KOHA SUMMARY # 122

Front Page: DR. BUJAR BUKOSHI : THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC - HEAD OF
A TRIBE
Date: 30 October 1996

EDITORIAL

OPPOSITE ALBANIAN AND SERB RAILS

by VETON SURROI

Somewhere by the end of the eighties, Sali Berisha, a famous doctor who was then visiting
the region of Korça, offered a ride back to a young journalist. According to this young man,
still a journalist ten years later, Berisha spent over half of the way speaking emotionally about
what was going on in Kosova.

Somewhere at the same time, a former banker and a Serb communist apparatchik, was
legitimizing himself as the leader of the Serbian people, in Fushë Kosovë. After a long and
sleepless night, listening to the stereotypical moans of the "oppressed Serbian people", I was
watching the future president of Serbia going through the metamorphosis from a grey person
of an unidentifiable face who wouldn't give any impression if seen on the street, into a man of
a Benito-like movement of the jaw that would lead his and other people directly to war.

The parallel Serb-Albanian travel, didn't start with these two historical journeys, and will not
stop here. But, it is worth mentioning the stations in which the Albanian-Serb trains passed by
one-another. As in December 1990, for example, when Albania started to move away from
Enverism, and while Serbia was widely preparing the transformation of the communist
regime into the "soft" nationalist-communist variant with a multi-party decoration.

Albania and Serbia continue their travel again on opposite rails. After the criticism for
manipulation and pressure against the opponents, criticism that was evidenced by the
television cameras during the parliamentarian elections in May, the Albanian president took
over the local elections and he realized what he had realized earlier: the people are not much
interested on the fine details of democracy as much as they are interested in a stability that
will open economic perspective. His party gained the mandate again, at the local level too,
and took the route towards the reforms, a path that is not easy, neither is it paved with the
automatization of the democratic institutions. Albania is still in the way of deeply
transforming its economic and social structure, and according to President Berisha's model,
these should bring the political change.

The Serbian president, on the other hand, continues the path he has traced that night in Fushë
Kosovë, that of strengthening his personal rule. If the "federal" parliamentarian elections have
any value, except the symbolical value of documenting that there is no relevant political force

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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in Serbia that would set a distance from the consecuences of Serbian chauvinism in the past
ten years, then at least they can confirm the conditions so that the Serbian president, thanks to
a parliamentarian majority, can become the formal leader of "Yugoslavia". In order to prove
that he was always right, and that the people has always supported him as well as the path
towards the destruction of the other people. And, judging upon the quiet diplomatic
evaluations so far, not many in the West doubt about this, and not many will be sorry if it
happens so. Finally, Milosevic has since long ago become the "partner" of the West and a
person that when deciding about a concession, asks for no consent from anyone, the
parliament, public opinion, party or neighbor. We don't know about the members of his
family.

Albania and Serbia will continue their, independent, journeys. Kosova is not journeying on
any of those rails because, and this has been the case in past century, it is neither Serbia nor
Albania. And although Kosova could inspire both Albania and Serbia, I don't believe that the
inspiration of either Albania nor Serbia is concentrated on Kosova. Maybe it was a historical
misfortune, why Albania and Serbia took care more of their own business, maybe this could
turn into luck. So Serbia could maybe finally understand that there is not much for it here and
so Kosovans could understand that the sole existence of one Albanian state will not
automatically solve the question of Kosova.

INTERVIEW

BUJAR BUKOSHI, Premier of the Republic of Kosova

THE LDK: "PEOPLE SHOULD BE NOURISHED SOMEHOW"

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtinë

KOHA: How does the Government evaluate the situation on the fifth anniversary of its
foundation?

BUKOSHI: I first must say that there is something grotesque about our anniversaries. The
history of one people is composed of important dates and periods and its conscience should
celebrate them. The anniversaries are dates of deep reflection, as if they were religious feasts,
when people evaluate their present and their future. I mention this in order to ask whether we
can evaluate the anniversary as a analysis of the situation?

KOHA: What was as a priority for you, was not achieved in your fifth anniversary?

BUKOSHI: Let's go back to the Government. On its fifth anniversary, what started as a
provisional government created by the agreement of the Albanian political parties, it has
surpassed its provisional mandate but remains in the same composition and form. This is due
to a series of factors, but mainly the non-functioning of the institutions of the political life in
Kosova. First of all I am referring to the non-constitution of the Parliament. This is the visible
part of the iceberg. The invisible part is the work of the Government in the past years. If all
the things the Government did, and it did quite some, again they would not be that
considerable in the context of the present situation in Kosova, because independence was not
achieved. It has not achieved to gain control over its borders; it has not managed to kick-out

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the Serb military-police machinery; it has not managed to assure a normal functioning of the
vital areas of economic and spiritual life, including economy, culture, information, education,
health-care, etc. It didn't manage to stop the lifting of the sanctions against Belgrade. Briefly,
Kosova in 1996 is the same to the one in 1990 - its under occupation I think that as long as
we are under occupation, we must continuously repeat this fact, not to make it a ritual, but to
do everything possible to free ourselves. But there is more...

