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Constantine the Great

This article is about Constantine as an Emperor. For St.


Constantine as a Saint, see Constantine the Great and
Christianity.
Constantine I redirects here. For other uses, see
Constantine I (disambiguation).

later, and was never an ocial title). It would later become the capital of the Empire for over one thousand
years; for which reason the later Eastern Empire would
come to be known as the Byzantine Empire. His more
immediate political legacy was that, in leaving the empire to his sons, he replaced Diocletians tetrarchy with
the principle of dynastic succession. His reputation ourished during the lifetime of his children and centuries
after his reign. The medieval church upheld him as a
paragon of virtue while secular rulers invoked him as a
prototype, a point of reference, and the symbol of imperial legitimacy and identity.[6] Beginning with the Renaissance, there were more critical appraisals of his reign due
to the rediscovery of anti-Constantinian sources. Critics
portrayed him as a despotic tyrant. Trends in modern and
recent scholarship attempted to balance the extremes of
previous scholarship.

Constantine the Great (Latin: Flavius Valerius Aurelius Constantinus Augustus;[2] Greek:
; 27 February c. 272 AD[1] 22 May 337 AD),
also known as Constantine I or Saint Constantine,[3]
was Roman Emperor of Illyrian ancestry from 306 to 337
AD. Constantine was the son of Flavius Valerius Constantius, a Roman army ocer, and his consort Helena.
His father became Caesar, the deputy emperor in the
west in 293 AD. Constantine was sent east, where he rose
through the ranks to become a military tribune under the
emperors Diocletian and Galerius. In 305, Constantius
was raised to the rank of Augustus, senior western emperor, and Constantine was recalled west to campaign under his father in Britannia. Acclaimed as emperor by the
army at Eboracum (Modern-day York) after his fathers
death in 306 AD, Constantine emerged victorious in a
series of civil wars against the emperors Maxentius and
Licinius to become sole ruler of both west and east by
324 AD.

Constantineas the rst Christian emperoris a significant gure in the history of Christianity. The Church of
the Holy Sepulchre, built on his orders at the purported
site of Jesus' tomb in Jerusalem, became the holiest place
in Christendom. The Papal claim to temporal power
was based on the supposed Donation of Constantine. He
is venerated as a saint by Eastern Orthodox Christians,
Byzantine Catholics, and Anglicans.

As emperor, Constantine enacted many administrative,


nancial, social, and military reforms to strengthen the
empire. The government was restructured and civil
and military authority separated. A new gold coin, the
solidus, was introduced to combat ination. It would become the standard for Byzantine and European currencies
for more than a thousand years. The rst Roman emperor to claim conversion to Christianity,[notes 4] Constantine played an inuential role in the proclamation of the
Edict of Milan, which decreed tolerance for Christianity
in the empire. He called the First Council of Nicaea in
325, at which the Nicene Creed was professed by Christians. In military matters, the Roman army was reorganised to consist of mobile eld units and garrison soldiers capable of countering internal threats and barbarian invasions. Constantine pursued successful campaigns
against the tribes on the Roman frontiersthe Franks,
the Alamanni, the Goths, and the Sarmatianseven resettling territories abandoned by his predecessors during
the turmoil of the previous century.

1 Sources
Constantine was a ruler of major historical importance,
and he has always been a controversial gure.[7] The
uctuations in Constantines reputation reect the nature of the ancient sources for his reign. These are
abundant and detailed,[8] but have been strongly inuenced by the ocial propaganda of the period,[9] and
are often one-sided.[10] There are no surviving histories or biographies dealing with Constantines life and
rule.[11] The nearest replacement is Eusebius of Caesarea's Vita Constantini, a work that is a mixture of eulogy
and hagiography.[12] Written between 335 AD and circa
339 AD,[13] the Vita extols Constantines moral and religious virtues.[14] The Vita creates a contentiously positive image of Constantine,[15] and modern historians have
frequently challenged its reliability.[16] The fullest secular life of Constantine is the anonymous Origo Constantini.[17] A work of uncertain date,[18] the Origo focuses on
military and political events, to the neglect of cultural and
religious matters.[19]

The age of Constantine marked a distinct epoch in the history of the Roman Empire.[5] He built a new imperial residence at Byzantium and renamed the city Constantinople
after himself (the laudatory epithet of New Rome came
1

Lactantius' De Mortibus Persecutorum, a political Christian pamphlet on the reigns of Diocletian and the
Tetrarchy, provides valuable but tendentious detail
on Constantines predecessors and early life.[20] The
ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and
Theodoret describe the ecclesiastic disputes of Constantines later reign.[21] Written during the reign of
Theodosius II (40850 AD), a century after Constantines reign, these ecclesiastic historians obscure
the events and theologies of the Constantinian period
through misdirection, misrepresentation and deliberate
obscurity.[22] The contemporary writings of the orthodox
Christian Athanasius and the ecclesiastical history of the
Arian Philostorgius also survive, though their biases are
no less rm.[23]
The epitomes of Aurelius Victor (De Caesaribus),
Eutropius (Breviarium), Festus (Breviarium), and the
anonymous author of the Epitome de Caesaribus oer
compressed secular political and military histories of the
period. Although not Christian, the epitomes paint a
favorable image of Constantine, but omit reference to
Constantines religious policies.[24] The Panegyrici Latini, a collection of panegyrics from the late third and
early fourth centuries, provide valuable information on
the politics and ideology of the tetrarchic period and the
early life of Constantine.[25] Contemporary architecture,
such as the Arch of Constantine in Rome and palaces in
Gamzigrad and Crdoba,[26] epigraphic remains, and the
coinage of the era complement the literary sources.[27]

Early life

EARLY LIFE

Constantine probably spent little time with his father.[33]


Constantius was an ocer in the Roman army, part of
the Emperor Aurelian's imperial bodyguard. Constantius advanced through the ranks, earning the governorship
of Dalmatia from Emperor Diocletian, another of Aurelians companions from Illyricum, in 284 or 285.[31] Constantines mother was Helena, a Bithynian/Thracian[34]
woman of low social standing.[35] It is uncertain whether
she was legally married to Constantius or merely his
concubine.[36]

Constantines parents and siblings, the dates in square brackets


indicate the possession of minor titles

In July 285 AD, Diocletian declared Maximian, another


colleague from Illyricum, his co-emperor. Each emperor
would have his own court, his own military and administrative faculties, and each would rule with a separate
praetorian prefect as chief lieutenant.[37] Maximian ruled
in the West, from his capitals at Mediolanum (Milan,
Italy) or Augusta Treverorum (Trier, Germany), while
Diocletian ruled in the East, from Nicomedia (zmit,
Turkey). The division was merely pragmatic: the Empire
was called indivisible in ocial panegyric,[38] and both
emperors could move freely throughout the Empire.[39]
In 288, Maximian appointed Constantius to serve as
his praetorian prefect in Gaul. Constantius left Helena
to marry Maximians stepdaughter Theodora in 288 or
289.[40]

Diocletian divided the Empire again in 293 AD, appointing two Caesars (junior emperors) to rule over further
subdivisions of East and West. Each would be subordinate to their respective Augustus (senior emperor) but
would act with supreme authority in his assigned lands.
This system would later be called the Tetrarchy. Diocletians rst appointee for the oce of Caesar was ConRemains of the luxurious residence palace of Mediana, erected stantius; his second was Galerius, a native of Felix Romuliana. According to Lactantius, Galerius was a bruby Constantine I near his birth town of Naissus
tal, animalistic man. Although he shared the paganism
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, as he was originally of Romes aristocracy, he seemed to them an alien gnamed, was born in the city of Naissus, (today Ni, ure, a semi-barbarian.[41] On 1 March, Constantius was
Serbia) part of the Dardania province of Moesia to an promoted to the oce of Caesar, and dispatched to Gaul
Illyrian family,[28] on 27 February,[29] probably c. 272 to ght the rebels Carausius and Allectus.[42] In spite of
AD.[30] His father was Flavius Constantius, a native of meritocratic overtones, the Tetrarchy retained vestiges
Dardania province of Moesia (later Dacia Ripensis).[31] of hereditary privilege,[43] and Constantine became the
Constantius was a tolerant and politically skilled man.[32] prime candidate for future appointment as Caesar as soon

2.2

In the West

as his father took the position. Constantine went to the Christians.[50] Constantine could recall his presence at the
court of Diocletian, where he lived as his fathers heir palace when the messenger returned, when Diocletian acpresumptive.[44]
cepted his courts demands for universal persecution.[51]
On 23 February 303 AD, Diocletian ordered the destruction of Nicomedias new church, condemned its scriptures to the ames, and had its treasures seized. In the
2.1 In the East
months that followed, churches and scriptures were destroyed, Christians were deprived of ocial ranks, and
priests were imprisoned.[52]
It is unlikely that Constantine played any role in the
persecution.[53] In his later writings he would attempt
to present himself as an opponent of Diocletians sanguinary edicts against the worshippers of God,[54] but
nothing indicates that he opposed it eectively at the
time.[55] Although no contemporary Christian challenged
Constantine for his inaction during the persecutions, it remained a political liability throughout his life.[56]
On 1 May 305 AD, Diocletian, as a result of a debilitating
sickness taken in the winter of 304305 AD, announced
his resignation. In a parallel ceremony in Milan, Maximian did the same.[57] Lactantius states that Galerius
manipulated the weakened Diocletian into resigning, and
forced him to accept Galerius allies in the imperial succession. According to Lactantius, the crowd listening to
Diocletians resignation speech believed, until the very
last moment, that Diocletian would choose Constantine
and Maxentius (Maximians son) as his successors.[58] It
was not to be: Constantius and Galerius were promoted
to Augusti, while Severus and Maximin were appointed
their Caesars respectively. Constantine and Maxentius
were ignored.[59]
Head from a statue of Diocletian, Augustus of the East

Constantine received a formal education at Diocletians


court, where he learned Latin literature, Greek, and
philosophy.[45] The cultural environment in Nicomedia
was open, uid and socially mobile, and Constantine
could mix with intellectuals both pagan and Christian. He
may have attended the lectures of Lactantius, a Christian
scholar of Latin in the city.[46] Because Diocletian did not
completely trust Constantiusnone of the Tetrarchs fully
trusted their colleaguesConstantine was held as something of a hostage, a tool to ensure Constantiuss best behavior. Constantine was nonetheless a prominent member of the court: he fought for Diocletian and Galerius in
Asia, and served in a variety of tribunates; he campaigned
against barbarians on the Danube in 296 AD, and fought
the Persians under Diocletian in Syria (297 AD) and under Galerius in Mesopotamia (29899 AD).[47] By late
305 AD, he had become a tribune of the rst order, a
tribunus ordinis primi.[48]
Constantine had returned to Nicomedia from the eastern
front by the spring of 303 AD, in time to witness the beginnings of Diocletians "Great Persecution", the most severe persecution of Christians in Roman history.[49] In
late 302, Diocletian and Galerius sent a messenger to
the oracle of Apollo at Didyma with an inquiry about

Some of the ancient sources detail plots that Galerius


made on Constantines life in the months following Diocletians abdication. They assert that Galerius assigned
Constantine to lead an advance unit in a cavalry charge
through a swamp on the middle Danube, made him enter
into single combat with a lion, and attempted to kill him
in hunts and wars. Constantine always emerged victorious: the lion emerged from the contest in a poorer condition than Constantine; Constantine returned to Nicomedia from the Danube with a Sarmatian captive to drop at
Galerius feet.[60] It is uncertain how much these tales can
be trusted.[61]

2.2 In the West


Constantine recognized the implicit danger in remaining
at Galeriuss court, where he was held as a virtual hostage.
His career depended on being rescued by his father in the
west. Constantius was quick to intervene.[62] In the late
spring or early summer of 305 AD, Constantius requested
leave for his son to help him campaign in Britain. After a long evening of drinking, Galerius granted the request. Constantines later propaganda describes how he
ed the court in the night, before Galerius could change
his mind. He rode from post-house to post-house at high

3 EARLY RULE

speed, hamstringing every horse in his wake.[63] By the


time Galerius awoke the following morning, Constantine
had ed too far to be caught.[64] Constantine joined his
father in Gaul, at Bononia (Boulogne) before the summer
of 305 AD.[65]

Marble bust of Constantine the Great from Stonegate, York

lerius was put into a fury by the message; he almost set the
portrait on re. His advisers calmed him, and argued that
outright denial of Constantines claims would mean certain war.[73] Galerius was compelled to compromise: he
granted Constantine the title Caesar rather than AuBronze statue of Constantine I in York, England, near the spot
gustus (the latter oce went to Severus instead).[74]
where he was proclaimed Augustus in 306
Wishing to make it clear that he alone gave Constantine
legitimacy, Galerius personally sent Constantine the emFrom Bononia they crossed the Channel to Britain and
perors traditional purple robes.[75] Constantine accepted
made their way to Eboracum (York), capital of the
the decision,[74] knowing that it would remove doubts as
province of Britannia Secunda and home to a large
to his legitimacy.[76]
military base. Constantine was able to spend a year
in northern Britain at his fathers side, campaigning
against the Picts beyond Hadrians Wall in the summer and autumn.[66] Constantiuss campaign, like that of 3 Early rule
Septimius Severus before it, probably advanced far into
the north without achieving great success.[67] Constantius
had become severely sick over the course of his reign, and
died on 25 July 306 in Eboracum (York). Before dying,
he declared his support for raising Constantine to the rank
of full Augustus. The Alamannic king Chrocus, a barbarian taken into service under Constantius, then proclaimed
Constantine as Augustus. The troops loyal to Constantius
memory followed him in acclamation. Gaul and Britain
quickly accepted his rule;[68] Iberia, which had been in
his fathers domain for less than a year, rejected it.[69]
Constantine sent Galerius an ocial notice of Constantiuss death and his own acclamation. Along with the notice, he included a portrait of himself in the robes of an
Augustus.[70] The portrait was wreathed in bay.[71] He
requested recognition as heir to his fathers throne, and The portrait of Gaius Flavius Valerius Constantinus on a Ropassed o responsibility for his unlawful ascension on man coin. The inscription around the portrait is Constantinus
his army, claiming they had forced it upon him.[72] Ga- Aug[ustus]".

