+Tebow-Participant - Reference - in - Bru - Narrative - Texts - 2010

AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE
IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN

KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE
Charles Thomas Tebow II
Presented to Payap University in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

Faculty of Arts
Payap University
March 2010
AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN BRU

NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE
MA LING
PYU
2010
CHARLES TEBOW II
AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE

IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN
KHOK SA-AT VILLAGE
Presented to Payap University in Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree of
MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

Faculty of Arts
Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

March 2010
Title
AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN

BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN KHOK
SA-AT VILLAGE
Researcher
Degree
Master of Arts in Linguistics
Main Advisor
Asst. Prof. Thomas M. Tehan Ph.D.
Approval Date
04 March 2010
The members of the thesis examination committee:

1.
__________________________________________________
Committee Chair
(Prof. Somsonge Burusphat) Ph.D.

2.
__________________________________________________
Committee Member
(Asst. Prof. Thomas M. Tehan) Ph.D.

3.
__________________________________________________
Committee Member
(Larin Adams) Ph.D.

This thesis is accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
of Master of Arts in Linguistics.
Approval Date: ______________________

______________________________
(Aj. Malee Kongwannit)
Dean of the Faculty of Arts
Copyright Charles Thomas Tebow II Payap University 2010
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to Dr. Tom Tehan for his patient help and encouragement. I also want
to thank Dr. Larin Adams for his thorough reading of this thesis and his insightful
comments and suggestions.
I am thankful for the opportunity I had to live and study in the village of Khok Sa-at
with Thongbai Khunakorn and Kabin Hunghuan. They spent many hours teaching
me Bru. Thongbai was a dedicated writer who typed in more than 40 Bru narratives.
I am grateful for the insights these two dedicated teachers gave me into their
language.
Finally, I am grateful to my wife Joy and my three children, Zach, JoAnna and Ellie,
who patiently endured a year of thesis writing.

04 March 2010
ii
Title
Researcher
Degree
An analysis of participant reference in Bru narrative texts

as spoken in Khok Sa-at village.
Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand
Advisor
Asst. Prof. Dr. Thomas M. Tehan
Date Approved
04 March 2010
Number of Pages
116
Keywords
Discourse analysis, Bru, Participant reference
ABSTRACT
This study analyzes the participant identification system of five third-person
narrative texts in the Bru language as spoken in the village of Khok Sa-at (Bru KS) of
Sakon Nakhorn province, Thailand. The analysis describes referring expressions used
to track participants and their discourse functions.
The inventory of referring expressions used to track participants consists of null
(zero) reference, nouns, pronouns, NPs with classifiers, NPs with demonstratives and
NPs with relative clauses. Each of these referring expressions have a particular
function and role in the discourse to identify referents and to signal thematic
salience.
Givn's (2001b) method of topic persistence and decay is used to objectively
determine participant rank. This method identifies which participants are central,
major, minor or peripheral. Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001) method is used to
discern sequential participant reference patterns in terms of default encodings in
eight different environments. The combination of these two methodologies revealed
useful insights into some of the difficulties of identifying the referents experienced
by non-native Bru KS speakers.
iii
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements....................................................................................................ii
Abstract....................................................................................................................iii
......................................................................................................................iv
List of Tables...........................................................................................................viii
List of Figures...........................................................................................................ix
Abbreviations and Symbols........................................................................................x
Chapter 1 Introduction..............................................................................................1
1.1 The Bru people..................................................................................................2
1.2 Language background.......................................................................................3
1.2.1 Language classification...............................................................................3
1.2.2 Language vitality........................................................................................5
1.2.3 Previous research on Bru and So................................................................6
1.3 Research questions............................................................................................6
1.4 Objectives of the study......................................................................................7
1.5 Limitations and scope........................................................................................7
1.6 The text corpus..................................................................................................7
1.6.1 Data collection............................................................................................7
1.6.2 Plot summaries...........................................................................................8
1.6.3 Text genre.................................................................................................11
1.7 Theoretical approach.......................................................................................12
Chapter 2 A brief description of the Bru KS language .............................................14
2.1 Phonology......................................................................................................14
2.2 Grammar overview.........................................................................................16
2.2.1 Word formation........................................................................................16
2.2.2 Phrase level..............................................................................................18
2.2.3 Clause types..............................................................................................31
2.2.4 Embedded clauses.....................................................................................33
2.3 Summary.........................................................................................................36
Chapter 3 Referring expressions..............................................................................37
3.1 Literature review............................................................................................37
3.1.1 Individuation and specificity....................................................................38
3.1.2 Identifiability, activation status and thematic salience.............................38

3.2 Methodology...................................................................................................40
3.3 NPs with attributive modifiers in discourse.....................................................41
3.3.1 Nonrestrictive modifiers...........................................................................41
3.3.2 Restrictive modifiers.................................................................................42
3.4 Possessive phrases in discourse.......................................................................43
3.5 NPs with classifier phrases in discourse..........................................................44
3.5.1 Specificity.................................................................................................44
3.5.2 Identifiability............................................................................................45
3.5.3 Thematic salience.....................................................................................45
3.6 NPs with demonstratives in discourse.............................................................46
3.6.1 Tracking use.............................................................................................47
3.6.2 Recognitional use......................................................................................47
3.7 Proper nouns in discourse...............................................................................48
3.8 Kin terms in discourse.....................................................................................49
3.9 Pronouns in discourse.....................................................................................52
3.9.1 Deictic functions of pronouns...................................................................52
3.9.2 Anaphoric functions of pronouns..............................................................54
3.9.3 Pronominal constructions.........................................................................54
3.10 Classifier phrases as referring expressions ....................................................56
3.11 Demonstratives as referring expressions........................................................57
3.12 Zero anaphora in discourse...........................................................................58
3.13 Summary.......................................................................................................58
Chapter 4 Participant rank.......................................................................................61
4.1 Theoretical approach to participant ranking...................................................61
4.2 Methodology..................................................................................................62
4.3 Participant ranking according to look-back and decay....................................65
4.4 Introducing participants ................................................................................71
4.4.1 Central participants..................................................................................72
4.4.2 Major participants....................................................................................74
4.4.3 Minor participants....................................................................................76
4.4.4 Peripheral participants and props.............................................................78
4.5 Summary.........................................................................................................80
Chapter 5 Participant identification patterns...........................................................82
5.1 Theoretical approach ......................................................................................82
5.2 Methodology..................................................................................................83
5.3 Rules for default encoding patterns.................................................................85
vi
5.3.1 Subject reference patterns.........................................................................85

5.3.2 Non-subject reference patterns.................................................................98
5.4 Non-default encoding patterns......................................................................110
5.4.1 More than default encoding for subject contexts....................................110
5.4.2 More than default encoding for non-subject contexts.............................112
5.4.3 Less than default encoding for subject contexts......................................112
5.4.4 Less than default encoding for non-subject contexts...............................114
5.5 Summary.......................................................................................................114
Chapter 6 Conclusion.............................................................................................115
6.1 Summary of findings.....................................................................................115
6.2 Evaluation of methodology ..........................................................................116
6.3 Significance of findings.................................................................................116
6.4 Further research............................................................................................116
Bibliography..........................................................................................................118
Appendix 1: The Seven Orphans............................................................................124
Appendix 2: The Big Snake Son-In-Law.................................................................150
Appendix 3: The Buyeang Fish Story.....................................................................176
Appendix 4: The Wild Buffalo Ear.........................................................................193
Appendix 5: The Grandfather Ghost......................................................................211
Appendix 6: King Paajit.........................................................................................227
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Consonant inventory...................................................................................14
Table 2: Monophthong vowel inventory...................................................................15
Table 3: Diphthongs..................................................................................................15
Table 4: Examples of clear and breathy register.......................................................15
Table 5: Final consonant inventory...........................................................................16
Table 6: Personal pronouns.......................................................................................20
Table 7: General pronouns........................................................................................22
Table 8: Demonstratives...........................................................................................23
Table 9: Classifiers....................................................................................................25
Table 10: Auxiliary vs. Independent Verbs...............................................................27
Table 11: Post-verbals...............................................................................................29
Table 12: Subordinating conjunctions.......................................................................34
Table 13: Inventory of Bru KS referring expressions.................................................58
Table 14: Participant rank by number of mentions...................................................63
Table 15: Look-back values of most important participants......................................65
Table 16: Adjusted look-back values of most important participants........................67
Table 17: Decay values of most important participants............................................68
Table 18: Final ranking of most important participants............................................70
Table 19: Major participants.....................................................................................76
Table 20: Minor participants.....................................................................................78
Table 21: Peripheral participants..............................................................................80
Table 22: Distribution of S1 category.......................................................................86
Table 26: Distribution of N1 category.......................................................................99
Table 27: Distribution of N2 category.....................................................................102
Table 30: Default coding for central and major participants...................................114
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Map of Northern Katuic languages in Thailand, Laos and Vietnam ............2
Figure 2: Bru Language Family Tree ..........................................................................3
Figure 3: Detailed Map of 8 Bru KS villages (Mapmagic Thailand:2008)....................4
ix
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
1S
first person singular
1P_Exc
first person plural exclusive
1P_Inc
first person plural inclusive
2S
second person singular
2P
second person plural
3S
third person singular
3S_H
third person singular

honorific
3P
third person plural
AdjP
adjectival phrase
AdvP
adverbial phrase
CAUS
causative
Clf
classifier
ClfP
classifier phrase
complementiser
COMP
completive
DEM
demonstrative
EMPH
emphatic
EXCL
exclamative
IMP
imperative
INDEF
indefinite
INTENS
intensifier
IRR
irrealis
LOC
locative
noun
NEG
negative
NEG_IMP
negative imperative
NMLS
nominaliser
NP
noun phrase
NumP
numeral phrase
PASS
passive
POSS
possession marker
PossP
possessive phrase
PP
preposition phrase
PRO
pronoun
Prt
particle
PST
past
PROG
progressive
RECIP
reciprocal
REFL
reflexive
REL
relativizer
SV
stative verb
SVO
Subject, verb, object
verb
VP
verb phrase
VIP
very important participant
xi
Chapter 1
Introduction
This thesis is a study of the participant reference system found in five thirdperson narrative texts of the Bru language as spoken in the village of Khok Sa-at
in Sakon Nakhorn province, Thailand. It analyzes the participant reference
system in terms of its function with the goal of making discoveries that will aid
in understanding the emic discourse tendencies of Bru narrative text.
Following the actors in a Bru narrative can be difficult due to the extensive use
of zero anaphora, i.e. leaving the actor unspecified. When zero anaphora is used,
Bru speakers assume that the context of the text is sufficient to specify the
participant. This study will examine in what contexts zero anaphora is used.
Along with zero anaphora, Bru narratives use proper names, kinship terms and
pronouns to refer to participants, as well as longer noun phrases. This study will
examine the different strategies of participant reference and what motivates Bru
speakers to use them.
All languages have a system of identifying participants within a narrative. Each
participant reference system uses referring expressions, generally Noun Phrases
(NPs) in all their forms, according to its own particular discourse grammar. The
discourse grammar of a language determines when pronouns and proper names
are necessary to identify a participant. Paragraph boundaries, salience and
disambiguation all influence the type of referring expressions likely to be used.
Grimes (1975:47) argues that the participant identification system of a narrative
text provides a means for establishing the identity of a referent and maintaining
it without confusion to the hearers.
The following chapters seek to describe the participant identification system of
Bru narrative. The remainder of chapter one will describe the Bru people, where
they are located and their language classification. It will also present the
research questions, objectives and scope of the study. It will introduce the six
texts to be examined and will explain the theoretical methodology used to
analyze the texts.
Chapter 2 provides a brief description of Bru phonology and sentence level

grammar. Chapter 3 describes the inventory of referring expressions used in Bru
narrative. Chapter 4 applies Givn's theory of Look-Back and Decay to rank
participants in their order of importance. Chapter 5 describes participant
identification patterns in 8 different contexts using Dooley and Levinsohn's
(2001:44) methodology. Chapter 6 summarizes the findings of this paper and
evaluates the methodology used.
1.1
The Bru people
There are approximately 120,000 speakers of Bru Tri located in southern Laos and
central Vietnam. In Thailand there are 3 distinct Bru dialects with populations of
around 5000 speakers each. They are located in Ubon Ratchathani province (Bru
Wyn Buek), Mukdahan Province (Bru Don Luang) and Sakon Nakhorn province (Bru
Khok Sa-at). See Figure 1 for a map of the main Bru population areas from (Mann
2009:10).
Bru Tri
So
Bru KS
Bru Don Luang
Bru Woen Buk
Figure 1: Map of Northern Katuic languages in Thailand, Laos and Vietnam

(Mann 2009:10)
This study will focus on the Bru speech variety of the village of Khok Sa-at (Bru KS)
located in Sakon Nakhorn province of Northeast Thailand.
1.2
Language background
Bru is an Austroasiatic, Mon-Khmer language in the Katuic branch. The Ethnologue

(Gordon 2005) classifies 20 languages as Katuic. Some of the major languages are
Bru, Katang, Suey, Kuy, Ta-oih and So. They are found in Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos
and Thailand.
1.2.1
Language classification
Miller and Miller (1996) refer to the Bru languages of Northeast Thailand as being in
the North Katuic grouping (with Thomas 1966; Smith 1981). Smith includes Katang,
Sui, So and Bru in this subgroup. However, the Ethnologue (Gordon:2005) identifies
these languages as West Katuic. The Katuic family derives its name from the Katu
language.
Miller and Miller (1996) argue that there is a strong relationship between the So,
Bru, and Katang groups and separate the Suai, Kuy and Kuai as a different subcategory. Figure 2 below shows a proposed partial Mon-Khmer language family tree
following Miller and Miller.
Austroasiatic
Munda
Mon-Khmer
Northern Mon-Khmer
Khasic
Eastern Mon-Khmer
Palaungic
Southern Mon-Khmer
Khmuic
Khmeric
West Katuic
Kuay
Bahnaric Katuic Vietic
North Katuic
Bru
Suy
So
Suay
Katang
East Katuic
Central Katuic
Kaseng
Ta-Oih
Katu-Pacoh
Nguq-Nkriang
Figure 2: Bru Language Family Tree
The Bru language data for this thesis comes from the village of Khok Sa-at in the
Phang Khone sub-district of Sakon Nakhorn province of Thailand. The village of
Khok Sa-at represents the language variety spoken by eight villages within the
Phang Khone and Phanna Nikhom sub-districts along the shore of the Nam Un
reservoir.1 The eight villages are shown in figure 3 below.
1
The eight villages are Khok Sa-at, Kham Wae, Nong Hai Yaay, Nong Hai Noi, Naa Lao, Naa Than,
Huay Bun and Hin Taek.
Khok Sa-at
Bru Tri
Kham Wae
Bru KS
Hin Daek
Bru Don Luang

Nong Hay Yaay
Hiway 22
Nong Hay Noi
Na Lao
Bru Woen Buk
Na Than
Huay Bun
Figure 3: Detailed Map of 8 Bru KS villages (Mapmagic Thailand:2008)
Henceforth, this variety will be referred to as Bru KS, though there is no agreed
upon name that refers to this variety. Bru KS is not mutually intelligible with the Bru
Tri of Laos and Viet Nam, the speakers of which are approximately 150 kilometers
away, nor is it mutually intelligible with the Bru of Don Luang in Mukdahan
province (100 kilometers away). Neither is Bru KS mutually intelligible with the Bru
of Wyn Buek of Ubon Ratchathani province. Miller reports that the Bru of Khok Sa-at
originate from the Meung Wang area in Laos near the Vietnamese Border (Miller and
Miller:1996).
The Bru and So languages of Northeast Thailand are very similar, as seen in the high
percentage of cognates (91%) they share (Miller and Miller:1996) and in observed
ease of language acquisition between the two languages. The story teller of Khok Saat relates2 how the Bru came from Laos a few generations ago and states that the
neighboring So of Kusuman village and the Bru of Dong Luang were in the same
migration, settling in different regions. Migliazza (2003) states that the So people
came to Thailand from central Laos within the last 150 years due to political and
economic conditions there.
The religious orientation of the Bru in Khok Sa-at is traditionally animist but
strongly influenced by Thai Buddhism. They make their living through rice paddy
farming, raising cattle, fishing, foraging and temporarily moving to Bangkok to work
in factories.
2
This historical narrative is not included in the texts under study.
1.2.2
Language vitality
According to Kabin Hunghuan, the village headman of Khok Sa-at, the Bru speaking
population of these villages is approximately five thousand people. All of the villages
have a mixed population, with Phu Thai and Isaan speakers living together with the
Bru KS speakers. About half the population of Khok Sa-at speak Bru while ninety
percent of the population of Naa Lao village speak Bru. Most of the Bru KS speakers
are bi-lingual in Isaan (Lao) and Bru. Many also speak Thai fluently as public
schooling has become more available in the last forty years.
While no sociolinguistic surveys were conducted to measure language vitality, the
author lived in the village of Khok Sa-at for fourteen months and visited the other
seven villages. It was observed that many elementary school children of Bru parents
in Khok Sa-at were not speaking the Bru language, and language informants stated
that the children of parents who have intermarried do not speak Bru, though many
have a passive understanding. The children of Naa Lao village are reported to speak
Bru within the family and were observed to be using Bru within the village.
Using Fishman's (1991) Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS), the
village of Khok Sa-at is estimated to be in stage 7, where the older generation is
using the language but the children are not using it. The language is still spoken in
the home among those in their mid-twenties and older. Those younger than twenty
rarely used Bru. Thus there is the beginning of a disruption between the childbearing generation and the newest generation.
The village of Naa Lao is estimated to be in stage 6 of the GIDS because the children
are learning the language naturally in an intergenerational context. Stage 5 requires
that there be literacy in the threatened language along with some informal
education. As there is only a beginning orthography, no literacy and no formal or
informal education, the Bru KS language cannot be in stage 5.
Fishman (1991) argues that stage 6 is the level for language maintenance. While
the other six villages of this variety were not visited often enough to make
observations, it is reported that they are in the same category as Khok Sa-at (Stage
7). The villages of Na Than and Huay Bun, which are closer to the village of Naa
Lao, were reported to have a higher percentage of Bru speakers and may still be in
Stage 6.
At these levels of language maintenance, the Bru language is threatened. If the
mixed population villages of Khok Sa-at and the surrounding area could increase
their language use among the children, they could achieve a level 6. If literacy
materials now being developed are accepted and used by the Bru speaking
population, then Bru KS may be able to achieve a level 5. If this happens, then this
variety of Bru would remain viable for the foreseeable future.
If Bru KS is compared to the Mpi language survey data found in Tehan and Nahhas
(2009), it can be seen that the Bru KS language is more likely to be maintained due
to the larger population of speakers. The Mpi village of Ban Sakoen is in Stage 8 as
only older members of the village speak Mpi. The neighboring Mpi village of Ban
Dong is in Stage 7 as some of the children speak Mpi and more have a passive
understanding (Tehan and Nahhas 2009:6). It is expected that the Bru KS language
will follow the same trajectory as Mpi if there is no effort to maintain the language
through literacy and through increasing its status by teaching it as a subject in local
schools.
1.2.3
Previous research on Bru and So
The Bru language of Vietnam and Laos, referred to as Bru Tri, has been
studied by John and Carolyn Miller who have written articles on the sentence
level grammar (Miller, John:1964; Miller, Carolyn:1964) and a short
discourse analysis (Miller and Miller 2002).
Migliazza (1998) has written a grammar of the closely related So language as

well as discourse articles (2000; 2001; 2003) and a lexicostatistical study
(1992). Gainey (1985) has written a comparative phonology of Kui, Bru and
So. Burusphat (1989 and 1993) has written about Kui narratives. There are
no studies published on participant reference in Bru narrative text.
1.3
Research questions
The following questions are addressed in this thesis:

1. What is the inventory of referring expressions available for identification in
Bru narrative discourse?
2. What are the default encodings for tracking participants in the various
contexts of narrative discourse?
3. When is null reference used and what is the motivation for its use?
4. What motivates the use of non-default encodings of participant
identification?
1.4
Objectives of the study
The objectives in this study were to collect and examine five Bru narrative texts. The
phonetically transcribed texts were used to present a short description of Bru KS
phonology and grammar. An additional 3000 word Bru dictionary compiled by the
author was also used to inform the phonology. The texts were then analyzed by:
1. Compiling an inventory of referring expressions and describing their
functions on the discourse level,

2. Describing the default patterns for participant identification, and
3. Identifying non-default occurrences of participant identification and
suggesting possible motivations for them.