KOHA: Sorry to interrupt you, but every Friday we hear that Kosova is at the top of the top-
ten?

BUKOSHI: Today's Kosova is not more internationalized than the one in 1992. On the
contrary, Kosova is not considered a priority in international documents. As far as I know,
diplomacy knows of four levels to treat a problem on international levels. The first one is
when the problem is known, but it is not mentioned at all, because of the political
conjunctures. The second level is a bit more advanced, the problem is mentioned, but just
formally. The third level mentions the problem with an aim, but the aim is not clear, neither is
the time when it will be solved. The fourth level, not only mentions the problem, it has clear
aims and what is very important is that the solution of the problem is accompanied with
concrete actions and a determined time-frame. I believe that priorities today are Russia,
Chechenya, Middle East, Bosnia and a series of other places that imposed themselves to the
international community.

The government has evaluated since long ago that Kosova is out of the top-ten. It is not being
treated by the international community as an urgent matter. It is on the agenda for the
violation of human rights and as a region that must gain autonomy. It is not on the agenda as a
region that should become independent, as its people wants. Statements about Kosova's
presence on the agendas and the stimulation of the diplomatic efforts on bilateral grounds
with Belgrade become diplomatic courtesies and don't contribute to the real solution of the
problem. The concessions that are continuously being made to Serbia are very concerning.
Serbia makes no concessions to the international community, and it will make even less to
Kosova. Albanians must find the way to free themselves from violence and Serbian
occupation. Our future would be in peril if we remain under Serbia, because, independently
from how the political status of Kosova is defined in that creature called Yugoslavia, we
would realistically remain under the Serbian domination. The Serb hegemony forced all the
nations out of it. What logic is there for Albanians to stay with Serbs?

Grounding ourselves on support from the outside is not in accordance with our difficult
situation, the independence of Kosova is not supported, and there is no other serious efforts
but expression of sympathy and moral support, with many diplomatic compliments and
suggestions to continue as we have done so far, because we are on the good path. But,
independence could turn into a long-term dream and this would not be the fault of Europe or
America. Some political circles or determined individuals in the party hierarchy of Kosova,
are more often talking about developments in phases, the steps of the national question, of
independence as a long-term development to be reached by conversations. Unfortunately, this
reminds me of Mao Tse Dungs theory on the "victory (bit by bit) over the enemy", which is
trying to be applied by some people in Prishtina with Chinese exactness. Therefore, in regard
to the independence, today's Kosova is in a more unfavorable political situation than in the
first anniversary of the Government.

KOHA: Well, whose fault is it?

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BUKOSHI: All of us. Conditionally said, we are responsible for having allowed the intensity
of the movement to decrease. We haven't convened the Parliament. We expect Serbia to give
us our schools and we are happy for that. We expect that Serbia will give us medical-care,
that it will take care of our archives and history, that will keep Albanian names of streets. We
pay double taxes, once for Kosova and at least ten times more to Serbia. We wait to repeat
what America says, since it has been supporting us and continues doing it, but we must work
on having it say something what is in accordance with our aims. And when we see that this is
in no way in our national and political interest, we must learn to say "no" and give arguments
for our posture.

Kosova needs Europe's and America's help, but in no way should it be persuaded to accept
slavery under Serbia. We meet both important and unimportant personalities and we never
say what was they said in those meetings. We have created the impressions that with
information offices we have reached the independence of Kosova.

KOHA: You say all are responsible.

BUKOSHI: People that have supported the referendum are not to blame. It is not the fault of
those who every week listen that the "the best solution for Kosova is the independent and
neutral state, open to Albania and Serbia", and never ask what are we doing to open up the
state, and never ask how is it possible that the same formula is repeated five years in a row,
and suffers no change. Meanwhile, violence continues, adaptation becomes a political credo.

Those who support independence have the right to ask in what phase are we now. Is
independence being achieved by the elected Kosovan organs? Does the Republic of Kosova
function? Why weren't the aims of the Referendum achieved? In order to see whether a
politics is a success or a failure, then the results should be observed.

