hard to understand. Market economy can't stand any borders. The EU is the best
example. This is why I think that this agreement is the first step. I believe that after education,
economic issues are to follow.

KOHA: There are no concrete results from this agreement.

KARIC: There will be, for sure. The commissions have been established. There is nothing to
comment. Everything will be solved in the interest of all.

KOHA: But banking and economy are not matter of conversations.

KARIC: Banking should be a matter of discussion among economic subjects. We have, for
example, had conversations at the Economic Court in Belgrade about having a commercial
bank take over the bankrupting BANKKOS, as well as all the employees, all of those who
wish to work there. Banking activities in Kosova are of extreme importance for the
reactivation of economy in Kosova. If we can work with Canadian, the Hindu, the Chinese,
why couldn't we work with Albanians? We do work with them now, but to a much smaller
extent.

KOHA: How do you imagine that bank?

KARIC: It should be a share-holding bank for anyone who wishes to become part of it. It is
not at all important who is the major share-holder. It is important to have a capable
management, which can be comprised of foreigners, as is the case with many of our
companies.

KOHA: Your idea is not recent. What about RAS banka?

KARIC: This is an idea that emerged at the beginning of the bankruptcy procedure of
BANKKOS. However, I found many bureaucratic obstacles in the past. Now I see things are
changing a bit. Taking over a bank in special conditions is a normal event in the world. The
same will soon happen here.

KOHA: The influence of politics in economy is very much emphasized in Serbia.

KARIC: I don't agree. In Serbia, the companies decide for themselves, absolutely. If you have
followed the laws, then you could have noticed that this is only a matter that concerns
enterprises.

KOHA: Can the politicians who have invested so much in dividing people try to bring them
together again?

KARIC: Things and circumstances change. Together with new times, comes the new politics.
The deterioration of relations and politics of isolation will make enough space for new
politicians. Honestly, many thought that war in Kosova would start, and this didn't happen.
What would we gain with war? Nothing, just a catastrophe. I believe that times of nightmare
are over, if not totally, then to a considerable extent.

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I would like to stress the wise politics of Ibrahim Rugova, the leader of Kosova Albanians. If
he would have lead another politics, we would have an open conflict of huge dimensions.

KOHA: Why aren't people leading Kosova's economy successful, and why is it in such a bad
shape?

KARIC: Kosova's economy shares the fate of the Yugoslav economy that suffered the
international blockade. It was especially affected for it depends of the imports and it is not
well organized.

However, now after the sanctions, its chances are good. Take Trepça for example: it has made
a great step forward. In the past years, it has signed some contracts which it is realizing now.
We will export its batteries worth 50 million dollars. Things are moving in economy.

KOHA: There are two extremes, the Albanian and Serb, and have not made a step towards
one-another.

KARIC: To get to this, there must be initiative, will and need on both sides. Serbs and
Montenegrins were right to fear from the increasing Albanian nationalism. Their emigration
was the best proof of this. On the other hand, Albanians claim not to have the basic civil and
human rights. When people ask me about this, I give answers that explain both problems.

About the human and civil rights of national minorities, I believe that the highest European
norms and standards should be applied. I once told an American official that they should
recommend us to apply the American constitution in these matters. I have also told him that
Albanians held senior officials posts in Yugoslavia. I graduated from the University of
Prishtina where 80% of the professors were Albanians that lectured in Serbian.

KOHA: After all that has happened in Kosova, how attractive are you an your ideas to the
Albanians? Have you contacted in any way the Albanian political leadership?

KARIC: I have no direct contacts, except in occasional receptions in embassies, different

parties, etc. If they don't accept my ideas, then I believe that the people in Kosova will not
continue trusting them for long. Neither will the international community.

ASYLUM-SEEKERS

ALBANIANS, GO HOME!

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtinë

On Thursday, an agreement between the governments of the FR of Germany and the FRY on
the repatriation of Yugoslav citizens that must leave Germany, was signed. The Agreement
was signed by the German Federal Minister of Interior, Manfred Kanter, and his homolog,
well known to the Kosovan public, Vukasin Jokanovic.

The agreement foresees the obligation of both states to accept those citizens that are illegally
residing in the territory of the other contracting party, i.e. all those who do not, or do not fulfil

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the conditions for legal residence any longer. The obligation is valid also in the case of the
asylum-seekers, people who have illegally entered the country, as well as people who have
given up on their previous citizenship without being accepted into the nationality of the new
state. A special paragraph exists for those who wish to go back voluntarily. They will be
received without having the need to fill out a special request, as states the agreement.