3.1

Maxentius rebellion

Constantines share of the Empire consisted of Britain,


Gaul, and Spain. He therefore commanded one of the
largest Roman armies, stationed along the important
Rhine frontier.[77] After his promotion to emperor, Constantine remained in Britain, driving back the tribes of the
Picts and secured his control in the northwestern dioceses.
He completed the reconstruction of military bases begun under his fathers rule, and ordered the repair of the
regions roadways.[78] He soon left for Augusta Treverorum (Trier) in Gaul, the Tetrarchic capital of the northwestern Roman Empire.[79] The Franks, after learning of
Constantines acclamation, invaded Gaul across the lower
Rhine over the winter of 306307 AD.[80] Constantine
drove them back beyond the Rhine and captured two of
their kings, Ascaric and Merogaisus. The kings and their
soldiers were fed to the beasts of Triers amphitheater in
the adventus (arrival) celebrations that followed.[81]

5
marked that Constantine was a renewal, as it were, in
his own person, of his fathers life and reign.[88] Constantinian coinage, sculpture and oratory also shows a
new tendency for disdain towards the barbarians beyond the frontiers. After Constantines victory over
the Alemanni, he minted a coin issue depicting weeping and begging Alemannic tribesmen"The Alemanni
conqueredbeneath the phrase Romans rejoicing.[89]
There was little sympathy for these enemies. As his panegyrist declared: It is a stupid clemency that spares the
conquered foe.[90]

3.1 Maxentius rebellion

Public baths (thermae) built in Trier by Constantine. More than


100 metres (328 ft) wide by 200 metres (656 ft) long, and capable of serving several thousands at a time, the baths were built to
rival those of Rome.[82]

Constantine began a major expansion of Trier. He


strengthened the circuit wall around the city with military towers and fortied gates, and began building a
palace complex in the northeastern part of the city. To
the south of his palace, he ordered the construction
of a large formal audience hall, and a massive imperial bathhouse. Constantine sponsored many building
projects across Gaul during his tenure as emperor of
the West, especially in Augustodunum (Autun) and Arelate (Arles).[83] According to Lactantius, Constantine followed his father in following a tolerant policy towards
Christianity. Although not yet a Christian, he probably
judged it a more sensible policy than open persecution,[84]
and a way to distinguish himself from the great persecutor, Galerius.[85] Constantine decreed a formal end to
persecution, and returned to Christians all they had lost
during the persecutions.[86]
Because Constantine was still largely untried and had a
hint of illegitimacy about him, he relied on his fathers
reputation in his early propaganda: the earliest panegyrics to Constantine give as much coverage to his fathers deeds as to those of Constantine himself.[87] Constantines military skill and building projects soon gave
the panegyrist the opportunity to comment favorably on
the similarities between father and son, and Eusebius re-

Dresden bust of Maxentius

Following Galerius recognition of Constantine as caesar,


Constantines portrait was brought to Rome, as was customary. Maxentius mocked the portraits subject as the
son of a harlot, and lamented his own powerlessness.[91]
Maxentius, envious of Constantines authority,[92] seized
the title of emperor on 28 October 306 AD. Galerius refused to recognize him, but failed to unseat him. Galerius
sent Severus against Maxentius, but during the campaign,
Severus armies, previously under command of Maxentius father Maximian, defected, and Severus was seized
and imprisoned.[93] Maximian, brought out of retirement
by his sons rebellion, left for Gaul to confer with Constantine in late 307 AD. He oered to marry his daughter
Fausta to Constantine, and elevate him to Augustan rank.
In return, Constantine would rearm the old family alliance between Maximian and Constantius, and oer support to Maxentius cause in Italy. Constantine accepted,

3 EARLY RULE

and married Fausta in Trier in late summer 307 AD. Constantine now gave Maxentius his meagre support, oering
Maxentius political recognition.[94]
Constantine remained aloof from the Italian conict,
however. Over the spring and summer of 307 AD, he
had left Gaul for Britain to avoid any involvement in the
Italian turmoil;[95] now, instead of giving Maxentius military aid, he sent his troops against Germanic tribes along
the Rhine. In 308 AD, he raided the territory of the
Bructeri, and made a bridge across the Rhine at Colonia Agrippinensium (Cologne). In 310 AD, he marched
to the northern Rhine and fought the Franks. When not
campaigning, he toured his lands advertising his benevolence, and supporting the economy and the arts. His
refusal to participate in the war increased his popularity among his people, and strengthened his power base in
the West.[96] Maximian returned to Rome in the winter
of 307308 AD, but soon fell out with his son. In early
308 AD, after a failed attempt to usurp Maxentius title, A gold multiple of Unconquered Constantine with Sol Invictus,
struck in 313 AD. The use of Sols image appealed to both the
Maximian returned to Constantines court.[97]
On 11 November 308 AD, Galerius called a general
council at the military city of Carnuntum (PetronellCarnuntum, Austria) to resolve the instability in the western provinces. In attendance were Diocletian, briey returned from retirement, Galerius, and Maximian. Maximian was forced to abdicate again and Constantine was
again demoted to Caesar. Licinius, one of Galerius
old military companions, was appointed Augustus of the
west. The new system did not last long: Constantine refused to accept the demotion, and continued to style himself as Augustus on his coinage, even as other members
of the Tetrarchy referred to him as a Caesar on theirs.
Maximinus Daia was frustrated that he had been passed
over for promotion while the newcomer Licinius had been
raised to the oce of Augustus, and demanded that Galerius promote him. Galerius oered to call both Maximinus and Constantine sons of the Augusti,[98] but neither accepted the new title. By the spring of 310 AD,
Galerius was referring to both men as Augusti.[99]

3.2

Maximians rebellion

In 310 AD, a dispossessed Maximian rebelled against


Constantine while Constantine was away campaigning
against the Franks. Maximian had been sent south to Arles with a contingent of Constantines army, in preparation for any attacks by Maxentius in southern Gaul. He
announced that Constantine was dead, and took up the
imperial purple. In spite of a large donative pledge to any
who would support him as emperor, most of Constantines army remained loyal to their emperor, and Maximian was soon compelled to leave. Constantine soon
heard of the rebellion, abandoned his campaign against
the Franks, and marched his army up the Rhine.[101]
At Cabillunum (Chalon-sur-Sane), he moved his troops
onto waiting boats to row down the slow waters of the
Sane to the quicker waters of the Rhone. He disem-

educated citizens of Gaul, who would recognize in it Apollos patronage of Augustus and the arts; and to Christians, who found
solar monotheism less objectionable than the traditional pagan
pantheon.[100]

barked at Lugdunum (Lyon).[102] Maximian ed to Massilia (Marseille), a town better able to withstand a long
siege than Arles. It made little dierence, however, as
loyal citizens opened the rear gates to Constantine. Maximian was captured and reproved for his crimes. Constantine granted some clemency, but strongly encouraged his
suicide. In July 310 AD, Maximian hanged himself.[101]
In spite of the earlier rupture in their relations, Maxentius was eager to present himself as his fathers devoted
son after his death.[103] He began minting coins with his
fathers deied image, proclaiming his desire to avenge
Maximians death.[104] Constantine initially presented the
suicide as an unfortunate family tragedy. By 311 AD,
however, he was spreading another version. According to this, after Constantine had pardoned him, Maximian planned to murder Constantine in his sleep. Fausta
learned of the plot and warned Constantine, who put a
eunuch in his own place in bed. Maximian was apprehended when he killed the eunuch and was oered suicide, which he accepted.[105] Along with using propaganda, Constantine instituted a damnatio memoriae on
Maximian, destroying all inscriptions referring to him
and eliminating any public work bearing his image.[106]
The death of Maximian required a shift in Constantines
public image. He could no longer rely on his connection
to the elder emperor Maximian, and needed a new source
of legitimacy.[107] In a speech delivered in Gaul on 25
July 310 AD, the anonymous orator reveals a previously
unknown dynastic connection to Claudius II, a 3rd Century emperor famed for defeating the Goths and restoring
order to the empire. Breaking away from tetrarchic models, the speech emphasizes Constantines ancestral pre-

4.1

War against Maxentius

rogative to rule, rather than principles of imperial equality. The new ideology expressed in the speech made Galerius and Maximian irrelevant to Constantines right to
rule.[108] Indeed, the orator emphasizes ancestry to the
exclusion of all other factors: No chance agreement of
men, nor some unexpected consequence of favor, made
you emperor, the orator declares to Constantine.[109]
The oration also moves away from the religious ideology of the Tetrarchy, with its focus on twin dynasties of
Jupiter and Hercules. Instead, the orator proclaims that
Constantine experienced a divine vision of Apollo and
Victory granting him laurel wreaths of health and a long
reign. In the likeness of Apollo Constantine recognized
himself as the saving gure to whom would be granted
rule of the whole world,[110] as the poet Virgil had once
foretold.[111] The orations religious shift is paralleled by
a similar shift in Constantines coinage. In his early reign,
the coinage of Constantine advertised Mars as his patron.
From 310 AD on, Mars was replaced by Sol Invictus, a
god conventionally identied with Apollo.[112] There is
little reason to believe that either the dynastic connection
or the divine vision are anything other than ction, but
their proclamation strengthened Constantines claims to
legitimacy and increased his popularity among the citizens of Gaul.[113]

Civil wars

See also: Civil wars of the Tetrarchy

4.1

War against Maxentius

By the middle of 310 AD, Galerius had become too ill


to involve himself in imperial politics.[114] His nal act
survives: a letter to the provincials posted in Nicomedia
on 30 April 311 AD, proclaiming an end to the persecutions, and the resumption of religious toleration.[115]
He died soon after the edicts proclamation,[116] destroying what little remained of the tetrarchy.[117] Maximinus mobilized against Licinius, and seized Asia Minor.
A hasty peace was signed on a boat in the middle of
the Bosphorus.[118] While Constantine toured Britain and
Gaul, Maxentius prepared for war.[119] He fortied northern Italy, and strengthened his support in the Christian
community by allowing it to elect a new Bishop of Rome,
Eusebius.[120]
Maxentius rule was nevertheless insecure. His early support dissolved in the wake of heightened tax rates and depressed trade; riots broke out in Rome and Carthage;[121]
and Domitius Alexander was able to briey usurp his authority in Africa.[122] By 312 AD, he was a man barely tolerated, not one actively supported,[123] even among Christian Italians.[124] In the summer of 311 AD, Maxentius
mobilized against Constantine while Licinius was occu-