Maybe the only fault of the people is that they trust their leadership more than they should.
For illustration sake, there are some situations in which some ladies and gentlemen, "aspirers"
to high ranking posts in the still not created state of Kosova, ask for invitations to be sent in
from abroad, so they can go abroad and make tours there, very expensive ones, stating "in
confidence" that "people should be nourished somehow". On their way back, or as they are
still there, they make euphoric statements about the alleged quick solution of Kosova's
problem. This is an euphoria we need the least right now. My opinion is that one part of this
population has not the political honesty, and I doubt in their faith in the independence of
Kosova.

KOHA: This sounds as a very serious accusation.

BUKOSHI: It depends on how you take it. If ascertaining the reality is a serious accusation,
so let it be. We have reached the final phase of the crisis in the former Yugoslavia. From all
what resulted from the former Yugoslavia, all gained something except the Albanians.

KOHA: Six years of political infusion from the LDK, the President and the Government.
When all the non-completed tasks are revealed, only the outer wall sanctions remained. None
of the promises were fulfilled. What is the last promise to be made by the LDK, President
Rugova and your Government to convince the Albanians that the politics that you lead in not
leading us to autonomy?

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BUKOSHI: We continue saying that the outer wall is conditioned with the solution of
Kosova's problem. At least we were not saying that we were trying to influence the
international community to have it condition the sanctions with Kosova too. My question is:
who conditioned them with the solution of Kosova's problem, as it is said to sound better,
"based on the political will of the people"? USA? Why should they do that? How sure were
we that USA would do that? What have we done to prove that we were determined to get to
the independence ? Or maybe we are so naive to believe that the international diplomacy will
reward us with an independent state for our quiet posture?

Now the same old style is continuing with the "outer wall". It will stand, it is even foreseen to
last 3-4 years, but this doesn't mean that Serbia will give in as it respects Kosova. This wall
will cause problem to Serbia, however it will not oblige it to give up on it. Kosova is only the
last of the conditions in this list. Could it be that this condition could be forgotten?

KOHA: Bukoshi as devil's advocate?

BUKOSHI: I just say that the outer wall sanctions is a political posture, and that it has been
put in life thanks to the insisting of the USA. It is believed that it should stand in order to
force Serbia to cooperate with the The Hague War Tribunal, to settle the matter of succession
and finally with the substantial imporvement of the situation in Kosova. This is a very elastic
formulation. The improvement can be reached any day in words, because it has no obligation
it is attached to in writing.

Serbia will try to evade the wall - and you could expect to see it on the other side of the wall
any moment! International capital will be then flowing in. Since Albanians are causing no
troubles, they will try to find a way to keep us down. Our problem can be postponed.

KOHA: What do you mean by postponed?

BUKOSHI: This will start by "forcing" Serbia to make "concessions". These concessions
could be compared to two or three drops of water given to a people thirsty for freedom. I
believe that this is and will be acceptable. Kosova can not be calmed if it is given pieces of its
rights that were brutally taken away from it.

KOHA: What would you consider distressing in the latest developments regarding Kosova?

BUKOSHI: The main concern is that Kosova is facing the legalization of the Serb-Slavic
occupation. Serbia is doing everything to extend its occupation of Kosova for another century
or make it eternal, if possible. We must do all we can and use all means possible to prevent
this. In a longer perspective, this will harm the Albanian state proper. History has proven that
Kosova is the symbol of the non-breaking of the Albanian people and that it has served as a
protective wall to the Albanian state from the Serb threat and the danger coming from
neighbors. Albanians should not forget that every time campaigns were organized against
them, Serbia incited tensions and political unrest in Albania - and vice-versa.

New geo-politics puts new and big tasks in front of us.

To be continued

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EDUCATION

WHY DON'T 3+3 MEET?

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

The appointment of the Albanian trio that should negotiate with the Serbian side about the
implementation of the agreement on education in Kosova, reactivated the bit "forgotten" issue
of the first step in the Albanian-Serb dialogue. The agreement reached on Sept. 1, has caused
enthusiasm among Kosova Albanians, and many international political structures greeted it.
However, the gesture of good will has not been achieved yet. And not only this, but there has
been no preliminary meeting between Belgrade and Prishtina.

There was a series of reasons for that. First, the elections in Serbia slow down the process.
First of all because the local Serbs complained about the agreement, trying to present this
gesture of the Serbian president as a series of concessions that harm the Serbian national
question. It's Kosova's turn, say the members of the Serbian Resistance Movement (SRM),
thus trying to get as many followers as possible.