According to information given to us by the German Embassy in Belgrade, the return will be
done by fully respecting human rights and dignity of the returnees, so there is no
discrimination on national grounds as people are returning back. This is guaranteed by the
Amnesty Law adopted by the Yugoslav authorities on 22 June 1996, says the communique of
the German Embassy. This agreement makes sure that all persons who since 14 December
1995 have refused to fulfil their military obligation or have fled the Army, will not be charged
or imprisoned.

For the practical application of the agreement, a joint experts commission has been
established that will observe the practical aspects of the application of the agreement and give
suggestions for the solution of eventual problems.

This formulation, made by the two ministers, is a bit strange knowing that repression in
Kosova is continuous and the guarantees for any security are minimal. In an atmosphere
reigning in Kosova, the signing of the agreement could seem hasty. The rush of the German
government is understandable, but the formulation regarding the respect of human rights and
dignity is by all means doubtful. How can this be guaranteed by the same composition that
incited the war and the massive migration of people?

Further on, it is said that the agreement has been signed for an undetermined period of time,
and will be applicable periodically as of 1 December 1996. When it concerns all people that
have entered the country before the agreement was reached, their return should be done
equally and continuously within a three-years frame.

President Rugova, on his press conference said: "We have asked the German government to
return back our people gradually. But we also asked for their economic and personal security
that should be under the supervision of the German commission". To be honest, the Albanian
party has been quite neglected on the occasion of this agreement. First, because of the
unresolved status of Kosova and the impossibility of the Government and its organs in exile
to guarantee something more. Naturally, all of this has gone through the official path.

According to the evaluations of the German landers, there is a total of 135 thousand Yugoslav
citizens in FR of Germany that should be repatriated.

"The reached agreement for the return and acceptance of the Yugoslav and German citizens
that are obliged to leave the territory of the other country is another step forward in the efforts
to assure the return of the refugees to their place of origin and thus have the Yugoslav citizens
go back home soon.

The agreement will enable to highlight that Germany wishes not to become a state of
permanent residence of migrants through the abuse of the right to asylum.

I hope that the agreement will also have the effect of intimidation of the "human-smugglers",
because the criminal activity of their organizations will become more difficult, while the

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misused people, that have been deceived will again go back to their places of origin",
declared the German Federal Minister of Interior, Manfred Kanter.

The German Foreign Minister Kinkel met in Bonn with the Yugoslav Federal Minister of
Interior, Vukasin Jokanovic.

On that occasion, Kinkel said that the quality of the relations between FRG and FRY will in
essence depend on the full respect of human rights and freedoms of minorities, as well as the
broad autonomy in Kosova. Belgrade must know, that along with other things and in relation
to Kosova, full integration in the international community as well as the long-term approach
to international financial assistance and cooperation with the EU is a two-way street. Kinkel
literally said: "The agreement signed today, and reached between myself and President
Milosevic last May in Belgrade, represents an important step towards the improvement of the
overall relations between our states. Now it will be important to realize in practice what has
been agreed on paper. Without any interruptions, the return of the Yugoslav citizens that are
obliged to leave the territory of FRG should take place. On this occasion, it is important that
the returnees to the FRY should not be subjected to any abuse. In this aspect, I appeal to the
Yugoslav government to observe reports on any cases of the kind. I have made this clear in
the conversation with minister Jokanovic. The respect of human rights and minority rights of
returnees is the grounds of action according to the agreement. This, before all, knowing that
the majority of the returnees are from Kosova", states the communique of the German
Embassy in Belgrade.

KOSOVA

A TWO-WAY PATH TOWARDS ONE POLITICAL ANSWER

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtinë

The reached agreement between Rugova and Milosevic is ever more being burdened with
elements that can only postpone its realization. At least this is being demonstrated by the
recent interventions of the Serbian police against the institutions of Albanian education that
can't be considered illegal by the Serbian state any longer, for they got legitimized with
Milosevic's signature. Subsequently, that the return of Albanians to the school-buildings
remains a technicality. This is at least what the agreement promises.

Just now, an Albanian dean will be facing trial accused of having issued and signed an illegal
diploma for a graduated student. The cases of mistreated Albanian teachers and
pupils/students in different municipalities are not rare either.