7
pied with aairs in the East. He declared war on Constantine, vowing to avenge his fathers murder.[125] To prevent Maxentius from forming an alliance against him with
Licinius,[126] Constantine forged his own alliance with
Licinius over the winter of 311312 AD, and oered him
his sister Constantia in marriage. Maximin considered
Constantines arrangement with Licinius an aront to his
authority. In response, he sent ambassadors to Rome, offering political recognition to Maxentius in exchange for
a military support. Maxentius accepted.[127] According
to Eusebius, inter-regional travel became impossible, and
there was military buildup everywhere. There was not a
place where people were not expecting the onset of hostilities every day.[128]
Constantines advisers and generals cautioned against preemptive attack on Maxentius;[129] even his soothsayers
recommended against it, stating that the sacrices had
produced unfavorable omens.[130] Constantine, with a
spirit that left a deep impression on his followers, inspiring some to believe that he had some form of supernatural
guidance,[131] ignored all these cautions.[132] Early in the
spring of 312 AD,[133] Constantine crossed the Cottian
Alps with a quarter of his army, a force numbering about
40,000.[134] The rst town his army encountered was Segusium (Susa, Italy), a heavily fortied town that shut its
gates to him. Constantine ordered his men to set re to
its gates and scale its walls. He took the town quickly.
Constantine ordered his troops not to loot the town, and
advanced with them into northern Italy.[133]
At the approach to the west of the important city of Augusta Taurinorum (Turin, Italy), Constantine met a large
force of heavily armed Maxentian cavalry.[135] In the ensuing battle Constantines army encircled Maxentius cavalry, anked them with his own cavalry, and dismounted
them with blows from his soldiers iron-tipped clubs.
Constantines armies emerged victorious.[136] Turin refused to give refuge to Maxentius retreating forces, opening its gates to Constantine instead.[137] Other cities of the
north Italian plain sent Constantine embassies of congratulation for his victory. He moved on to Milan, where he
was met with open gates and jubilant rejoicing. Constantine rested his army in Milan until mid-summer 312 AD,
when he moved on to Brixia (Brescia).[138]
Brescias army was easily dispersed,[139] and Constantine quickly advanced to Verona, where a large Maxentian force was camped.[140] Ruricius Pompeianus, general of the Veronese forces and Maxentius praetorian
prefect,[141] was in a strong defensive position, since the
town was surrounded on three sides by the Adige. Constantine sent a small force north of the town in an attempt to cross the river unnoticed. Ruricius sent a large
detachment to counter Constantines expeditionary force,
but was defeated. Constantines forces successfully surrounded the town and laid siege.[142] Ruricius gave Constantine the slip and returned with a larger force to oppose Constantine. Constantine refused to let up on the
siege, and sent only a small force to oppose him. In

CIVIL WARS

the desperately fought encounter that followed, Ruricius 4.1.1 Constantines army adopts the Christian
was killed and his army destroyed.[143] Verona surrencross
dered soon afterwards, followed by Aquileia,[144] Mutina
(Modena),[145] and Ravenna.[146] The road to Rome was Further information: Battle of the Milvian Bridge
Maxentius organized his forcesstill twice the size of
now wide open to Constantine.[147]

The Milvian Bridge (Ponte Milvio) over the Tiber, north of Rome,
where Constantine and Maxentius fought in the Battle of the Milvian Bridge

Maxentius prepared for the same type of war he had


waged against Severus and Galerius: he sat in Rome and
prepared for a siege.[148] He still controlled Romes praetorian guards, was well-stocked with African grain, and
was surrounded on all sides by the seemingly impregnable
Aurelian Walls. He ordered all bridges across the Tiber
cut, reportedly on the counsel of the gods,[149] and left
the rest of central Italy undefended; Constantine secured
that regions support without challenge.[150] Constantine
progressed slowly[151] along the Via Flaminia,[152] allowing the weakness of Maxentius to draw his regime
further into turmoil.[151] Maxentius support continued
to weaken: at chariot races on 27 October, the crowd
openly taunted Maxentius, shouting that Constantine was
invincible.[153] Maxentius, no longer certain that he would
emerge from a siege victorious, built a temporary boat
bridge across the Tiber in preparation for a eld battle against Constantine.[154] On 28 October 312 AD, the
sixth anniversary of his reign, he approached the keepers
of the Sibylline Books for guidance. The keepers prophesied that, on that very day, the enemy of the Romans
would die. Maxentius advanced north to meet Constantine in battle.[155]

The description from 28th October 312, 'A cross centered on the
Sun ts with modern day photographs of Sun dogs.

The Battle of the Milvian Bridge by Giulio Romano

Constantinesin long lines facing the battle plain, with


their backs to the river.[156] Constantines army arrived
at the eld bearing unfamiliar symbols on either its standards or its soldiers shields.[157] According to Lactantius,
Constantine was visited by a dream the night before the
battle, wherein he was advised to mark the heavenly sign
of God on the shields of his soldiers ... by means of a
slanted letter X with the top of its head bent round, he
marked Christ on their shields.[158] Eusebius describes
another version, where, while marching at midday, he
saw with his own eyes in the heavens a trophy of the
cross arising from the light of the sun, carrying the message, In Hoc Signo Vinces or with this sign, you will
conquer";[159] in Eusebiuss account, Constantine had a
dream the following night, in which Christ appeared with
the same heavenly sign, and told him to make a standard,
the labarum, for his army in that form.[160] Eusebius is
vague about when and where these events took place,[161]
but it enters his narrative before the war against Maxentius begins.[162] Eusebius describes the sign as Chi ()
traversed by Rho (): , a symbol representing the rst
two letters of the Greek spelling of the word Christos
or Christ.[163][164] In 315 AD a medallion was issued at
Ticinum showing Constantine wearing a helmet emblazoned with the Chi Rho,[165] and coins issued at Siscia in
317/318 AD repeat the image.[166] The gure was otherwise rare, however, and is uncommon in imperial iconog-

4.3

Wars against Licinius

raphy and propaganda before the 320s.[167]

9
at the Temple of Jupiter.[176] He did, however, choose
to honor the Senatorial Curia with a visit,[177] where he
promised to restore its ancestral privileges and give it
a secure role in his reformed government: there would
be no revenge against Maxentius supporters.[178] In response, the Senate decreed him title of the rst name,
which meant his name would be listed rst in all ocial documents,[179] and acclaimed him as the greatest
Augustus.[180] He issued decrees returning property lost
under Maxentius, recalling political exiles, and releasing
Maxentius imprisoned opponents.[181]

Constantine deployed his own forces along the whole


length of Maxentius line. He ordered his cavalry to
charge, and they broke Maxentius cavalry. He then
sent his infantry against Maxentius infantry, pushing
many into the Tiber where they were slaughtered and
drowned.[156] The battle was brief:[168] Maxentius troops
were broken before the rst charge.[169] Maxentius horse
guards and praetorians initially held their position, but
broke under the force of a Constantinian cavalry charge;
they also broke ranks and ed to the river. Maxentius
rode with them, and attempted to cross the bridge of An extensive propaganda campaign followed, during
boats, but he was pushed by the mass of his eeing sol- which Maxentius image was systematically purged from
diers into the Tiber, and drowned.[170]
all public places. Maxentius was written up as a "tyrant",
and set against an idealized image of the liberator, Constantine. Eusebius, in his later works, is the best repre4.2 In Rome
sentative of this strand of Constantinian propaganda.[182]
Maxentius rescripts were declared invalid, and the honors Maxentius had granted to leaders of the Senate
were invalidated.[183] Constantine also attempted to remove Maxentius inuence on Romes urban landscape.
All structures built by Maxentius were re-dedicated to
Constantine, including the Temple of Romulus and the
Basilica of Maxentius.[184] At the focal point of the basilica, a stone statue of Constantine holding the Christian
labarum in its hand was erected. Its inscription bore
the message the statue had already made clear: By this
sign Constantine had freed Rome from the yoke of the
tyrant.[185]
Where he did not overwrite Maxentius achievements,
Constantine upstaged them: the Circus Maximus was redeveloped so that its total seating capacity was twentyve times larger than that of Maxentius racing complex on the Via Appia.[186] Maxentius strongest supporters in the military were neutralized when the Praetorian
Guard and Imperial Horse Guard (equites singulares)
were disbanded.[187] Their tombstones were ground up
and put to use in a basilica on the Via Labicana.[188]
On November 9, 312 AD, barely two weeks after Constantine captured the city, the former base of the Imperial Horse Guard was chosen for redevelopment into the
Lateran Basilica.[189] The Legio II Parthica was removed
from Alba (Albano Laziale),[183] and the remainder of
Maxentius armies were sent to do frontier duty on the
Rhine.[190]
Colossal head of Constantine, from a seated statue: a youthful,
classicising, other-worldly ocial image (Metropolitan Museum
of Art)[171]

4.3 Wars against Licinius

Constantine entered Rome on 29 October.[172] He staged


a grand adventus in the city, and was met with popular jubilation.[173] Maxentius body was shed out of the
Tiber and decapitated. His head was paraded through
the streets for all to see.[174] After the ceremonies, Maxentius disembodied head was sent to Carthage; at this
Carthage would oer no further resistance.[175] Unlike
his predecessors, Constantine neglected to make the trip
to the Capitoline Hill and perform customary sacrices

In the following years, Constantine gradually consolidated his military superiority over his rivals in the crumbling Tetrarchy. In 313, he met Licinius in Milan to secure their alliance by the marriage of Licinius and Constantines half-sister Constantia. During this meeting, the
emperors agreed on the so-called Edict of Milan,[191] ofcially granting full tolerance to Christianity and all religions in the Empire.[192] The document had special benets for Christians, legalizing their religion and grant-

10
ing them restoration for all property seized during Diocletians persecution. It repudiates past methods of religious coercion and used only general terms to refer to
the divine sphere"Divinity and Supreme Divinity,
summa divinitas.[193] The conference was cut short, however, when news reached Licinius that his rival Maximin
had crossed the Bosporus and invaded European territory. Licinius departed and eventually defeated Maximin,
gaining control over the entire eastern half of the Roman
Empire. Relations between the two remaining emperors
deteriorated, as Constantine suered an assassination attempt at the hands of a character that Licinius wanted elevated to the rank of Caesar;[194] Licinius, for his part had
Constantines statues in Emona destroyed.[195] In either
314 or 316 the two Augusti fought against one another
at the Battle of Cibalae, with Constantine being victorious. They clashed again at the Battle of Mardia in 317,
and agreed to a settlement in which Constantines sons
Crispus and Constantine II, and Licinius son Licinianus
were made caesars.[196] After this arrangement, Constantine ruled the dioceses of Pannonia and Macedonia and
took residence at Sirmium, from whence he could wage
war on the Goths and Sarmatians in 322, and on the Goths
in 323.[194]
In the year 320, Licinius allegedly reneged on the religious freedom promised by the Edict of Milan in 313 and
began to oppress Christians anew,[197] generally without
bloodshed, but resorting to conscations and sacking of
Christian oce-holders.[198] Although this characterization of Licinius as anti-Christian is somewhat doubtful,
the fact is that he seems to have been far less open in
his support of Christianity than Constantine. Therefore
Licinius was prone to see the Church as a force more
loyal to Constantine than to the Imperial system in general [199] the explanation oered by the Church historian
Sozomen.[200]

5 LATER RULE

5 Later rule
5.1 Foundation of Constantinople

Coin struck by Constantine I to commemorate the founding of


Constantinople

Licinius defeat came to represent the defeat of a rival center of Pagan and Greek-speaking political activity in the East, as opposed to the Christian and Latinspeaking Rome, and it was proposed that a new Eastern capital should represent the integration of the East
into the Roman Empire as a whole, as a center of learning, prosperity, and cultural preservation for the whole
of the Eastern Roman Empire.[204] Among the various
locations proposed for this alternative capital, Constantine appears to have toyed earlier with Serdica (presentday Soa), as he was reported saying that "Serdica is
my Rome".[205] Sirmium and Thessalonica were also
considered.[206] Eventually, however, Constantine decided to work on the Greek city of Byzantium, which
oered the advantage of having already been extensively
rebuilt on Roman patterns of urbanism, during the preceding century, by Septimius Severus and Caracalla, who
had already acknowledged its strategic importance.[207]
The city was thus founded in 324,[208] dedicated on 11
May 330[208] and renamed Constantinopolis (Constantines City or Constantinople in English). Special commemorative coins were issued in 330 to honor the event.
The new city was protected by the relics of the True
Cross, the Rod of Moses and other holy relics, though
a cameo now at the Hermitage Museum also represented
Constantine crowned by the tyche of the new city.[209]
The gures of old gods were either replaced or assimilated into a framework of Christian symbolism. Constantine built the new Church of the Holy Apostles on the site
of a temple to Aphrodite. Generations later there was the
story that a divine vision led Constantine to this spot, and
an angel no one else could see, led him on a circuit of the
new walls. The capital would often be compared to the
'old' Rome as Nova Roma Constantinopolitana, the New
Rome of Constantinople.[203][210]