However, and having also in mind the action of the arrest of some of the Albanian "terrorists"
in Drenica, are the aces in the hands of the ruling party, that despite all problems, will win the
elections in Kosova too. Although it will not be easy...

But, this seems to be only one of the problems that slows down the realization of the
agreement. After all, the postponement of the realization of the agreement can be justified
with the "technical" aspect of the elections. But after the elections are over, there will be no
more space for such explanations. Then, the problem will be reduced to more concrete things.
One of them will probably be the issue of the intermediation of a third party.

In fact, according to our direct sources, this issue was brought up by the parties themselves.
And, while the Albanian side considers the issue of mediation more than a symbolical matter,
the Serbian party considers that such symbolism proves its old posture that Kosova remains
"it's internal matter". In fact, such a wording about Kosova's problem can be used for
domestic purposes, despite the fact that Kosova since long is not a Serbian internal problem,
neither is it an international problem as Albanians wish. Moreover, because the presence of
Monsignor Paglia, the representative of Sant' Egidio, and not a state or an institution - doesn't
place the Serbian party in a directly uncomfortable situation.

Even, according to our sources, in diplomatic contacts that were made in Belgrade with
Serbian officials regarding this issue, it was said directly that Monsignor Paglia was not
welcome at the beginning of the meeting. But, "he could join in later, for lunch", say our
sources.

If it is so, then here we have another technical problem that would disable the meetings of the
two sides. And whilst the fact that the Albanian side didn't nominate it's trio was used as an
excuse of the Serbian side to evade the meetings, now the dilemma is - with or without the
intermediator?

At the LDK they tell us that this shouldn't represent a problem to the Serbian side, for this is
the representative of an organization. These sources even say that when the agreement was

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reached, this element was mentioned expressively, and that the Serbian side had no objection
to it. Anyhow, at the LDK think that Milosevic, in fact, with his stalling, is trying to increase
the value of his concession. And he does this knowing that both the Americans and
Europeans are interested in the implementation of the agreement. But, it is ironic to ask and
gain from something unjustifiable as is the expulsion of Albanian students from their schools
buildings, say at the LDK.

On the other hand, our attempt to find someone from the Serbian party failed. Percevic was
always busy, and we couldn't get any information from the Ministry of Information.

It is easy to understand why the Serbian side is not interested in making any statements. On
the other hand, it is said that the Americans insisted many times, in the many visits
effectuated, that the members of the Albanian delegation be appointed and the names be
published.

Recently, the Italian ambassador Buscone visited Prishtina and asked about the agreement.

Anyhow, it is early to expect the meetings of the groups to take place soon. December is
scheduled for the Albanian-Serb round table, and until then, there is enough time for
manoeuvres. On the other hand, as we were told unofficially, the appointment of the Albanian
trio caused quite some sparkles in the LDK. There were even suggestions that the
appointment should be done by the Government of Kosova! This can also be one of the
elements that Milosevic could use - the lack of unity among Albanians. The same way in
which the Albanians can accuse the Serbs for trying to avoid the realization of the agreement.
To Rugova, the realization of the agreement is something more than education. To Milosevic,
who anyways has no way to evade letting go on education, the issue is a matter of political
profit.

Therefore, although there are many elements that could "justify" the non celebration of the
meetings, it is hard to find justifications for its final non-realization... Therefore, the future
terrain of political manoeuvre about Kosova, even after the elections will be - education!

ASYLUM-SEEKERS

"BLOC III - THE WILD WEST"

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtinë

The agreement on the return of the asylum-seekers from Germany, includes the fate of around
120 thousand Kosova Albanians. This agreement doesn't include the Albanian side, statal
organs or an organization that represents the interests of Albanians, as the LDK, for example.
Vukasin Jokanovic was the one to decide about the fate of all the Albanians in Germany. So
far, this agreement has to do with the mentioned number of asylum-seekers, however other
agreements with other countries are not excluded - and thus the burden that asylum seekers
represent for the economy of the respective countries would be solved.

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The statistics that are practically presuppositions and combinations of figures, lead towards
different political indicators that don't suit neither the Albanians nor Serbs. But beyond all,
they all harm the Albanians.

The fact that 120 thousand Albanians will come back to Kosova will not be easy: knowing
that they will be coming back to the same Kosova they left behind: that of the daily
repression, violence, unemployment and the total lack of prospects, with a slight difference.
They will come back to the same area with more than 100 thousand babies!