1.5
Limitations and scope
This study is based on an analysis of five third-person narrative texts. These texts
were written by the son of the village storyteller, who edited them to reflect natural
Bru speech. Only one type of text is studied, namely third person narratives.
Another limitation of this research is that the author is not a native speaker of Bru
KS and has had to rely on language informants for correct translation and
interlinearalization of the texts. There are some ambiguities in the text which could
lead to a variant translation. It is believed that these ambiguities are minimal for the
purposes of this study.
1.6
The text corpus
There are six narrative texts in the corpus. Five of these texts are analyzed, while the
sixth (King Paajit) was added for the purpose of providing examples of proper nouns
in the text and was not completely analyzed. This section describes how the texts
were collected and gives a summary of each of the narratives.
1.6.1
Data collection
All of the texts in this study were collected in the village of Khok Sa-at in Sakon
Nakhorn province, Thailand. My language informant, Thongbai Khunakorn, typed
these stories in the tentative Bru Khok Sa-at orthography. Mr. Khunakorn and I then
interlinearalized each text in the Fieldworks3 computer program. We also
phonetically transcribed each word in the lexicon created by the Fieldworks program
3
Fieldworks was developed by SIL and can be downloaded for free at http://fieldworks.sil.org.
to allow phonological analysis. The stories were written in June of 2007 and
interlinearalized beginning in July and August of 2007.
Mr. Khunakorn edited the texts to make them grammatically well-formed according
to his intuition. He is the son of the village storyteller who has told these stories
many times. The village story teller is bilingual in Lao and adds many Lao words
when telling a story. These Lao words were edited out when a natural Bru word
could be substituted. Sometimes the Lao words were a repetition of a Bru word,
added to aid the understanding of Bru children who might not know that particular
Bru word.
Mixing languages in a bi-lingual situation is a naturally occurring phenomenon. Mr.
Khunakorn had definite opinions as to which Lao words had been fully adopted into
the Bru lexicon and which words were not. Thus, the narratives under study were
edited with a purist disposition.
1.6.2
Plot summaries
These plot summaries will outline the main events of the narratives to aid the reader
in understanding the subsequent analysis of this paper.
The Seven Orphans is a mythical story about a barren couple who desire children.
They pray to the gods and are given seven sons who have Merit. These seven sons
eat all of the couple's food, and so the couple decides to abandon them in the forest.
First they try to abandon the seven sons by leaving them in a deep hole. After that
fails, the father attempts to crush them by having a tree fall on them. The children
escape the second attempt by crawling out from under the tree and then finding
their way home. The third attempt is successful as the children climb too high in a
tree chasing a squirrel and are left there by their father. The gods save the children
by sending a large bird who brings them to a new land near the mythical Seven
Mountains. The seven orphans prosper in the new land and grow up. One day they
meet seven daughters of a near-by king who are trading for rice. The seven orphan
boys have enough to trade with the seven daughters who save their people during a
famine. Soon after that, the couples marry and live together happily all of their days.
The Big Snake Son-in-Law (S-I-L) is a mythical story with two episodes. The first
episode is about an old couple who have many unmarried daughters. One day, the
couple finds a snake who has taken all of the ripe mangoes. The snake gives them
the mangoes on condition that the daughter who eats the mangoes must become his
wife. The youngest daughter eats the mangoes and has to become the snake's wife.
She is afraid but keeps to the bargain. The snake, seeing that she is an honest
person, reveals that he is really a god and removes his snake skin to reveal a
handsome husband. She wishes her husband would be a person permanently and a
crow helps by stealing the snake skin and dropping it in the fire while the husband
is in human form clearing the fields. The wife then disguises her husband by
smearing charcoal on his face so that her sisters would not be jealous. The husband
is discovered to be a handsome man when water is spilled on him and the sisters are
envious.
The second episode is about another mother and father who have one unmarried
daughter and who want to have a god/snake for a son-in-law also. So they catch a
snake and force their daughter to marry it. The snake quickly eats the daughter and
makes a hole in the wall of the house to escape. The father and mother pursue the
snake but they can not catch up to it. Two brothers are then introduced as farmers
living in the mountains. One day they go to check their trap and find a big snake
caught in it. They cut the snake open and find the young woman who is still
breathing. They revive her and heal her. When she is healed, she can not remember
who she is or where she came from. She offers to marry the brother who saved her.
The two brothers agree that it is more appropriate for the older brother to marry
her. After they are married, she plants a pumpkin vine and prays to the gods that
they will make it grow until it reaches her mothers house. The gods grant her
request and the vine grows onto the roof of her mother and father's house. The
mother and father follow the vine back to its source and discover their daughter.
They are united and live happily together all of their days.
The Buyeang Fish is a mythical story about a younger brother who helps people
and animals. His older brother orders soldiers to kill him out of fear and envy. The
younger brother convinces the soldiers to set him free, and he goes in search of a
new city. He has no food and eats only the fruit on the trees. While walking in the
woods, he saves a buyeang fish instead of eating it. He also saves a deer and a wolf.
Then he comes to a city where a witch has turned everyone except an old woman
into stone. He saves the village by challenging the witch's magical powers and is
able to hide from her magic mirror with help from the fish, deer and wolf. In anger,
the witch throws down her wand which breaks and the tip points back at the witch
and turns her to stone. The spell is broken, and the king gives his daughter and
kingdom to the younger brother. They live together happily all of their days.
The Wild Buffalo Ear is a Bru mythical story. The word si.ur 'wild buffalo' in the
title is difficult to translate as the Bru did not know what kind of animal it was.
They said it was big like a buffalo and lived in the mountains but there are none of
these kinds of animals left in the mountains of Thailand. Some So speakers reported
that they had a similar word which meant wild buffalo.
The Wild Buffalo Ear is about a grandfather and grandson who receive a gift of meat
from some hunters. They are surprised when their gift is only the ear of a wild
buffalo. The gods take pity on them and transform the ear into a beautiful woman
who secretly prepares food for them. They discover her and she marries the
grandson. After living together some time, the spirit in the fields causes weeds to
grow. The grandfather and grandson can not pull up all of the weeds. The daughterin-law solves the problem by stabbing the field with sharpened sticks. Later, there is
a famine and the daughter-in-law transforms leaves into rice as they are steamed.
The grandfather discovers that she is steaming leaves and angrily criticizes her. She
overhears the criticism, goes to the field and pulls up her sharpened stakes and
leaves the grandfather and grandson, never to be seen again.
The Ghost Grandfather is about a grandfather who dies and leaves his grandson
with no family. The grandson mourns so much that the grandfather has pity and
gives him medicine to see the world of the dead. The grandson lives in a ghost
village with his grandfather. Some friends come to take the grandson hunting and
the grandson fails to shoot a deer, but does capture an insect. The grandfather shows
his grandson that the insect is the deer by causing it to transform into its original
body. Then the grandson hunts birds and kills three. The grandfather shows the
grandson that the birds were high officials in the ghost village. The grandson must
flee the ghost village and return to the land of the living where he mourns his
grandfather.
King Pachit is a text translated from the Isaan language and contains elements of
both myth and history, with frequent authorial intrusions explaining to the listener
how some actual places were named due to the events of this narrative. It is about
Prince Pachit who goes in search of a bride. It was prophesied that he would find his
wife near the city of Pimaanburi. The prophesy led him to a pregnant woman and he
asked that her child be raised to be his wife if it was a girl. When the girl was born,
Prince Pachit saw that she was beautiful and named her Arapim. When Arapim grew
up, Prince Pachit returned to his home city to inform his father and gather gifts.
While he was away, Arapim met Prommatat, the king of Pimaanburi, who tried to
force her to marry him. But when he came close to her, her body became too hot to
touch. Prince Pachit then finds and rescues Arapim. During their escape, a monk
deceives them and captures Arapim. She escapes but is now separated from Prince
10
Pachit. The gods show Arapim a medicine which revives the dead. She resurrects the
daughter of a rich man who had died. As a reward, the rich man makes a rest house
in the city with a mural depicting how she was separated from Prince Pachit.
Arapim transforms herself into a man to search for Prince Pachit. Meanwhile, Prince
Pachit comes to the city, sees the mural and finds Arapim in her male state. She
transforms herself back into a woman, they marry and return to rule King Pachit's
city.
The complete texts of these narratives are included in Appendices 1 6.
1.6.3
Text genre
The texts in this study are all monologue narrative texts. They are classified as
narratives because they are agent focused and have a chronological progression
(Longacre 1996). Each text has at least three participants as that is ideal for studying
the particular system of participant reference in a language. There are no first person
narratives in this study.
Greninger (2009) describes additional features such as textual form, textual content,
context and rhetorical goals which further refine the genre of a text.
Textual form is used to classify the structure of the text. All the narratives of this
study are classified as fables as opposed to remote narratives or reports. Four of the
five narrative fables are participant focused. The one event focused exception is The
Big Snake Son-in-Law (S-I-L) which takes part in two episodes, each incorporating a
big snake who becomes a son-in-law. In this event-focused fable, more participants
are introduced and they move in and out of focus faster than in the participant
focused fables.
Each of the fables has an introduction, a body and a closure. The introduction of
each fable contains a title and some form of the standard introduction t l dun t
t 'from before, a long time ago' which identifies the narrative as a fable. The
introduction also consists of identifying the participants and the setting using the
existential verb bn 'exist'.
The body of the text follows the actions of the participants in a chronological order.
The participants are generally in focus and are introduced with a full noun phrase
and sometimes a relative clause.
The standard closure to the fable has the participants 'living happily ever after' with
the standard t rua k k si.aj (literally 'live happy good every day'). The two
exceptions to this standard ending were 'The Wild Buffalo Ear' narrative where the
11
wife leaves the husband and grandfather never to be seen again and in 'The
Grandfather Ghost' story where the grandson must live by himself k k si.aj 'every
day'. Each closure has a finis realized as the one word sot 'end'.
The textual content of each of the narratives has to do with family and living
together in harmony. We see in these narratives the daily struggle for food and the
importance of having children. An exception to the textual content is seen in 'The
Buyeang Fish' story which has less rural content; having to do with cities, control,
soldiers, witches and magic. It is interesting to note that 'The Buyeang Fish' narrative
uses props familiar to Western fairy tales such as: a magic mirror, a wand which
turns people to stone, and a city with soldiers. Perhaps this narrative has been
influenced by Western fairy tales.
The rhetorical goal of these fables is to entertain the listeners. One could argue that
an additional rhetorical goal in 'The Buyeang Fish' narrative is the importance of
helping others, though this is never made explicit with a moral at the end of the
story.
1.7
Theoretical approach
This study analyzes participant reference using various discourse theories. The
overarching theory common to discourse is that words and sentences can best be
understood in their environment. It is understood that text boundaries motivate
word choice and sentence structure. Deictic terms such as demonstratives and
pronouns may have particular functions related to the text as a whole which a
discourse approach can identify.
This thesis applies Givn's (1983) theory of topic continuity which examines how
topics are coded on a clause-by-clause basis. He theorizes that the coding used to
identify a participant is motivated by (1) the length of absence from the scene, (2)
potential interference from other topics, (3) availability of semantic information,
and (4) availability of thematic information (1983:11).
Lambrecht (1994) presents a cognitive theory of what is in the minds of a speaker
and hearer during a narrative. He is concerned with how a speaker signals
information to a hearer using particular language specific coding.
vanDijk and Kintsch (1983:72) present four assumptions about how speech is
processed. They are: (1) language users have a limited memory, (2) they cannot
process many different kinds of information at the same time, (3) production and
12
understanding of utterances is linear, and (4) other factors beyond linguistic

information are required for understanding, such as a knowledge of the culture.
These theories form the underlying assumptions of Dooley and Levinsohn's
(2001:44) methodology which seeks to discover default participant reference
patterns in eight different environments.
13
Chapter 2
A brief description of the Bru KS language
This chapter describes the phonology of Bru KS and gives a brief overview of its
grammar. The phonology is based on over 3000 words collected by the author
between February 2007 and April 2008 for a dictionary of the Bru KS dialect.
The grammar is based on the six texts under study as well as elicited examples.
2.1
Phonology
Bru has 21 consonants (Table 1) and 28 vowels. Of the vowels, 22 are

monophthongs (Table 2) consisting of 11 basic vowels that are contrastive in
length and 5 diphthongs (Table 3). There are two registers, but no tones.
Table 1: Consonant inventory
Labial
Alveolar
Palatal
Velar
Glottal
Stops-voiceless
t; [c]
Stops-aspirated
tU
Stops-voiced
Fricatives
Nasals
s
m
Flaps
Approximates
r
w
There is free variation between /w/ and /v/ which is probably influenced by
Lao. Also, /f/ is used in some foreign words like farang 'foreigner' which has
come into general use. In some words, the /f/ is in free variation with /p/.
Table 2: Monophthong vowel inventory
Front
Short Long
Central
Short
Long
Back
Short
Long
High
i:
Mid
e:
Low-mid
a:
Low
Table 3: Diphthongs
Front Mid-glided
Central
Back
High
ia
ua
Mid
e`a
oa
Low
Bru KS has contrasting registers in its vowels consisting of a clear register and a
breathy register. Of the 28 vowels listed in tables 2 and 3, all have register
distinction except for the mid-front to low-mid glide ea which is only found in the
breathy register. Thus there are 53 contrastive vowel phonemes.
Some examples of clear and breathy indicated by .. below the vowel are listed in
Table 4.
Table 4: Examples of clear and breathy register
Clear
Breathy
ki 'loom'
ki 'there'
ta.kajh 'swipe horn'
ta.kajh 'break'
mat 'future'
mat 'eye'
Any of the consonants of table (1) may appear in the onset of a syllable. The set of
stops which may appear in the coda of a syllable are reduced to unaspirated
voiceless stops. Nasals, approximates and flaps are also permitted in the coda as
shown in Table (5).
15
Table 5: Final consonant inventory
Stops-voiceless
Labial
Alveolar
Palatal
Velar
Glottal
Fricatives
Nasals
h
m
Flaps
Approximates
r
w
Phonological words are mainly monosyllabic or disyllabic. The first syllable of

disyllabic words is always unstressed and restricted to three types. The first type is a
syllabic nasal which assimilates to the point of articulation of the second syllable.
The second type consists of a short /a/ vowel. The third type of first syllable takes
the shape of CV(N) with the 'V' restricted to a short /a/ /i/ and /u/. The first
syllable is always in the clear (non-breathy) register.
The major syllable is always stressed and may contain either a long or short
monopthong or a dipthong. The major syllable may occur in either clear or breathy
register. The shape of the second syllable is C1 (C2) V (C3) (C4). The following
describes the inventory of possible phonemes for each position:
C1=any of the 20 consonants shown in Table 1,
C2=/r l/,
V =any monophthong or diphthong shown in Table 2 or Table 3,
C3= /w j h/, and
C4 = any of the consonants shown in Table 5.
2.2
Grammar overview
This section describes word formation, the noun phrase (NP), NP modifiers, the verb
phrase (VP) and the various possible clause types in Bru KS.
2.2.1
Word formation
There is little morphology in Bru Khok Sa-at. What little morphology there is exists
as a prefix on the verb or is in the form of reduplication to form an expressive.
16
2.2.1.1
Morphology
The causative prefix 'a' is common as in the case of a.tit 'to kill', a.ki 'cause to roll'
and a.s 'cause to go down'. Examples (1) and (2) illustrate this.
(1) The_Buyeang_fish.011
lj
so
kt
a-tit
sm
think CAUS-die younger
So he thought (about) killing the younger brother.
(2) The Little Monk.098

a.a.ku
monk
kj
lj
small so
p
go
it
kl kol
take ball
a-ki
a-s
stone CAUS-roll CAUS-down
So the little monk took the boulder (and) rolled it down the hill.
2.2.1.2
Reduplication and elaborate expressions
Reduplication is used for intensification as in examples (3) and (4).

(3) The_Seven_Orphans.028
tuaj
si.m
search vine
hk
hk
big
big
(I will) search for a very big vine.
a.laj lj
3P
pic
n.tru
n.tru
vine dig
deep
deep
So (they) dug very deep.
A kind of reduplication common to Mon Khmer languages is word pairs in a set

expression of four words. Matisoff (1973:81-2) calls this construction an elaborate
expression and explains that it is a compound containing 4 elements in an (A-B-A-C)
or (A-B-C-B) form. It is considered more poetic to use this construction of four words
when two would be sufficient. Bru often uses this kind of construction as seen in
example (5).
17
ta
traj ta
suan
make field make garden

(They) farmed.
2.2.2
Phrase level
This section examines aspects of Bru grammar at the phrase level, starting with the
noun phrase (NP) and continuing on to adjective phrases (AdjP), adverbial phrases
(AdvP) and ending with verb phrases (VP).
2.2.2.1
Noun phrase
The noun phrase (NP) is typically realized as a noun, which acts as the head of the
phrase, and is optionally followed by one or more attributes. These attributive
modifiers are stative verbs (SV), classifier phrases (ClfP), demonstratives (DEM) or a
simple possessive phrase (PossP).
Head nouns in Bru KS are not marked for number or gender. Two head nouns may
act as a compound and are often used to represent a class of things as in the case of
examples (6), (7) and (8) below.
(6) The Buyeang Fish.025
tr
a.laj
shirt pants
'clothes'
(7) The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.004
m9.pe
m9.poa
mother father
'parents'
sm
aj
younger sibling older sibling

'siblings'
Another form of a compound noun is used for names of plants and animals. All
specific names of animals, like crow, are usually prefaced by their class as in
18
example (9). If one says si.ak 'crow' without the class, most Bru speakers will be
confused.
(9) The Grandfather Ghost.092
tom si.ak
bird crow
'crow'
A noun phrase can possess an immediately preceding NP and this possession can
indicate ownership or relationship. Pronouns are often used to possess a preceding
NP. In example (10), the first person singular pronoun 9.koa possesses the head
noun kn ka.mul 'child female' indicating relationship. In this case, Bru KS depends
on word order to mark possession. Other possessive constructions will be discussed
below.
(10) The Seven Orphans.199
kn
9.koa
ka.mul
child female.unmarried 1S_Poss

'my daughters'
A modifier of an NP can be a verb which acts to describe the noun. Stative verbs in
Bru KS are syntactically used the same as adjectives are used in other languages.
Smith (1979:84) states that there are no adjectives in Mon-Khmer languages, only
stative verbs. Under this interpretation, sizes and colors are considered to be stative
verbs rather than adjectives. In example (11), the stative verb kj 'small' acts like
an adjective modifying the head noun a.tu 'knife'. In example (12), kj 'small' acts
like a verb copula and is the predicate of the sentence The jungle is very small.
(11) Seven_Orphans.154
bn bn a.tu kj maj nam
have have knife small one
Clf_thing
(Yes we) have, (we) have a small knife.
(12) The_Grandfather_Ghost.036
tr
ki
hk dk
jungle that NEG big
tr
kj
kj
Prt_contra jungle small small
Actually that jungle is not big. The jungle is very small.
19
2.2.2.2
Pronouns
Pronouns (PRO) usually take the place of an NP. There are two types of pronouns:
personal pronouns and reflexive pronouns. There are no possessive pronouns or dual
pronouns as is common in other Mon-Khmer languages. There is no marking for
syntactic roles such as subject or object, or semantic roles such as agent or patient.
The full set of personal pronouns marked for person and number are listed in Table
6 below. The first person singular pronoun ka.nj is a diminutive form used for
showing respect to people of a higher class. The third person singular pronoun naw
is used for monks, kings, sprititual beings or other respected religious persons. It is
also used as a generic pronoun used in a deictic sense to point to an unidentified
referent. The first person plural inclusive pronoun haj is sometimes used as a
singular pronoun in cases where someone is talking to themselves. It can also be
used by royalty as a 'royal we'. There are no dual pronouns.
Table 6: Personal pronouns
Singular
1st Person
Plural
9.koa
hi 'exclusive'
ka.nj 'polite'
haj 'inclusive'
haj 'informal'
2nd Person maj
m9.paj
3rd Person
a.laj
an
naw (High Class)
naw (generic)
Pronouns can function as a head noun or a possessive in a phrase. In some cases

they also function as an appositive. Care must be taken to distinguish which function
a pronoun is performing because all these constructions share the same word order.
For sake of clarity, pronouns will be marked 'APP' when functioning as an appositive
and 'POSS' when used as a possessive. Pronouns acting as the head of a NP will be
marked for person and number (e.g. '1S'). Relative clauses in which a pronoun
follows a noun will be discussed in section 2.2.4.1.
Possession in Bru KS is marked syntactically by word order. Sometimes this can be
ambiguous. In example (13), the pronoun 9.koa '1S' could be the possessor of the
noun phrase tin 9.koa 'my ripe mango' with the head noun being 'mango'.
20
Or, the pronoun 9.koa '1S' could be a head noun and the beginning of a new clause.
The second option would produce the bold words in the following free translation:
If you want to have ripe mangoes, I will give them to you. Participant reference
considerations discussed in chapter 5 point to a zero anaphora as the preferred form
of the subject of the second clause. Thus the pronoun is most likely to be a possessor
of the first clause as is shown in (13) below.
kan m9.paj j
if
2P
bn
want have
tin
.koa
si
mango ripe 1S.Poss IRR give
If you want to have my ripe mangoes, (I) will give them to you.
To avoid ambiguity, Bru KS optionally marks possession with k (borrowed from

Thai) as found in example (14).
tin k
ku.tan pt
mango ripe POSS snake
big
The ripe mangoes of the big snake.

The general reflexive pronoun is a.taw dm and is not marked for person or
number. Thus it can be translated as 'himself', 'herself', 'itself', 'ourselves', etc. as
illustrated in example (15).
lj
so
it
kan
kruap
take bowl cover
mea
face
a.taw dm
REFL.PRO
So (she) took a bowl and covered up her own face.
The question words n9.traw 'what' and a.m 'who' can be used as general pronouns
meaning 'whatever' and 'whoever' respectively. The general pronouns are shown in
Table 7 below.
21
Table 7: General pronouns
Bru Word
General
Pronominal
meaning
meaning
Reflexive a.t;aw dm
General
himself, herself,
itself, ourselves
n9.traw
what
whatever
a.m
who
whoever
(thing)
General
(person)
2.2.2.3
Noun phrase modifiers
Nouns may be followed by a classifier phrase (ClfP) and/or a demonstrative (DEM).

A formula for the basic noun phrase is given in example (16) below.
(16) NP -->N (V[STAT]) (ClfP) (DEM)
2.2.2.3.1
Demonstratives
Demonstratives (DEM) are devices which point out an object in time or space.
Demonstratives may function as a pronoun and replace a NP, or they may function
to modify a pronoun within the NP. As in English, Bru KS demonstratives both point
deictically to an entity and they specify. Bru KS has two sets of demonstratives. The
first set is used mainly to denote distance and location, though sometimes they are
used in conjunction with a time word to point to a particular time. The second set of
demonstratives are used purely to point to time. All of the Bru KS demonstratives are
listed in Table 8.
22
Table 8: Demonstratives
Bru word
Meaning
Set One: Distance
naj
here, this thing close to the

speaker.
ki
there, that thing close to the

addressee.
th
over there, that thing far from the

speaker and addressee.
Set Two: Time
ti.n
short time (i.e. now)
t dun
not a long time (recent)
dun
long time
a ki
first that (i.e.before)
kli t ki
behind from that (i.e. after that)
When a demonstrative from Set One comes at the end of a noun phrase, it indicates
the distance of that noun phrase from the speaker (e.g. 'this', 'that', or 'that thing far
away'). When a Set One demonstrative precedes the noun phrase, it is a locational
marker (e.g. 'here,' 'there,' and 'over there'). Sometimes a demonstrative from Set
One is used with a time word such as eam 'time' and thus can point to a particular
time period such as 'this time,' or 'at that time.'
When a demonstrative from Set Two is used, it points to the duration of time or a
point in time. Because there are only two duration-of-time demonstratives, Bru KS
constructs a third for recent time by adding a negative to dun 'long time.' To
distinguish events that precede some anchor point, a 'first' is combined with the
demonstrative ki to produce the concept 'before'. Events that happen after a
particular anchor point are distinguished by using kli 'behind' with t ki 'from that'
to produce the concept 'after'.
Miller and Miller (2002:125) report that Bru Tri has an additional class of
demonstratives that the Millers call abstract deictics. Bru KS does not have a lexical
23
word for this function, but the phrases nw ki 'thing that' or sa ki 'like that'
fulfill the same abstract function as shown in example (17).

(17) The Big Snake.053
p
da
n.w
ki.
sm
a.lh
ka n
when know thing that younger youngest so
tom 9.km
allow bird mouth.hold
9.kol ku.tan p
skin
snake
go
When (they) knew that thing (eg. the plan they just discussed), the youngest
sister had the bird pick up the snake skin in its mouth and go.
2.2.2.3.2
Classifier phrase
A classifier phrase (ClfP) generally consists of a classifier and a numeral. Classifiers

are used to embody and quantify nouns. The correct classifier depends on the class
of the noun being quantified. The ClfP can be summarized in the following formula:
ClfP--> Num + ClfP. Example (18) shows the generic classifier nam, which is used
for a variety of objects like tools, sticks or mirrors. The classifier na is used for
people while to is used for animals as seen in examples (19) and (20). Table 9 below
lists some of the most common classifiers.
(18) The Buyeang Fish.060
an
3S
bn
ti.la
wi.set
have mirror magic
maj nam
one
CLF_gen
She had a magic mirror.
an
3S
bn kn
maj
have child one
na
CLF_person
She had one child.
(20) The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.006
a.laj pa
3P
bn si.ur
maj to
shoot able buffalo.wild one
Clf_animal
They were able to shoot a wild buffalo.
24
Table 9: Classifiers
Set One: Sort Clf

Classifier
Meaning
tua
lakes, ponds
fruit
ma.nil
roll, scroll
9.keah
side
na
person
number of times
lam
pieces of wood
to
animal bodies
doors, doorways
Set Two: Measure Clf

Classifier
Meaning
ra.mot
handful
number of times
ti.kat
hands (measure)
When a classifier phase is reduplicated, it signifies one instance of that set of things.
Example (21) shows how the idea of one of your daughters is realized as a
classifier phrase reduplication rather than using the possessive marker k.
t
kn
ka.mul
maj
but child female.unmarried 2S.POSS

t
pn m9.paj
must be
wife
maj
na
one
Clf_person one
9.koa
1S.Poss
But one of your daughters must become my wife.
25
maj
na
Clf_person
2.2.2.4
Verb phrase
A verb phrase (VP) consists of one or more optional preverbals and an optional
auxiliary verb, followed by an obligatory head verb. The head verb may be followed
by an optional post-verbal constituent. Example (22) illustrates the verb phrase.
(22) Verb Phrase = (Preverbal PROG)+(Preverbal IRR)+(Preverbal NEG)+
(Auxiliary Verb)+Head+(NP) + (Postverbal)
2.2.2.4.1
Preverbals
The preverbal category is a limited set which consists of the negators (NEG) t 'not'
and s 'don't,' along with the future/irrealis (IRR) marker si and the progressive
marker (PROG) n9.tom. An example of the future/irrealis marker is shown in example
(23).
(23) The Wild Buffalo Ear.071
paj eam a.b
watch C
time
si
bn kuaj
koj
doj
evening IRR exist person come steam rice
'(We) will watch in the evening (if) there will be someone who comes to steam
(our) rice.'
Example (24) shows two preverbals in one verb complex where the irrealis preverbal
si follows the progressive preverbal n9.tom. The semantic domain is that of a possible
ongoing action which may be translated as 'starting' or 'beginning to.'
(24) The Wild Buffalo Ear.075
a.laj
3P
ka hm ma.sm maj na
so
see
woman one
an n.tom si
An example of the negative preverbal is found in (25) below.

ba
na
rua
lew
but two Clf_person NEG happy Prt_pst

But they were not happy.
2.2.2.4.2
doj
Clf_person 3S PROG IRR steam rice
And so they saw a woman who was starting to steam rice.
koj
Auxiliary verbs
Kroeger (2005:251) states that auxiliary verbs do not:
26
function as independent semantic predicates; they do

not take their own arguments as normal verbs do. The
semantic content of auxiliary verbs is usually
grammatical rather than lexical; they are used to
express elements of meaning (such as) tense, aspect,
mood, voice and polarity.
Many auxiliary verbs may stand alone as an independent verb. The meaning of a
verb used as an auxiliary verb varies from the meaning it has when used as an
independent verb. Table 10 below lists the common auxiliary verbs and a gloss when
used as an auxiliary and as an independent verb.
Table 10: Auxiliary vs. Independent Verbs
Bru Word
Auxiliary Verb Gloss
Independent Verb
Gloss
'still'
'be_located/live'
ka
'dare'
'brave'
kj
'ever'
'used to'
CAUSATIVE/
'give'
BENEFICIAL4
tan
'yet'
---
Example (26) shows the locative 'be' verb t taking its preverbal meaning as it
precedes the verb ta.h 'to pulse/breathe'. Note that in this example there is the
post-verbal n which is often paired with,but is not obligatory, the preverbal t
which mean 'still'.
ta.k an
neck
3S
ta.h n
still pulse
still
Her neck was still pulsing.
It is sometimes difficult to discern when n is acting as a beneficial (eg. 'allow') verses

when it is acting as a causative (eg. 'make to happen') This ambiguity is clarified in the
phrase ta n 'make CAUS' which is always causative.
27
2.2.2.4.3
Head verbs
The head verb of a Bru verb phrase may consist of one verb or a compound verb
such as bec ra.et 'lie.down sleep'. A compound verb does not allow an object
between the verbs and is thought of as one action. A serial verb construction is also
thought of as one action, but it allows an object to be inserted as shown in example
(27) below. This example illustrates the serial verb construction with the verbs
ku.kh 'chop', a.d 'to place' and a.kan 'wait'. Within the first verb phase is a NP
object, ku.naj 'mouse', which is required by the transitive verb ku.kh 'chop'. Thus,
there are a string of three VPs encoding three actions in succession: chopping up the
mouse, putting it away and it will wait (eg. be stored).
An alternative interpretation of this serial verb construction is that a.d is acting as
a post-verbal which marks the head verb as a causative completed (eg. 'cause the
mouse to be chopped up'). Under this interpretation, there would be two VPs. The
first VP would be ku.kh ku.naj a.d 'cause the mouse to be chopped up' and the
second would be a.kan 'wait'. Either of these interpretations is possible.
taw
maj ku.kh ku.naj a.-d
grandchild 2S
chop
a.ka.n
mouse CAUS-put wait
Grandson, you chop up the mouse and put (it) in storage.
2.2.2.4.4
Post-verbals
Table 11 below lists the limited set of post-verbals in Bru KS. Some of the postverbals also function as head verbs.
28
Table 11: Post-verbals
Bru Word
Verb meaning
Post-verbal function
d/a.d
put/cause to put
completive/cause to be
finish
past event
all (adverb)
used up/consumed
in/on (locative preposition)
still/yet
bn
have
'ability/achievement'
kan
---
'reciprocal'
complete5
The verbs a.d or d generally mean 'to cause to put' or 'to put' when acting as a
main verb. When they follow a head verb at the end of a clause, they are postverbals and mark the verb as completed. Sometimes, as in example (27) above, it is
ambiguous as to whether the a.d is a post-verb or the head verb of a new VP. An
unambiguous example is shown in (28) below.
tew.da taj a.laj a.d
god
help 3P
COMP
The god's had helped them.
The grammaticalized form of t 'finish' signals that an action has happened in the
past. The post-verbal acts as an aspect marker to show that an object has been
used up. These two post-verbals are often used together as shown in example (29)
below. Note that the first instance of functions as a quantifier meaning 'all' or
'the whole group.'
m9.poa kt
paj kn
father think C
. ta.pul na
child all seven
ku.t;it .
Clf_person die
completely PST
The father thought that all of the seven children were completely dead.
One important difficulty in Bru KS is that t has multiple meanings depending on

its syntactic position in a sentence. As a verb it means 'finish', as a post-verb it means
'PST' and as an adverbial conjunction it means 'then'. In example (30), the
5
The difference between the post-verbals d/a.d has yet to be explored.
29
combination of t is ambiguous. It could mean 'completely finished' and form

the ending of the first clause. The second option is that could be the end of the
first clause and t could be the beginning of the second clause acting as an
adverbial. The second option is preferred because of the adverbial p which begins
the first clause which forms a type of 'when/then' statement. That is, when this event
happens, then this event will be the result.
p
ujh
pn
kuaj
9.kol
kat
ku.tan
when fire burn skin

be
an
snake
si.aj
person every every day
3S_POSS
t.
an
complete then 3S
ka
so
dk
PRT_conclusion
When the fire burns up his snake skin, then he will be a person from then on for
sure.
The locative prepostion n signals that an action or state is ongoing. This is shown
in example (31) below. Note that the preverbal t 'still' is generally paired with n.
t
hk t
NEG big
kj n
still small still
It's not big, still too small.
When the verb bn 'have' is used as a post-verbal it signals ability to do something.