This dubious arrangement eventually became a challenge


to Constantine in the West, climaxing in the great civil
war of 324. Licinius, aided by Goth mercenaries, represented the past and the ancient Pagan faiths. Constantine and his Franks marched under the standard of the
labarum, and both sides saw the battle in religious terms.
Outnumbered, but red by their zeal, Constantines army
emerged victorious in the Battle of Adrianople. Licinius
ed across the Bosphorus and appointed Martius Martinianus, the commander of his bodyguard, as Caesar, but
Constantine next won the Battle of the Hellespont, and nally the Battle of Chrysopolis on 18 September 324.[201]
Licinius and Martinianus surrendered to Constantine at
Nicomedia on the promise their lives would be spared:
they were sent to live as private citizens in Thessalonica
and Cappadocia respectively, but in 325 Constantine accused Licinius of plotting against him and had them both
arrested and hanged; Liciniuss son (the son of Constantines half-sister) was also killed.[202] Thus Constantine 5.2 Religious policy
became the sole emperor of the Roman Empire.[203]
Further information: Constantine I and Christianity and
Constantine the Great and Judaism

5.2

Religious policy

11

Constantine was the rst emperor to stop Christian per- Peters Basilica.
However, Constantine certainly did not patronize Christianity alone. After gaining victory in the Battle of
the Milvian Bridge (312), a triumphal archthe Arch
of Constantinewas built (315) to celebrate his triumph. The arch is decorated with images of the goddess Victoria. At the time of its dedication, sacrices to
gods like Apollo, Diana, and Hercules were made. Absent from the Arch are any depictions of Christian symbolism. However, as the Arch was commissioned by the
Senate, the absence of Christian symbols may reect the
role of the Curia at the time as a pagan redoubt.[216]

Constantine the Great, mosaic in Hagia Sophia, c. 1000

secutions and to legalise Christianity along with all other


religions and cults in the Roman Empire.
In February 313, Constantine met with Licinius in Milan, where they developed the Edict of Milan. The edict
stated that Christians should be allowed to follow the faith
without oppression.[211] This removed penalties for professing Christianity, under which many had been martyred previously, and returned conscated Church property. The edict protected from religious persecution not
only Christians but all religions, allowing anyone to worship whichever deity they chose. A similar edict had
been issued in 311 by Galerius, then senior emperor of
the Tetrarchy; Galerius edict granted Christians the right
to practise their religion but did not restore any property
to them.[212] The Edict of Milan included several clauses
which stated that all conscated churches would be returned as well as other provisions for previously persecuted Christians.

Later in 321, Constantine instructed that Christians and


non-Christians should be united in observing the venerable day of the sun, referring to the sun-worship that
Aurelian had established as an ocial cult. Furthermore,
and long after his oft alleged conversion to Christianity,
Constantines coinage continued to carry the symbols of
the sun. Even after the pagan gods had disappeared from
the coinage, Christian symbols appeared only as Constantines personal attributes: the chi rho between his
hands or on his labarum, but never on the coin itself.[217]
Even when Constantine dedicated the new capital of Constantinople, which became the seat of Byzantine Christianity for a millennium, he did so wearing the Apollonian
sun-rayed Diadem; no Christian symbols were present at
this dedication.

Scholars debate whether Constantine adopted his mother


St. Helena's Christianity in his youth, or whether he
adopted it gradually over the course of his life.[213] Constantine would retain the title of pontifex maximus until his death, a title emperors bore as heads of the pagan priesthood, as would his Christian successors on
to Gratian (r. 37583). According to Christian writers, Constantine was over 40 when he nally declared
himself a Christian, writing to Christians to make clear
that he believed he owed his successes to the protection of the Christian High God alone.[214] Throughout
his rule, Constantine supported the Church nancially,
built basilicas, granted privileges to clergy (e.g. exempConstantine burning Arian books
tion from certain taxes), promoted Christians to high ofce, and returned property conscated during the Diocletianic persecution.[215] His most famous building projects The reign of Constantine established a precedent for the
include the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and Old Saint position of the emperor as having great inuence and ul-

12

5 LATER RULE

timate regulatory authority within the religious discussions involving the early Christian councils of that time,
e.g., most notably the dispute over Arianism, and the nature of God. Constantine himself disliked the risks to
societal stability that religious disputes and controversies
brought with them, preferring where possible to establish
an orthodoxy.[218] One way in which Constantine used his
inuence over the early Church councils was to seek to establish a consensus over the oft debated and argued issue
over the nature of God.
Most notably, from 313 to 316 bishops in North Africa
struggled with other Christian bishops who had been
ordained by Donatus in opposition to Caecilian. The
African bishops could not come to terms and the Donatists asked Constantine to act as a judge in the dispute.
Three regional Church councils and another trial before
Constantine all ruled against Donatus and the Donatism
movement in North Africa. In 317 Constantine issued an
edict to conscate Donatist church property and to send
Donatist clergy into exile.[219] More signicantly, in 325
he summoned the Council of Nicaea, eectively the rst
Ecumenical Council (unless the Council of Jerusalem is
so classied). The Council of Nicaea is most known for
its dealing with Arianism and for instituting the Nicene
Creed.
Constantine enforced the prohibition of the First Council of Nicaea against celebrating the Lords Supper
on the day before the Jewish Passover (14 Nisan)
(see Quartodecimanism and Easter controversy). This
marked a denite break of Christianity from the Judaic
tradition. From then on the Roman Julian Calendar, a solar calendar, was given precedence over the lunar Hebrew
Calendar among the Christian churches of the Roman
Empire.[220]

Head of Constantines colossal statue at the Capitoline Museums.


The original statue of marble was acrolithic with the torso consisting of a cuirass in bronze.[221]

and thus opening these oces to the old aristocracy,


and at the same time elevating the rank of already existing equestrians oce-holders to senator, degrading the
equestrian order at least as a bureaucratic rank [223] in
Constantine made new laws regarding the Jews. They
the process, so that by the end of the 4th century the title
were forbidden to own Christian slaves or to circumcise
of perfectissimus was granted only to mid-low ocials.
their slaves.
By the new Constantinian arrangement, one could become a senator, either by being elected praetor or (in most
cases) by fullling a function of senatorial rank:[224] from
5.3 Administrative reforms
then on, holding of actual power and social status were
Beginning in the mid-3rd century the emperors began to melded together into a joint imperial hierarchy. At the
favor members of the equestrian order over senators, who same time, Constantine gained with this the support of
had had a monopoly on the most important oces of the old nobility,[225] as the Senate was allowed itself to
state. Senators were stripped of the command of legions elect praetors and quaestors, in place of the usual practice
and most provincial governorships (as it was felt that they of the emperors directly creating new magistrates (adleclacked the specialized military upbringing needed in an tio). In one inscription in honor of city prefect (33637)
age of acute defense needs[222] ), such posts being given to Ceionius Rufus Albinus, it was written that Constantine
equestrians by Diocletian and his colleaguesfollowing had restored the Senate the auctoritas it had lost at Caea practice enforced piecemeal by their predecessors. The sars time.[226]
emperors however, still needed the talents and the help of The Senate as a body remained devoid of any signifthe very rich, who were relied on to maintain social order icant power; nevertheless, the senators, who had been
and cohesion by means of a web of powerful inuence marginalized as potential holders of imperial functions
and contacts at all levels. Exclusion of the old senatorial during the 3rd century, could now dispute such positions
aristocracy threatened this arrangement.
alongside more upstart bureaucrats.[227] Some modern
In 326, Constantine reversed this pro-equestrian trend, historians see in those administrative reforms an attempt
raising many administrative positions to senatorial rank by Constantine at reintegrating the senatorial order into

5.5

Executions of Crispus and Fausta

the imperial administrative elite to counter the possibility of alienating pagan senators from a Christianized imperial rule;[228] however, such an interpretation remains
conjectural, given the fact that we do not have the precise
numbers about pre-Constantine conversions to Christianity in the old senatorial milieusome historians suggesting that early conversions among the old aristocracy were
more numerous than previously supposed.[229]
Constantines reforms had to do only with the civilian administration: the military chiefs, who since the Crisis of
the Third Century had risen from the ranks,[230] remained
outside the senate, in which they were included only by
Constantines children.[231]

5.4

Monetary reforms

After the runaway ination of the third century, associated with the production of at money to pay for public
expenses, Diocletian had tried unsuccessfully to reestablish trustworthy minting of silver and billon coins. The
failure of the various Diocletianic attempts at the restoration of a functioning silver coin resided in the fact that the
silver currency was overvalued in terms of its actual metal
content, and therefore could only circulate at much discounted rates. Minting of the Diocletianic pure silver
argenteus ceased, therefore, soon after 305, while the billon currency continued to be used until the 360s. From
the early 300s on, Constantine forsook any attempts at
restoring the silver currency, preferring instead to concentrate on minting large quantities of good standard gold
piecesthe solidus, 72 of which made a pound of gold.
New (and highly debased) silver pieces would continue
to be issued during Constantines later reign and after his
death, in a continuous process of retaring, until this
billon minting eventually ceased, de jure, in 367, with
the silver piece being de facto continued by various denominations of bronze coins, the most important being
the centenionalis.[232] These bronze pieces continued to
be devalued, assuring the possibility of keeping duciary
minting alongside a gold standard. The anonymous author of the possibly contemporary treatise on military
aairs De Rebus Bellicis held that, as a consequence of
this monetary policy, the rift between classes widened:
the rich beneted from the stability in purchasing power
of the gold piece, while the poor had to cope with everdegrading bronze pieces.[233] Later emperors like Julian
the Apostate tried to present themselves as advocates of
the humiles by insisting on trustworthy mintings of the
bronze currency.[234]

13
ate mintingwith the exception of a number of bronze
statues who were used as public monuments for the beautication of the new capital in Constantinople.[235]

5.5 Executions of Crispus and Fausta


On some date between 15 May and 17 June 326, Constantine had his eldest son Crispus, by Minervina, seized and
put to death by cold poison at Pola (Pula, Croatia).[236]
In July, Constantine had his wife, the Empress Fausta,
killed at the behest of his mother, Helena. Fausta was
left to die in an over-heated bath.[237] Their names were
wiped from the face of many inscriptions, references to
their lives in the literary record were erased, and the
memory of both was condemned. Eusebius, for example,
edited praise of Crispus out of later copies of his Historia
Ecclesiastica, and his Vita Constantini contains no mention of Fausta or Crispus at all.[238] Few ancient sources
are willing to discuss possible motives for the events;
those few that do, oer unconvincing rationales, are of
later provenance, and are generally unreliable.[239] At the
time of the executions, it was commonly believed that the
Empress Fausta was either in an illicit relationship with
Crispus, or was spreading rumors to that eect. A popular myth arose, modied to allude to HippolytusPhaedra
legend, with the suggestion that Constantine killed Crispus and Fausta for their immoralities.[240] One source, the
largely ctional Passion of Artemius, probably penned in
the eighth century by John of Damascus, makes the legendary connection explicit.[241] As an interpretation of
the executions, the myth rests on only the slimmest of
evidence": sources that allude to the relationship between
Crispus and Fausta are late and unreliable, and the modern suggestion that Constantines godly edicts of 326
and the irregularities of Crispus are somehow connected
rests on no evidence at all.[240]

Although Constantine created his apparent heirs Caesars, following a pattern established by Diocletian, he
gave his creations a hereditary character, alien to the
tetrarchic system: Constantines Caesars were to be kept
in the hope of ascending to Empire, and entirely subordinated to their Augustus, as long as he was alive.[242]
Therefore, an alternative explanation for the execution of
Crispus was, perhaps, Constantines desire to keep a rm
grip on his prospective heirs, this and Faustas desire
for having her sons inheriting instead of their half-brother
being reason enough for killing Crispus; the subsequent execution of Fausta, however, was probably meant
as a reminder to her children that Constantine would not
Constantines monetary policy were closely associated hesitate in killing his own relatives when he felt this was
with his religious ones, in that increased minting was as- necessary.[243]
sociated with measures of conscationtaken since 331
and closed in 336of all gold, silver and bronze statues from pagan temples, who were declared as imperial 5.6 Later campaigns
property and, as such, as monetary assets. Two imperial
commissioners for each province had the task of getting Constantine considered Constantinople as his capital and
hold of the statues and having them melded for immedi- permanent residence. He lived there for a good portion

14

The Roman Empire in 337, showing Constantines conquests in


Dacia across the lower Danube (shaded purple) and other Roman dependencies (light purple).