Let's take Prishtina for example, the neighborhood of Kodra e Diellit (Sunny Hill). Bloc III is
only a part of this neighborhood. 82 youths from this Bloc fled and sought asylum abroad.
Their return will not be to the same space. In the meantime, 22 new babies were born.
According to normal living and construction standards, their return would have to imply the
new living space increased for some 1200 squared meeters, if supposed that each individual
would need 15 squared meters each. This is only one example that is maybe not
representative, but the situation is not better in other areas either. Bloc III is only one in a row.
It is a bloc with five entrances, with an average of 20 apartments each (1, 2 or 3 rooms).
Therefore, one of these buildings would need an annex - another entrance at least. Or, to
make the comparison even more convincing: 120 thousand people could come back and
inhabit a town as big as Gjakovë.

In the past times, a rocker from this Bloc had sung a song whose verses have become
prophetic: "Bloc III - The Wild West".

Villages that have hundreds of youngsters abroad, can only be imagined how they will look
like.

The data presented in this article was given to us by the LDK activists who were so
meticulous in collecting the information. But the engagement of our political subjects in
collecting the exact data six years later and after the reached agreement, is a sufficient
indication for their extremely comfortable attitude.

The asylum-seekers that will be coming back are a great burden for a destroyed economy and
a demographic de-balance that happened during their absence. However, they are not a
burden to the Serbian state, because the agreement probably foresees financial support to the
returnees, but it is still unknown where is it going to end. On the other hand, Kosova will stop
receiving money coming from abroad, especially in families that have no other sources. At
the same time, their contribution to the 3% Fund that has sustained the Albanian education so
far will stop, consequently, all those that have supported the survival of the Albanians in
Kosova and in the difficult conditions of the political destruction of their state.

The Albanians' survival will be different with the return of refugees from the Western-
European countries. But it is not only a matter of statistics without also a political echo.
Despite all this, in his last press conference, Rugova declared that "the return of refugees is
our national interest". This was even the title of the report published on the first page last
Saturday. Is the return of Albanians really their interest, this will be known once all
circumstances of their return become obvious.

First, we should analyze why did all these people leave Kosova. One can mention many
reasons, starting from repression and coming up to lack of prospects. Nevertheless, so far

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there have been no changes in Kosova, neither in politics or economy. Unless the agreement
between Rugova and Milosevic is considered as such, although it has not changed anything in
practice. It has maybe given the Germans a strong alibi to sign an agreement about their
return to Kosova where a normal education could expect them. And then, a series of
arguments are mentioned which are supposed to prove that their return in their interest. The
most often repeated argument is that their comeback prevents the change of the demographic
structure of Kosova. This argument only proves the lack of vision and the lack of political
projects of Albanians. Serbs, even with such a large number of Albanians that have left in the
past years, haven't managed to change the ethnic structure - therefore mentioning this as an
argument of the Albanian national interests resembles political manipulations for domestic
use.

The return of Albanians is not against our national interests, but it is contrary to all norms and
circumstances in which they are coming back. They should have been told to go back, only if
the situation in Kosova would have changed. Therefore, for this reason, maybe Rugova
should have come out with another statement: to admit that our interests were breached and
were not respected, as it can be implied in his statement.

While in Kosova people are still discussusing about what is the Albanian national interest and
what not, the citizens of Kosova consider the comeback of the asylum-seekers as their
catastrophe. Thus, as so far, and without any assistance of our organized subjects, they still
are making combinations of how to evade their comeback to the Kosova of the present
conditions. This is why Belgian, Dutch, etc. passports are being massively bought. So they
can leave Germany and go to Canada. "They give you the green card in six months", they say.

A neighbour asked me, as soon as she heard of the agreement: "Are the boys really coming
back?" She had an expression of concern on her face, as she continued: "How will we
manage? We have no income, no jobs", expecting an answer from me, as people here are
used to comment "...you are a journalist, you're supposed to know everything".

Our journalists have given their political answer, when they chose the title: "The return of
refugees - our national interest".

This will probably be one of the most disappointing answers that we could have given our
people as journalists.

INTERVIEW

DUSAN MIHAJLOVIC, Chairman of Nova Demokratija

"AMERICANS HAVE NO PREFABRICATED RECIPES FOR THE SERB-ALBANIAN

PROBLEMS"

Interviewed by ARBËR VLLAHIU / Belgrade

KOHA: After your visit to the USA you declared that the outer wall sanctions could be lifted
if some sensitive issues are solved. One of the most sensitive, is without doubt, Kosova. Were
there any talks about Kosova in the context of its political status?

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MIHAJLOVIC: We haven't had any discussions about details. It is well known that the
Congress adopted a bill that includes the issue of the bigger respect of human rights and
freedoms in Kosova.But, there is no doubt that this implies the improvement in all spheres, in
fact, before all the creation of conditions for the return of the Albanians to the political and
social life in the country. We could talk about this issue in this sense.