Example (32) below shows that the post-verbal bn can be negated. The post-verbal
can also be negated while the other post-verbals cannot be negated.
sm
kap
an
younger marry with 3S
bn dk
NEG able PRT_conclusion
[younger speaking] No, I cannot marry her.
The reciprocal kan is used when an action is between two or more people, as seen in
example (33). Note that the kan follows the object in the transitive verb tih 'ride' but
directly follows intransitive verbs such as waw kan 'to talk with each other'.
haj
ta.pul na
tih
ta.k kan
1P_inc seven Clf_person ride neck
ton
RECIP up
We seven will go up by sitting on each other's necks.
30
2.2.3
Clause types
The following intransitive, transitive and ditransitive clauses demonstrate that Bru
KS is an SVO language.
2.2.3.1
Intransitive clause
An intransitive clause does not take object complements. There are three types of
intransitive clauses in Bru KS. They are general, reciprocal and stative. An example
of a general intransitive clause is found in (34). Note that this example contains a
compound verb.
p
ra.nn bec ra..t
when child
lie
sleep
When the children were sleeping...
The reciprocal intransitive clause is marked morphologically by the verbal prefix raThe intransitive reciprocal verb is often, though not necessarily, followed by the
reciprocal post-verb kan. Sometimes a reciprocal intransitive clause is marked only
by the post-verb kan. When both ra- and kan are used together there is a sense of
ongoing interaction. For example, ra-waw kan means 'converse' and which entails
multiple interactions as opposed to ra.waw which means 'respond/say' which entails
only one interaction. Not every verb which starts with the syllable ra is a reciprocal
verb as seen in the verb ra.t 'sleep' found in example (34) above. The stem of a
reciprocal verb is in most cases able to stand alone as in ra.tt 'run into each other'
and tt 'crash.' An example of a reciprocal intransitive clause is found in (35) below.
ka.nea braw n9.tm ki
ra.-wa.w
friend ghost group that RECIP-say

That group of the ghost friends said to each other...
The stative intransitive clause denotes a state of existence or being. Most words that
are categorized as adjectives in other languages are analyzed as stative verbs in Bru
KS, since they can stand alone as the predicate of a clause. An example of the stative
intransitive clause is found below.
31
re.aj
pa.leaj
grandfather angry very

The grandfather was very angry.
2.2.3.2
Transitive Clause
The transitive clause in Bru KS consists of a subject preceding the verb and an
object following. While the subject and object are semantically obligatory, one or
the other or both are sometimes left implicit when it is known by context. An
example of a transitive clause with an explicit object is found in (37) below. An
example of a transitive clause with an elided object is found in (38).
m9.paj aj
wife
toh
ma.u
older plant pumpkin
The older brother's wife planted a pumpkin.
a.jea
taw kit
grandmother old
a.rp
pick.off vine morning
The old woman picked off the tip of the vine in the morning.
2.2.3.3
Ditransitive clause
A ditransitive clause consists of a subject, verb, direct object and indirect object. The
direct object in the case of example (39) below is the tac 'meat', which immediately
follows the verb. The indirect object is the recipient of the object, which in this case
is the first person plural inclusive pronoun haj. It is common for the direct object
(along with the subject) to be elided if the context is rich enough as in example (40).
a.laj n
grandfather 3P
tac
haj
pa.leaj na
give meat 1P_inc many
CLF_person PST
Grandfather, many of them have given meat to us.
32
(40) The_Buyeang_Fish.026
p
when he
a.laj t
give those things 3P
PST
When (he) had given (those things) to them
2.2.4
Embedded clauses
Bequette (2008) describes three kinds of embedded clauses in Bunong: relative

clauses, complement clauses and adverbial clauses. Bru KS has the same embedded
clause types.
2.2.4.1
Relative clauses
Bru KS employs a gap strategy which deletes the co-referential noun phrase from
inside the relative clause. Relative clauses follow the head noun within the noun
phrase. Relative clauses can be overtly marked with the borrowed Thai relativiser
ti. They can also be implicitly signaled by the discourse context as shown in section
3.3.1 below. An example of an overtly marked relative clause is found in (41) and an
implicitly marked relative clause in (42) below.
bn
kn
a.lh
maj
EXIST child youngest one
na
ti
ka
ta:
Clf_person REL dare eat
The youngest daughter was the only one who dared to eat [the mangoes].
(42) Buyeang Fish.003 and 004

an
sm
pn kuaj
because younger.brother be
kuaj
ka.nh
person other
ma.k
taj
person good study clever like
help
taj
tran
help
animal also
li.an
pram
Because the younger brother was a person (who) was good, (who) was clever in
his studies and (who) liked to help other people and animals.
2.2.4.2
Complement clause
A complement clause is defined as an embedded clause that is the subject or direct

object of another clause. The complementizer (C) paj 'thus' signals an embedded
33
clause. The direct quote speech formula is a kind of complement clause and is
demonstrated in (43) below.
p
sk
m9.poa at kn
when come forest father say
paj tuaj
child C
si.m
search vine
hk
big
hk
big
PRT_request
When they arrived at the forest the father said to the children thus, Search for a
very big vine.
Other complement clauses are indirect speech, or clauses that are the object of verbs
of perception or desire. Often, the complementizer is elided in a complement clause.
An example of a complement clause as the object of a verb of cognition is shown in
(44). An example of an elided complement is shown in (45).
m9.poa kt
paj kn
father think C
. ta.pul
child all seven
na
ku.tit
Clf_person die
t.
complete PST
ba
na
m9.paj a.jak
two Clf_person wife

ta:
eat
p.
ton
n9trh mit
husband surprise
hm
see
kn
do
C child return house
root until consume
Both the husband and wife were surprised to see (that) their children had
returned home and had eaten the root all up.
2.2.4.3
Adverbial Clause
Adverbial clauses are used to denote time, location, manner and conditionals.
Subordinating conjunctions mark an adverbial clause, though they are often elided.
Table 12 below lists the subordinating conjunctions and their function.
34
Table 12: Subordinating conjunctions
Subordinating
Function
Gloss
Heads an adverbial time clause.
when
Heads an adverbial clause of
then
conjunction
result or progression.
jah
kan
meanwhile/
location or focus.
as for the
Heads a conditional adverbial
if
clause.
an
because
reason.
Example (46) demonstrates a time adverbial clause that is introduced with the
subordinating conjunction p 'when'.
p
ta
when do
sa
ki.
na
lj
like that every Clf_person so
ton
bn
up
able
When (they) did as he said, everybody was able to get up...
Example (47) demonstrates the subordinating conjunction t 'then'.

t
ka ta:
PST so
eat
an
3S
And then (it) (started to) eat her.
The subordinating conjunction jah 'on the side of' is an important discouse markertU`
that is used when changing focus from one participant to another. When jah
precedes a noun of location or a locative demonstrative, a locative adverbial clause
is generated. When jah precedes a NP which is a participant, a major text boundary
is signaled. Example (48) demonstrates a locative adverbial clause introduced with
jah. Example (49) demonstrates a major text boundary signaled by jah.
35
jah
do
a.jea
taw ta ta: koj
side house grandmother old
p tin
do eat steam root ripe PST
Back at the house, the old grandmother had steamed the root and it was ready to
eat
jah
kn
m9.poa p wet
side child when father go

loah t
out
kal
a.laj
out.of.sight 3P
pea
kan
9.ko
invite RECIP crawl
alua
from tree stem
As for the children, when the father went out of sight, they helped each other
crawl out from (under) the tree.
The subordinating conjunction kan 'if' precedes a conditional adverbial clause as

shown in example (50) below.
kan kuaj
if
to.
ti.la.
wi.set
person any hide from mirror magic
an bn
3S able
an si
pa.tah
3S IRR free
pa.nea kap m9.pai

ruler
and wife
If anyone is able to hide from her magic mirror, she would free the king and
his wife.
2.3
Summary
Bru KS phonology consists of 21 consonants, 11 vowel positions and 5 diphthongs.

The additional features of length and register multiply the number of vowel
morphemes, making a total of 55 contrastive vowel morphemes. Bru KS is an
isolating language with no verbal inflection. Bru KS morphology consists of a limited
number of prefixes on the verbs and on reduplication. A noun phrase is head initial
and makes frequent use of compounds. A verb phrase consists of a limited set of
optional preverbals, an optional set of auxiliary verbs, an obligatory head verb
which may be a compound and a limited set of optional post-verbals. Bru KS is an
SVO language as seen in intransitive, transitive and ditransitive clauses. Bru KS also
has embedded relative clauses, complement clauses and adverbial clauses.
36
Chapter 3
Referring expressions
Chapter 2 gave an introduction to Bru KS phonology and grammar. This chapter
examines the concept of reference, i.e. how speakers of a language linguistically
signal who or what is being referred to in the text-internal world. Lambrecht
(1994:38) states that speakers must create a representation for the addressee
when referring to an entity or proposition. The linguistic forms that create and
maintain representations are called referring expressions. This study defines
referring expressions as any linguistic form used by a speaker to communicate to
the hearer the identity of a referent.
Referring expressions may be noun phrases, pronouns, subordinate clauses and
adverbial phrases (Lambrecht 1994:75). The speaker's choice of what referring
expression to use to create and maintain representations depends upon the
speaker's construal of what is already in the mind of the addressee and how
accessible the representation is. Thus discourse level considerations are one of
the criteria that motivate the choice of referring expressions, under the
assumption that discourse-level considerations entails information about the
belief state of the addressees.
The following sections analyze Bru KS narrative discourse in order to define
what discourse level phenomena are signaled by various referring expressions.
Before this analysis, a review of some of the theories used to analyze referring
expressions is given. Then a presentation of the discourse functions of modified
NP's, simple NPs, the use of proper nouns and kin terms, pronouns, classifier
phrases, demonstratives and zero anaphora is given.
3.1
Literature review
In her study of Kmhmu', Osborne (2009:41) finds that both grammatical and
discourse-pragmatic factors govern the use of referring expressions. She lists
individuation and specificity of nouns as the grammatical factors; and referent
identifiability, activation status and thematic salience as the discourse-pragmatic

factors.
3.1.1
Individuation and specificity
Rijkhoff (2002:28) argues that typologically, the world's languages generally employ
one of four possible noun types to individuate specific entities. His four possible etic
noun types are: singular object nouns, set nouns, sort nouns and general nouns. Bru
KS (along with Kmhmu', Mandarin, Thai and Burmese) generally use sort nouns; sort
nouns are not marked for number, they refer to concepts, and they require a
classifier in the NP to individuate a specific entity, i.e. to separate an individual from
the generic group/concept. Individuation of Bru KS nouns is realized by using proper
nouns, possessors, classifier phrases and demonstratives.
Specificity is a semantic distinction related to identifiability (discussed below) in
which referents of an indefinite NP, e.g. 'a book', may be specific or non-specific.
Lambrecht (1994:80-81) explains that:
One way of describing the specific/non-specific
distinction in pragmatic terms is to say that a specific
indefinite NP is one whose referent is identifiable to
the speaker but not to the addressee, while a nonspecific indefinite NP is one whose referent neither
the speaker nor the addressee can identify at the time
of the utterance.
3.1.2
Identifiability, activation status and thematic salience
Identifiability is the term Lambrecht (1994:77) uses to express the process whereby
a speaker creates a representation of an entity (a referent) in the mind of an
addressee by means of linguistic description. The creation of this representation is
like creating a new file in the mind which can be opened for additional information,
and closed but available when not in immediate use. If a representation/file for a
referent is assumed by the speaker to be in the mind of the addressee, that entity is
assumed to be identifiable and can be pointed to using linguistic devices.
Givn (2001b:254) notes that the topicality of clausal arguments in connected
discourse involves two aspects of referential coherence.... These two aspects are
anaphora and cataphora. Anaphoric information is information that is accessible to
the hearer because it is identifiable in the immediately preceding discourse.
38
Anaphoric information instructs the hearer how to locate the referent within
his/her mental representation (Givn 2001b:254). Cataphoric information is
information that points to a referent's importance within the following narrative.
Anaphoric information, the information stored in the cognitive files of the speaker
and addressee, relies upon the memory and consciousness of speech participants.
Once a file is created, that file becomes identifiable and can be referred to with
less syntactic coding (Lambrecht 1994:78). If no file is created, then the referent is
non-identifiable. At times, a referent with no file, i.e. non-identifiable, may be
presupposed by a shared cultural schema and thus in reality is identifiable. In cases
of a presupposed referent, the speaker assumes that there is a certain representation
in the mind of the addressee which is shared by both (Lambrecht 1994:79).
An important grammatical signal of identifiability is the distinction between definite
and indefinite noun phrases. Definiteness marks whether a referent is assumed to
be identifiable to the addressee (Lambrecht 1994:79). It is often syntactically
realized by using certain articles, possessive determiners and demonstrative
determiners. Other ways to mark definiteness are word order, use of a numeral, or
use of a particle.
It is interesting to note that the identifiability status of a referent is normally
maintained over the full extent of a discourse (Lambrecht1994:89). Chafe (1976:40)
argues that it would appear that context or scene is all-important, and that
definiteness can be preserved indefinitely if the eventual context in which the
referent is reintroduced is narrow enough to make the referent identifiable.
Fillmore (1982:111) calls the context a frame which he describes as:

any system of concepts related in such a way that to
understand any of them you have to understand the
whole structure in which it fits; when one of the things
in such a structure is introduced into a text, or into a
conversation, all of the others are automatically made
available.
A frame can be very broad in that a large number hearers would be able to identify
the existential referent of the NP the sun, whereas a much smaller number would
be able to identify the referent of the car. Thus a shared frame (or cognitive
schema) is essential to the identification of a referent. The shared frame can be
created by a shared cultural world or a shared textual world.
39
A frame is made up of all the knowledge one has stored in the brain. But knowing
something and thinking about it are two separate cognitive states. To process
information, one must be actively thinking about the frame. If one says, The stars
really shone yesterday, and one was thinking about the night sky while another was
thinking of a professional basketball game, the referent stars would not be
identifiable. A frame must be activated.
Chafe (1987:22) argues that a particular concept, a frame or schema, may be in one
of three activation states: active, accessible or inactive. An active state is when a
frame/schema is the focus of one's consciousness in short term memory. An
accessible state is when a frame/schema is in a person's peripheral consciousness.
An inactive frame/schema is one that is in a person's long term memory and no
longer on the periphery.
The importance of activation states is that they have formal correlates in the
structure of sentences (Lambrecht 1994:94). Activated concepts are typically coded
with pronouns or zero anaphora. Inactive concepts are often coded with full NPs. It
is important to note that while pronouns and zero anaphora necessarily signal
activation, a full NP does not necessarily signal inactive status as there is another
factor involved, namely salience.
Lambrecht (1994) argues that referring expressions signal who a participant is and
their future importance within the narrative (cataphoric information). The relative
importance of a participant is termed 'thematic salience' by Longacre (1990),
'persistence as a topic' by Givn (2001b) and 'prominence' by Lambrecht (1994).
Thus an active referent may receive more coding than warranted by activation status
alone if it is thematically salient.
It is expected that unidentified, thematically salient referents will receive the most
coding. The purpose of default coding is to create the correct cognitive frames in
which to identify and interpret the participants of a narrative.
3.2
Methodology
On the basis of these theoretical concepts, the texts were examined and analyzed in
terms of the functions of referring expressions in discourse. These are described in
the following sections.
40
3.3
NPs with attributive modifiers in discourse
A maximally modified Bru KS NP may include attributive modifiers as well as a

classifier phrase (ClfP), a possessive phrase (PossP) and a demonstrative (DEM).
Attributive modifiers include stative verbs (adjective-like elements denoted as
VP[stat]) and relative clauses (RelC). These attributive modifiers may be divided
into a nonrestrictive class or a restrictive class. The Bru KS NP is represented in a
formula in example (51) below.
(51) NP -->N (VP[stat]) (PossP) (ClfP) (DEM) (RelC)6
3.3.1
Nonrestrictive modifiers
Nonrestrictive modifiers are stative verb phrases (VP[stat]) and relative clauses
(RelC) which add descriptive information about a referent, but are not intended to
restrict the range of possible referents. They usually occur in the introduction of
unidentifiable referents. This class of modifier provides information about the new
referent, and also signals what role this referent will have in the narrative. In
example (52) the younger brother (along with the older brother) are first referred to
as the sons of the city ruler. Immediately following this first reference, there is a
background sentence which states they (mother and father) only loved the younger
brother. The next sentence is made up of a subordinated adverbial clause headed by
the conjunction an 'because' with an embedded equative clause followed by three
nonrestrictive relative clauses.
(52) Buyeang Fish Story.003 - 005
m9.poa
kra bn
father city
t
m9.pe
have
kn
baw
ba
na
aj
sm
child young man two Clf_person older and younger
m9.poa pe t
sm
an
sm
pn kuaj
but mother father love but younger because younger be

li.an
kap
ma.k
taj
kuaj
ka.nh
study clever like
help
person other
taj tran
person good
pram
help animal also
The ruler of the city had two sons who were young men, an older son and a
younger son. But the mother and father only loved the younger brother, because
the younger brother was a good person who was clever in his studies and who
liked to help other people and animals also.
The younger brother is the major participant in this narrative. He has the longest
introduction, which consists of four clauses, not counting his first mention as being
6
Discussed earlier in section 2.2.2.3.
41
the son of the ruler. This extended description points to the younger brother's future
actions as the one who is clever and helps others.
Another example of a nonrestrictive modifier is shown in (53). The referent being
introduced here is a snake. The noun ku.tan 'snake' is modified by the stative verb
pt 'large' and also an unmarked relative clause a.k kuaj a.d '[who] had
piled up the mangoes and wrapped itself around them.' Both the stative verb and
relative clause are nonrestrictive modifiers.
hm ku.tan
see
snake
pt
a.k
kuaj
large CAUS.pile mango wrap
a.d
COMP
(They) saw a large snake [who] had piled up the mangoes and had wrapped (itself
around them).
The attributive modifiers describe the size of the snake and what it had done in the
near past. This is particularly relevant as it is the inciting moment of the narrative.
Osborne (2009:45) observes that in Kmhmu', nonrestrictive modifiers also signal
the thematic salience of a referent by the amount of encoding material devoted to
describing it for the first time. In examples (52) and (53), the younger son and the
snake are introduced with more attributive modifiers than other participants,
indicating that they will have a more salient role in the narrative.
3.3.2
Restrictive modifiers
The restrictive class of attributive modifiers serve to narrow down and restrict the
range of possible referents. They generally occur with referents who have already
been identified. A restrictive adjectival modifier (in Bru KS a VP[stat]) refers to a
unique attribute of a referent which uniquely identifies that referent. A restrictive
relative clause points back in the text to an event with which the referent is uniquely
associated (Givn 2001b:176).
An example of an NP with a restrictive relative clause is found in example (54)
below. In this example the head noun is ka.mul 'young adult unmarried female'
which is restricted to that particular woman who the brothers had helped in the
immediately preceding paragraph. So this woman is identified as the woman
associated with the past event of the brothers helping her.
42
p
da
nw
ki
aj
lj
t d
when know thing that older so

ma.sm
woman
marry
kap ka.mul
with female.unmarried
a.laj taj
3P
help
When he understood the situation, the elder brother married the young woman
who they had helped.
3.4
Possessive phrases in discourse
Osborne (2009:46) states that the two major functions of Kmhmu' possessive phrases
are to anchor unidentifiable referents and to locate identifiable referents within the
discourse world. A third function found in the Bru KS data is that otherwise optional
possessive phrases add emphasis and focus to an identifiable referent.
Possessive phrases anchor an unidentifiable referent by linking them to a possessor
who has already been identified. Examples of possessive phrases anchoring an
unidentifiable referent were rare in the data, occurring only four times. Each time
they occurred, they served to anchor a minor referent which played almost no role
in the narrative as is shown in example (55) below, where the unidentified referent
is traj 'field', which plays no active role in the narrative. It is anchored to the
identifiable referents 'grandfather' and taw 'grandson'. This data leads to the
hypothesis that anchoring an unidentified referent by means of a possessive phrase
typically signals the relative unimportance of that referent.
n9.tm prean
lj
group hunter so
kap
ta.jah t
walk
do
klaj
traj
return house pass field POSS grandfather
taw
and grandchild
So the group of hunters walked back home, passing by the grandfather and
grandson's field.
The second function of a possessive phrase, locating an identifiable referent in the

discourse world, is shown in example (56). In this example, the kn ka.mul 'child
unmarried young woman' is located in the discourse world as the children of the
mother.
43
t
kn
pn
maj.
ka.mul
maj
but child female.unmarried 2S.Poss one

must be
m9.paj
wife
na
maj
na
Clf_person one
Clf_person
9.koa
1S.POSS
The third function of possesive phrases is to add extra emphasis and focus to the
possesor. These possesives are not obligatory. Example (57) has the possessive
phrase 9.kol ku.tan an 'his snake skin' where the already identified snake skin was
used without a possesor in the previous sentence. Using the 3S pronoun emphasizes
and reactivates the mental representation of the possesor.
p
ujh
kat
.kol
when fire burn skin

kuaj
si.aj
person every every day
ku.tan
snake
an
an
3S_POSS finish then 3S
ka pn
so
be
dk
PRT_conclusion
When the fire burns up his snake skin, then he will be a person from then on for
sure.
3.5
NPs with classifier phrases in discourse
Classifier phrases not only embody and quantify nouns (see section 2.2.2.3.2), but
also have discourse functions. Hopper (1986) argues that the motivation behind
using classifier phrases is the relative importance or salience of a referent. Osborne
(2009) states that Khmhu' classifiers signal the specificity, identifiability and
thematic salience of a referent.
3.5.1
Specificity
Specificity is the term which describes one of the functions of classifiers. While a
sort noun by itself represents a generic concept, the combination of a sort noun and
a classifier specifies an individual instance of that generic concept in the real world
(Foley 1997). Example (58) shows this function when it uses the classifier phrase
maj na 'one Clf_person' to specifically refer to one particular child out of the group
of seven children. If no classifier phrase had been used, then the referent would be
indefinite as either the whole group of children or as one unidentified child.
44
kn
maj na
child one
m9.poa m9.poa naj
si.m
Clf_person father father here vine
hk
big
a.l
very
One of the children: "Father, father, is a root that is very big."
3.5.2
Identifiability
Osborne (2009:49) argues that in Khmhu' speech a classifier phase with the number
'one' which is used with a new referent tells the hearer not to search for an existing
mental representation but to create a new one. While this is also the case in the Bru
narratives of this study, there are some exceptions where a new referent is not
introduced with a classifier phrase using the number 'one'. The lack of a classifier
phrase in the introduction may be a clue that the referent is not as salient in the
narrative (see section 3.5.3). In example (59) the small village is introduced for the
first time with a classifier phrase using maj 'one'.
dun
t bn vil
kj kj maj vi.l
time.long arrive PST EXIST village small small one village