5 LATER RULE
treat them well.[246] The letter is undatable. In response
to border raids, Constantine sent Constantius to guard the
eastern frontier in 335. In 336, prince Narseh invaded
Armenia (a Christian kingdom since 301) and installed a
Persian client on the throne. Constantine then resolved to
campaign against Persia himself. He treated the war as a
Christian crusade, calling for bishops to accompany the
army and commissioning a tent in the shape of a church to
follow him everywhere. Constantine planned to be baptized in the Jordan River before crossing into Persia. Persian diplomats came to Constantinople over the winter of
3367, seeking peace, but Constantine turned them away.
The campaign was called o however, when Constantine
became sick in the spring of 337.[247]

5.7 Sickness and death


of his later life. He rebuilt Trajans bridge across the
Danube, in hopes of reconquering Dacia, a province that
had been abandoned under Aurelian. In the late winter of
332, Constantine campaigned with the Sarmatians against
the Goths. The weather and lack of food cost the Goths
dearly: reportedly, nearly one hundred thousand died before they submitted to Rome. In 334, after Sarmatian
commoners had overthrown their leaders, Constantine led
a campaign against the tribe. He won a victory in the war
and extended his control over the region, as remains of
camps and fortications in the region indicate.[244] Constantine resettled some Sarmatian exiles as farmers in Illyrian and Roman districts, and conscripted the rest into
the army. Constantine took the title Dacicus maximus in The Baptism of Constantine, as imagined by students of Raphael
336.[245]

Gold medallion struck at Nicomedia in 3367 to celebrate the


30th anniversary of his rule

In the last years of his life Constantine made plans for a


campaign against Persia. In a letter written to the king
of Persia, Shapur, Constantine had asserted his patronage over Persias Christian subjects and urged Shapur to

Constantine had known death would soon come. Within


the Church of the Holy Apostles, Constantine had secretly prepared a nal resting-place for himself.[248] It
came sooner than he had expected. Soon after the Feast
of Easter 337, Constantine fell seriously ill.[249] He left
Constantinople for the hot baths near his mothers city
of Helenopolis (Altinova), on the southern shores of the
Gulf of zmit. There, in a church his mother built in
honor of Lucian the Apostle, he prayed, and there he realized that he was dying. Seeking purication, he became
a catechumen, and attempted a return to Constantinople,
making it only as far as a suburb of Nicomedia.[250] He
summoned the bishops, and told them of his hope to be
baptized in the River Jordan, where Christ was written to
have been baptized. He requested the baptism right away,
promising to live a more Christian life should he live
through his illness. The bishops, Eusebius records, performed the sacred ceremonies according to custom.[251]
He chose the Arianizing bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia,
bishop of the city where he lay dying, as his baptizer.[252]
In postponing his baptism, he followed one custom at the
time which postponed baptism until after infancy.[253] It
has been thought that Constantine put o baptism as long
as he did so as to be absolved from as much of his sin as
possible.[254] Constantine died soon after at a suburban
villa called Achyron, on the last day of the fty-day festi-

15
val of Pentecost directly following Pascha (or Easter), on
22 May 337.[255]

The Constantinian dynasty down to Gratian (r. 367383)

Although Constantines death follows the conclusion of


the Persian campaign in Eusebiuss account, most other
sources report his death as occurring in its middle. Emperor Julian (a nephew of Constantine), writing in the
mid-350s, observes that the Sassanians escaped punishment for their ill-deeds, because Constantine died in
the middle of his preparations for war.[256] Similar accounts are given in the Origo Constantini, an anonymous
document composed while Constantine was still living,
and which has Constantine dying in Nicomedia;[257] the
Historiae abbreviatae of Sextus Aurelius Victor, written in 361, which has Constantine dying at an estate
near Nicomedia called Achyrona while marching against
the Persians;[258] and the Breviarium of Eutropius, a
handbook compiled in 369 for the Emperor Valens,
which has Constantine dying in a nameless state villa
in Nicomedia.[259] From these and other accounts, some
have concluded that Eusebiuss Vita was edited to defend
Constantines reputation against what Eusebius saw as a
less congenial version of the campaign.[260]

Bronze head of Constantine, from a colossal statue (4th century).

forced to abandon in 271. At the time of his death, he


was planning a great expedition to end raids on the eastern provinces from the Persian Empire.[263] Serving for a
total of almost 31 years (combining his years as co-ruler
Following his death, his body was transferred to Con- and sole ruler), he was also the longest serving emperor
stantinople and buried in the Church of the Holy Apos- since Augustus and the second longest serving emperor
tles there.[261] He was succeeded by his three sons born in Roman history.
of Fausta, Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans. A In the cultural sphere Constantine contributed to the renumber of relatives were killed by followers of Constan- vival of the clean shaven face fashion of the Roman emtius, notably Constantines nephews Dalmatius (who held perors from Augustus to Trajan, which was originally inthe rank of Caesar) and Hannibalianus, presumably to troduced among the Romans by Scipio Africanus. This
eliminate possible contenders to an already complicated new Roman imperial fashion lasted until the reign of
succession. He also had two daughters, Constantina and Phocas.[264][265]
Helena, wife of Emperor Julian.[262]
The Byzantine Empire considered Constantine its
founder and the Holy Roman Empire reckoned him
among the venerable gures of its tradition. In the later
6 Legacy
Byzantine state, it had become a great honor for an emperor to be hailed as a new Constantine. Ten emperors,
Although he earned his honoric of The Great including the last emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire,
("") from Christian historians long after he had carried the name.[266] Monumental Constantinian forms
died, he could have claimed the title on his military were used at the court of Charlemagne to suggest that
achievements and victories alone. Besides reuniting the he was Constantines successor and equal. Constantine
Empire under one emperor, Constantine won major vic- acquired a mythic role as a warrior against heathens.
tories over the Franks and Alamanni in 3068, the Franks The motif of the Romanesque equestrian, the mounted
again in 31314, the Goths in 332 and the Sarmatians gure in the posture of a triumphant Roman emperor,
in 334. By 336, Constantine had reoccupied most of became a visual metaphor in statuary in praise of lothe long-lost province of Dacia, which Aurelian had been cal benefactors. The name Constantine itself enjoyed

16

renewed popularity in western France in the eleventh


and twelfth centuries.[267] Most Nicene churches consider Constantine a saint ( , Saint
Constantine).[268] In the Orthodox Church he is called
isapostolos ( )an equal of
the Apostles.[269]
The Ni Airport is named Constantine the Great in
honor of him. A large Cross was planned to be built on
a hill overlooking Ni, but the project was cancelled.[270]
In 2012, a memorial was erected in Ni in his honor. The
Commemoration of the Edict of Milan was held in Ni in
2013.[271]

6.1

Historiography

During his life and those of his sons, Constantine was presented as a paragon of virtue. Pagans such as Praxagoras
of Athens and Libanius showered him with praise. When
the last of his sons died in 361, however, his nephew (and
son-in-law) Julian the Apostate wrote the satire Symposium, or the Saturnalia, which denigrated Constantine,
calling him inferior to the great pagan emperors, and
given over to luxury and greed.[272] Following Julian,
Eunapius beganand Zosimus continueda historiographic tradition that blamed Constantine for weakening
the Empire through his indulgence to the Christians.[273]

Constantius appoints Constantine as his successor by Peter Paul


Rubens, 1622

In medieval times, when the Roman Catholic Church


was dominant, Catholic historians presented Constantine
as an ideal ruler, the standard against which any king
or emperor could be measured.[274] The Renaissance rediscovery of anti-Constantinian sources prompted a reevaluation of Constantines career. The German hu-

LEGACY

manist Johann Lwenklau, discoverer of Zosimus writings, published a Latin translation thereof in 1576. In
its preface, he argued that Zosimus picture of Constantine was superior to that oered by Eusebius and
the Church historians, and damned Constantine as a
tyrant.[275] Cardinal Caesar Baronius, a man of the
Counter-Reformation, criticized Zosimus, favoring Eusebius account of the Constantinian era. Baronius Life
of Constantine (1588) presents Constantine as the model
of a Christian prince.[276] For his History of the Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire (177689), Edward Gibbon, aiming to unite the two extremes of Constantinian
scholarship, oered a portrait of Constantine built on the
contrasted narratives of Eusebius and Zosimus.[277] In a
form that parallels his account of the empires decline,
Gibbon presents a noble war hero corrupted by Christian
inuences, who transforms into an Oriental despot in his
old age: a hero ... degenerating into a cruel and dissolute
monarch.[278]
Modern interpretations of Constantines rule begin with
Jacob Burckhardt's The Age of Constantine the Great
(1853, rev. 1880). Burckhardts Constantine is a scheming secularist, a politician who manipulates all parties
in a quest to secure his own power.[279] Henri Grgoire,
writing in the 1930s, followed Burckhardts evaluation
of Constantine. For Grgoire, Constantine developed an
interest in Christianity only after witnessing its political
usefulness. Grgoire was skeptical of the authenticity of
Eusebius Vita, and postulated a pseudo-Eusebius to assume responsibility for the vision and conversion narratives of that work.[280] Otto Seeck, in Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt (192023), and Andr Piganiol,
in L'empereur Constantin (1932), wrote against this historiographic tradition. Seeck presented Constantine as a
sincere war hero, whose ambiguities were the product of
his own nave inconsistency.[281] Piganiols Constantine is
a philosophical monotheist, a child of his eras religious
syncretism.[282] Related histories by A.H.M. Jones (Constantine and the Conversion of Europe, 1949) and Ramsay
MacMullen (Constantine, 1969) gave portraits of a less
visionary, and more impulsive, Constantine.[283]
These later accounts were more willing to present Constantine as a genuine convert to Christianity. Beginning with Norman H. Baynes' Constantine the Great and
the Christian Church (1929) and reinforced by Andreas
Alfldi's The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome
(1948), a historiographic tradition developed which presented Constantine as a committed Christian. T. D.
Barnes's seminal Constantine and Eusebius (1981) represents the culmination of this trend. Barnes Constantine
experienced a radical conversion, which drove him on a
personal crusade to convert his empire.[284] Charles Matson Odahls recent Constantine and the Christian Empire
(2004) takes much the same tack.[285] In spite of Barnes
work, arguments over the strength and depth of Constantines religious conversion continue.[286] Certain themes
in this school reached new extremes in T.G. Elliotts The

17
Christianity of Constantine the Great (1996), which presented Constantine as a committed Christian from early
childhood.[287] A similar view of Constantine is held in
Paul Veyne's recent (2007) work, Quand notre monde
est devenu chrtien, which does not speculate on the origins of Constantines Christian motivation, but presents
him, in his role as Emperor, as a religious revolutionary
who fervently believed himself meant to play a providential role in the millenary economy of the salvation of
humanity.[288]

6.2

retained his kingship. However, he died only a month


later, and Constantius took the throne himself, marrying
Coles daughter Helena. They had their son Constantine,
who succeeded his father as King of Britain before becoming Roman Emperor.
Historically, this series of events is extremely improbable.
Constantius had already left Helena by the time he left
for Britain.[40] Additionally, no earlier source mentions
that Helena was born in Britain, let alone that she was a
princess. Henrys source for the story is unknown, though
it may have been a lost hagiography of Helena.[295]

Donation of Constantine

Main article: Donation of Constantine

7 See also

Colossus of Constantine
Latin Rite Catholics considered it inappropriate that Constantine was baptized only on his death-bed and by an
Constantinian shift
unorthodox bishop, as it undermined the authority of the
Fifty Bibles of Constantine
Papacy. Hence, by the early fourth century, a legend had
emerged that Pope Sylvester I (31435) had cured the
German and Sarmatian campaigns of Constantine
pagan emperor from leprosy. According to this legend,
Constantine was soon baptized, and began the construc List of Byzantine Emperors
tion of a church in the Lateran Palace.[289] In the eighth
Labarum
century, most likely during the ponticate of Stephen II
(7527), a document called the Donation of Constantine rst appeared, in which the freshly converted Constantine hands the temporal rule over the city of Rome 8 References
and all the provinces, districts, and cities of Italy and
the Western regions to Sylvester and his successors.[290]
In the High Middle Ages, this document was used and 8.1 Ancient sources
accepted as the basis for the Popes temporal power,
Athanasius of Alexandria.
though it was denounced as a forgery by Emperor Otto
[291]
III
and lamented as the root of papal worldliness by
Apologia contra Arianos (Defence against the
the poet Dante Alighieri.[292] The 15th century philolArians) ca. 349.
ogist Lorenzo Valla proved the document was indeed a
forgery.[293]
Atkinson, M., and Archibald
Robertson, trans. Apologia Contra Arianos. From Nicene and
6.3 Georey of Monmouths Historia
Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series,
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in his Historia Anglorum that the emperor Constantines
the Decrees of the Council of Nicaea) ca. 352.
mother was a Briton, making her the daughter of King
[294]
Georey of Monmouth expanded
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18

8
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Historia Arianorum (History of the Arians) ca.