KOHA: According to some information, you have gone to Washington with the proposal for
the creation of a federation that would be composed of three republics - Serbia, Montenegro
and Kosova. So far you have mainly defended an autonomy for Kosova. Is this a kind of
compromise for Kosova?

MIHAJLOVIC: I believe that these are insinuations. These are invented things, and I don't
believe this will contribute to the improvement of the Serb-Albanian relations. I believe that
such constructed information can only harm this process and atmosphere which is utmost
necessary for the establishment of mutual understanding and finding a solution. I have not
taken with me any proposals, as temporary, transitory or any other solution. And, there is no
recipe that they could impose on us, both Albanians and Serbs.

KOHA: Do you believe the Republic of Kosova could be a transitory solution?

MIHAJLOVIC: I would not comment this issue. I believe that when we deal with this
problem, we should deal with practical things, things that can be solved and not go towards
the solution of the big problem. The posture of Nova Demokratija is known; we don't believe
that the change of the borders will bring any transformation that would lead to a solution that
can be reached peacefully and democratically; it is another matter whether the recomposition
of the federation would bring the solution - this and other matters can be discussed, but I
believe it is just too soon for anyone to offer transitory or final solutions. It is extremely
important to understand that an agreement between Serbs and Albanians on coexistence
should be reached. A more important issue is to agree upon on how to become citizens of
Europe as fast as possible, because I believe that no one will have a better future, unless either
Albanians or Serbs, or both, choose isolation instead.

KOHA: The Milosevic-Rugova agreement has not started being applied yet, and Albanians
accuse the Serbian side for refusing to continue the talks with a mediator.

MIHAJLOVIC: I believe that this agreement is a big and positive step and that this a extra-
political issue which must be implemented as agreed. I hope that both signatories will see to
its implementation and I see no reason for any justification or accusation for non-
implementation to rise. I believe there are many arguments - you mentioned Albanian one.
The other arguments are that the Albanians have not appointed their representatives yet,
therefore I believe it would be better if none of the sides accuses the other - now that they
have agreed about the main problem and that it has been solved, and this is that both sides
agree that children of Albanian nationality should go back to the school buildings and thus
this topic is removed from the agenda. Therefore, the collaborators of both presidents should
not question the political authority of their leaders and I believe they will soon find the way to
solve these problems as soon as possible and assure the realization of the agreement, which is
not in the interest of their personal authority, but also in the objective interest of both people
in Kosova and our state, knowing that it represents a solution of a problem that has harmed
the children who are not guilty of anything and yet are suffering the consequences of the
behaviour of the collaborators of both presidents.

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KOHA: The rumors are that with this agreement, Rugova has helped Milosevic in the
electoral campaign.

MIHAJLOVIC: I believe that such calculations and statements have no grounds, because the
issue of who helped whom is a matter of political evaluations. It could be said that Milosevic
has helped Rugova even more - because this gives Rugova a lot of credit among his
followers, because thus he eliminates a problem which has produced generations of Albanian
students with no diploma. I feel that it is more important that this agreement is the first step
towards eliminating a topic from the agenda. This is one issue, the second is that of the
decision of the Albanian leadership not to participate in the elections. I personally believe this
is a mistake and that all democratic parties must struggle for their programs on all levels. The
Albanians are the biggest losers here, and they practically make the change in the political
scene of Serbia and Yugoslavia impossible, instead of using their right and become one of the
most serious political factors that the government will have to talk with in the future, and not
only about Kosova.

KOHA: Could the coming meeting in New York in December be considered as a political
meeting between the two parties?

MIHAJLOVIC: This meeting has clear aims and ambitions. In fact, this is the continuation of
the round table about the Serb-Albanian relations. Now it will continue on December 18-20
in New York. I was informed by the organizer that all the invitees have accepted the
invitation. I would like to state the posture of the organizer that this meeting has no aim of
being a dialogue or a negotiations and has no aim to solve the problem of Kosova. The
American side has no prefabricated solution to offer. This will be an open and democratic
dialogue where all will be given a chance to express their opinion and give arguments. It will
be an open conversation without any need to politicize this problem. I believe that this will
for sure contribute to the full understanding of the problem, the essence of the problem and
open some paths for those who must find a solution and answers to existing problems and
that should not be ignored.