A long time ago there was a very small village.
3.5.3
Thematic salience
Classifier phrases are also used to signal thematic salience. In general, referents who
are more important to the narrative, i.e. have thematic salience, are introduced with
a classifier phase. In example (59) above, the seven daughters have more thematic
salience than their father the king who is introduced 2 lines earlier without a
classifier phase but with a compound NP and a relative clause as shown in example
(60).
waw
jah pa.ne.a m.poa
speak about side ruler
father
vi.l
te.
ki.
village close that
(Now we will) talk about a village ruler (who lived) close to there.
In The Seven Orphans narrative, only the main participants, the seven orphans, and
the secondary participants, the seven daughters, are introduced with classifier
phrases. In The Grandfather Ghost narrative, the only referent to be introduced with
45
a ClfP was the main participant, the orphan boy. In the Big Snake narrative, the
main participant of the first episode, the youngest daughter, is introduced with a
ClfP. The main participants of the second episode, the daughter and the two brothers
are introduced with ClfPs. In the Buyeang Fish narrative, only the main participant,
the younger brother (and his older brother as they were introduced together) are
coded with a ClfP. Finally, in the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative, none of the main
participants receive a ClfP in their introduction. The wild buffalo which is shot does
receive a ClfP, but this is to specify that there was only one wild buffalo killed and
not to encode salience.
The only exception to this coding strategy is found in The Big Snake S-I-L narrative
where the two brother's grandfather is introduced with a ClfP. This grandfather only
appears for one line and then exits the stage. One might account for this anomaly by
pointing out that the ClfP for the grandfather occurs in the line where the two
brothers are introduced. A possible hypothesis is that the ClfP in the appositive NP
ba na sm aj 'two person younger older' influence the use of a ClfP in the
grandfather NP. This is shown in example (61) below.
(61) The_Big_Snake.120
waw
ba
na
sm
aj
ra.k
speak about two Clf_person younger older live with grandfather man
maj
na
one
Clf_person
Now we will talk about two brothers who lived with (their) grandfather.
Thus there is ample evidence that the use of classifier phrases is heavily motivated
by thematic salience within a Bru KS discourse.
3.6
NPs with demonstratives in discourse
Himmelmann (1996) describes the discourse functions of determiners as situational

and discourse deictic. A determiner functioning in a situational sense points to
something outside the world of the text but present in the setting where the speech
act was taking place. While Bru KS does not have determiners in the form of
definite articles, it does have demonstratives which perform the same deictic
functions as determiners. An example of this is shown in (62) where the size of a
tree is compared to an unknown post. Either this is the story teller pointing to a
house post which is outside the text world or he is using a cultural schema where
the only thing the post could refer to would be the post of the orphan's house.
46
mah
ta.nul naj
equal post
this
Equal to the post (of our house). or Equal to a house post.
The discourse deictic function of demonstratives will be discussed in section 3.11 as

demonstratives performing this function are not found within an NP.
3.6.1
Tracking use
NPs with demonstratives are often used to track participants. They track participants
by signaling identifiable referents, to specify referents that are ambiguous or to
signal thematic salience. Bru KS uses the near proximal demonstrative ki 'that' to
track participants that are identifiable. There were no examples in the narratives
where the immediate proximal demonstrative naj 'this' was used to track identifiable
referents. Example (63) shows the tracking function as the ra.kt 'squirrel' had
already been identified.
ra.kt
ki.
ka ton kal alua hk pram
squirrel that so
up
tree stem big also
The squirrel will go up a big tree also.
Bru KS gives special salience to referents which have a demonstrative with the
additional causative prefix a. These salience promoting demonstratives are rare,
occurring only three times out of the 129 times demonstratives were used in the
narratives under study. In example (64) below, the tree is emphasized as the salient
referent because the demonstrative a.ki. 'EMPH-that' is located within the NP.
poj
kal
a.-ki.
ton tet
point tree EMPH-that up
a.mil
stuck cloud
The tip of that tree went up into the clouds.
3.6.2
Recognitional use
Himmelmann (1996) describes the recognitional function of NPs which have a

demonstrative. This NP construction points to an inactive referent outside the text
world but which is accessible in the memories of the hearers. Osborne (2009:55)
47
summarizes, This is distinctive from tracking use in that it is typically the only
reference made to this referent in the discourse, and it assumes a particular
knowledge shared by the speaker and hearers. In the five narratives analyzed for
this thesis, there were only two examples of a demonstrative pointing to a text
external referent. Example (65) refers to a house which is not mentioned before this
point. The demonstrative either points to a house outside the text world or is a
cultural construct where the listeners know that the father is referring to his own
house. The storyteller expects the listeners to recognize the house he is speaking of.
mah
do
naj
equal house this

As big as (our) house.
3.7
Proper nouns in discourse
Proper nouns refer to a particular referent without any modification. There were no
occurrences of proper nouns in the five Bru KS narratives under study. The sixth
narrative, King Paajit, was translated from Isan Thai, which is the language of wider
communication. It was added to the corpus for this research to show how Bru KS
uses proper nouns in discourse.
Bequette (2008:62) reports that social taboos limit the use of proper names in
Bunong. Proper names are avoided by using kinship terms (see section 3.8). Proper
names are also avoided by referring to a parent by the name of their eldest child as
in Mother X or Father Y. This phenomenon of avoiding use of proper names was not
observed among the Bru of Khok Sa-at village. One hypothesis is that Bru KS has lost
this language attitude through contact with the Isan Thai culture. Possibly, the lack
of proper names in Bru KS narrative reflects a past taboo.
Proper nouns are used to introduce an unidentifiable referent when they are first
mentioned as shown in example (66) where the city of Inthapatha is introduced as a
proper noun. Also, the unidentifiable referent pa.nea pa.tit 'King Paajit' is introduced
in a presentational clause bn kn baw ra.mh pa.nea pa.tit 'there was child young
call king paajit'. The use of a proper noun may be a sign that the referent is salient,
additional coding such a King Paajit receives is a better indicator that a referent is
salient in the narrative. Both proper nouns in.ta.pa.ta and pa.tit have labels or
titles preceding the proper noun. This is the case with most of the proper nouns in
the King Paajit narrative.
48
(66) King_Paajit.001
t
dun
kra in.ta.pa.ta
from past time.long come PST city

baw
Inthapatha
bn
kn
EXIST child
ra.mh pa.ne.a pa.tit
young.man name
ruler
Paajit
A long time ago in the city of Inthapahtha, there was a young man named King
Paajit.
Osborne (2009:57) argues that proper nouns in Kmhmu' are used for identifiable
referents which need to be disambiguated from a group. This text sample contains
no examples of proper nouns functioning this way in Bru KS. Referents are
disambiguated by using kin terms and modifiers such as aj hk 'older.brother big' to
distinguish the eldest brother from his siblings. Bru KS can also use proper nouns to
disambiguate a specific referent just as it uses kin terms.
Osborne (2009:58) also shows that proper nouns can anchor unidentified referents.
This is done using a possessive phrase where the proper noun acts as the anchor to
make a referent identifiable. There were no examples in the text where this occurs,
though it does occur with kinship terms which are analogous to proper nouns.
Lastly, another function of proper nouns is that they are used as terms of address.
This function is often seen in direct speech quotes where a speaker addresses or
refers to the listener with a proper noun instead of a second person singular
pronoun. This phenomenon was observed to occur infrequently in daily Bru
conversation. It may be that bilingualism in Thai is influencing this usage. An
example of proper nouns as term of address is found in example (67) below where
King Paajit addresses Lady Arapim directly and yet uses her name instead of the
second person singular pronoun maj 'you'.
(67) King_Paajit.041
t
ka si
then so
it
sin.st
s:k
ne.a a.ra.pim
IRR take bride-price come request lady Arapim
Then I will get the bride price money and come ask to marry you.
3.8
Kin terms in discourse
Kinship terms such as 'father', 'mother', 'elder sibling' and 'younger sibling' among
others are ubiquitous in Bru KS discourse. In narratives one through five in this
49
paper, kinship terms are used to refer to all participants 55% of the time. Of all
human participants, kinship terms were used 68%.
Bunong uses kinship terms to convey the relation between two people and to show
deference to those who of an older generation (Bequette 2008:62). Kinship terms are
fluid within a narrative and may change depending on which participant is on stage.
In The Big Snake S-I-L narrative, the youngest daughter is referred to as sm
'younger' until her husband the snake loses his snake skin and has to be a person.
Immediately following that event, the reference to the youngest daughter changes to
m9.paj 'wife'.
In Kmhmu', kin terms are used to signal non-major participants, to communicate
cultural information, to address another participant, to anchor unidentifiable
referents, to reactivate accessible referents and to highlight the relationships
between referents (Osborne 2009:79).
Kinship terms do not refer to a specific entity as do proper nouns. Therefore, they
need to be modified in some way when they are introduced in a narrative. Often
they are introduced with a presentational phrase followed by a relative clause as in
(68) below.
t
dun
bn
a.je.a
taw
from past long.time come PST EXIST grandmother old

taw m9.pe
old
a.tjh
grandfather
ka.d m9.poa ka.d
mother barren father barren
A long time ago there was an old grandmother and an old grandfather who
were barren.
While Kmhmu' uses kinship terms to signal non-major participants, Bru KS uses kin
terms to refer to both major participants and non-major participants. In (68) above,
the old grandmother and old grandfather are local VIPs and are introduced with a
presentational phrase. In example (69) below, the m9.paj 'wife' is possessed by the
taw 'grandson, which according to Osborne would signal a non-major participant. In
this case, the wife is also a major participant on par with the grandchild. Thus use of
kinship terms in a possessive phrase does not necessarily signal that the possessed
participant is less salient.
50
m.pai
taw
ka a.blh paj lh
wife
grandchild so
ask
bat
pull.up grass finish PST Q
The grandson's wife asked them, Have you finished pulling up all the grass?
Bru KS uses kin terms in discourse to signal cultural information. In example (68)
above, the terms a.jea 'grandmother' and a.tjh 'grandfather' are understood
culturally to refer to any older person. In this case, the 'grandmother' is barren and
so technically could not be a real grandmother. Thus this term could be translated as
'old woman' instead of 'grandmother'.
The use of the term 'grandfather or grandmother' shows special respect for the
referent. It can be used for an actual biological grandparent or for an older person.
In The Wild Buffalo Ear narrative, is the actual grandfather. In the Buyeang Fish
narrative, is a term of address and respect as shown in example (70) below.
(70) The_Buyeang_fish.051
an lj mt
3S so
t
a.blh paj
enter ask
bn
vil
maj m9.p
grandmother grandmother village 2S
why
kuaj
NEG EXIST person

So he entered the house and asked, "Grandmother, grandmother, why aren't
there any people in your village?
Kin terms often function to highlight the relationship between participants. In The
Seven Orphans narrative, the old grandfather is first referred to as a.tjh 'generic old
man/grandfather'. Later he is referred to as a.jak 'husband' when conversing with his
wife or when expressing his feelings about her pregnancy. When he talks to his
children or is with his children, he is referred to as m9.poa 'father'. In the narrative,
the father abandons his children three times. After the first two attempts to
abandon the children, the narrator refers to him as a.tjh 'generic old man' instead
of 'father', perhaps emphasizing the fact that he no longer wants to be their father.
This is shown in example (71) below.
51
(71) Seven_Orphans.047 and 048

m.poa
si
father
IRR go abandon 2P
a.tjh
p pot
m9.pai t
so
waw
from time.long PST speak PST
taw ka m9.prk
grandfather old
dun
do
carry.pole root return house
Father is going to abandon you forever! When he had finished speaking, the
old grandfather carried the root home on a pole.
3.9
Pronouns in discourse
Lyons (1977) argues that pronouns are a spatial phenomena that point to a
particular referent within the context of the narrative. This deictic function is best
seen in first person pronouns where the speaker points to herself, and in second
person pronouns where the speaker points to the addressee. Lyons also points out
that pronouns can be used anaphorically to refer back to a referent previously
mentioned in the text. This use of pronouns points back in time to a referent that
was identified earlier. Therefore, pronouns can be used in a deictic manner or in an
anaphoric manner.
3.9.1
Deictic functions of pronouns
Osborne (2009:62) states that the deictic use of pronouns is best seen in first person
Khmhu' narratives where the storyteller may point to herself with a first person
pronoun. Sometimes there is a narrator who intrudes into the narrative by using a
first person pronoun to point to himself without any anaphoric reference. The
narratives analyzed by this paper are all second person narratives, and there are no
narrator intrusions which point to something outside the text. Thus, examples of the
deictic function are rare.
Osborne (2009:64) shows that the generic pronoun dee in Kmhmu' has the deictic
functions of generic reference, agent backgrounding, a default first person reference
and mitigation. Bru KS uses two generic third person pronouns: naw and a.m.
There are examples where these pronouns function as a generic reference, but no
evidence that they have any other function. Example (72) shows how the generic
pronoun naw points to an unidentified referent. Note how naw takes a demonstrative
in (72) while in example (73) a.m does not.
52
kan na.w a.l
if
3S
ta:
9.koa
which eat
na.w a.-ki.
mango 1S.Poss 3S
pn m9.paj
EMPH.-that must be
wife
9.koa
1S.POSS
Whoever eats my mangos, that one must become my wife.
p
an
wa t
when 3S
an
heal PST 3S
ka
waw paj a.m.
then speak C
taj an
an
si
whoever help 3S
3S
IRR
t d kap na.w a.ki

marry
with 3P
CAUS-there
After she had been healed she said that whoever had helped her, she would
marry that person.
Another interesting example of the deictic function of pronouns is shown in

examples (74) and (75), where the third person plural a.laj is used to point to a
certain group of unidentified friends or group. In (74), the unidentified referent is
ka.nea 'friend' which needs to be anchored or identified in some way. The free
translation anchors the unidentified referent with the possessive pronoun 'my'. But
really, the NP ka.nea a.laj 'friend 3P' points to some generic group of people. As
villagers are sometimes referred to as friends, an alternative free translation could be
'just like other people have'. In (75), the unidentified referent is n9.tm 'group'. The
third person plural is pointing to the whole group of people in the city.
maj si.daw a.jea
one night
bn taw
taw waw kap a.jak
grandmother old
k
paj j
speak with husband C
bn kn
want have child
ka.ne.a a.laj
have grandchild same friend 3P

One night, the old grandmother said to her husband, I want to have children, I
want to have grandchildren just like my friends have.
sm
waw n
tn
kra taj n.tm
younger speak again period live city
help group
a.laj pa.leaj sam

3P
very
equal which
The younger brother said again, During the time I lived in the city, I helped the
people so very much.
53
3.9.2
Anaphoric functions of pronouns
Pronouns function anaphorically to reiterate the identity of a referent at paragraph

boundaries. This is shown in (76) below where the main character, the youngest
daughter is referred to with a third person singular pronoun an at the beginning of a
text boundary. In the previous section, she had been referred to with a kin term and
then a zero reference.
p
m ta.maj an
when come day new
3S
ka waw maj na
so
sa
ki
ton
speak one Clf_person like that again until
tom si.ak n kal alua s

bird crow on
tree
hear
The next day, she said the same thing to herself (out loud) until a crow up in the
tree heard her.
Pronouns are also used anaphorically to give prominence to the referent. When a
pronoun is used instead of a 'zero' reference, except at boundaries, it signals that the
referent is in particular focus. Generally the referent is referred to with a kin term in
a sentence initial adverbial phrase and then is referred to again with a pronoun
before the subject marker ka 'so'. This second reference comes before the main
storyline verb. Example (77) and example (78) illustrate this construction.
a.i t an ka ku.tit p t;aXm
bn maj si.aj
go Prt_sympathy
EXIST one day grandfather sick then 3S so die
One day the grandfather became sick and then he went and died.
sm
a.lh
hm sa
younger youngest see
ki
an
like that 3S
ka si.m mit pa.leaj

so
happy
very
(When) the youngest sister saw that [ie. what he was like], she was very happy.
3.9.3
Pronominal constructions
The pronominal constructions which were found in the texts were pronouns used in
apposition to a clarifying noun phrase and pronouns used with a classifier phrase.
Very few pronominal constructions contained demonstratives.
54
3.9.3.1
Appositional pronoun constructions.
Appositional pronoun constructions are formed by a pronoun immediately

proceeding a NP. Example (79) below is the only case of an appositional pronoun
construction in the texts under study. It is used to disambiguate the reference and to
add emphasis that the hunters had played a trick on the grandson and grandfather.
lj waw
grandfather so
ti
a.laj n.tm
REL 3P
group
a.ton paj ka.tur si.ur
speak up
pre.an
ear
maj nam
buffalo.wild one
naj b
CLF_thing this Q
at haj
hunter say
1P_inc
The Grandfather spoke up saying, "Is it just one wild buffalo ear which they, that
group of hunters, were telling us about?"
3.9.3.2
Pronoun phrases with classifiers
The function of a classifier phrase in a pronominal construction is to disambiguate

the referents and to remind the listener who the referents are. In example (80), the
use of the classifier phrase ba na 'two people' is motivated by the need to reiterate
the referents as it occurs at the beginning of a new section. Previous to sentence
031, the third person plural a.laj had been used in both sentences 029 and 030. In
sentence 28, the referring expressions were the kin terms 'grandfather' and
'grandson'. The classifier phrase is not needed to disambiguate the referents as that
is clear with the continual use of a.laj '3P'.
p
pa.leaj n9.taj t p a.laj ba
when many
month next
3P
na
ka lh
two Clf_person so
bat
pull.up grass NEG
complete
After many months passed by, the two of them had not pulled up all the weeds.
The same motivation to reiterate and emphasize the referents at a text boundary is
shown in example (81) below. Note that in the sentence initial adverbial phrase, the
third person pronoun a.laj has no modification. But a.laj is modified with a classifier
phrase before the main storyline verb.
55
p
a.laj ta nw ki
when 3P
do like
do
to traj
house go
to
a.laj ba
that PST 3P
na
lj loah t
two Clf_person so
out
from
field
When they had done as they planned, then they both went out of the house and
went to the field.
3.10
Classifier phrases as referring expressions
Classifier phrases are used anaphorically to track referents in Bru KS discourse.

They are analogous to pronouns in their use, particularly when tracking two
referents as a couple. This is seen in both the Seven Orphans and Big Snake
narratives where the mother and father in each are referred to as ba na 'two
Clf_person' 12 times. The use of the classifier phrase emphasizes that both the
participants are the subject of the verb. An example of a classifier phrase used as a
referring expression is found in (82) below.
ba
na
ta
do
ka.tup t
two Clf_person make house shack
him
sk
LOC edge forest
They made a little house on the edge of a forest.
Classifier phrases as referring expressions sometimes have a unique word order at

text boundaries. In example (83) below, sentence 022 starts a new section of text
with a long adverbial phrase which focuses the narrative on a particular time. Then
it focuses in on the two participants with the classifier phrase ba na 'two Clf_person'
followed by the noun phrase m9.paj kap a.jak 'wife and husband'. This case of NP
apposition is apparently motivated by the boundary of a new section of text.
p
si.daw ta
when come night

a.jak
lj waw
dk
a ki
ba
na
m.paj kap
period dark day that two Clf_person wife

kan
and
paj
husband so speak RECIP C
When the dark of night came that day, both the wife and husband then said to
each other ....
56
3.11
Demonstratives as referring expressions
Osborne (2009:75) observes that demonstratives without an NP have a situational

deictic function in Kmhmu', a participant tracking function and a discourse deictic
function. In the Bru KS texts analyzed in this paper, there are no examples of
demonstratives functioning alone, outside of an NP, pointing to something outside
the text world, i.e. situational deixis. Nor are there any examples of demonstratives
outside of an NP functioning to track participants. But there are many examples of
demonstratives outside of an NP pointing anaphorically to an event or situation
which occurred previously in the text, i.e. discourse deictic function.
Osborne (2009:51) shows that discourse deictic use points to a previous segment in
the text. In Kmhmu' this is realized as nw ni 'like this.' In Bru KS the discourse
dietic use is realized as nw ki 'thing that' or sa ki 'like that'. Example (84) shows
both realizations using the relatively far distal demonstrative ki. They both point
back to the previous revelation that the wild buffalo ear had been transformed into a
beautiful woman.
p
da
n.w
ki.
ka waw
kap
taw
when grandfather know thing that so

9.koa si
1S
maj t d
IRR allow 2S
marry
paj kan pn sa
speak C
if
be
ki.
like that
k 9.koa
with grandchild POSS 1S
When the grandfather understood the situation, he said, If it is like that, I will
have you to marry my grandson.
Demonstratives can also be used to point forward (cataphoric) to a new situation

coming in the text. When the near distal demonstrative naj 'this' is used, it points
forward. This is shown in example (85) where the big bird introduces its plan by
pointing to what he is about to say with sa naj 'like this'.
tom hk it
bird big
sa
naj
take like this
The big bird - You can do something like this.
57
3.12
Zero anaphora in discourse
Zero anaphora is used to maintain a referent which has already been activated. It is
used until a new referent is activated or until there is a discontinuity within the text.
This is illustrated in example (86) where the referent aj 'older brother' is activated in
line 006 and then referred to with zero anaphora for the next four clauses.
(86) The_Buyeang_fish.006-010
aj
pn kuaj
older be
9.kh an
lj
younger so
kt
kap
an
person NEG good older think NEG good with 3S
older afraid 3S
sm
bn ln
9.kh m9.poa
have inheritance older afraid father
kt
a-tit
a.j
du
du
often often
kra n
offer_up city
for
sm
older think CAUS-die younger
The older brother was not a good person. Often, (he) thought evil about him
(younger brother). (He) was afraid that he would receive a better inheritance.
(He) was afraid that his father would give the city to his younger brother. So (he)
thought about killing the younger brother.
3.13
Summary
Bru KS has a wide range of referring expressions that signal to the listener a
referent's identifiability, activation status and salience. The basic rule that the
amount of linguistic coding material used to refer to an inactive referent is what
signals that referent's relative salience. The more coding material used, the more
salient the referent. Conversely, the amount of coding material used to refer to an
already activated participant signals its identifiability. The more identifiable a
referent is, the less coding it receives.
Table 13 below contains the inventory of referring expressions in Bru KS and their
functions in the discourse.
Table 13: Inventory of Bru KS referring expressions
Referring Expression
Discourse Function
NP's with nonrestrictive
To introduce unidentifiable referents
attributive modifiers
To signal salience by the amount of coding

To signal the role of the referent
NP's with restrictive attributive To identify accessible referents using unique
58
modifiers
attributes or events
Possessive phrases
To anchor unidentifiable referents

To locate identifiable referents in the discourse
world
NPs with classifier phrases
To individuate a specific referent.