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Atkinson, M., and Archibald


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10 CITATIONS

9 Notes
[1] Caesar in the west; self-proclaimed Augustus from 309;
recognized as such in the east in April 310.
[2] Undisputed Augustus in the west, senior Augustus in the
empire.
[3] As emperor of whole empire.
[4] with the possible exception of Philip the Arab (r. 244
49). See Philip the Arab and Christianity.[4]
[5] This translation is not very good. The pagination is broken in several places, there are many typographical errors
(including several replacements of Julian with Jovian
and Constantine with Constantius). It is nonetheless
the only translation of the Historia Nova in the public
domain.[296]

10 Citations

Udoh, Fabian E. Quand notre monde est devenu


chretien, review, Theological Studies, June 2008
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Constantine are marked with a "(CC)".
Veyne, Paul. L'Empire Grco-Romain, Paris: Seuil,
2005. ISBN 2-02-057798-4
[1] Birth dates vary but most modern historians use c. 272.
Veyne, Paul.Quand notre monde est devenu chrtien, Paris: Albin Michel, 2007. ISBN 978-2-22617609-7
Warmington, Brian. Some Constantinian References in Ammianus. In The Late Roman World
and its Historian: Interpreting Ammianus Marcellinus, edited by Jan Willem Drijvers and David Hunt,
166177. London: Routledge, 1999. ISBN 0-41520271-X
Weiss, Peter. The Vision of Constantine. Translated by A.R. Birley in Journal of Roman Archaeology 16 (2003): 23759.
Wiemer, Hans-Ulrich. Libanius on Constantine.
The Classical Quarterly 44 (1994): 511524.
Williams, Stephen. Diocletian and the Roman Recovery. New York: Routledge, 1997. ISBN 0-41591827-8

Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 59.


[2] In Classical Latin, Constantines ocial imperial title was
IMPERATOR CAESAR FLAVIVS CONSTANTINVS
PIVS FELIX INVICTVS AVGVSTVS, Imperator Caesar
Flavius Constantine Augustus, the pious, the fortunate, the
undefeated. After 312, he added MAXIMVS (the greatest), and after 325 replaced (undefeated) with VICTOR, as invictus reminded many of Sol Invictus, the Sun
God.
[3] Among Eastern Orthodox, Oriental Orthodox and
Byzantine Catholic Christians. The Byzantine liturgical
calendar, observed by the Eastern Orthodox Church and
Eastern Catholic Churches of Byzantine rite, lists both
Constantine and his mother Helena as saints. Although he
is not included in the Latin Churchs list of saints, which
does recognise several other Constantines as saints, he is
revered under the title The Great for his contributions
to Christianity.
[4] I. Shahd, Rome and the Arabs (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1984), 6593; H. A. Pohlsander, Philip the
Arab and Christianity, Historia 29:4 (1980): 46373.
[5] Gregory, A History of Byzantium, 49.

Woods, David. On the Death of the Empress


Fausta. Greece & Rome 45 (1988): 7086.
Woods, David. Where Did Constantine I Die?"
Journal of Theological Studies 48:2 (1997): 531
535.
Wright, David H. The True Face of Constantine the
Great. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987): 493
507

[6] Van Dam, Remembering Constantine at the Milvian Bridge,


30.
[7] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 272.
[8] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 14; Cameron, 9091; Lenski, Introduction (CC),
23.
[9] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 2325; Cameron, 9091; Southern, 169.

23

[10] Cameron, 90; Southern, 169.


[11] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 14; Corcoran, Empire of the Tetrarchs, 1; Lenski,
Introduction (CC), 23.

[32] Panegyrici Latini 8(5), 9(4); Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 8.7; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.13.3; Barnes,
Constantine and Eusebius, 13, 290.
[33] MacMullen, Constantine, 21.

[12] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 26568.

[34] Herodot, VII. 75

[13] Drake, What Eusebius Knew, 21.

[35] Drijvers, J.W. Helena Augusta: The Mother of Constantine


the Great and the Legend of Her nding the True Cross
(Leiden, 1991) 9, 1517.

[14] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.11; Odahl, 3.


[15] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 5; Storch, 14555.
[16] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 26571; Cameron, 90
92; Cameron and Hall, 46; Elliott, Eusebian Frauds in
the Vita Constantini"", 16271.
[17] Lieu and Montserrat, 39; Odahl, 3.
[18] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 26; Lieu and Montserrat, 40; Odahl, 3.
[19] Lieu and Montserrat, 40; Odahl, 3.
[20] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 1214; Bleckmann,
Sources for the History of Constantine (CC), 24;
Mackay, 207; Odahl, 910.
[21] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 225; Bleckmann,
Sources for the History of Constantine (CC), 2829;
Odahl, 46.
[22] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 225; Bleckmann,
Sources for the History of Constantine (CC), 2629;
Odahl, 56.
[23] Odahl, 6, 10.
[24] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 2728; Lieu and Montserrat, 26; Odahl, 67;
Warmington, 16667.
[25] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 24; Odahl, 8.
[26] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 2021; Johnson, Architecture of Empire (CC),
28891; Odahl, 1112.
[27] Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine
(CC), 1721; Odahl, 1114.
[28] Illyria on Encyclopdia Britannica
[29] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3, 3942; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 17; Odahl, 15; Pohlsander, Constantine I"; Southern, 169, 341.
[30] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3; Barnes, New Empire, 3942; Elliott, Constantines Conversion, 4256;
Elliott, Eusebian Frauds, 163; Elliott, Christianity of
Constantine, 17; Jones, 1314; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 59; Odahl, 16; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 14; Rodgers, 238; Wright, 495, 507.
[31] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 5960; Odahl, 1617.

[36] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3; Barnes, New Empire, 3940; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 17;
Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 59, 83; Odahl, 16;
Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 14.
[37] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 814; Corcoran, Before Constantine (CC), 4154; Odahl, 4650; Treadgold,
1415.
[38] Bowman, 70; Potter, 283; Williams, 49, 65.
[39] Potter, 283; Williams, 49, 65.
[40] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3; Elliott, Christianity
of Constantine, 20; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC),
5960; Odahl, 47, 299; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine,
14.
[41] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 7.1; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 13, 290.
[42] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3, 8; Corcoran, Before
Constantine (CC), 4041; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 20; Odahl, 4647; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 89, 14; Treadgold, 17.
[43] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 89; Corcoran, Before
Constantine (CC), 4243, 54.
[44] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 5960; Odahl, 567.
[45] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 7374; Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 60; Odahl, 72, 301.
[46] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 47, 7374; Fowden,
Between Pagans and Christians, 17576.
[47] Constantine, Oratio ad Sanctorum Coetum, 16.2; Elliott,
Christianity of Constantine., 2930; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 60; Odahl, 7273.
[48] Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 29; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 61; Odahl, 7274, 306; Pohlsander,
Emperor Constantine, 15. Contra: J. Moreau, Lactance:
De la mort des perscuteurs, Sources Chrtiennes 39
(1954): 313; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 297.
[49] Constantine, Oratio ad Sanctorum Coetum 25; Elliott,
Christianity of Constantine, 30; Odahl, 73.
[50] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 10.611; Barnes,
Constantine and Eusebius, 21; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 3536; MacMullen, Constantine, 24; Odahl, 67;
Potter, 338.

24

[51] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 2.4952; Barnes, Constantine


and Eusebius, 21; Odahl, 67, 73, 304; Potter, 338.
[52] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 2225; MacMullen,
Constantine, 2430; Odahl, 6769; Potter, 337.

10 CITATIONS

[74] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 29; Elliott, Christianity


of Constantine, 41; Jones, 59; MacMullen, Constantine,
39; Odahl, 7980.
[75] Odahl, 7980.

[53] MacMullen, Constantine, 2425.

[76] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 29.

[54] Oratio ad Sanctorum Coetum 25; Odahl, 73.

[77] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 1617.

[55] Drake, The Impact of Constantine on Christianity (CC),


126; Elliott, Constantines Conversion, 42526.

[78] Odahl, 8081.


[79] Odahl, 81.

[56] Drake, The Impact of Constantine on Christianity (CC),


126.

[80] MacMullen, Constantine, 39; Odahl, 8182.

[57] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 2527; Lenski, Reign


of Constantine (CC), 60; Odahl, 6972; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 15; Potter, 341342.

[81] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 29; Elliott, Christianity


of Constantine, 41; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC),
63; MacMullen, Constantine, 3940; Odahl, 8183.

[58] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 19.26; Barnes,


Constantine and Eusebius, 26; Potter, 342.

[82] Odahl, 8283.

[59] Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 6061; Odahl, 72


74; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 15.
[60] Origo 4; Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 24.39;
Praxagoras fr. 1.2; Aurelius Victor 40.23; Epitome de
Caesaribus 41.2; Zosimus 2.8.3; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.21; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 61; MacMullen, Constantine, 32; Odahl, 73.
[61] Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 61.
[62] Odahl, 7576.
[63] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 27; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 3940; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 61; MacMullen, Constantine, 32; Odahl, 77;
Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 1516; Potter, 3445;
Southern, 16970, 341.
[64] MacMullen, Constantine, 32.
[65] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 27; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 3940; Lenski, Reign of Constantine
(CC), 61; Odahl, 77; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine,
1516; Potter, 34445; Southern, 16970, 341.
[66] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 27, 298; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 39; Odahl, 7778, 309; Pohlsander,
Emperor Constantine, 1516.
[67] Mattingly, 23334; Southern, 170, 341.
[68] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 2728; Jones, 59;
Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 6162; Odahl, 78
79.

[83] Odahl, 8283. See also: William E. Gwatkin, Jr. Roman


Trier. The Classical Journal 29 (1933): 312.
[84] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 24.9; Barnes, Lactantius and Constantine, 4346; Odahl, 85, 31011.
[85] Odahl, 86.
[86] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 28.
[87] Rodgers, 236.
[88] Panegyrici Latini 7(6)3.4; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.22,
qtd. and tr. Odahl, 83; Rodgers, 238.
[89] MacMullen, Constantine, 40.
[90] Qtd. in MacMullen, Constantine, 40.
[91] Zosimus, 2.9.2; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 62;
MacMullen, Constantine, 39.
[92] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 29; Odahl, 86; Potter,
346.
[93] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3031; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4142; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 6263; Odahl, 8687; Potter, 34849.
[94] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 31; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 64; Odahl, 8788; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 1516.
[95] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 30; Lenski, Reign of
Constantine (CC), 6263; Odahl, 8687.

[69] Jones, 59.

[96] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 34; Lenski, Reign of


Constantine (CC), 6365; Odahl, 89; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 1516.

[70] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 2829; Lenski, Reign


of Constantine (CC), 62; Odahl, 7980.

[97] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 32; Lenski, Reign of


Constantine (CC), 64; Odahl, 89, 93.

[71] Jones, 59; MacMullen, Constantine, 39.

[98] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3234; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4243; Jones, 61; Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 65; Odahl, 9091; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 17; Potter, 34950; Treadgold, 29.

[72] Treadgold, 28.


[73] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 2829; Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 62; Odahl, 7980; Rees, 160.

[99] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 33; Jones, 61.

25

[100] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3637.

[123] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3739.

[101] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3435; Elliott, Chris- [124] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3839; MacMullen,
tianity of Constantine, 43; Lenski, Reign of Constantine
Constantine, 62.
(CC), 6566; Odahl, 93; Pohlsander, Emperor Constan[125] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 40; Curran, 66.
tine, 17; Potter, 352.
[102] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 34.

[126] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41.

[103] Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 43; Lenski, Reign of [127] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 4445; Lenski, Reign of Constantine
Constantine (CC), 68; Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine,
(CC), 69; Odahl, 96.
20.
[104] Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 45; Lenski, Reign of [128] Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.15.12, qtd. and tr. in
MacMullen, Constantine, 65.
Constantine (CC), 68.
[105] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 30.1; Barnes, Con- [129] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
stantine and Eusebius, 4041, 305.
[106] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Lenski, Reign of [130]
Constantine (CC), 68.
[131]
[107] Potter, 352.
[132]
[108] Panegyrici Latini 6(7); Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius,
[133]
3537, 301; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 66;
Odahl, 9495, 31415; Potter, 35253.
[134]
[109] Panegyrici Latini 6(7)1. Qtd. in Potter, 353.
[110] Panegyrici Latini 6(7).21.5.
[111] Virgil, Ecologues 4.10.
[112] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3637; Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 67; Odahl, 95.

Panegyrici Latini 12(9)2.5; Curran, 67.