ALBANIA

BERISHA PASSES THE TEST, THE OPPOSITION IS ABOUT TO CAPITULATE

by REMZI LANI / Tirana

Accompanied by an extraordinary international attention and an incredible domestic

indifference, the local elections held last Sunday produced the Democratic Party as the
absolute winner. Although the official results are not yet known, the ruling DP seems to have
won 60% of the votes and the evaluation of foreign observers that the elections "were fair and
honest".

During a press conference, Berisha stated that "October 20 was the full verification of May
26" referring to the previous elections that were severely criticized by the international
observers, accusations that were never admitted by Berisha. Considered as a test for the
Albanian democracy, the last elections seem to be a test that Berisha has passed.

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In the meantime, the opposition seems to disintegrate. The figures so far speak of a serious
and unforeseen defeat. The Socialists, that had so far been controlling over half of the local
governments, have managed to win only 8% of the votes. Commenting the results of the
elections, a political analyst in Tirana said that "after this Sunday, there is practically no more
opposition". The opposition is outside the parliament, which it has boycotted after the May
elections and almost outside the local government whose half it used to control since four
years ago.

The results of the elections almost prove that Albania is going towards the establishment of a
two-party system. Although 22 parties participated in the elections, the two largest parties
have managed to take over the rule in almost all local governments, which speaks sufficiently
of the extreme polarization of the electorate. Even the Party of Human Rights of the Greek
minority has lost the control in the majority of the localities and municipalities in areas
inhabited by the Greek minority. Maybe this is explained by the fact that the voters didn't
come back from Greece on time for the elections.

While Berisha and his followers are after their lost image, the opposition insists that these
elections were not free and correct either. In their first statements to the press, they have
stated that "these elections are just a continuation of the May 26 elections". Their allegations
were that, despite the fact that the election were celebrated in the morning, armed gangs have
exerted pressure and threatened the voters at the polling stations. "We weren't struggling
against the DP, but the whole state apparatus", declared the Secretary General of the
Socialists, Rexhep Mejdani. The Socialists still leave pending the decision whether to
acknowledge the results of the elections or not, although they have stated that they will
participate in the second round next Sunday.

These elections were followed by over 300 observers. They have confirmed that the elections
were calm and correct while the noticed irregularities do not threaten their legitimacy. "In
general terms, the elections were free and just", said Ferraris, Italian foreign minister's envoy,
leading a 150 member delegation of observers sent by Italy.

These elections will also be remembered because of the absence of the OSCE monitors, who
withdrew due to misunderstandings with the Albanian government. The Albanian decision to
restrict the number of observers of OSCE's departmemnt ODIHR, caused a crisis in the
relations between the Albanian government and the OSCE, which in sign of protest withdrew
also the observers nominated by the Parliamentarian Assembly, thus setting a precedent in its
history. In the press conference, Berisha tried to minimize the conflict, not with the OSCE but
with its branch ODHIR, which, according to him, has proven to be biased and lacking
objectiveness in regard to the May elections.

It is clear that Berisha is worried about the victory in these elections not because of the posts
of prefects and mayors, but because of the elimination of 26 May's black shadow. The
certification on free elections will also at least neutralize the bad impressions created by the
withdrawal of the OSCE. In these conditions, a softer attitude of the West towards the
stubborn Albanian leader, who trusts himself more than others, is expected. The American
formula "free local elections - new Constitution - general elections" has been achieved in its
first step. The second step will be the approval of the new Constitution, which faces no
obstacles now. And if the constitution is adopted next year, the general elections will be
postponed for later.

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The results of these elections are really a defeat of the opposition rather than a victory of
Berisha. The lower participation of the electorate (at least some 25% less than in May) was
proof on the lack of trust in the opposition, whose campaign was weak and based mainly on
the criticism against Berisha. The campaign of the Socialists was primarily organized in the
Council of Europe and the embassies in Tirana.

What is to be expected is that the opposition will continue using May 26 in its political
vocabulary as the day of the biggest deceit, while the ruling party will use 20 October as
reference to the biggest victory. It is not certain whether the war of dates and calendars will
continue. It is certain that the strong man of Albania has achieved all he wanted, even an
opposition below 10%.

MACEDONIA

LOCAL ELECTIONS, ALBANIAN AND SERB ENEMIES...

by ISO RUSI / Shkup

The aggressive presentations of the parties that participate in the local elections divided in
123 new units, meant the official initiation of the electoral campaign. The main political
party, SDLM, started its electoral campaign before the time scheduled by the electoral law.
With the help of the state media under the control of the government, it promoted its
candidates for prefects ten days before the campaign was officially inaugurated. The day the
campaign started, it celebrated a glamorous promotion of its candidates in Manastir (Bitola),
the second largest town which has lately been showing strong opposition towards the capital,
Shkup. In the promotion, the chairman of the SDLM and premier Branko Crvenkovski
proclaimed its party the constituent of the state!