To emphasize the salience of a referent
To quantify referents
NPs with demonstratives
To point to referents in the world of the discourse

To point to referents outside the world of
discourse
To signal identifiable referents
To disambiguate accessible referents
To signal thematic salience of referents
Proper nouns

To act as terms of address
Kin terms

To communicate cultural information
To act as terms of address
To re-activate accessible referents
To show the relationship between two referents
Pronouns
To identify unidentifiable referents

To reiterate participant identity at text
boundaries
To emphasize a participant
Pronominal constructions
To reiterate participant identity at text
-Appositional pronoun phrases
boundaries
-Pronoun phrases with
To disambiguate accessible referents
classifiers
To emphasize referents
59
Classifier phrases
To track participants
To mark text boundaries
Demonstratives
To point to a previous or future action or event

in the text
Zero anaphora
To signal an active referent
60
Chapter 4
Participant rank
Chapter 3 discussed the inventory of referring expressions in the Bru KS
language. This chapter examines the concept of reference participant rank, i.e.
the relative importance of a participant within a text. A participant's rank is
signaled by how a participant is introduced in the text, the number of times it is
mentioned and it's continuity throughout the text.
The following sections analyze Bru KS narrative discourse in order to determine
what classes of rank exist in Bru KS and then to rank each participant in its
particular class.
4.1
Theoretical approach to participant ranking
Generally, animate objects are considered to be participants and inanimate

objects are props. There are exceptions to this rule as sometimes inanimate
objects are participants when they are directly involved in the plot of the story
(Somsonge 1991:123). Sometimes animate objects are not involved with the plot
and can be labeled as props.
Somsonge (1991) argues that participants can be ranked in a narrative according
to their importance. She ranks participants in Thai narrative as main, secondary
and tertiary. The highest ranking participant, the main participant, will be the
initiator of most of the actions and sometimes the recipient of other
participant's actions. The main participant is present in the narrative, i.e. on
stage more than the secondary and tertiary participants.
Givn (1983:8) proposes that one topic/participant (he treats a participant as a
kind of topic) within a thematic paragraph is likely to be a continuity marker.
He argues that this topic/participant is the most crucial and is the one most
closely tied to the theme of the paragraph. This same topic/participant is the one
most likely to be coded as the primary topic - or grammatical subject - of the
vast majority of sequentially ordered clauses/sentences comprising the thematic
paragraph. Therefore, the main participant will be the most continuous of all the
topics mentioned in the various clauses of a paragraph. By most continuous,
Givn means the topic/participant which has the most number of contiguous
mentions in the clausal chain which make up the thematic paragraph.
4.2
Methodology
The simplest method for calculating the importance of a participant would be the
total number of times that participant is mentioned, including zero anaphora. Table
14 below shows each participant's rank and number of occurrences using this simple
method.
62
Table 14: Participant rank by number of mentions.
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Buyeang
Grandfathe
Wild
Orphans
Fish
r Ghost
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Most
Ear
Important
Snake/
Elderly
Seven
Younger
Orphaned
Grand-
Husband
Mother
Brothers
Brother
Grandson
father
Participant
36
58
109
79
86
74
2nd Most
Youngest
Daughter
Old
Wicked
Gndfather
Buffalo
Daughter
58
Gndfather
Witch
Ghost
ear/woman
86
28
47
57
important
participant
3rd Most
important
participant
4th Most
important
participant
5th Most
important
participant
Other
participants
34
Mother
Older
Old
Soldiers
Ghost
Grandson
23
Brother
Mother
16
Friends
50
38
37
Father
Younger
Big Bird
Older
Birds
Hunters
14
Brother
18
Brother
11
13
33
33
13
Seven
Old Man
7 Sisters
Old
Deer/
Leaf
Sisters
27
14
Woman
Grasshopper
12
11
Crow 9
Snake 23
Oldest
Wolf 10
Grass 5
Pumpkin
Brother 13
Fish 7
Dog 3
16
Oldest Sis.
Deer 7
Angel 2
King 5
Rice 3
5
King 9
Parents 4
However, the issue is more complicated than this simple method would imply. Givn
proposes a framework to quantify participant rank by measuring topic continuity.
These measurements are expressed in terms of referential distance (look-back) and
persistence (decay). Referential distance measures the number of clauses between
references to a particular participant. Contiguous references are given the
measurement of '1'. If there is a clause between references, the measure will be '2'.
The first mention of a referent will be given an arbitrary value of '20', and the value
of '20' will be given to any distance twenty clauses or larger. Following Somsonge
63
(1991), relative clauses and clauses in a quote phrase will not be counted. Also,
there will be one subject for any series of verbs.
The following paragraph from The Big Snake S-I-L will be used to illustrate the two
measurements.
1.
pa
a.rp
sm
a.lh
ka pea
when shine morning younger youngest so

pn ku.tan
ti.tal
be
go
clear.field field
snake
ku.tan hk ka tuajh
snake
ti.tal
big
so
trai 2.
9.kol
clear.field field until finish
5.
sm
ti
invite husband who
trai 3.
when (they) come field

ku.tan loah 4.
take.off skin.snake snake
trai ton t
a.jak
a.lh
out
pn
kuaj
(He) become person

kt
n mit
younger youngest think in
paj
heart C
1)When morning came, the youngest daughter invited her husband who was a
snake to go clear the fields. 2)When they arrived at the field, 3) the big snake
took off his snake skin and 4) (he) became a person until they finished clearing
the fields. 5)The youngest daughter thought in her heart ...
In this text there are two participants; sm a.lh 'youngest daughter' and a.jak
'husband'. Both participants appear in the first clause. Since the sm a.lh 'youngest
daughter' had been mentioned in the previous clause, she receives a look-back value
of '1'. The a.jak 'husband' had been mentioned three clauses previous and so receives
a look-back value of 3. If it had been their first mention, they would have received a
look-back value of 20. In the second clause both participants are referred to with a
zero anaphora and receive a look-back value of '1'. In clauses 3 and 4, the snake is
mentioned and receives a look-back value of 1 for each. In clause 5, the youngest
daughter is mentioned with a NP and receives a look-back value of '3'.
The average look-back value is derived by dividing the sum of all the look-back
values by the total number of appearances for each referent. The total look-back
value for the husband/snake was 96 for the whole narrative divided by 35
references for a total of 2.74. The total look-back value for the youngest daughter
was 82 divided by 32 references for a total of 2.56. Somsonge (1991:126) states that
the participant who receives the least amount of look-back value is considered to be
the most important participant in a discourse. In the case of the 1st episode of The
Big Snake S-I-L. narrative, look-back values indicate that the youngest daughter is
the most important participant.
64
4.3
Participant ranking according to look-back and decay
This section ranks the top five participants of each narrative according to their lookback score, adjusted look-back score and persistence score. Those that were not in
the top five, like the old man in the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L were left
out.
Table 15 below lists the most important participants in each narrative as indicated
by their respective look-back values.
Table 15: Look-back values of most important participants.
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Buyeang
Grandfather
Wild
Orphans
Fish
Ghost
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Ear
Most
Youngest
Younger
Old
Younger
Orphaned
Grand-
Important
Daughter
Brother
Gndfather
Brother
Grandson
father
Participant
2.56
1.76
1.58
1.37
1.64
2.02
Snake/
Elderly
Seven
Wicked
Ghost
Grandson
important
Husband
Mother
Brothers
Witch
Friends
participant
2.20
2.74
2.00
1.85
2.21
2.30
3 Most
Mother
Daughter
Big Bird
Soldiers
Grandfather
Buffalo
important
3.17
2.45
2.17
2.31
Ghost
ear/woman
2.62
2.68
nd
Most
rd
participant
th
4 Most
Father
Old Bro
7 Sisters
Old Wom.
Birds
Hunters
important
3.43
2.47
2.93
2.58
4.18
4.00
5 Most
Crow
Pumpkin
Old
Old Bro
Deer
Grass
important
3.56
2.5
Mother
3.62
7.42
5.00
participant
th
participant
2.97
While the look-back data in table 15 indicates the most important participant, some
factors work to skew the results. This is particularly true in the second episode of
The Big Snake S-I-L narrative where the youngest brother receives the lowest lookback score even though he only participates in 38 of the 123 clauses counted in the
65
narrative. This is because he is a local VIP who is very active in only a portion of the
narrative.
To correct the skewing effect of a strong local VIP, the data in Table 16 has been
adjusted to reflect the total amount of occurrences within the text. This is done by
taking the total number of clauses and dividing that by the number of occurrences
for each participant. This number is multiplied to the look-back score in Table 15.
This will adjust the look-back score to reflect the percentage that the participant was
present in the total number of clauses. Thus the more occurrences a participant has,
the lower the multiplier will be. In the case of the younger brother in the 2nd episode
of The Big Snake S-I-L, he receives a multiplier of 3.72, yielding an adjusted lookback score of 6.55.
Table 16 shows the original (orig.) unadjusted look-back score first and then the
adjusted (adj.) look-back score as described above. The participants are ranked
according to the adjusted look-back score. Shading in the table indicates a change in
position.
The adjusted look-back scores caused a change of participant ranking in some of the
narratives. In the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the husband/snake participant
received a higher adjusted look-back score than the youngest daughter. But the
scores are so close, it would be better to consider both participants as equally ranked
major participants.
In the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the younger brother is demoted from first
rank to third rank, behind the elderly mother and the only daughter. Ranking the
elderly mother as the most important participant logically fits as she is introduced at
the beginning of the episode, and it was her envy that caused the snake to eat her
daughter.
In the Seven Orphans narrative, the adjusted results promoted the seven orphan
brothers to the highest rank. It is ambiguous as to how to count a group which
sometimes is referred to as a whole and at other times an unspecified individual is
chosen to represent the group. In this case, references to the whole group and to a
generic representative were considered as one participant.
In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the younger brother is a global VIP and is ranked
much higher than the other participants in both the original and adjusted look-back
scores. No participants changed ranking due to the adjusted scoring.
In the Grandfather Ghost narrative, the adjusted ranking promoted the Grandfather
from third position to second position over the Ghost Friends who are local VIPs.
66
Finally, in the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative the adjusted look-back scores did not
change the ranking of any of the participants.
Table 16: Adjusted look-back values of most important participants.
Big Snake
Big Snake
episode 1
episode 2
Snake/Hus
Elderly
Seven
Younger
Orphaned
Grand-
band
Mother
Brothers
Brother
Grandson
father
S-I-L
Most
important
Participant
2nd Most
important
participant
S-I-L
important
participant
Orphans
Buyeang
Fish
Grandfather
Wild
Ghost
Buffalo
Ear
2.74 (orig.)
2.0 (orig.) 1.9 (orig.)
1.4 (orig.)
1.6 (orig.)
2.0 (orig.)
6.90 (adj.)
4.2 (adj.)
3.2 (adj.)
2.2 (adj.)
2.3 (adj.)
4.4 (adj.)
Youngest
Daughter
Old
Wicked
Gndfather
Grandson
Daughter
2.5 (orig.) Gndfather
Witch
Ghost
2.2 (orig.)
2.6 (orig.)
5.2 (adj.)
1.6 (orig.)
2.2(orig.)
2.62(orig.)
6.2 (adj.)
3.4 (adj.)
8.5 (adj.)
6.8 (adj.)
7.1 (adj.)
3rd Most
Seven
Mother
Younger
Old
Soldiers
Ghost
Buffalo
3.2 (orig.)
Brother
Mother
2.3 (orig.)
Friends
ear/woma
12.1 (adj.)
1.8 (orig.)
3.0 (orig.) 15.6 (adj.)
2.3 (orig.)
6.6 (adj.)
14.7 (adj.)
8.6 (adj.)
2.7 (orig.)
8.8 (adj.)
4th Most
important
participant
Father
Old Bro
Big Bird
Old Wom.
Birds
Hunters
2.6 (orig.)
4.2 (orig.)
4.00
22.0 (adj.) 23.3 (adj.)
46.8 (adj.)
(orig.)
3.4 (orig.)
2.4 (orig.) 2.2 (orig.)
21.6 (adj.)
8.0 (adj.)
76.5
(adj.)
5th Most
important
participant
Crow
Pumpkin
7 Sisters
Old Bro
Deer
Grass
3.6 (orig.)
2.5
2.9 (orig.)
3.6 (orig.)
7.42 (orig.)
5.00
34.8 (adj.)
(orig.)
38.3 (adj.) 30.0 (adj.)
131.0 (adj.)
(orig.)
19.2 (adj.)
187 (adj.)
Another measure of participant continuity is labeled persistence or decay. Givn

(1983:15) presents a methodology to measure persistence by counting the number of
clauses to the right (i.e. following in the text) of a participant in which that
participant is maintained without interruption. The minimal value to a participant
67
reference will be zero if the next clause to the right does not refer to the participant.
In this case, the participant decays immediately. There is no max value to the
measurement of decay. The sum of all the persistence values is the persistence score
of the participant.
Table 17 below ranks the participants of each narrative according to their
persistence score.
Table 17: Decay values of most important participants.
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Buyeang
Grandfath
Wild
Orphans
Fish
er Ghost
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Most
Ear
Important
Youngest
Elderly
Seven
Younger
Orphaned
Grand-
Daughter
Mother
Brothers
Brother
Grandson
father
Participant
74
303
420
347
320
187
2nd Most
Snake/
Older
Old
Wicked
Ghost
Grandson
Husband
Brother
Gndfathe
Witch
Friends
121
235
100
114
important
participant
59
412
3rd Most
important
participant
Mother
Younger
Big Bird
Old
Gndfather
Buffalo
56
Brother
136
Woman
Ghost
ear/woma
66
81
214
115
4th Most
important
participant
5th Most
important
participant
Father
Daughter
Old
Soldiers
Birds
Hunters
37
208
Mother
59
14
Deer
Dog
87
Crow
Pumpkin
13
47
7 Sisters Older Bro

19
37
In the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, we find that the ranking of Daughter,
Snake/Husband, Mother, Father and Crow is the same as the ranking found in Table
15. This is contradicted by Table 16, where the Snake/Husband is ranked higher
than the Daughter by 0.2 points. Most of the scores in Table 16 are separated by
margins greater than one and it was determined that a difference of 0.2 was too
68
close to be significant. So with no significant difference in Table 16, the ranking in

Tables 15 and 17 can be considered the correct ranking.
In the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the participants are ranked as Mother,
Older Brother, Younger Brother, Daughter and Pumpkin. This is different from the
ranking in Table 15 and in Table 16 where the Younger Brother is ranked higher
than the older brother. When the look-back chart is examined, we find that the data
is skewed due to two isolated references to the Older Brother at the end of the
narrative which greatly increase the look-back value. If those two isolated mentions
are removed, then the Older Brother receives a lower look-back score than the
Younger Brother. The daughter is in the 4th position because she plays mostly a
passive role in the narrative and so is often absent for a line or two as the active
participants take their focus off of her. The Mother's look-back score is skewed due
to a long absence during the middle of the narrative. This skewing is removed in
Table 16 where she is ranked as most important. Thus, Table 17 in this case is the
most reliable in ranking the participants.
In the Seven Orphans narrative, the participants are ranked as The Seven Brothers,
The Old Grandfather, the Big Bird, The Old Mother and the Seven Sisters. This
contrasts with Table 15 where the Old Grandfather is ranked first. Since the Seven
Brothers are present from the beginning of the narrative until the end, Table 16 is
judged to be correct in ranking the Seven Brothers first. Ranking the last three
participants of this narrative is problematic as each chart yields a different result.
The easiest way to resolve this issue is to argue that the three participants are local
VIPs with an equal rank: The Old Mother at the beginning, The Big Bird in the
Middle and the Seven Sisters at the end.
In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the participants are ranked as the Younger Brother,
the Wicked Witch, the Old Woman, the Soldiers and the Older Brother. Tables 15
and 16 have the Soldiers ranked higher than the Old Woman. This is due to the
contiguous nature of the references to the Old Woman, who is present for 12
contiguous clauses. The Soldiers are found in 16 clauses with two one clause breaks.
If the parameters of continuity were changed to disregard a break of one clause,
then the soldiers would be contiguous for 16 clauses, thus ranking ahead of the Old
Woman. In either case, the Old Woman and the Soldiers are essentially the same
rank.
In the Grandfather Ghost narrative, the participants are ranked as the Orphaned
Grandson, the Ghost Friends, the Grandfather Ghost, the Birds and the Grasshopper.
It is interesting to note that the Grandfather Ghost for whom the narrative is named
69
is ranked third. He is present at the beginning of the narrative and the end,
disappearing only for the two hunting scenes. He is mentioned 47 times as compared
to the 33 mentions of the Ghost Friends. Yet the Ghost friends are more contiguous
with no major breaks. Only Table 16 ranks the Grandfather Ghost above the Ghost
Friends. One last factor involved in the ranking process is that the Ghost Friends are
a group, from which generic representatives speak. The group references and the
references to generic representatives were counted as being one participant. If they
were treated as separate participants, the Grandfather Ghost would be ranked higher
than the Ghost Friends.
Finally, in the Wild Buffalo Ear narrative, the participants are ranked as
Grandfather, Grandson, Buffalo Ear/Woman, Hunters and Dog. All three tables agree
on the top four participants. The fifth participant is Table 17 is the Dog while in
Tables 15 and 16 it is the Grass. Both participants are considered to be ranked
equally.
Table 18 below is a summary of the top five participants for each narrative.
Table 18: Final ranking of most important participants.
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Buyeang
Grandfath
Wild
Orphans
Fish
er Ghost
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Most
Important
Ear
Youngest
Elderly
Seven
Younger
Orphaned
Grand-
Daughter
Mother
Brothers
Brother
Grandson
father
Snake/Hus
Older
Old
Wicked
Gndfather
Grandson
band
Brother
Gndfather
Witch
Ghost
Mother
Younger
Big Bird
Soldiers
Ghost
Buffalo
Friends
ear/woma
Participant
2nd Most
important
participant
3rd Most
important
Brother
participant
4th Most
important
n
Father
Daughter
participant
5th Most
important
Crow
Pumpkin
Old
Old
Mother
Woman
7 Sisters Older Bro
participant
70
Birds
Hunters
Deer
Dog and
Grass
In summary, the four methods of calculating participant rank are a simple count of
the number of times a participant is mentioned, Givn's look-back method, a
modified look-back method combining the first two methods, and Givn's decay
method. The simple count method accurately predicted the final ranking of the most
important participant in five of the six narratives. The exception was the first
episode of the Big Snake S-I-L in which the simple count method ranked the
snake/husband participant higher than the youngest daughter.
The most glaring failure of the simple count method is its ranking the Daughter of
the second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L as tied for Most Important Participant with
the Elderly Mother. This is because while the daughter receives many mentions, she
is rarely an active agent but rather a passive object being acted upon. Thus it is
necessary to use the look-back and decay methods to gain a more accurate ranking
of participant rank.
4.4
Introducing participants
Section 4.3 ranked the top five participants of each narrative according to the
parameters of persistence and decay. This section ranks participants according to the
way they are introduced and tracked in the text.
A distinction must be made when analyzing referents between participants and
props. Grimes (1975:43) argues that participants initiate or respond to actions, while
props do not do anything. While props are usually inanimate, they can be animate if
the referent never does anything. Conversely, animals and inanimate objects can be
participants if they initiate or respond to actions.
In the Bru texts analyzed for this paper, many of the animals are participants and
not props, particularly if they can talk. An example of an animal classified as a
participant is shown in (87) where the crow is introduced and starts to speak with
the youngest daughter. The crow thinks up a plan to prevent the youngest daughter's
husband from turning back into a snake and then helps to execute the plan.
p
m ta.mai an
when come day new

ton tom
until bird
si.ak
crow
n
on
3S
ka waw maj na
so
speak one
kal alua
tree
sa
ki
Clf_person like that again
hear
The next day, she kept saying the same thing to herself out loud until a crow up
in the tree heard her.
71
An example of a person who is a prop is the father of the daughter who gets
swallowed by a snake in the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative. He is not
one of the top five participants of this narrative. He is introduced along with the
mother as a married couple. Together they capture a snake and drag it back, but he
is never mentioned specifically. Then when he is mentioned 8 times specifically, he
never does or says anything. He functions as a foil for the mother who does most of
the action. This is shown in example (88) below.
m9.pe
jah
noa
lj
mother LOC side outside so
waw kap a.jak
paj maj
2S
watch
m
Prt_surprise
So the mother who was outside said to her husband, Will you look at that!
Following Osborne (2009), four categories of participants in Bru KS narrative

discourse are proposed: central participants, major participants, minor participants,
and peripheral participants. A central participant is one that is uniquely salient
throughout the narrative and is ranked higher than any other participant. Major
participants rank high where they are salient, but they may not be salient
throughout the narrative. Some characteristics of central and major participants in
Bru KS are: they are introduced within presentational clauses and with relative or
stative clauses, they are present in much of the text, and they are the main agents of
the events which occur in the narrative.
Minor participants are generally introduced with only a noun phrase and no relative
clauses. Sometimes they are introduced within a presentational clause but often are
not. They are on-stage for a small part of the narrative and are not as significant in
the events of the story.
Peripheral participants play only a small role in the narrative and are present for
only a small portion of the narrative.
4.4.1
Central participants
Bru KS generally introduces central participants within a presentational clause,

followed by 1 to 3 relative clauses. Osborne (2009:87) observes that in Kmhmu'
central participants are formally introduced with an NP consisting of a head noun
and a classifier phrase. Bru KS often introduces a central participant with a N +ClfP,
but it is not obligatory. The ClfP tends to function to specify the number of
72
participants rather than to mark them as thematically salient because both major
and minor characters are introduced by a N +ClfP.
The stative phrases in the introduction of a central participant often foreshadow the
theme of the narrative. This is the case of sm 'younger brother' who is the central
participant of the Buyeang Fish narrative. In example (89) below, sm is introduced
first in a presentational phrase as one of the sons of the ruler; and secondly in an
appositional NP as the younger of the two brothers. Then there is a sentence
explaining that the mother and father only love the younger brother. This is
followed with four stative phrases: 'the younger brother is a good person', 'he is
smart in his studies', 'he likes to help people' and 'he likes to help animals'. The
theme of this narrative is pity and helping others. The narrative follows the younger
brother as he uses his wits and his goodness to escape from his older brother. The
narrative shows his pity when he does not eat the Buyeang fish but saves it instead.
Then the narrative concludes with the younger brother using his wits to fight a
wicked witch and reaping the benefits of his friendship with animals.
(89) The_Buyeang_Fish.003-.005
m9.poa kra bn kn baw
father city
m9.pe
ba
na
aj
have child young.man two Clf_person older and younger but
m9.poa pe t
sm
an
sm
pn kuaj
mother father love but younger because younger be
kap sm
li.an p
ma.k taj kuaj
person good
ka.nh
taj
(younger) study clever (younger) like help person another (younger) help
tran
pram
animal also
The ruler of the city had two sons who were young men, an older son and a
younger son. But the mother and father only loved the younger brother because
he was a good person. (He) was clever in his studies and (he) liked to help
other people, and animals also.
This introduction of the younger brother is comparatively lengthy. The following

clauses introduce the older brother who, in contrast to the younger brother, is not a
good person and does not help other people. One could argue that the introduction
of the older brother continues the focus on the younger because of the contrast of
attributes. This extended description given to the younger brother and the fact that
he is introduced first are signals that he is the central participant in the story.
Another aspect of central participants is that they are present through most of the
narrative. Central participants are usually central in the peak episode and are
73
generally present at the end of the narrative. In the Buyeang Fish narrative, the
central participant, the Younger Brother, is the object of the Witch's frantic search.
He is not specifically mentioned except as a zero anaphora of the verb tuaj
'search'. He is the cause of the witch's demise. She searches for him in her magic
mirror, but can not find him. In anger she throws down her wand and it breaks in
half, pointing back at her and turning her to stone. All the while, the Younger
Brother (central participant) is in a tunnel under her.
There were only two narratives which had central participants. In the Buyeang Fish
narrative, the central participant is sm 'the younger brother'. In the Grandfather
Ghost narrative, the kn ka.mt 'orphan child' is the central participant. Both of
these central participants are introduced at the beginning of their respective
narratives with an extended introduction. They are both present throughout the
narrative and they are involved in most of the events that occur in the story. Table
14 shows that sm 'the younger brother' receives 79 mentions, almost three times
the 28 mentions of the 2nd most important participant. Table 14 also shows that kn
ka.mt 'orphan child' receives 86 mentions, almost two times the 47 mentions of the
2nd most important participant.
With only six narratives under study, it is difficult to conclude how frequently
central participants occur in Bru narrative. The most that can be stated is that it is
likely that central participants are a distinct class of participants in Bru narrative
occurring in 33% of the narratives under study.
4.4.2
Major participants
Major participants differ from Central participants in that they are not present as
often in the narrative as are the Central participants. Major participants must share
the stage with other major participants. While they are often introduced with a
presentational clause, they do not receive as many descriptive stative clauses as a
Central participant. Major participants may be introduced at the beginning of a story
or in the middle, often at a major text boundary.
Major participants are active agents when they are present in the narrative. The
daughter in the 2nd episode of The Big Snake S-I-L would seem to be a major
participant as she is introduced with a presentational clause at the beginning of the
narrative and she is present for much of the narrative. Yet she does not participate
actively in the events of the story. Rather, she is the victim who is acted upon by her
mother, the snake and the two brothers. Her only actions are to call to her mother,
to cover her face, to offer herself in marriage and to plant a pumpkin vine. This
74
participant is the 4th most important participant listed in the final rankings of Table
17.
In the second episode of The Big Snake Son-I-L, two major participants are
introduced in example (90), an older brother and a younger brother. They are
introduced at a major boundary marked 120 lines into the story with an authorial
intrusion waw t 'speak about' interpreted as Now we will talk about . They are
not introduced in a presentational clause but as the object of the verb waw t 'speak
about'. They are introduced with a ClfP before the NP. This NP is in apposition to
the ClfP. They receive only one descriptive stative clause, t n ra.k maj na
'live with grandfather man one person'. The two brothers are present for half of the
episode before the younger brother disappears and the older brother is only referred
to in terms of his wife.
waw t
ba
na
sm
aj
ra.k
speak about two Clf_person younger older live with grandfather man
maj
na
one
Clf_person
Now we will talk about two people, a younger brother and an older brother
who lived with their grandfather.
Table 19 shows all of the major participants in the narratives under study based on
the following criteria: they are introduced in a presentational clause, they are
introduced at a text boundary, they are introduced with a ClfP and they are in the
top three rankings of Table 17. For reference sake, central participants have been
added.
75
Table 19: Major participants
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Buyeang Grandfat
Orphans
Fish
Wild
her Ghost
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Ear
Central
Participant
Younger
Orphaned
Brother
Grandson
Major
Youngest
Elderly
Seven
Wicked
Grndfather
Grand-
Participant Daughter
Mother
Brothers
Witch
Ghost
father
Major
Snake/
Older
Old
Ghost
Grandson
Participant
Husband
Brother
Grndfather
Friends
Major
Mother
Younger
Buffalo ear/
Brother
woman
Participant
4.4.3
Minor participants
Minor participants differ from Major participants as they generally receive very little
descriptive coding in their introduction and are likely to be present in only small
parts of the narrative. When they are present, they play a role in the events of the
story. Generally, they disappear after their role is finished.
The hunters in The Wild Buffalo Ear narrative are minor participants. They are
introduced as a group in (91) below with a presentational clause and one stative
clause describing that they lived in a village together. Also in their introduction is
the classifier phrase pa.leaj na 'many Clf_person'. They are introduced after the
Major participants, the grandfather and grandson. The most salient fact that makes
them a minor participant is that they appear as a group in line 004, interact with the
major participants for 13 lines and then disappear for the remainder of the 134 line
narrative.
bn
maj si.aj bn
EXIST one
day
pre.an
vi.l
ma.nj
pa.le.aj
EXIST hunter live village together many
na
Clf_person
One day there were many hunters who were living together in a village.
76
Within the 14 lines where the hunters are on stage, three of them are introduced as
individuals. Each of the three interacts by speaking with the grandfather. They are
introduced with only an NP and no Classifier Phrase as shown in (92). After one line
of speech, they each disappear from the stage.
pre.an
kuaj
a waw
hunter person first
speak
The first hunter said.
In the 1st episode of The Big Snake S-I-L, the crow is a minor character who is
introduced in a sentence final Prepositional Phrase (PP) as shown in example (93).
Within the PP, the crow is identified with the NP tom si.ak 'bird crow' and no
Classifier Phrase. A further PP describes the bird's location as being in a tree. The
crow is on stage for 16 lines and immediately disappears after it fulfills its function
of getting rid of the snake skin as shown in example (94).
p
m ta.maj an
when come day new
3S
ka waw maj na
so
speak one
ton tom si.ak n kal alua
until bird crow on
hear
tree
sa
ki
Clf_person like that again
The next day, she kept saying the same thing to herself out loud until a crow up
in the tree heard her.
tom
bird
si.ak pa.tah 9.kol s