Curran, 67.
MacMullen, Constantine, 7071.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Odahl, 101.
Panegyrici Latini 12(9)5.13; Barnes, Constantine and
Eusebius, 41; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 101.

[135] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Jones, 70; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 1012.
[136] Panegyrici Latini 12(9)56; 4(10)2124; Jones, 7071;
MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 102, 31718.

[137] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Jones, 71; Odahl,


102.
[113] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3637; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 5053; Lenski, Reign of Constan[138] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4142; Odahl, 103.
tine (CC), 6667; Odahl, 9495.
[114] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 3135; Eusebius, [139] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 103.
Historia Ecclesiastica 8.16; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 43; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 68;
[140] Jones, 71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 103.
Odahl, 9596, 316.
[141] Jones, 71; Odahl, 103.
[115] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 34; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.17; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, [142] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl,
304; Jones, 66.
103.
[116] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 39; Elliott, Christian- [143] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl,
ity of Constantine, 4344; Lenski, Reign of Constantine
1034.
(CC), 68; Odahl, 9596.
[144] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Lenski,
[117] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Elliott, Christianity
Reign of Constantine (CC), 69; MacMullen, Constanof Constantine, 45; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC),
tine, 71; Odahl, 104.
69; Odahl, 96.
[145] Jones, 71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
[118] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 3940; Elliott, Chris[146] MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
tianity of Constantine, 44; Odahl, 96.
[119] Odahl, 96.
[120] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 38; Odahl, 96.

[147] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Curran, 67; Jones,


71.

[148] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl,


[121] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 37; Curran, 66; Lenski,
105.
Reign of Constantine (CC), 68; MacMullen, Constan[149] Jones, 71.
tine, 62.
[122] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 37.

[150] Odahl, 104.

26

[151] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42.


[152] MacMullen, Constantine, 72; Odahl, 107.

10 CITATIONS

[174] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 44; Curran, 72; Jones,


72; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 70; MacMullen,
Constantine, 78; Odahl, 108.

[153] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Curran, 67; Jones, [175]
7172; Odahl, 1078.
[176]
[154] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4243; MacMullen,
Constantine, 78; Odahl, 108.
[177]
[155] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 44.8; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Curran, 67; Jones, 72; Odahl,
[178]
108.
[156] Odahl, 108.

Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4445.


Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 44; MacMullen, Constantine, 81; Odahl, 111. Cf. also Curran, 7275.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 45; Curran, 72; MacMullen, Constantine, 81; Odahl, 109.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4546; Odahl, 109.

[179] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 46; Odahl, 109.

[157] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Digeser, 122; [180]


Jones, 72; Odahl, 106.
[181]
[158] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 44.46, tr. J.L.
[182]
Creed, Lactantius: De Mortibus Persecutorum (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1984), qtd. in Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 71.
[183]

Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 46.


Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 44.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 4547; Cameron, 93;
Curran, 7677; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 70.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 45.

[159] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.28, tr. Odahl, 105. Barnes, [184] Curran, 8083.
Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Drake, Impact of Constan[185] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 47.
tine on Christianity (CC), 113; Odahl, 105.
[160] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.2729; Barnes, Constantine [186]
and Eusebius, 43, 306; Odahl, 1056, 31920.
[187]
[161] Drake, Impact of Constantine on Christianity (CC),
113.
[188]
[162] Cameron and Hall, 208.
[189]
[163] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 306; MacMullen, Constantine, 73; Odahl, 319.
[190]
[164] Cameron and Hall, 2067; Drake, Impact of Constantine
[191]
on Christianity (CC), 114; Nicholson, 311.
[165] Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 71, citing Roman
Imperial Coinage 7 Ticinum 36.

Curran, 8385.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 45; Curran, 76; Odahl,
109.
Curran, 101.
Krautheimer, Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romanorum, 5.90, cited in Curran, 9396.
Odahl, 109.
The term is a misnomer as the act of Milan was not an
edict, while the subsequent edicts by Liciniusof which
the edicts to the provinces of Bythinia and Palestine are
recorded by Lactantius and Eusebius, respectivelywere
not issued in Milan.

[166] R. Ross Holloway, Constantine and Rome (New Haven:


Yale University Press, 2004), 3, citing Kraft, Das Sil- [192] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 25.
bermedaillon Constantins des Grosses mit dem Christus[193] Drake, Impact, 121123.
monogram auf dem Helm, Jahrbuch fr Numismatik und
Geldgeschichte 56 (1954/55): 15178.
[194] Carri & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 229
[167] Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), 71.
[168] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Curran, 68.
[169] MacMullen, Constantine, 78.

[195] Byeld, Ted, ed. The Christians: Their First Two Thousand Years, vol. III By This Sign. pg 148.
[196] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 3839.

[197]
[170] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Curran, 68; Lenski,
Reign of Constantine (CC), 70; MacMullen, Constan- [198]
tine, 78; Odahl, 108.
[199]
[171] Portrait Head of the Emperor Constantine, Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 26.229. Metmuseum.org. 2013-04-26.
Retrieved 2013-05-11.
[200]
[172] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 44; MacMullen, Constantine, 81; Odahl, 108.
[173] Cameron, 93; Curran, 7174; Odahl, 110.

Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 4142.


Carri & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 229/230
Timothy E. Gregory, A History of Byzantium. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 2010, ISBN 978-1-4051-84717, page 54
Philip Scha, ed., Nicene and Post-nicene Fathers: Second
Series. New York: Cosimo, 2007, ISBN 978-1-60206508-6, page 418, footnote 6

[201] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 4243.

27

[202] Scarre, Chronicle of the Roman Emperors, 215.


[203] MacMullen, Constantine.

[219] Frend, W.H.C., The Donatist Church; A Movement of


Protest in Roman North Africa, (1952 Oxford), pp.156
162

[204] Gilbert Dagron, Naissance d'une Capitale, 24

[220] Life of Constantine Vol. III Ch. XVIII by Eusebius; The


Epistle of the Emperor Constantine, concerning the mat[205] Petrus Patricius excerpta Vaticana, 190:
ters transacted at the council, addressed to those Bishops

who were not present

" .
[221] Js Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph, 64,
g.32
[206] Ramsey MacMullen, Constantine, Routledge ed., 1987,
149
[222] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 241
[207] Dagron, Naissance d'une Capitale, 15/19
[208] Constantinople in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium,
Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1991, p. 508. ISBN
0-19-504652-8

[223] As equestrian order refers to people of equestrian censusthousands of which had no state functionthat
had an actual position in the state bureaucracy: cf.
Claude Lepelley, Fine delle' ordine equestre: le tappe
delle'unicazione dela classe dirigente romana nel IV secolo, IN Giardina, ed., Societ romana e impero tardoantico, Bari: Laterza, 1986, V.1, quoted by Carri &
Rouselle, p.660

[209] Sardonyx cameo depicting constantine the great crowned


by Constantinople, 4th century AD at The Road to
Byzantium: Luxury Arts of Antiquity. The Hermitage
Rooms at Somerset House (30 March 2006 3 September
[224] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 247; Carri &
2006)
Rousselle L'Empire Romain, 658.
[210] According to the Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum,
vol. 164 (Stuttgart: A. Hiersemann, 2005), column 442,
there is no evidence for the tradition that Constantine ofcially dubbed the city New Rome (Nova Roma or Nea
Rhome). Commemorative coins that were issued during the 330s already refer to the city as Constantinopolis
(Michael Grant, The Climax of Rome (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968), 133). It is possible that the emperor called the city Second Rome (Deutera Rhome) by
ocial decree, as reported by the 5th-century church historian Socrates of Constantinople.

[225] Carri & Rousselle L'Empire Romain, 65859.


[226] Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae ; Carri & Rousselle
L'Empire Romain, 659.
[227] Carri & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 660.
[228] Cf. Arnhein, The Senatorial Aristocracy in the Later Roman Empire, quoted by Perry Anderson, Passages from
Antiquity to Feudalism, 101.

[229] T.D. Barnes, Statistics and the Conversion of the Roman


Aristocracy, Journal of Roman Studies, 85,1995, quoted
[211] Bowder, Diana. The Age of Constantine and Julian. New
by Carri & Rousselle, p.657
York: Barnes & Noble, 1978
[212] See Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 3435.

[230] Cf. Paul Veyne, L'Empire Grco-Romain, 49.

[213] R. Gerberding and J. H. Moran Cruz, Medieval Worlds [231] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 247.
(New York: Houghton Miin Company, 2004) p. 55. [232] Walter Scheidel, The Monetary Systems of the Han and
Also, Percival J. On the Question of Constantines ConRoman Empires, 174/175
version to Christianity, Clio History Journal, 2008.
[233] De Rebus Bellicis, 2.
[214] Peter Brown, The Rise of Christendom 2nd edition (Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2003) p. 60
[234] Sandro Mazzarino, according to Christol & Nony, Rome
et son Empire, 246
[215] R. Gerberding and J. H. Moran Cruz, Medieval Worlds
(New York: Houghton Miin Company, 2004) pp. 55 [235] Carri & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 245246
56.
[236] Guthrie, 3256.
[216] Robin Lane Fox, apud Jonathan Bardill, Constantine, Divine Emperor of the Christian Golden Age. Cambridge [237] Guthrie, 326; Woods, Death of the Empress, 7072.
University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-76423-0, page
[238] Guthrie, 326; Woods, Death of the Empress, 72.
307, note 27
[217] Cf. Paul Veyne, Quand notre monde est devenu chrtien,
163.

[239] MobileReference (2008). Encyclopedia of Roman Empire. MobileReference.com. ISBN 9781605013145. Retrieved 2014-10-05.

[218] Richards, Jerey. The Popes and the Papacy in the Early
[240] Guthrie, 32627.
Middle Ages 476752 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1979) 1415; The Popes and the Papacy in the Early Mid- [241] Art. Pass 45; Woods, Death of the Empress, 7172.
dle Ages 476752 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
[242] Christol & Nony, Rome et son Empire, 237/238
1979) 15.

28

10 CITATIONS

[243] Cf. Adrian Goldsworthy, How Rome Fell, 189 & 191

[268] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 8387.

[244] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 250.

[269] Lieu, Constantine in Legendary Literature (CC), 305.

[245] Odahl, 261.

[270] Ni: Vinik osta pusto brdo.

[246] Eusebius, VC 4.9, cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eu- [271] http://www.b92.net/eng/news/society.php?yyyy=2013&
sebius, 259.
mm=01&dd=17&nav_id=84193.
Missing or empty
|title= (help)
[247] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 25859. See also:
Fowden, Last Days, 14648, and Wiemer, 515.
[272] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 27223.
[248] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.5860; Barnes, Constantine [273] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 273.
and Eusebius, 259.
[274] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 273; Odahl, 281.
[249] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.61; Barnes, Constantine and
[275] Johannes Leunclavius, Apologia pro Zosimo adversus EvaEusebius, 259.
grii, Nicephori Callisti et aliorum acerbas criminationes
[250] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.62.
(Defence of Zosimus against the Unjustied Charges of
Evagrius, Nicephorus Callistus, and Others) (Basel, 1576),
[251] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.62.4.
cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 273, and
Odahl,
282.
[252] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 7576; Lenski, Reign
of Constantine (CC), 82.

[276] Caesar Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici 3 (Antwerp, 1623),


cited in Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274, and
[253] Because he was so old, he could not be submerged in waOdahl, 282.
ter to be baptised, and therefore, the rules of baptism were
changed to what they are today, having water placed on the
[277] Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Emforehead alone. In this period infant baptism, though pracpire Chapter 18, cited in Barnes, Constantine and Euseticed (usually in circumstances of emergency) had not yet
bius, 274, and Odahl, 282. See also Lenski, Introducbecome a matter of routine in the west. Thomas M. Finn,
tion (CC), 67.
Early Christian Baptism and the Catechumenate: East and
West Syria (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press/Michael [278] Gibbon, Decline and Fall, 1.256; David P. Jordan, GibGlazier, 1992); Philip Rousseau, Baptism, in Late Anbons 'Age of Constantine' and the Fall of Rome, History
tiquity: A Guide to the Post Classical World, ed. G.W.
and Theory 8:1 (1969): 7196.
Bowersock, Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar (Cambridge,
[279] Jacob Burckhardt, Die Zeit Constantins des Grossen
MA: Belknap Press, 1999).
(Basel, 1853; revised edition, Leipzig, 1880), cited in
[254] Marilena Amerise, 'Il battesimo di Costantino il Grande.
Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274; Lenski, Introduction (CC), 7.
[255] Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.64; Fowden, Last Days of
Constantine, 147; Lenski, Reign of Constantine (CC), [280] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 7.
82.
[281] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 78.
[256] Julian, Orations 1.18.b.
[282] Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 274.
[257] Origo Constantini 35.
[283] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 8.
[258] Sextus Aurelius Victor, Historiae abbreviatae XLI.16.
[284] Lenski, Introduction (CC), 89; Odahl, 283.
[259] Eutropius, Breviarium X.8.2.
[285] Odahl, 283; Mark Humphries, Constantine, review of
[260] Fowden, Last Days of Constantine, 1489.
Constantine and the Christian Empire, by Charles Odahl,
Classical Quarterly 56:2 (2006), 449.
[261] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 7576.
[262] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 71, gure 9.
[263] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 72.