The last police intervention in the offices of the Independent Trade Union of Education,
Culture and Science of Kosova on 8 October, reveals the fact that the signing of the
agreement has taken another direction from the one envisaged by the euphoria incited after it
was closed. Even the intervention of the police and their interest to find out things prove of
the lack of determination and will to allow Albanian students to return to their school
buildings.

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The attention of the police was mainly concentrated on the trade-union activity of this
organizations that are related to the internal plane, i.e. the return to school-buildings, could
easily reveal some not so good indicators of the educational system and the Albanian politics
lead by Rugova, a politics that considers the signed agreement to be its biggest and most
concrete success in the past six years.

Serbia, for the time being, is not willing to let go the control of the political processes and
development, nor allow the appearance of an unknown element. This could be any
organization or eventual trade-union activity towards the exertion of pressure on the Serbian
government for the realization of the agreement. Therefore, the Serbian government wishes
to, thus, eliminate the situations that could lead towards losing control in times it is facing the
elections. On the other hand, the solution of the problem of education and the comeback to
the school-buildings is already canalized towards the undetermined agreements that give the
Serbian government enough manoeuvering space. Hence, e.g., the outer-wall sanctions, is a
very important element for the Serbian government. In this case, Kosova represents a two-
way street to Serbia - in a way, it can be used as means to exert international pressure against
Serbia, but at the same time, through it and through the solutions determined by Serbia for
Kosova, Serbia could try to break down the outer-wall.

In all this big game and of interest for the Serbian state, Albanian education found itself
somewhere in the middle of the street. Any steps towards breaking this game, will not be
allowed for the time being. The threat of the Serbian policemen addressed to the trade-union
activists that "this organization will be carefully followed by the police" only proves the
determination of the regime to have the game being played by its rules: by channeling the
consequent solutions in a gradual way and in the directions and time-frame to the regime's
convenience

What will be the Albanian reply to the Serbian political timing, it is still not clear. The
insisting of some Albanian political and public personalities, and even the Government to
exert some pressure for the liberation of the buildings, i.e. have the Albanians impose
themselves in the process of realization of the agreement, have so far, had no echo in the
Albanian political leadership in Kosova.

Moreover, these acts can deteriorate the situation even more, and based on the attitude of the
police this is most certain. Who would profit from this, it is a reply that belongs to the
political leadership in Kosova.

MACEDONIA

ONE YEAR LATER

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

One year after the attempt against the life of President Gligorov, it seems as if former interior
and present foreign minister Frckovski's words are becoming true: after this attempt, nothing
is as it used to be in Macedonia. Coincidentally, the Liberal Party and its chairman Stojan
Andov (former participants in the ruling coalition) came out in public with a request
addressed to the government for the publication of the results of the investigation so far. The

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leader of the Liberals denied to have given a statement to Belgrade's Dnevni Telegraf in
which he allegedly confirmed that the SDLM fears to acknowledge the merits of minister
Frckovski, for it is fearing that he could talk about the attempt. A denial, which in fact is not
one, for he claims not to have made any statements, but that actually confirms the posture of
his party in this regard!

One year later, it seems that the investigations didn't reveal a thing. President Gligorov
proper, in some interviews he gave to foreign media declared that, although there were signs,
there is not sufficient proof to accuse anyone of instigating or organizing the attempt. The
actual minister of Interior, Tomislav Cokrevski actually supports the thesis that the police
should be allowed to do its work and that the majority, especially the media, have damaged
the investigation with the publication of information that leaked from his ministry. Vlado
Kambovski, professor of Penal Law says that `responsibility didn't work': "The attempt
against the president represents a collective trauma, therefore it is partially successful - there
were mortal victims, the President was disabled to work for some time, there were
consequences in the political, economic and international standing, and definitely some parts
of the system don't function as they should, while some responsible persons didn't hold to
their responsibilities".

"Fokus", in it last issue published "The Chronicle of a Quite Forgotten Attempt", titled:
"What foreign secret services work in MIA's headquarters?". This magazine confirms, in
exclusive, that one of the members of the team in charge of the investigations is a retired CIA
agent; it also publishes that the Ministry of Internal Affairs didn't respect the decision of the
Government to give a 500 thousand dollars' reward for any information that could clarify the
case; that someone from MIA stalls with the publication of the dummy portrait of the woman
that drove the car and parked it in the street once called Marshall Tito and which is now
called Macedonia. Most likely, the investigation will never discover who instigated, ordered
and executed the attempt.