crow free
skin
to ujh
descend in
fire
The crow dropped the skin down into the fire.
Table 20 shows all of the minor participants in the narratives under study.
77
Table 20: Minor participants
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Buyeang
Grandfath
Wild
Orphans
Fish
er Ghost
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Minor
Participant
Minor
Participant
Father
Pumpkin
Crow
Ear
Big Bird
Soldiers
Old
Older Bro
Hunters
Mother
Minor
7 Sisters
Participant
Buyeang
Fish
Deer
Wolf
4.4.4
Peripheral participants and props
Peripheral participants have very little introduction. They have a very short duration
in the narrative and do not initiate the salient events of the narrative. An example of
peripheral participants would be the six daughters in The Big Snake S-I-L which are
introduced by a NP + ClfP in a presentational clause as shown in (95). They are
mentioned in lines 020, 021, 022 with the NP kn 'children'. They are not mentioned
again until the end of the episode in lines 074 and 075 when they are reintroduced
with the NP sem j 'younger older'. In this reintroduction, they show jealousy after
seeing the youngest sister's handsome husband and say they want to have husbands
just like hers. Their comment drives the story to the next episode where the reader is
shown a different family that tries to duplicate the first family's success in finding a
good husband who was a snake.
ba
na
bn kn ka.mul
ta.pa.t na
two Clf_person have child female.unmarried six
Clf_person
They had six unmarried daughters.
Another example of peripheral participants is the a.tjh taw 'grandfather old' who is
introduced in the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative. In line 078, he
and the old grandmother are introduced as well as their only daughter. The only
overt signal as to participant classification in the introduction is that the parents do
78
not receive a human classifier but are classified as another household with n maj
do 'another one Clf_house'. The daughter is introduced with an unmarked relative
clause and the human classifier na. This signals that the daughter will be more
salient in the narrative than her parents.
In the rest of the narrative, the old grandfather is only mentioned in conjunction
with his wife. They catch a snake together and together they drag it home; but after
that, the old man does nothing but listen to his wife. Since he never does anything
essential on his own, he is classified as a peripheral participant.
waw t
a.jea
taw a.tjh
speak about grandmother old

kn ka.mul
taw n
grandfather old
maj do
again one
bn
house have
maj na
child female.unmarried one
Clf_person
Now we will talk about an old man and old woman of another family who had
one unmarried daughter.
The last example of a peripheral participant is the a.jea taw 'grandmother old' in
The Buyeang Fish narrative. It is revealing that this participant (like (96) above) is
introduced with the classifier phrase maj do 'one Clf_house' as found in example
(97) below. One would expect the classifier for person na instead of the classifier for
house. These two examples are indications that using a non-person classifier in the
introduction of a person signals that the participant is peripheral.
The a.jea taw 'grandmother old' seems to be more than a peripheral participant as
she is ranked as the 4th most important participant in section 4.3 above. While she is
contiguous for 12 consecutive clauses, she never does any overt action except for
speaking and entering into the presence of the wicked witch. Her role is to act as a
narrator, explaining the situation and then to act as a go-between with the witch.
Thus she is classified as a peripheral participant.
t
a.je.a
taw maj do
LOC but grandmother old
one
bn
house NEG have
pn
be
ko.l
stone
Except for one old grandmother in her house that had not been turned to
stone.
The a.jea taw 'grandmother old' of the Buyeang Fish narrative and the kn ka.mul
'daughter' of the 2nd episode of the Big Snake S-I-L have characteristics of major
79
participants and minor participants. While the boundary between central

participants and major participants is quite distinct, the boundary between major
and minor participants is less distinct and points to the idea that participants below
the central ranking are most likely on a continuum, not separated by strict
boundaries.
Table 21 shows all of the peripheral participants in the narratives under study.
Table 21: Peripheral participants
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Orphans
Buyeang Grandfather
Fish
Ghost
Wild
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Peripheral
Participant
Younger
snake
Ear
squirrel
sisters
Peripheral
Participant
Old
grasshopper
god
birds
dog
Gdmother
Father
King
King
Peripheral
grass
Participant
4.5
rice
Summary
This chapter shows that participants in a narrative can be ranked by their relative
importance within the narrative. This ranking can be measured statistically with a
simple count of the number of occurrences, the look-back method, a modified lookback method and a measure of a participants rate of decay. The simple count of
occurrences is a good initial indication of participant rank, but it requires the lookback method and decay method to account for participants who are mentioned often
and yet are not that important to the story in what they do. The modified look-back
method is a way of combining a simple count with the look-back method to account
for skewing due to long absences of a participant in the text.
How a participant is introduced is another indication of a participant's rank.
Participants introduced with a presentational clause along with additional coding
material such as relative clauses signal more importance. There are four proposed
participant categories: central participants, major participants, minor participants
and peripheral participants. Central participants are more clearly defined as a
category, requiring a participant to be present throughout the who narrative, to be
80
an active agent in most of the events of a narrative and to present in the peak of the
narrative. Major participants, minor participants and peripheral participants are not
as clearly defined as the boundaries of these categories are not as clearly drawn.
81
Chapter 5
Participant identification patterns
This chapter examines the patterns of how referring expressions are used to
introduce participants and maintain their identification in Bru KS narrative
discourse. While different genres of Bru KS narrative could potentially have
different patterns, this paper assumes that the patterns discovered in the texts
under study form a system of reference that governs how referents are
introduced, how they are tracked, how they are ranked and how ambiguities are
resolved. This chapter describes the default patterns and discusses possible
motivations for exceptions to the default pattern.
5.1
Theoretical approach
Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:112) state that, A viable system of reference in any
language must accomplish three kinds of tasks. They list these three tasks as
semantic, discourse-pragmatic and processing. The semantic task is to identify
the referents unambiguously, meaning that a referent must be coded in such a
way as to distinguish it from all other practically possible referents. This means
that the higher the degree of possible ambiguity, the more coding material will
be necessary to narrow down the correct referent.
The discourse-pragmatic task concerns the level of salience and how activated
a referent is. Activation occurs when a referent is introduced and it becomes
active in the mind of the reader/listener. Activation status is usually described
with the following categories: introduction, keeping on stage, dismissal, and
reintroduction. Chafe (1987) uses the categories of being activated, maintaining
activation status and being deactivated. The result of activation status is that the
more a referent is activated, the less coding material is necessary for that
referent.
Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:113) state that activation is commonly
accomplished with a full noun phrase. If the participant will be prominent in the
text, an initial activation noun phrase is often prominent as well in discourse-
pragmatic structuring. Keeping a referent active requires minimal coding, such as

pronouns, verb agreement or zero-anaphora. Deactivation is generally not marked as
a referent tends to disappear from the stage.
Finally, the third task of processing requires more coding material when there is a
disruption in the text. Disruptions occur when there is a change of place,
participants or time. Sometimes the disruption can be a change in the type of clause
information such as storyline information versus non-storyline.
To perform these three tasks, participant reference systems generally follow two
strategies for participant reference. The first is a sequential strategy (or look-back)
that identifies a referent by noting who or what was mentioned most recently
(Dooley and Levinsohn 2001:117). This strategy is not concerned with the
organizational structure of the text but is concerned with how to identify referents
coded with something less than a full noun phrase. It is concerned with the
immediate identifiability of a referent.
A VIP (Very Important Participant) strategy flags one referent with special overt
linguistic coding in its introduction (Dooley and Levinsohn 2001:119). This special
coding signals that the referent is a VIP in the text globally or locally. It can be used
to identify the VIP anywhere in the text that the VIP is thematically salient.
Participants are introduced and tracked using linguistic signals that reflect their
prominence or thematic salience in the narrative.
In Bru KS, the VIP strategy is used with central participants, major participants and
in the case of the daughter in the second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L, with a
minor participant who was highly salient for a portion of the narrative. The
linguistic signal used is the third person pronoun an.
5.2
Methodology
Using Dooley and Levinsohn's method (2001:44), the texts were charted clause by
clause. They were then divided into thematic groupings which gave an outline of the
structure of the text. The texts were also charted using Thurman charts adapted from
Grimes (1975:182-191). The Thurman charts were used to show each occurrence of
a referent within the text.
Then participant identification patterns were analyzed using Dooley and Levinsohn's
(2001:127) eight-step methodology. The first step is to list the various ways a
participant can be referred to (e.g. full NP, pronoun, agreement, zero anaphora). The
second step is to prepare a chart of participant encoding with special note of how
83
subjects and non-subjects are coded. This was done utilizing the modified Thurman
charts.
The third step is to assign a number to each participant referred to more than once.
The fourth step is to identify and label the linguistic context of each referent. The
following labels are assigned for both subjects and non-subjects:
S1 the subject is the same as in the previous sentence,
S2 the subject is the addressee of a speech reported in the previous
sentence,
S3 the subject is involved in the previous sentence in a nonsubject
relation other than addressee, and
S4 other changes of subject than those covered by S2 and S3.
N1 the referent occupies the same non-subject relation as in the previous
sentence,
N2 the addressee of a reported speech is the subject (speaker) of a speech
reported in the previous sentence,
N3 the referent is involved in the previous sentence in a different
relation than that covered by N2, and
N4 other references to non-subjects than those covered by N1-N3.
After all the contexts have been identified and labeled, step five is to propose default
encoding values for each context. Then step six is to search for and identify any
exceptions to the default coding, determining if the exception contains more or less
coding than the default. The seventh step is to modify the default hypothesis of Step
5 in light of the exceptions discovered in Step 6.
This leaves deviations from the default that are not explained by the context of the
text. Step 8 takes these deviations as special encoding and makes a generalization of
the causes for the deviation. Some examples of generalizations that can be made
come from Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:133), who argue that when coding is less
than the default, it is generally because the referent is a VIP or that there is only
one major participant on stage or a cycle of events is being repeated. When the
coding material is more than the default, Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:134) argue
that this indicates a discontinuity in the text. Thus if a discontinuity can be
identified, then an alternate coding strategy is expected.
84
5.3
Rules for default encoding patterns
The motivation for particular participant reference codings depends on the method
of tracking. Dooley and Levinsohn (2001) present two methods of tracking: the
sequential strategy and the VIP (Very Important Participant) strategy. The sequential
strategy looks back at the immediately preceding referent while the VIP has a
broader scope of looking at the rank of the participant in the narrative as a whole.
Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:121) state that the VIP reference system initially codes
the participant in the introduction and then uses the same coding throughout the
text. Thus a VIP will have a relatively small amount of coding throughout the text.
When this pattern occurs throughout the text, it is called a global VIP pattern. When
this pattern occurs within a section of the narrative, it is called a local VIP pattern.
The Bru texts analyzed in this study use both the sequential strategy and the VIP
strategy.
In the following sections, the methodology of section 5.2 is used to examine
sequential patterns of both subject and non-subject references. The rules for subject
reference will be presented first, followed by the rules for non-subject reference
patterns.
5.3.1
Subject reference patterns
This section will present rules based on an analysis of the sequential patterns found
in the narratives. Exceptions to the rules are then examined to see if there is any
predictable pattern to account for the exception. If there is a predictable pattern to
the exception, the rules are revised to reflect those exceptions. Note that the first
and second episodes of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative will be analyzed as separate
narratives due to their distinct sets of participants.
5.3.1.1
Same subject (S1 context)
The S1 context identifies the coding used for the subject of an independent clause
that is the same as the subject of the preceding independent clause. An analysis of
the S1 context shows that the default coding is a zero reference for 3 of the
narratives: The Seven Orphans, the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L and The
Buyeang Fish. The other three narratives do not have a distinct default pattern but
have a more even distribution between zero reference and pronoun reference. The
Grandfather Ghost narrative and the Wild Buffalo Ear have an almost even
distribution between zero reference and pronoun reference, with pronouns in the
85
majority. The first episode of the Big Snake S-I-L is unique in that it uses a much
higher percentage of NPs in the S1 context. Table 22 below shows the distribution of
the referring expressions for the S1 environment of each narrative.
Table 22: Distribution of S1 category
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Orphans
Buyeang Grandfath
Fish
er Ghost
episode 1 episode 2
Wild
Buffalo
Ear
49.00%
71.00%
72.50%
79.00%
38.50%
35.44%
PRO
15.50%
12.50%
8.50%
9.70%
40.00%
46.83%
Clf_P
0.00%
5.50%
3.50%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
NP
35.50%
11.00%
15.50%
11.30%
21.50%
17.73%
The first rule applies to references where the subject is the same in the previous
clause or sentence (S1 context).
S1 Context Rule
A zero identification is given for central and major
participants while minor and peripheral participants
are identified with a pronoun or NP in the S1 context.
The example of the orphan child who is the central participant of The Grandfather
Ghost narrative illustrates this rule in example (98) below. Line 050 is classified as
S4 (subject not in the preceding clause) with the referent being the orphan child
who is coded with an NP and a pronoun in apposition to the NP. Then in lines 051053, there are four zero references as the background information of what the
orphan sees (namely nothing) is given. Then in line 055, an exception to the rule
occurs and the orphan is coded with a full noun phrase as he becomes the agent who
bends his bow back, ready to kill the oncoming deer.
86
(98) The_Grandfather_Ghost.050-055
jah
aj
ka.mt
side older orphan
an ka a.kan t
3S so
wait
ki
LOC that
As for the orphan, he waited in that place.
hm n9.traw
orphan NEG see
what
loah
to
out
an lj
in
3S Prt_emph
(He) did not see anything come out to him at all.

tran
ka
animal so
hm n9.traw
orphan NEG see
anything
ka
hm
so
orphan NEG see
Animals, (he) did not see; anything (else), he did not see.
ka.nea
orphan hear but friend
waw
paj an p
speak C
3S go
to
in
maj t
2S
PST Prt_Emph
(He) only heard the friends saying, It has gone towards you!
aj
kn
ka.mt
older child orphan
ea ta.mia
bend bow
COMP
The eldest orphan child bent his bow and held it ready.
Thus it is observed that while the default encoding is zero for central and major
participants, text discontinuities can motivate extra coding in the S1 context. In the
case of example (98) above, the discontinuity is a switch in information type, from
background information to a mainline event. Other examples of text discontinuity
are thematic boundaries and change in clause type such as the transition between a
transitive clause and a speech event.
Osborne (2009:95) reports that more than default encoding occurs at a text
boundary in the final sentence of a thematic grouping. This was not found to be the
case in Bru KS except for a few exceptional speech acts where the end of the speech
is marked with a rare final speech clause, as shown in (99).
kan hm an loah n
if
see
3S out
maj pa
allow 2S
lot
ka.ne.a
shoot Prt_command Prt_request friend
at
say
If you see it come out, you must shoot it, OK. The friends said.
87
Along with discontinuity in the text, another motivation for using more than zero
reference in the S1 environment is to highlight a participant. An example of
highlighting a participant is shown in example (100) below. The recovery of the
woman who almost died inside of the snake is highlighted with five consecutive
pronoun references in the S1 context.
(100) The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.139-143
an
3S
ka
ra.taw bn
then wiggle able
Then she was able to move a little bit.

p
pon
si.aj s: si.aj
when four day
five
day
an
ka
wa`w
bn
3S
then
speak able
After four or five days, she was able to speak.

t
dun
an
NEG time.long 3S
ka
so
wa
heal
Not long after that, she was healed.

t
an
but 3S
la
remember story
tia
bn
before NEG able
But she could not remember what had happened to her.

p
an
when 3S
t d
marry
wa t
an
heal PST 3S
kap
ka
waw
paj a.m
then speak C
whoever
taj an
help 3S
an
3S
si
IRR
naw a.-ki
with 3P
CAUS-there
After she had been healed she said that whoever had helped her, she would
marry that person.
If the S1 rule for default encoding takes into account the exceptions of text
discontinuities and of highlighting a participant, a revised rule can be formed. The
revised rule is:
88
Revised Rule for S1 Context

participants, except when there is a discontinuity in
the text or when the referent is being highlighted
as being particularly salient. Minor and peripheral
participants are identified with a pronoun or NP in the
S1 context.
An example of a minor participant who is coded with an NP in the S1 context is the
crow in the first episode of The Big Snake S-I-L. The crow has two references in the
S1 context and both are coded with an NP. An exception to this rule of minor and
peripheral characters is seen in the minor character of the snake in the second
episode of The Big Snake S-I-L. By the S1 rule, the snake should be coded with more
than a zero. But in lines 088 to 090 in example (101) below, the snake is coded with
zero reference. In this case, the snake is not the salient referent, but rather the
daughter who is being swallowed. Thus the under-coding signifies that the snake has
been downgraded to the background of the scene.
(101) The_Big_Snake.088-090
p
si.daw
when night
ma.hj
ku.tan
moment snake
hk
big
ka
so
hat
an
wrap.around 3S
The moment night fell, the big snake wrapped itself around her.
t
then snake
ka ta:
an
so
3S
eat
And then (the snake) started to eat her.
ln
l an
snake swallow leg
3S
a
first
It swallowed her lower leg first.
To take into account the zero coding of minor and peripheral participants, the S1
context rule is again revised as follows:
89
Final Revision of Rule for S1 Context

participants, except when there is a discontinuity in
the text or when the referent is being highlighted.
Minor and peripheral participants are identified with a
pronoun or NP in the S1 context, except when they
are being backgrounded.
This final rule then covers all of the occurrences of participant reference in the S1
context. In later sections, the rule addendum of except when a referent is being
highlighted, will be considered as a case of over-coding. The rule addendum of
except when they are being backgrounded will be considered a case of undercoding. This rule than is broad enough to cover all cases, even those of over-coding
and under-coding.
5.3.1.2
Subject is addressee of previous clause (S2 context)
The S2 context identifies the coding used for the subject of an independent clause
that was the addressee in the preceding speech act. An analysis of the S2 context
shows that the default coding is a NP as shown by Table 23 below. Note that
sometimes the entire speech quote formula is omitted. In those cases, the implied
subject is coded as a zero reference.
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Seven
Orphans
Buyeang Grandfath
Fish
er Ghost
Wild
Buffalo
episode 1 episode 2
Ear
25.00%
10.00%
57.60%
33.33%
11.11%
0.00%
PRO
0.00%
0.00%
3.00%
0.00%
22.22%
0.00%
Cls_P
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
ClP+N
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
NP
75.00%
90.00%
39.40%
66.66%
66.66%
100.00%
The sample of references in the S2 context is relatively small with 84 occurrences.

Forty percent of the S2 references are found in The Seven Orphans narrative which
contains fifteen conversations with thirty-three S2 occurrences. The pattern
90
uniformly present in the S2 context in an extended conversation is that the first

addressee is coded with a NP or in a few cases a pronoun. The second addressee is
also coded with a NP (or pronoun). If the conversation continues back to the first
addressee, the quote formula is often omitted and the reference is coded as zero.
Because of the large number of extended conversations in The Seven Orphans
narrative, the percentage of zero coding at 57% is significantly higher than any of
the other narratives.
It is also observed that since minor and peripheral participants rarely have speaking
parts in a narrative, there is limited data for these classes of participants. The
grandmother of the Buyeang Fish narrative is the only peripheral participant
referred to in the S2 environment. Based on this data, a tentative rule is proposed for
the S2 context as follows:
Tentative Rule for S2 context
Where the referent is the addressee in a previous
clause (S2), the default encoding is an NP for the first
turn of a conversation and is optionally zero for the
second turn.
An example of this is seen in the Buyeang Fish narrative which has nine occurrences
of participant reference in the S2 context. Six of the nine occurrences occur during
an extended dialogue starting at line 051 and continuing to line 071 in which there
are seven turns in which the 'grandmother' and the younger brother speak to
each other. The younger brother is referred to with a pronoun in the S4 context in a
full quote formula when he initiates the conversation as seen in (102) below.
(102)The_Buyeang_fish.051
an l.j
3S so
t
mt
a.blh paj
enter ask
vil
maj m9.p
grandmother grandmother village 2S
why
bn kuaj
NEG EXIST person

So he entered the house and asked, "Grandmother, grandmother, why aren't
there any people in your village?
When the grandmother responds, she is referred to with the kinship NP

'grandmother'. As a minor character, the grandmother receives a full NP for four out
of five times she appears in the subject slot. The only exception is in the S2 context
where on her third consecutive speech, the speech formula and referring expression
are omitted.
91
Thus the sequence of speech turns is: 1a) younger brother(NP)(S4), 1b)
grandmother(NP)(S2), 2a) younger brother(zero)(S2) 2b) grandmother (NP)(S2), 3a)
younger brother (NP)(S2) 3b) grandmother (zero)(S2), 4a) younger brother(zero)
(S2). In turn (2a) the younger brother receives a zero coding. In turn (2b), the
grandmother retains her full NP coding as a zero reference is optional. In turn (3a)
the younger brother is coded with an NP while in (3b) the grandmother is coded
with the optional zero. Finally, the younger brother receives a code of zero to end
the dialogue.
While it may seem that turn (3a) is an exception to the S2 rule when the younger
brother is coded with an NP, it must be remembered that the zero coding is optional.
In the case of (3a), the speaker reminds the listener that the younger brother is
doing the speaking, but omits the quote formula.
The only exceptions to the S2 rule proposed above is that in the Seven Orphans, the
seven brothers who are the central participants are coded with a pronoun in one
instance. Also, in the Grandfather Ghost narrative the grandson who is a central
character is coded two times with a pronoun and two times with a kin term in the
S2 context. Thus, the S2 rule is modified as follows:
Revised Rule for S2 context
Where the referent is the addressee in a previous
clause (S2), the default encoding is an NP for the first
turn of a conversation and is optionally zero for the
second turn. Major participants may optionally
take a pronoun instead of an NP.
This revised rule accounts for all of the occurrences of participant reference in the
S2 context.
5.3.1.3
Subject is non-subject in previous clause (S3 context)
The S3 context is defined as a referent which is the subject in the current clause and
is in a non-subject relation other than addressee in the previous clause. An analysis
of the S3 context shows that finding a default coding for this category is difficult due
to the varied results shown in Table 24 below.
92
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
episode 1 episode 2
Seven
Buyeang Grandfather
Wild
Orphans
Fish
Ghost
Buffalo Ear
10
21
12 occurrences
9 occurrences
occurrences
occurrences
12
10
occurrences
occurrences
8.33%
30.00%7
20.00%
4.80%
8.33%
0.00%
PRO
8.33%
50.00%8
20.00%
19.00%
58.33%
55.55%
Cls_P
8.33%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
11.11%
NP
75.00%
20.00%
60.00%
76.20%
33.33%
33.33%
Osborne (2009:100) argues that the default coding is a pronoun. Bequette (2008:96)
does not find a default coding for the S3 context. Since the S3 context by definition
is a subject that is different from the preceding subject, one would expect more
coding rather than less coding. One would not expect to find referents to receive a
zero coding in this environment. Thus a closer examination of possible motivations
for a zero coding are in order.
In the second episode of The Big Snake S-I-L narrative, three out of the ten S3
occurrences are coded zero. The first occurrence happens at the beginning of the
episode at a major break where the referents are introduced in the non-subject slot
of a presentational phrase as seen in example (103) below.
waw t
a.je.a
bn kn
ka.mul
taw a.tjh
taw n
speak about grandmother old grandfather old
maj do
again one
house 3P
maj na
have child female.unmarried one
Clf_person
Now we will talk about an old man and old woman of another family. They
have one unmarried daughter.
One could argue that line 078 in example (103) above are not two separate
independent clauses but a presentational clause with an unmarked relative clause. If
that is the case, then the correct translation would be, Now we will talk about an
7
8
9
Due to the analysis that follows, this will be modified to 10%.