According to the propaganda, the SDLM considers itself the most deserved for all what has
happened in Macedonia in the past six years - independence, recognition, membership in the
UN ... but also small things as the reduction of the inflation from 200% (1992) to 0%; the
application of the paging system; the mobile telephone system, in times when Macedonia,
according to the SDLM had a primitive communication system! The electoral slogan of this
party is "Always ahead", therefore it is expected that the wining team will uncover new spicy
trivialities.

Following the most advertised SDLM, come the Liberals, that for the time being confirm that
they always knew what they were doing when they were part of the ruling coalition, but also
now that they consider themselves an opposition party. The slogan "The Liberals Know" will
be their sign in the elections. At the eve of the campaign, they made public many things that
the ruling party had done in the past six years - starting from framing the past parliamentarian
elections up to abuse of power and funds. Thus, the relationship between the Social-
Democrats and Liberals looks like that of divorced spouses. The Socialist Party, still member
of the ruling coalition, is determined to change its present role, which is especially
emphasized after the election of Ljubisav Ivanov - Zing as chairman of the party. They will
participate in local elections only in places where they are sure of winning, as is the case with
the town of Ohër. In full harmony with the new orientation of the Socialists, their chairman
and leadership don't hesitate to criticize the government, although their ministers participate

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in it. In the promotion of the Socialists, it can often be heard that the government has just too
many professors that are good in theory, but a few economists that know the practice, and that
the government is not good in its work, even reaching good results.

The opposition, which participates in the elections as a coalition - VMRO-DPMNE /

Democratic Party, is acting as if it were an observer, although the first surveys show that it
has good chances, knowing that a big number of voters have not yet made up their minds. The
third partner in the governmental coalition, the PPD, has never been in a more inconvenient
situation. Its opponents, besides accusing it of sitting with the ones that wish no good to
Albanians, are now using the last events related to Albanian children to their favor. Over
1000 children were medically attended suffering from nausea, convulsions, stomach-ache,
etc., same as was thecase with the Medical High School students from Tetova several months
ago. Then the Ministry of Health-Care had issued a communique saying that some substance
had been discovered, and that it could have caused such a reaction in the children.

However, the analyses made now by the local institutions and even UNPROFOR have proven
nothing. For the time being, WHO and an American expert, are doing research and the final
results are still unknown. PPDSH tried to gain points using this misfortune. And so has the
PPD, that has severely accused the government, of which it makes part of. In the first press
conference held by Aliti, he declared with no hesitation that the Macedonian police could
have organized the whole affair, and the intention would be to infirm the PPD and have it part
of the government - but a passive participant.

According to this scheme, these events would be used aiming at weakening PPD which is
almost certain of winning the majority of the Albanian votes. One thing is certain, that the
party that loses the local elections in its regions, will have good chances to disappear by the
next parliamentary elections.

In the meantime, the events are being used by the media, who knows how many times now, to
"discover" the destructive role of the Albanians in relation to Macedonia and the Macedonian
state. Since the beginning, the media has been referring to the alleged intoxication or the so
called intoxication, that reached its culmination in a comment made by Macedonian TV in the
main news broadcast, accusing the Albanian parties of instigating and even organizing the
incident, based on the instructions they get in Prishtina. They were also accused of, in
essence, copying the events in Kosova of the end of the '80s. The satanization of Albanians
and the accusation that they are to blame for everything that is happening in Macedonia has
become totally irrational. Not even a logical explanation that 1000 kids can't act deceived by
someone, is valid any longer.

Even if it were so, why is the police quiet and discovers nothing even when the government
stated that something was found? The Albanian partners in government are precisely asking
the police to fulfil its legal and constitutional obligations and come out with the outcome of
the investigations, regardless of the results.

Another event, the meeting of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts celebrated in
Sremski Karlovci on the "Serbs in Macedonia" was also severely criticized by the
Macedonian media. The theses about the threats against the Serbs and even the non-existence
of the Macedonian people, or who created the Macedonians, etc. were heard on this meeting.
The emotional stress is again highly concentrated, although in what was published from the

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conference in "Nova Makedonija", it could easily be ascertained that nothing much extreme
was said about Macedonians in Sremski Karlovci.

Although the officials wish to show this period of Macedonia's independence as a period in
which many things have been done in favor of the transformation of the old Socialist state
into the new democratic one, it seems that many things have not changed, as in the sphere of
politics, where the "enemies" are still treated in the same way as before.

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