Frckovski was right about one thing - after the attempt, Macedonia was not the one it used to
be. Before the attempt, Gligorov used to be the figure, it was supposed that he was
strategically deciding about the most important things. Among others, in the last elections, his
"don't leave me alone" cry practically brought the victory to the League for Macedonia, the
tripartite coalition. Since the beginning, it became obvious that something was wrong, and
that this marriage wouldn't work for long. By that time, premier Crvenkovski made it clear
that the Liberals "were making him nervous". After the attempt, it seems that Gligorov was
the key person for the survival of the coalition, being the key politician who had the biggest
credibility.

In fact, it can be confirmed that the attempt against Gligorov is really the beginning of the
disintegration of the coalition, which was quite artificial, as "Gligorov's vane wish", but at the
same time the beginning of the end of the political career of the Macedonian president, and to
pessimists, the beginning of the disintegration of the Macedonian state.

Several days after the attempt, the chairman of the Liberals and at the same time Speaker of
the Parliament, Stojan Andov, took over Gligorov's post, as the Constitution foresees. This
was only a reason for another confrontation inside the League. The Liberals abstained to vote
for a government in which they had four ministers and severely criticized Frckovski. This all
ended with the reconstruction of the government which ended with the cleansing of Liberals
from it. Of course, Andov was forced to leave his post. President Gligorov, dramatically, tried

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to calm down the tensions and insisted on the reconciliation of the partners. The
reconstruction took place, despite the wish of Gligorov. It was done in such way that it
practically meant the "beginning" of the marginalization of Gligorov from the political scene.
In the coming months, it was reduced to the protocolar role of "Queen Elizabeth". On the
other hand, some of his public presentations, emotional and lacking control, strengthened the
gossips about his unsuitability to be president. Anyhow, it is clear that one year after the
attempt, his position is not the one it used to be.

Nevertheless, the reconstruction also changed the relations within the coalition. With the
departure of the Liberals, the position of the PPD and the Socialists strengthened. The
sensitivity of the principles of the PPD in coalition were mainly expressed in the form of the
events regarding the University of Tetova, which is considered illegal by the Government but
is accepted and supported by this and other Albanian political parties. PPD reiterated several
times that if legal acts and documents that don't respect the Albanian language are put into
approving procedure, it would step down from the coalition. On the other hand, the Socialists,
now headed by Ljubisav Ivanov, demonstrated to the SDLM that they will not accept the role
of the subjugated any longer. Ivanov has not the sympathy of SDLM, for the Socialists came
out in public several times, contradicting the postures of their partners in coalition. Once in
Prilep, Ivanov declared: "The premier is good, but the government is catastrophic, because it
is made up by professors who have no practical experience and that some of the ministers are
worried about their private firms rather than the country". This could be a sign of a new
divorce.

With the approbation of the Law on the Territorial Division of Macedonia, the country is now
organized in 123 instead of 34 municipalities, and the adoption of the Law on Local
Elections, electoral lists and voting legitimation, the local elections were proclaimed and will
be held on 17 November. In accordance with this, the Parliament also adopted the rules of
action for the media in the campaign that should start on 17 October. In the meantime, the
publication of names of candidates started being published. As things stand now, the
Democratic Party and VMRO-DPMNE along with MAAK wil participate as a coalition,
while the SDLM, the Socialists and PPD will come out in the elections independently.

The adopted regulations and the fact that the main media are "under the control" of the
SDLM, seems to announce that they wish, by all means, to take over the local government.
However, there is ever more rumors on the fractions inside the ruling party. There are rumors
about the serious separation between Crvenkovski and Frckovski. The latter, without
informing the premier and without accepting Gligorov's suggestions, formed his own
diplomatic council, which was a bit later rejected and criticized by "Nova Makedonija".
Allegedly, there will be a reconstruction of the government and Frckovski and some others
will lose their posts. If this happens, Crvenkovski will remain almost alone in his party and
will have to rely more and more on Speaker Petkovski, who controls the local party
leadership and has great influence in the SDLM. This is why he is considered to be a
conservative leader, close to Belgrade and other neighbors.

Lately, especially after Kontic's visit to Shkup, Macedonia seems to abandon the proclaimed
politics of equidistance, and is ever more turning towards his northern neighbor, which is
causing dissatisfaction in Bulgaria and Albania. Since then, as declared by a leader of the
Macedonian political emigration in Canada, an offer for the division of Macedonia in two
cantons - Albanian and Bulgarian- appeared, and the latter would later unite with Bulgaria
and thus create a unique state.

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