Due to the following analysis, this will be modified to 70%.
This is the same as example (96) except that it is given an alternate interpretation as two
separate clauses with a zero subject reference in the second clause.
93
old man and old woman of another family who had one unmarried daughter. If
this hypothesis is correct, then the zero reference above does not fall in the S3
category as it is not an independent clause. The next line as seen in example (104)
would fall into the S3 category and have the expected coding of a pronoun.
a.laj
3P
j bn pa.tiXam
pn ku.t;an hk kX kan
want have son-in-law be snake
big same RECIP
They wanted to have a son-in-law who was a big snake just the same (as the
family we just talked about.)
The result of this examination is the hypothesis that zero coding in an S3 may signal
that the clause is not independent but dependent. When looking at the second case
of S3 zero coding in The Big Snake S-I-L narrative, the same phenomena occurs. The
previous clause introduces the participants in the non-subject slot of a presentational
clause. The next clause seems to be independent, but could be a dependent relative
clause. Since the referring expression is zero, it can be hypothesized that the clause
is a dependent relative clause. The free translation of example (105) assumes that
the clause of line 121 is dependent. If the clause were independent, line 121 would
be translated as They farmed in the mountains.
(105) The_Big_Snake.120 and 121
waw t
ba
na
sm
aj
ra.k
speak come two Clf_person younger older live with grandfather man
maj
one
na
Clf_person 3P
ta
do
traj
n koh
field LOC on
mountain
Now we will talk about two brothers, a younger and an older, who lived with
their grandfather and who farmed in the mountains.
This third case of zero coding in the S3 environment is also atypical. The referent is
a pumpkin plant which buds very quickly after the tip is picked off for food. Line
162 contains two clauses with both an old woman and a pumpkin plant coded as
zero. In 162a (When she had picked off the end of the pumpkin plant) the subject
is the old woman (S4 class) and the object is the pumpkin plant. Then in 162b (by
the next morning it had bud again), the subject is the pumpkin plant coded with
zero. This is shown in example (106) below.
94
p
kit
when she pick.off it
a.b
a.rp
evening morning PST it
bac n
bud again
When she picked the tip of the vine in the evening, by the next morning, the
vine had bud again.
With this case, the hypothesis is made that a zero reference in an S3 environment is
motivated by the previous referent in a non-subject slot being also zero reference.
With this is mind, the following rule for the S3 context is proposed:
Rule for S3 Context
When the referent is in a non-subject relation other
than addressee in the previous clause (S3), the default
encoding is a pronoun. When the referent in the
previous non-subject relation is coded with a zero, then
the referent in the S3 context will also be coded with a
zero. Minor or peripheral participants will be coded
with a NP.
This rule accounts for 80% of the 60 participant reference occurrences in the S3
context. The exceptions are due to over-coding the participants to promote salience
or to differentiate the participants as will be discussed in section 5.4.1. Along with
over-coding, exceptions also seem to be motivated by unique grammatical
constructions in the previous sentence which necessitate more coding.
5.3.1.4
Not mentioned in previous clause (S4)
The S4 context is defined as a referent which is the subject in the current clause and
which was not mentioned in the previous independent clause. The distribution of the
S4 context is shown in Table 25 below.
95
Big Snake
Big Snake
Seven
Buyeang Grandfathe
Wild
S-I-L
S-I-L
Orphans
Fish
r Ghost
Buffalo Ear
episode 1
episode 2
72
25
40 occurrences
47
28 occurrences 28 occurrences occurrences occurrences
occurrences
17.80%
25.00%
9.80%
4.00%
5.00%
0.00%
PRO
0.00%
7.10%
2.80%
20.00%
10.00%
21.00%
Clf_P
0.00%
10.70%
5.60%
0.00%
0.00%
2.00%
NP
82.20%
57.20%
81.80%
76.00%
85.00%
77.00%
This table shows that the default coding of the S4 environment is NP. Since the S4
environment is non-contiguous with the preceding clause, one would expect more
coding so that the listener would have the necessary information to create a mental
image of the new participant. One would not expect to find zero coding in the S4
environment.
Both episodes of the Big Snake S-I-L narrative show a higher percentage of zero
coding than the other narratives. One reason for the higher percentage is that
sometimes the referent is a combination of the previous subject and object referents.
This is illustrated in example (107) in which the preceding clause contains a.tjh
taw 'grandfather old' in the subject slot of line 007 and m9.paj 'wife' in a non-subject
slot. In line 009 they come together as the subject of the verb tuaj 'search' and are
encoded with a zero. Note that the speech quote in line 008 was not included in the
example.
a.tjh
taw waw kap
grandfather old
m.paj
speak with wife
paj
C
The old grandfather said to his wife, ...

The_Big_Snake_S-I-L.009
tuaj
tin
ton
they search mango ripe until go
kal
maj kal
come tree mango one
Clf_tree
They searched for the ripe mangoes until they came to one particular mango tree.
Bequette (2008:103) makes the observation that when a participant is encoded as

zero in an S4 environment, the participant is already active in the scene. She states
96
that relational givenness will often enable the listener to correctly identify who the
referent is when the referring expression gives little information.
Based on the data and the observation about zero reference, a tentative rule is
proposed for the S4 context as follows:
Tentative Rule for S4 context:
Where the referent is not mentioned at all in the
preceding clause (S4), the default encoding is an NP. If
the referent is a combination of the subject and nonsubject referents of the previous clause, the default
encoding is zero.
An example of this rule is shown in (108) where there is a shift in focus from the
younger brother mentioned in line 005 to the aj 'older brother' reintroduced in line
006 with a kinship NP.
aj
pn kuaj
older be
person NEG good
The older brother was not a good person.
Sometimes a pronoun is used in the S4 context when the referent is a central or

major participant. The younger brother who is the central participant of The
Buyeang Fish narrative is encoded four times exclusively with a pronoun in the S4
environment. An example of this is shown in (109). Note that the younger brother
was not mentioned in lines 043 or 044.
an lj ta.jah p n
3S so
walk go
ton
kra maj
again until come city
one
kra
Clf_city
So the younger brother went on again until he came to a city.
Osborne (2009:104) states that where there is no ambiguity, a pronoun is used.

The younger brother is so salient in the Buyeang narrative that he is encoded with a
pronoun on 12 occasions in all of the S1-S4 environments. The only other
participant encoded with a pronoun was the witch who receives one pronoun in the
S4 environment and three in the S1 environment. Thus we observe that using a
pronoun in the S4 context highlights the salience of that participant.
Thus the rule for the S4 context can be modified as such:
97
Tentative Rule for S4 context:

Where the referent is not mentioned at all in the
preceding clause (S4), the default encoding is an NP. If
the referent is a combination of the subject and nonsubject referents of the previous clause, the default
encoding is zero. If the referent is a central
character or a local VIP, it may be encoded with a
pronoun. A classifier phase may be used instead of
a pronoun.
This rule accounts for 226 of the 240 participant reference occurrences in the S4
environment. The exceptions to the rule consist of eight occurrences where
participants receive a zero coding. These are considered a case of under-coding and
function to lessen the salience of the participant. The other exceptions to the rule
were six occurrences where the participants were coded with a classifier phrase at a
boundary in the text. This is a case of over-coding which serves to mark the text
boundary.
5.3.2
Non-subject reference patterns
The following is an analysis of non-subject reference patterns with charts showing

the frequency of the various kinds of encoding used. Using this data, rules are
proposed for default encoding patterns of non-subject references.
Note that in the N1, N3 and N4 contexts a new referential coding category, Verbal
Particle (V_Prt), is introduced. It is observed that the verbal particle kan 'RECIP' is
used only with plural participants and signals that the object is the same as the
subject in the same clause. The use of kan after a verb is analogous to verbal
inflection in that it signals a plurality which points back to a plural subject. When
kan is used, the object slot only takes a reference. One could argue that it is in fact
a coding, yet the mental construal of plurality caused by kan argues that this
construction is a new class of coding. This coding is more prevalent in the N3 and
N4 contexts. An example of kan is found in (110) below.
ba
na
m9.pe
kn
lj
two Clf_person mother child so
ra.mh kan
meet
RECIP
So both the mother and child were reunited with each other.
98
5.3.2.1
Same non-subject relation as previous clause (N1)
The N1 context is defined as a referent in a non-subject role which occurred in a

non-subject role in the preceding independent clause. An initial observation of Table
26 shows that the default coding of the N1 environment is somewhat ambiguous. It
is observed that in both episodes of The Big Snake S-I-L and The Seven Orphans that
coding is 50% or less. The Buyeang Fish, Grandfather Ghost and Wild Buffalo Ear
are coded as in the N1 context between 60% and 80%.
The distribution of the N1 context is shown in Table 26 below.
Table 26: Distribution of N1 category
Big Snake Big Snake

S-I-L
S-I-L
Episode 1
Episode 2
8 occurrences 16 occurrences
Seven
Orphans
Buyeang Grandfather
Wild
Fish
Ghost
Buffalo
16
36
9 occurrences
occurrences
occurrences
Ear
10
occurrences
50.00%
Verb Prt 0.00%
37.50%
50.00%
61.10%
77.80%
60.00%
6.20%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
PRO
0.00%
37.50%
0.00%
16.60%
22.20%
0.00%
Cls_P
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
NP
50.00%
18.80%
50.00%
22.30%
0.00%
40.00%
While the percentages are not conclusive, one expects a default coding of in the
N1 environment as it is by definition contiguous with the preceding clause. The
hypothesis of as the default coding is further supported by the Bunong (Bequette
2008:105) and Kmhmu' data (Osborne 2009:106). While Osborne argues that minor
and peripheral participants are coded with an NP in the N1 context, the texts
analyzed for this paper do not indicate that this is so in Bru KS. Rather, the high
percentage of PRO and NP references are due to text boundaries, highlighting a
particular participant or prop, or possibly a VIP coding strategy. Four examples of
coding in the N1 context are shown in (111) below.
99
an a.jo
lj taj
it
take leaf lotus wrap fish go
3S pity fish so
help
fish
hk
m9.pe
si.la bua
a.jom
p pa.tah
free
fish LOC mother water big

He pitied the fish and so helped the fish by taking a lotus leaf and wrapping the
fish up and then setting the fish free in a large river.
Based on the data, a tentative rule is proposed for the N1 context as follows:
Tentative Rule for N1 context:
Where the referent is mentioned in the same nonsubject role in the preceding clause (N1), the default
encoding is . If the N1 reference is at a text boundary
or if a VIP strategy is being used, PRO coding may be
employed.
The rule will now be tested for validity using the Buyeang Fish narrative. In this
narrative, 22 of the 35 N1 references are encoded with (62.86%). This data
supports the rule.
All 6 occurrences of PRO encoding (17.14%) in the N1 context referred to sm
'younger brother' who was the central participant of this narrative. This data
supports the tentative rule as a VIP strategy is being used to encode this participant.
There were 6 occurrences of kinship NP (NP[kin]) encoding (17.14%) in the N1
context. Two of those occurrences occurred at the beginning of a thematic paragraph
just after a text boundary. Two of the occurrences occurred at the end of a thematic
paragraph and were in a summary statement using the resultative conjunction lj
'so/therefore.' Two occurrences do not follow the rule and are considered to be cases
of over-coding which will be discussed in section 5.5.2 below. An example of this
NP[kin] coding in a summary statement at a text boundary is found in (112) below.
he
lj
so
kt
a.-tit
sm
So he (older brother) planned to kill the younger brother.
There was one occurrence of NP coding (2.85%) in the N1 context. The participants
coded by the NP are ta.han 'soldiers', and the reference is not at a boundary marker
100
nor is there a VIP strategy for this group of minor participants. Neither is this a case
of over-coding as they are not salient in any way. Thus the rule needs to be modified
as such:
Modified Rule for N1 context:
Where the referent is mentioned in the same nonsubject role in the preceding clause (N1), the default
encoding is . If the N1 reference is at a text boundary
or if a VIP strategy is being used, PRO coding may be
employed. If the referent is a minor or peripheral
participant, then an NP may be used.
To further test this rule, the NP coding of the first episode of The Big Snake S-I-L is
examined. There are four occurrences of NP coding in the N1 context which is 50%
of all occurrences. Two of the NPs are NP[kin]. One is a summary statement before a
boundary following the same structure of example (112). The other NP[kin] is a case
of over-coding in the climax of the narrative. The other two NP occurrences are of a
minor participant and a prop. Thus the modified rule has been applicable to three of
the four occurrences.
Out of the 95 occurrences of participant reference in the N1 context, there were six
exceptions to the rule where a major participant was coded with an NP to heighten
the salience of that participant. Thus the rule was applicable to 94% of the
occurrences in the N1 context.
5.3.2.2
Addressee was speaker in previous clause (N2)
The N2 context is defined as a referent who is an addressee in the current clause and
who was the speaker in a previous clause. The data in Table 27 below shows that
the default coding in the N2 context is . This claim is supported by the statistic that
90.4% of the 73 occurrences in the N2 context are coded as . The Seven Orphans
narrative stands out with its 44 occurrences and its uniform 100% null coding. This
high percentage of reference is due to the fact that the participant who was the
speaker in the previous clause is already active. Thus, that same participant as the
addressee does not need to be made explicit and rarely is.
101
Big Snake Big Snake
Buyeang Grandfather
Wild
S-I-L
S-I-L
Orphans
Fish
Ghost
Buffalo Ear
Episode 1
Episode 2
44
10
6 occurrences
6 occurrences
Seven
50.00%
Verb Prt 0.00%
occurrences occurrences
100.00%
100.00% 80.00%
66.67%
66.67%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
PRO
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
20.00%
33.33%
33.33%
Cls_P
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
NP
50.00%
0.00%%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
NP[kin] 0.00%
A prototypical conversation is shown in example (113) below. In line 34, the kn

'children' are the addressees in an N4 context and a coded with an NP[kin]. The
quote formula is made explicit in line 34 also. In line 35, m9.poa 'father' is the
addressee, and he along with the quote formula is elided. The speaker, kn maj na
'child one person' is coded with an NP[kin] + ClfP. Then in lines 36, 37 and 38 both
the speaker and addressee, along with the quote formula are elided.
102
p
sk
m9.poa at kn
paj tuaj si.m hk hk
child C
search vine
big
big
d
PRT_request
When they arrived at the forest the father told the children, Search for a very
big vine.
Seven_Orphans.035
kn
maj na
child one
m9.poa m9.poa naj
si.m hk a.l
Clf_person said father father father here vine
big
very
One child (said to the father): "Father, father, here is a root that is very big."
Seven_Orphans.036
mah
father ask child equal how

(The father asked the child,) How big?
Seven_Orphans.037
mah
9.k
child tell father equal arm
(The child said to the father,) As big as an arm.

Seven_Orphans.038
hk t
father said child NEG big
kj n
still small still
(The father said to the child,) It's not big, still too small.
Where the referent is the addressee in the current
clause and the speaker in the previous clause (N2), the
default encoding is . If a VIP strategy is being used,
then PRO coding may be used with the VIP participant.
The rule will be tested for validity by looking at the N2 occurrences which are coded
with more than . There are two N2 occurrences of pronouns in The Buyeang Fish
103
narrative referencing sm 'younger brother' who is a global VIP. There are two N2
occurrences of pronouns in The Grandfather Ghost narrative where the third person
plural pronoun a.laj refers to a group of ghost friends. They are local VIPs and as
such may take a pronoun in the N2 context. The N2 pronouns used in The Wild
Buffalo Ear are also explained with VIP coding.
Finally, the lone occurrence of an NP in the N2 context in the first episode of The
Big Snake S-I-L is examined. The NP ku.tan 'snake' is a minor character with no VIP
coding evident. Without further examples, it is difficult to determine what motivates
this coding. The Kmhmu' data (Osborne 2008:105) shows that in the N1 context,
minor and peripheral participants may take an NP coding in the N2 context. Since
the N1 context is similar in activation status to the N2 context (Kmhmu' had no data
for this category), the following modification is proposed as a hypothesis to account
for the variant NP coding. The modified rule is as follows:
Modified Rule for N2 context:
Where the referent is the addressee in the current clause and
the speaker in the previous clause (N2), the default encoding

is . If a VIP strategy is being used, then PRO coding may be
used with the VIP participant. A minor or peripheral
participant may be coded with a NP.
This rule accounts for all 73 occurrences in the N3 context.

5.3.2.3
Non-subject is in a different non-subject role from previous clause (N3)
The N3 context is defined as a non-subject referent who is involved in the previous

independent clause but in a different role. All participants in the N3 context are
similar in that they are active due to their mention in the previous clause. They
differ in the various roles they may play in the previous clause. The possible roles in
the previous clause are: subject role, object 1 role, object 2 role. Also, involvement
in a relative clause was accepted as a non-subject role for the N3 context.
The data in Table 28 below shows coding for a higher percentage of occurrences
than any other category except for the Buyeang Fish narrative. As we have already
seen, the Buyeang Fish narrative is using a VIP strategy for sm 'younger brother'
who is the central participant. All eight occurrences of pronoun coding refer to sm
'younger brother'.
104
Big Snake Big Snake
Seven
Buyeang
Grandfathe
Wild
S-I-L
S-I-L
Orphans
Fish
r Ghost
Buffalo Ear
Episode 1
Episode 2
14
12
15 occurrences
11 occurrences
10
17
occurrences
occurrences
occurrences
occurrences
40.00%
Verb Prt 0.00%
35.29%
71.40%
25.00%
53.33%
55.56%
29.41%
0.00%
8.33%
6.67%
22.22%
PRO
10.00%
5.88%
7.15%
66.67%
26.67%
33.33%
Cls_P
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
NP
10.00%
17.65%
14.30%
0.00%
0.00%
11.11%
NP[kin] 40.00%
11.77%
0.00%
0.00%
13.33%
11.11%
NP+ClfP 0.00%
0.00%
7.15%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
Where the non-subject referent is involved in a
different non-subject role in the previous clause (N3),
the default encoding is . If a VIP strategy is being
used, then PRO coding may be used with the VIP
participant.
The rule will be tested for validity by looking at the N3 occurrences in The Big
Snake S-I-L narrative which are coded with more than . There is one N3 occurrence
of a pronoun referencing to sm a.lh 'youngest younger sister' who is a local VIP.
There is one N3 occurrence of a NP which refers to the tom 'bird' who is a minor
participant. This is analogous to the snake examined in section 5.4.2.2 above, who is
also a minor participant coded with an NP. Thus the rule should be modified to
allow NP coding for minor and peripheral participants.
Finally, there were four N3 occurrences coded with a kinship term (NP[kin]). It
seems that only motivation for this over-coding is that these participants are being
promoted to a more salient state. Two of these NP[kin] occurrences refer to kn
'children' as they are addressed in adjacent independent clauses with the warning of
105
what will happen if they eat the big snake's mangoes. The repetition and over-coding
promote the salience of the warning. The third occurrence of NP[kin] occurs as the
sm a.lh 'youngest younger sister', who is a major participant is coded as m9.paj
'wife' for the first time. This transition is highlighted with over-coding in the N3
context.
The final NP[kin] occurrence happens when the m9.pe 'mother' discovers that her
son-in-law is a man and not a snake. She is a minor character and this over-coding
increases the salience of the revelation.
With this analysis, a modified rule for the N3 context is proposed as such:
Where the non-subject referent is involved in a different
non-subject role in the previous clause (N3), the default
encoding is . If a VIP strategy is being used, then PRO
coding may be used with the VIP participant. A minor or

peripheral participant may be coded with a NP. A
kinship term may be used to heighten the salience of the

participant or the situation.
This rule accounts for all 79 occurrences of participant reference in the N3 context.
5.3.2.4
Other non-subject references (N4)
The N4 context is defined as the non-subject referent is not mentioned in the

previous clause. The referring expression in this environment must activate a
representation of the participant and so necessitates more coding. The default coding
for the N4 context is some form of NP. In Table 29 all the different types of NPs are
listed. No one particular type can be said to be the default at this stage of the
analysis.
106
Big Snake
Big Snake
Seven
S-I-L
S-I-L
Orphans
Fish
r Ghost
Buffalo Ear
Episode 1
Episode 2
114
48
58 occurrences
63
Buyeang Grandfathe
occurrences occurrences
Wild
occurrences
0.00%
14.93%
9.60%
8.33%
5.17%
4.69%
Verb Prt
0.00%
7.46%
10.50%
0.00%
3.45%
1.56%
ClfP
2.77%
1.49%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
PRO
0.00%
7.46%
2.60%
6.25%
18.97%
3.12%
NP
50.00%
37.31%
51.80%
56.25%
44.83%
62.49%
NP+ClfP
0.00%
4.47%
5.30%
2.08%
3.45%
6.25%
NP+
8.34%
2.98%
4.40%
0.00%
5.17%
1.56%
NP+
2.77%
0.00%
0.00%
2.08%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
1.72%
3.13%
NP[kin]
27.78%
23.88%
15.80%
25.00%
13.79%
17.18%
NP[kin]
8.34%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
1.72%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
1.72%
0.00%
RelC
POSS
NP+
DEM
+ClfP
NP[kin]
+POSS
NP[kin]
+RelC
107
The tentative rule for the N4 context is:

Tentative Rule for N4 Context:
For a participant in a non-subject role that was not
mentioned in the previous clause the default coding is
NP.
An example of the default rule is shown in example (114). In line 005 of the Wild
Buffalo Ear, the NP tran sk 'animal forest' is in the N4 context as it is mentioned for
the first time as the object of the verbs p pa 'go shoot'. In line 006 of the Wild
Buffalo Ear, the NP si.ur maj to 'wild buffalo one clf_animal' is mentioned for the
first time as the object of the verb pa 'shoot'. In this case, the NP includes a
classifier phrase which embodies the buffalo as an actual animal as opposed to the
hypothetical/possible animal mentioned in line 005.
a.laj p pa
3P
tran
sk
n koh
go shoot animal forest LOC on
mountain
They went to hunt wild animals of the forest located in the mountains.
The_Wild_Buffalo_Ear.006
a.laj pa
3P
bn si.ur
maj to
shoot able buffalo.wild one
Clf_animal
While NP is the default encoding in the N4 context by a large majority, occurrences

of zero coding also occur in a minority of instances and need to be examined. In the
second episode of the Big Snake S-I-L there are ten occurrences of zero reference in
the N4 context. Two of the six occurrences happen during the account of the big
snake swallowing the daughter. This event is described in three cycles in which the
snake progressively swallows more of the daughter. Thus in episodes two and three,
the daughter is the object of the verb ln 'swallow' and is coded with a zero as
shown in example (115).
p
ma.hj ku.tan
when moment snake
hk
big
ka
so
ln
9.ki
swallow daughter come waist
In a moment, the big snake swallowed (her) up to the waist.
108
Another instance of zero coding in the N4 context is when two brothers rescue the
daughter by cutting her out of ku.tan 'snake'. The snake is the object of the verb
trh 'cut open' in three instances. In the first instance, the snake is in the N3 context
and coded with a zero. In the second and third instances, the snake is in the N4
context and is coded each time with a zero. The verb trh 'cut open' can take an
explicit object. This seems to be a case of under-coding which will be discussed in
section 5.4.4 below. An example of this under-coding is shown in example (116)
below.
p
trh
when cut.open snake go
bi
bi
ka
hm kan kj
little little then see
bowl small
When they had cut the snake open a little bit, they saw a small bowl.
Zero coding seems to be motivated by textual patterns where there is no ambiguity.

Cyclical accounts remove ambiguity after the first cycle. Some verbs are so
associated with their object that the object does not need to be explicitly stated as in
trh 'cut.open' which is only used when butchering animals. Once the animal in
question has been activated, it does not need to be maintained with PRO of NP
coding.
Pronoun coding is also in the minority of the N4 context and needs to be analyzed.
The Grandfather Ghost narrative has a particularly high rate of PRO encoding in the
N4 context at 19%. This is most likely caused by the VIP encoding strategy used in
this narrative. The grandchild is the central participant and is marked as such
through pronouns. An example of this VIP coding is shown in example (117) below.
p
ma.hj
ka pea
an mt
to vil
when moment grandfather so bring 3S enter in
village
Just then, the grandfather brought him into the village.
This same PRO coding phenomena in the N4 context also occurs in the second
episode of the Big Snake S-I-L with the swallowed daughter coded as a local VIP and
in the Buyeang Fish narrative where the younger brother is a global VIP coded
heavily with PRO.
With these observations of zero coding and pronoun coding in mind, the revised rule
for the N4 context is:
109
Revised Rule for N4 Context

For a participant in a non-subject role that was not
mentioned in the previous clause the default coding is NP.