[286] Averil Cameron, Introduction, in Constantine: History,


Historiography, and Legend, ed. Samuel N.C. Lieu and
Dominic Montserrat (New York: Routledge, 1998), 3.

[264] Byzantine rst & last times. Byzantium.xronikon.com. [287]


Retrieved 2012-11-07.
[288]
[265] Barba NumisWiki, The Collaborative Numismatics
Project. Forumancientcoins.com. Retrieved 2012-11[289]
07.
[266] Pohlsander, Emperor Constantine, 91.
[267] Seidel, 23739.

Lenski, Introduction (CC), 10.


Quand notre monde est devenu chretien, Fabian E. Udoh,
review, Theological Studies, June 2008
Lieu, Constantine in Legendary Literature (CC), 298
301.

[290] Constitutum Constantini 17, qtd. in Lieu, Constantine in


Legendary Literature (CC), 3013.

29

[291] Henry Charles Lea, The 'Donation of Constantine'". The


English Historical Review 10: 37 (1895), 867.
[292] Inferno 19.115; Paradisio 20.55; cf. De Monarchia 3.10.
[293] Fubini, 7986; Lenski, Introduction (CC), 6.
[294] Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, Book I, ch. 37.
[295] Greenway, Diana (Ed.); Henry of Huntingdon (1996).
Historia Anglorum: The History of the English People. Oxford University Press. p. civ. ISBN 0-19-822224-6.
[296] Roger Pearse, "Preface to the online edition of Zosimus
New History". 19 November 2002, rev. 20 August 2003.
Retrieved 15 August 2009.
[297] This list of primary sources is based principally on the
summary in Odahl, 211 and further lists in Odahl, 372
76. See also Bruno Bleckmann, Sources for the History of Constantine (CC), Sources for the History of
Constantine, in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of
Constantine, trans. Noel Lenski, ed. Noel Lenski (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 1431; and
Noel Lenski, ed. The Cambridge Companion to the Age
of Constantine (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2006), 41117.

11

Further reading

Firth, John B. Constantine the Great, the Reorganisation of the Empire and the Triumph of the
Church (BTM).
Letters of Constantine: Book 1, Book 2, & Book 3
Encyclopdia Britannica, Constantine I
12 Byzantine Rulers by Lars Brownworth of Stony
Brook School (grades 712). 40 minute audio lecture on Constantine.
Constantine I in the 1911 Encyclopdia Britannica
Constantine the Great A site about Constantine the
Great and his bronze coins emphasizing history using coins, with many resources including reverse
types issued and reverse translations.
House of Constantine bronze coins Illustrations and
descriptions of coins of Constantine the Great and
his relatives.
BBC North Yorkshires site on Roman York, Yorkshire and Constantine the Great
This list of Roman laws of the fourth century shows
laws passed by Constantine I relating to Christianity.
Constantines time in York on the 'History of York'
Constantine the Great Acrolithic Statue

Baynes, Norman H. (1930). Constantine the Great


and the Christian Church. London: Milford.
Burckhardt, Jacob (1949). The Age of Constantine
the Great. London: Routledge.
Cameron, Averil (1993). The later Roman empire:
AD 284430. London: Fontana Press. ISBN 0-00686172-5.
Eadie, John W., ed. (1971). The conversion of Constantine. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
ISBN 0-03-083645-X.
Pelikn, Jaroslav (1987). The excellent empire: the
fall of Rome and the triumph of the church. San
Francisco: Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-254636-8.
Velikov, Yuliyan (2013). Imperator et Sacerdos. Veliko Turnovo University Press. ISBN 978-954-524932-7 (in Bulgarian)

12

External links

Media related to Constantine I at Wikimedia Commons


Complete chronological list of Constantines extant
writings

Constantines place in World history


Commemorations

30

13

13
13.1

TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses


Text

Constantine the Great Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantine%20the%20Great?oldid=651218658 Contributors: MichaelTinkler, Derek Ross, Mav, Wesley, Bryan Derksen, BenBaker, Andre Engels, Christian List, Jsc1973, Deb, William Avery, Ktsquare, Zoe,
Panairjdde, Heron, Olivier, Leandrod, Mkmcconn, Michael Hardy, Llywrch, Kroose, DopeshJustin, Mdupont, Ixfd64, Delirium, J'raxis,
Susan Mason, Jniemenmaa, Angela, Jdforrester, Kingturtle, Darkwind, Peter Kaminski, Djnjwd, Kaihsu, John K, Raven in Orbit, Edmilne,
Etherialemperor, Charles Matthews, Adam Bishop, Rbraunwa, EALacey, Tb, Zoicon5, Haukurth, Tpbradbury, Maximus Rex, Franois,
Bevo, Lord Emsworth, Bloodshedder, Jfruh, Wetman, Carbuncle, KuatofKDY, Dimadick, Chuunen Baka, Robbot, Chris 73, R3m0t, RedWolf, Yelyos, Romanm, Mayooranathan, Henrygb, Academic Challenger, Rursus, Humus sapiens, Timrollpickering, Hadal, JackofOz,
Wereon, GreatWhiteNortherner, Andromeda, Haeleth, Tom harrison, Marcika, Everyking, Michael Devore, Joe Kress, Ivan Svircevic,
Gilgamesh, Per Honor et Gloria, Wronkiew, Matt Crypto, Bobblewik, Wmahan, Gugganij, Bacchiad, Xavierlaeur, Utcursch, R. end,
Kjetil r, Antandrus, Robert Brockway, ShakataGaNai, Adamsan, Rdsmith4, Anrion, Kegill, Kuralyov, Pmanderson, Gary D, Edsanville,
Willhsmit, Ukexpat, Famartin, Grunt, Canterbury Tail, Mennonot, Lacrimosus, Esperant, Ta bu shi da yu, Ularsen, Duja, Jim Henry,
Kathar, Chris j wood, Discospinster, ElTyrant, Rich Farmbrough, Guanabot, Brutannica, Cormacolinde, Motters, Vsmith, David Schaich,
Dbachmann, JPX7, Mani1, Nard the Bard, Martpol, Paul August, Stbalbach, ESkog, Mgedmin, Kaisershatner, JoeSmack, Dkpiatt, Furius, Zuludroog, MBisanz, Sfahey, El C, Kwamikagami, QuartierLatin1968, Shanes, Tom, Lima, Adornix, Bobo192, NetBot, Smalljim,
Midas, 99of9, MPerel, Dmanning, Supersexyspacemonkey, Jakew, A2Kar, Sanmartin, Roman Emperor, ADM, Jumbuck, Alansohn,
Gary, Albanau, Varana, Clarphimous, Mr Adequate, Keenan Pepper, SemperBlotto, Andrew Gray, Riana, Wikidea, MarcoVD, Pion, Cdc,
Ktzgib, Edwards, Malo, Ksnow, Colin Kimbrell, Dhanak, Deacon of Pndapetzim, Nicknack009, Avram Fawcett, Dan100, Richard Weil,
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Koavf, CristianChirita, Chris426, Rillian, Collard, Vegaswikian, C12345, Dewrad, Oblivious, Ligulem, Lairor, Bhadani, DoubleBlue,
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Epbr123, Seneschally, Ante Aikio, Kablammo, Cfenton, Blah3, RJSchmitt, Marek69, John254, Folantin, Syimrvm, Astynax, Picus viridis,
Bgross, JustAGal, Juxtatype, Blathnaid, Ty683g542, Escarbot, Sugar Cane Dave, Mentisto, Hmrox, AntiVandalBot, Luna Santin, Lostcaesar, Blue Tie, CZmarlin, Quintote, Prolog, 01:36, 21 June 2006, Gdo01, Camptown, Edwardtbabinski, Gkhan, MikeLynch, Sluzzelin,
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DarkSideMoon, R'n'B, CommonsDelinker, AlexiusHoratius, Shuppiluliuma, Nono64, Fconaway, WelshMatt, Tadpole9, J.delanoy, Nev1,
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Bede735, Zakhx150, Manway, BenoniBot, Macy, General nogi, Vanished user ewsn2348tui2f8n2o2utjfeoi210r39jf, StaticGull, Mygerardromance, Pinkadelica, Denisarona, Jobas, Sfan00 IMG, ClueBot, Houge!1, Nielspeterqm, Snigbrook, The Thing That Should Not Be,
EoGuy, Wwheaton, Optimus82, Drmies, Ritterschaft, Iuhkjhk87y678, Ansh666, Blanchardb, Neverquick, Puchiko, Mike0001, Excirial,
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Polly, Calor, Catalographer, Thingg, Interlinking, 7, Mattissa, Smarkea, Ubardak, Wkboonec, Oore, EstherLois, DumZiBoT, BarretB,

13.2

Images

31

Rror, Aurelius Victor, Skarebo, Jmacwiki, Mifter, WikiDao, Mr. IP, ClaytonBourne77, Thatguyint, Surtsicna, Poopoo679, HexaChord,
Luwilt, Addbot, K kokkinos, Heavenlyblue, AVand, Captain-tucker, Hda3ku, DougsTech, Ronhjones, TutterMouse, E-man94, Mteshima,
Altid44, Leszek Jaczuk, Fluernutter, Soccerstar 999, LaaknorBot, ShepBot, Altid55, Favonian, LemmeyBOT, LinkFA-Bot, 5 albert
square, Organic Cabbage, Esprit de corps, Archeofoto, Numbo3-bot, Alanscottwalker, Tide rolls, Otberg, QuadrivialMind, LuK3, Frehley,
Cody7777777, Legobot, Math Champion, Jimmykim0817, Blah28948, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Kartano, Ptbotgourou, Legobot II, Rsquire3,
II MusLiM HyBRiD II, The Emperors New Spy, Guy1890, Nallimbot, Roltz, Szajci, Mamurra, AnomieBOT, Marauder40, 1exec1,
Icky Thump 1, Ambrosiaster, LlywelynII, Kingpin13, Alexikoua, Cerme, Materialscientist, ImperatorExercitus, Bob Burkhardt, Frankenpuppy, ArthurBot, Clark89, Xqbot, Zad68, Tbritton1217, I Feel Tired, Capricorn42, Wperdue, Uwishunewme, DSisyphBot, XZeroBot,
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Southparkfamilyguy, Tommibg, DivineAlpha, Maxo300, Citation bot 1, Psalm84, Quodvultdeus, Hartiboozer, Thermalite, Pinethicket, I
dream of horses, Jakarss, Arctic Night, PrincessofLlyr, 10metreh, Spidey104, Calmer Waters, Tomcat7, Aca Srbin, Cmguy777, Cullen328,
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2, John Cline, Ida Shaw, F, Josve05a, Bollyje, Traxs7, , Senjuto, Philafrenzy, Willthacheerleader18, Fortruth8989, Chewings72, Kris159, ChuispastonBot, Peter Karlsen, Ktier09, DASHBotAV, Zoupan, Petrb, ClueBot NG, Timothy1990, NapoleonX, Gilderien, SPARTANsenator, Thegiantbark, Bro.Sergiy, Adri1wald, EauLibrarian, Diggye3, , MerlIwBot, Helpful Pixie Bot,
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Mortem, Bran1016, The Theosophist, Greenknight dv, Klilidiplomus, Fylbecatulous, RabCH101, Jparrell12, DarafshBot, Zhaofeng Li,
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Mc Mc Mc Mc, DavidLeighEllis, Deceneu3000, LahmacunKebab, Dottdav16, Butsmax16, Wozthewise, Papademos, Ginsuloft, JosephSpiral, Melesani, Morsedan, Msgry, Mecotoco, Notvictoria, Makaice677889965579864, Eustachiusz, AlbertBikaj, Monkbot, Cannon pen15,
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PhilipofBVM, Sruva123, ErenTheAlbanian, Snakepen and Anonymous: 1551

13.2

Images

File:0_Constantinus_I_-_Palazzo_dei_Conservatori_(2).JPG Source:
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/20/0_
Constantinus_I_-_Palazzo_dei_Conservatori_%282%29.JPG License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: User:Jean-Pol GRANDMONT
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