When there is no ambiguity in the context, zero coding
may be used. Where a VIP strategy is employed, a
pronoun is used.
In conclusion, NP and PRO encoding are considered the default encoding in the N4
context. Zero coding is the exception to the rule, though some motivation for these
exceptions have been given. Out of the 386 occurrences of participant reference in
the N4 context, 30 occurrences are considered to be exceptions, encoded with zero.
Thus 92% of the N4 participant reference concurrences follow the pattern expressed
in the Revised Rule for the N4 Context.
5.4
Non-default encoding patterns
The charts above show that participant identification coding generally follows the
proposed rules. When participant coding does not follow the rules, the deviation
points to some external motivation. The following sections will analyze these
deviations and posit motivations for them.
5.4.1
More than default encoding for subject contexts
The distribution of coding in the S1 context in Table 22 shows that the Wild Buffalo
Ear narrative has a high percentage of more than default coding, with 47% coded as
PRO and 18% coded as NP. The extensive use of pronouns might be motivated by
the need to disambiguate three major participants that are often on stage together
and who have close to equal ranking. There are also many changes of time and
location in this narrative which create disruptions in the text which may motivate
pronoun encoding.
The theory that more than default encoding promotes salience in the narrative is
difficult to support in this instance as non default coding is so extensive that it loses
the salience promoting power of more economical use. Even in cases where kinship
nouns are used, they serve to differentiate the participants at boundaries rather than
to promote their salience.
When examining a more prototypically encoded narrative such as the Buyeang Fish,
one finds that more than default encoding does promote salience. In the peak of the
narrative in lines 106 through 110, the witch is the subject of each S1 clause. In 106
110
she is over-coded with the NP m9.p si.mut 'witch'. In line 107 she is over-coded with
a pronoun. In line 107 there are four zero encodings which deemphasize the witch
which in turn emphasizes the act of looking. Then in line 108, the witch and her
anger are again emphasized by using a pronoun when a zero could have been used.
Finally, in line 110, the witch's final act of throwing her magic mirror and magic
wand away is emphasized with a pronoun. This is shown in example (118) below.
m.p. si.mut reaj
witch
pa.leaj
angry very
The witch became very angry.

The_Buyeang_Fish.107
an
3S watch PST witch watch again witch watch PST witch watch again
ka t
hm sm
witch so NEG see
lj
younger at.all
She looked and then (she) looked again, (she) looked and then (she) looked
again, but (she) did not see the younger brother at all.
an reaj
pa.leaj
3S angry very much

She was very angry.
kt
paj ti.la
witch think C
wi.set kap a.loa wi.set
mirror magic and stem
wi.set n
magic NEG magic still
(She) thought that the magic mirror and the magic wand were not magic any
more.
an lj ta.kl
3S so
ti.la
kap a.loa
throw mirror and stem
So she threw the mirror and the wand.
These examples show that more than default encoding has two main motivations.
The first is to differentiate central participants when there may be ambiguity. The
111
second motivation is to make the participant or the actions/emotions of the

participant stand out as more salient.
5.4.2
More than default encoding for non-subject contexts
More than default encoding for non-subject contexts follows the same pattern as
subject contexts which is that over-coding is motivated by the need to make
participants unambiguous and to highlight their salience. An example of over-coding
to promote salience is shown in example (119) below. In line 009 of the Buyeang
Fish, the sm 'younger brother' receives the default coding of NP in the N4 context.
Lines 010 and 011 also code sm with a NP even though they are in the N1 context
which should take a zero. It is hypothesized that this over-coding highlights the
younger brother's importance in the narrative as it is the instigating event in the plot
line of the narrative.
9.kh m9.poa
a.j
kra n
afraid father offer_up city
for
sm
younger
(He) was afraid the his father would give the city to the younger brother.
lj
kt
a.-tit
sm
so
So he thought about killing the younger brother.

maj
si.aj
lj
pea
sm
one
day
so
invite younger go
pa
tran
sk
shoot animal forest
So one day he invited the younger brother to go shoot wild animals.
5.4.3
Less than default encoding for subject contexts
Less than default encoding for subject contexts occurs in the S3 and S4 contexts
where the default is pronoun or NP encoding. It was found that under-coding with
zero only occurs where there is no ambiguity. In the rare case where there is
ambiguity, the under-coded participant was being demoted in salience. In example
(120) below, the a.jea taw 'grandmother old' is the subject and is coded in line 007
with a NP (default) in the S4 context. In line 008, the subject of the verb invite is
112
'they' which is coded as a zero (under-coded) in the S4 context. We know that the
subject is 'they' because the reciprocal verbal particle kan must have a plural subject.
Then in line 009, the old grandmother is again the subject coded with a zero (undercoded) in the S4 context. This under-coding in line 009 is very ambiguous to the
non-native speaker. One wonders if the subject is the old man and old woman, or
just the wife. The proof that it is just the wife comes in the speech quote of 011
where the speaker says, Please let me (not us) have children like these crabs. It
would seem that the under-coding of the subject in lines 008 and 009 indicate that
the storyteller is not as concerned with differentiating the subject, but with
explaining the situation and describing the actions which make up the back ground
of the narrative.
maj si.daw
one
night
kn
bn
a.je.a
taw
grandmother old
taw
waw
a.jak
paj j
ka.nea
child have grandchild same friend
kap
bn
want have
a.laj
3P
One night, the old grandmother said to her husband, I want to have children, I
want to have grandchildren just like my friends have.
Seven_Orphans.008
p
a.rp
pea
kan
when come morning they invite RECIP go
pic
a.ria
dig
crab
When morning came, they [old man and old woman] decided to go dig up crabs.
Seven_Orphans.009
hm kn
she see
a.ria pa.leaj
child crab
m9.pl
a.ria
like
crab
many
ka
lj
she then so
kt
bn
think want have
kn
child
The grandmother saw many little crabs and so she decided that she wanted to
have children just like the crabs.
Seven_Orphans.010
lj
she so
ka.kuh
to ma.l s:k
kneel
to
sky
kn
kap
tew.da
request child with angel
So she knelt to the sky and requested children from the angels.
113
5.4.4
Less than default encoding for non-subject contexts
Less than default encoding for non-subject contexts occurred much less frequently
than under-coding in subject contexts. It was generally motivated by no need to
disambiguate the participants. In all the cases of under-coding in non-subject
contexts, the participants were not ambiguous due to a cultural schema which
dictated a particular participant or due to the cyclical nature of the text which
caused the participant to be anticipated. Osborne (2009:143) finds in Kmhmu' that
less than default encoding signals a peak in the narrative, this was not found to be
the case in Bru KS narratives.
5.5
Summary
Participant identification patterns of Bru KS follow both a sequential and VIP

strategy. When a sequential strategy is used, participants are identified according to
their context and their rank. Lower ranking participants such a minor and peripheral
participants receive more coding material then central and major participants. The
default coding for central and major participants is shown in Table 30 below.
Table 30: Default coding for central and major participants
Central and
S1/N1
S2/N2
S3/N3
S4/N4
PRO/
NP/NP
PRO, NP/
NP/
NP/NP
Major
participant
Coding
Minor and
Peripheral
participant
Coding
While default encoding is the norm, factors such as highlighting a participant's
salience, text boundaries, cultural schema and peak markings will motivate overcoding or under-coding.
114
Chapter 6
Conclusion
This thesis has given a short survey of Bru KS phonology and grammar. It has
compiled a corpus of referring expressions and examined their various functions
in Bru KS discourse. It has also described how these referring expressions
identify participants in Bru KS narrative text. The following sections will
summarize these findings, will evaluate the methodology of this study and will
discuss the significance of these findings along with suggestions for further
research.
6.1
Summary of findings
Bru KS has a variety of referring expressions which include NPs plus an

appositional NP, NPs with a relative clause, NPs with an embedded ClfP, NPs
with embedded modifiers, unmodified simple NPs, kin terms, proper names,
pronouns, classifier phrases, demonstratives and zero anaphora. Each of these
forms has a function which signals the identifiability, activation status and
thematic salience of participants in a discourse.
These referring expressions are used in narrative text to weave a pattern of
identification which introduces new participants, tracks participants when they
are on stage, and reintroduces them after they have left the stage. There are two
distinct patterns of identification: one follows the VIP strategy and the other
follows a sequential strategy. These patterns interact with each other in narrative
texts and can be described with some degree of accuracy with default encoding
rules.
Default encoding rules do not cover 100% of the instances due to a variety of
factors such as: promoting the salience of a participant, textual boundaries or
discontinuities, and cultural schemas. Factors such as text boundaries and VIP
coding can be described with additional rules while factors such as promoting or
demoting salience cannot.
6.2
Evaluation of methodology
Givn's (2001b) method of topic persistence and decay was helpful in objectively
determining participant rank. While not always clear due to some skewing of the
percentages when a participant is reintroduced after a long absence, it does point
accurately to which participants are central, major, minor or peripheral. It was
important to rank the participants in this way as their respective rankings were one
factor that determined the encoding pattern used.
Dooley and Levinsohn's (2001) method was useful in discerning sequential
participant reference patterns. There are some methodological questions of what to
do with multiple participants referred to as a group and then as individual
representatives of that group. It was also difficult to determine if sentence initial
adverbial clauses were considered independent and considered in the sequential
strategy or if they should be included. This thesis included them when there was an
explicit or implied participant referred to. They were not included when the adverb
was one strictly of time.
The combination of these two methodologies revealed useful insights into some of
the difficulties of identifying the referents for the non-native Bru KS speaker.
Particularly in following a participant encoded with zero reference over a number of
sequential clauses.
6.3
Significance of findings
The findings of this analysis will add to the knowledge of under-analyzed languages.
The six interlinearalized texts can be a source of study for other aspects of Bru KS
grammar and discourse. This thesis can inform the study of related dialects and
languages like So and Katang.
The description of referring expressions and participant referent patterns will add to
the knowledge of Katuic languages and aid in the translation of materials into Katuic
languages.
6.4
Further research
Further research in other areas of discourse analysis is needed. Particularly in the

areas of information structure and cohesion. Other genres of text such as expository
and hortatory texts need to be analyzed using discourse methods. This would entail
collecting and interlinearalizing new texts of these genres. Also, a more in-depth
116
sentence level grammar is needed for a more complete description of the Bru KS
language.
117
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123
APPENDIX 1: THE SEVEN ORPHANS

Seven_Orphans.001
ta.pul
seven
kn
ka.mt
child orphan
The Seven Orphans.

Seven_Orphans.002
t
dun
bn
a.jea
taw a.tjh
from past long.time come PST EXIST grandmother old

m9.pe
ka.d m9.poa
taw
grandfather old
ka.d
mother barren father barren
A long time ago there was an old grandmother and an old grandfather who were barren.
Seven_Orphans.003
ba
na
ta
do
ka.tup t
two Clf_person make house shack
him
sk
LOC edge forest
They made a little house on the edge of a forest.

Seven_Orphans.004
t
kj
bn
kn
kj
bn
NEG ever have child NEG ever have
taw
maj
grandchild but one
They had never had children or nieces or nephews, not even one.
Seven_Orphans.005
ta
traj ta
suan
ta: doj ta: d
ka ta:
make field make garden eat rice eat water then eat
They worked in the fields, and when they ate, they had enough.
Seven_Orphans.006
t
ba na
rua
lew
but two Clf_person NEG happy Prt_pst

But they were not happy.
na
Clf_person
Seven_Orphans.007
maj si.daw a.jea
one
taw waw kap
night grandmother old
taw
a.jak
paj j
want
bn kn
bn
have child have
ka.nea a.laj
grandchild same friend 3P
One night, the old grandmother said to her husband, I want to have children, I want to have
grandchildren just like my friends have.
Seven_Orphans.008
p
a.rp
pea
kan
p pic a.ria
when come morning bring RECIP go dig crab
When morning came, they decided to go dig up crabs.

Seven_Orphans.009
hm kn
see
a.ria pa.leaj ka lj kt j
child crab
then so
many
bn
kn
m9.pl a.ria
think want have child like
crab
[The grandmother] saw many little crabs, and so decided that she wanted to have children
just like the crabs.
Seven_Orphans.010
lj ka.kuh to ma.l
s:k
so kneel to
request child with god
sky
kn
kap tew.da
So she knelt to the sky and requested children from the gods.
Seven_Orphans.011
sa.tu
great one PRT

Oh great one.
Seven_Orphans.012
n
9.koa bn
allow 1S
kn
pa.leaj m9.pl
EXIST child very
like
kn
a.ria d
child crab
PRT
Please let me have many children just like the children of the crabs.
Seven_Orphans.013
kli
ki
ka
after from that so
lj ku.taw
so
heat
pa.ea
come king
o.in
god
After that then her prayer came to the god king in the form of a heat sensation.
125
Seven_Orphans.014
naw lj a.suaj kuaj
3S
so
send
bn
bon
kt
ta.pul na
person have merit come descend birth seven Clf_person
And so He sent seven unborn children who were full of merit to go down to be born.
Seven_Orphans.015
p
a.jea
taw a.tjh
taw t
do
kli
ki
ba
when grandmother old grandfather old return come house after from that two
n9.taj
a.jea
taw lj pu
month grandmother old
so
kn
pregnant child
When the old grandmother and the old grandfather had returned to their house for two
months, the old woman became pregnant.
Seven_Orphans.016
ta n
a.jak
si.m mit pa.leaj
do allow husband happy
very
This made her husband very happy.

Seven_Orphans.017
t
eam tih
kn
a.jea
taw tih
kn ta.pul na
come time birth child grandmother old birth child seven Clf_person
When the time to give birth came, the old woman gave birth to seven children.
Seven_Orphans.018
a.jak
si.m mit
husband happy
pa.leaj
very
The husband was very happy.

Seven_Orphans.019
ka t kom
when NEG time.long search eat whatever so NEG enough
p
dun
tuaj ta: nw l
Not long after that, no matter what they found to eat, it was not enough.
Seven_Orphans.020
tuaj n9.traw ka kn ta:
search what so child eat finish
Whatever they found the children would eat all up.
Seven_Orphans.021
p
kn hk bn ta.pat ta.pul ka.m t lew
when child big have six
seven year
PST PRT
When the children had grown for six or seven years.
126
Seven_Orphans.022
p
si.daw ta
dk a ki
ba na
m9.paj kap a.jak
lj waw kan
when come night period dark day that two Clf_person wife and husband so speak RECIP
paj kn pa.leaj sa naj ta nw l
C
child very
haj
ta
lia kom
like this do whatever 1P_inc therefore raise enough
When the dark of night came that day, both the wife and husband then said to each other,
What will we do so that we have enought to eat?
Seven_Orphans.023
tuaj n9.traw
a.t
an ka ta:
search whatever bring back 3S so eat finish

Whatever (we) find and bring back, it gets all eaten up.
Seven_Orphans.024
a.jak
waw t
pn n9.traw
husband speak NEG be what

The husband said, "No problem.
Seven_Orphans.025
9.koa si
ma.n
tomorrow 1S
it
a.laj p pot
IRR take 3P
go abandon
Tomorrow I will take them and abandon (them).

Seven_Orphans.026
m9.paj p pot
wife
p l
go abandon go where
Wife - Where will you abandon them?

Seven_Orphans.027
pea
a.laj p pic p
invite 3P
go dig root
I will ask them to go dig roots.

Seven_Orphans.028
tuaj si.m hk hk
search vine
big
big
(We) will search for a very big vine.

Seven_Orphans.029
a.laj lj pic n9.tru n9.tru
3P
so dig deep deep
So they will dig very deep.
127
Seven_Orphans.030
9.koa si
1S
tah
a.laj n pr
IRR leave 3P
on hole
I will leave them in the hole.

Seven_Orphans.031
klap
klap
p lot
taw
yes correct correct go PRT_Imper old

Yes, that's right, go do it old man!
Seven_Orphans.032
p
a.rp
a.tjh
taw a.l kn
when morning grandfather old call child

The next day, the old grandfather called the children.
Seven_Orphans.033
a naj m9.poa si
pea
kn p pic p
day this father IRR invite child go dig root

Today father will ask his childten to go dig roots.
Seven_Orphans.034
p
sk
m9.poa at kn paj tuaj si.m hk hk d
child C
search vine
big
big
PRT_request
When they arrived at the forest the father said, Search for a very big vine.
Seven_Orphans.035
kn maj na
m9.poa m9.poa naj si.m hk a.l
child one Clf_person father father here vine
big very
One child: "Father, father, here is a root that is very big."

Seven_Orphans.036
mah l
equal where
How big?
Seven_Orphans.037
mah 9.k
equal arm
As big as an arm.
128
Seven_Orphans.038
t
hk t kj n
NEG big still small still

It's not big, still too small.
Seven_Orphans.039
kn n
maj na
m9.poa m9.poa p si.m hk l
child again one Clf_person father father root vine
big very
Again one child said, "Father, Father, (here) is a very big root.
Seven_Orphans.040
mah l
equal where
How big?
Seven_Orphans.041
mah kal tan
equal tree Taan
As big as a 'dtaan' tree.
Seven_Orphans.042
hk t pic lj
yes big PST dig PRT_cont

Yes, it's big. Dig it up!
Seven_Orphans.043
kn ta.pul na
pic p ton ti.tm n9.tru ton mah n9ta
child seven Clf_person dig root until reach deep until equal well
The seven children dug at the root until they reached a depth equal to that of a well.
Seven_Orphans.044
m9.poa it
si.m a.-jn
father take vine
a.-s
n dh
p t a.-ton
CAUS-lower.rope CAUS.down for break root tie CAUS-up for
The father took a vine and lowered the children down and they broke off the root, tied it to
the vine so that the father could raise it up.
Seven_Orphans.045
m9.poa it
si.m a.-ton
father take vine
pram
CAUS-up also
The father pulled up the vine also.
129
Seven_Orphans.046
m9.paj t
2P
naj d
stay here PRT_command
You stay here!

Seven_Orphans.047
m9.poa si
p pot
m9.paj t
father IRR go abandon 2P
dun
from time.long PST
Father is going to abandon you forever!

Seven_Orphans.048
waw t a.tjh
taw ka m9.prk
speak PST grandfather old
p t
do
so carry.pole root return house
When he had finished speaking, the old grandfather carried the root home on a pole.
Seven_Orphans.049
kn ta.pul na
pea
kan
eam to n.n
child seven Clf_person invite RECIP cry
in
together
The seven children started to cry with one another.

Seven_Orphans.050
aj
hk waw kap sm
paj t
older big speak and younger C
pn n9.traw
NEG be anything
The oldest brother said to his brothers, There's no problem.

Seven_Orphans.051
haj
ta.pul na
tih ta.k kan
1P_inc seven Clf_person ride neck
ton
RECIP up
We seven will go up by sitting on each other's necks.

Seven_Orphans.052
sm
a.lh
it
si.m ti
younger youngest take vine
haj
a.-ton
pull 1P_inc CAUS-up
The youngest brother will take a vine and pull us up.

Seven_Orphans.053
p
ta sa ki
na
lj ton bn lj pea
when do like that every Clf_person so up
kan
do
able so invite RECIP return house
When they did as he said, everybody was able to get out, and so they decided to go home.
130
Seven_Orphans.054
jah do
a.jea
taw ta ta: koj
p tin t
side house grandmother old do eat steam root ripe PST

Back at the house, the old grandmother was steaming food to eat and the root was ready to
eat.
Seven_Orphans.055
a.-tuaj
bua kn at paj t
CAUSE-search spoon child say
n ta.wi
LOC on tray
She was searching for the a spoon when her child said, It's on the tray.
Seven_Orphans.056
ba na
m9.paj a.jak
n9trh mit hm kn t
two Clf_person wife husband surprise see
do
ta: p ton
child return house eat root until finish
Both the husband and wife were surprised to see that there children had returned home and
had eaten the root all up.
Seven_Orphans.057
ka.mt n9.tm naj
orphan group this
Damn these children!
Seven_Orphans.058
p
ra.nn bec ra.t ba na
when child
m9.paj a.jak
ka lj ra.-waw
kan
lie sleep two Clf_person wife husband so so RECIP-say RECIP again
When the children were asleep, both the wife and husband talked to each other again.
Seven_Orphans.059
ma.n
si
p pot
a.laj p l
tomorrow IRR go abandon 3P
go where on
Tomorrow, where will you abandon them.

Seven_Orphans.060
a.jak
si
pea
a.laj p tuaj ka.ph
husband IRR invite 3P
go search gabeh.fruit
I will have them go search for gabeh fruit.

Seven_Orphans.061
9.koa bak kn pn kuaj
1S
rap
chop child be person receive
I will chop (the tree) and the children will be the ones to catch it.
131
Seven_Orphans.062
kal ka.ph
dom a.tt a.laj
tree gabeh.fruit fall cover 3P
The kabeh tree will fall on top of them.

Seven_Orphans.063
a.laj ku.tit dk
3P
die
Prt_conclusion
They will surely die.

Seven_Orphans.064
m9.paj ma.n
maj p d taw
wife tomorrow 2S go PRT old
Wife - Tomorrow you go then old man.

Seven_Orphans.065
p
a.rp
a.l kn n
when come morning call child again

When morning came, (the father) called the children again.
Seven_Orphans.066
kn
kn
a naj m9.poa pea
m9.paj p tuaj ka.ph
child child day this father invite 2P
eam n
go search gabeh.fruit sweet Prt_consider
Children, today I will have you go search for sweet kapeh fruit.
Seven_Orphans.067
p p kn si.j
go go
child answer
Let's go! The children answered.

Seven_Orphans.068
m9.poa a.j a.tt ta.jah a kn m9.prk
father hold axe
a.ja
nam
kli
walk first child carry on pole basket follow after
The father walked ahead carrying the axe while the childern followed behind carring a big
basket on a pole.
Seven_Orphans.069
t
sk
kn ba na
hm ka.ph
come forest child two Clf_person see
eam
gabeh.fruit sweet
When they came to the forest, two of the children saw some sweet kabeh fruit.
132
Seven_Orphans.070
m9.poa a.blh kal hk mah l
father ask
tree big equal where
The father asked, How big is the tree?

Seven_Orphans.071
mah ta.nul naj
equal post
this
As big as the post on our house.

Seven_Orphans.072
m9.poa t
eam
father NEG sweet

Father - (It's) not sweet.
Seven_Orphans.073
kn maj na
hm kal ka.ph
child one Clf_person see
tree gabeh.fruit another
One of the children saw another kapeh tree.

Seven_Orphans.074
father ask

Seven_Orphans.075
mah kal tan
equal tree Tan
As big as a Taan tree.
Seven_Orphans.076
bak lj
eam
yes chop Prt_emph sweet

Yes, let's chop (it) (down), (it's) sweet.
Seven_Orphans.077
m9.poa bak m9.paj rap
father chop 2P
pa.laj ka.ph
receive fruit gabeh.fruit
I will chop and you will catch the kapeh fruit.
133
Seven_Orphans.078
s
an n9.trh ku.t d
don't allow 3S fall
ground Prt_command
Don't allow them to fall to the ground.

Seven_Orphans.079
m9.poa ka bak lew
father so chop PRT_pst

And so the father chopped down the tree.
Seven_Orphans.080
kn rap
a.d d
child receive COMP Prt_command

Children, make sure you catch all of (the fruit)!
Seven_Orphans.081
p
kal alua dom ka t
s sia ra.nn n
when tree stem fall so NEG hear noise child
Prt_intens
When the tree had fallen, (he) did not hear any noise from the children at all.
Seven_Orphans.082
m9.poa kt
paj kn
father think C
ta.pul na
ku.tit
child complete seven Clf_person die
complete PST
Seven_Orphans.083
lj toc
ka.ph
eam to
a.ja
ton pa
so pick.up gabeh.fruit sweet place basket until full
And so (he) picked up the sweet kapeh fruit and placed them in the basket until it was full.
Seven_Orphans.084
an waw to kn paj m9.paj t
3S speak to
child C
2P
naj d
kn
LOC here Prt_command child
He said to the children, You stay here, children.

Seven_Orphans.085
m9.poa j
p pot
m9.paj t
father want go abandon 2P
dun
from time.long PST
Father wants to abandon you forever and ever.
134
Seven_Orphans.086
a.tjh
taw lj ta.jah t
do
grandfather old so walk return house

And so the old grandfather walked back home.
Seven_Orphans.087
t
do
t m9.paj lj
a.blh maj pot
come house PST wife at all ask
t b taw
2S abandon PST Q old
When he had arrived at the house, the wife asked (him), Have you abandoned (them), old
one?
Seven_Orphans.088
pot
abandon PST
I have abandoned them.
Seven_Orphans.089
9.koa bak kal alua a.tt
1S
chop tree stem cover
I chopped the tree and it fell on them.

Seven_Orphans.090
a.laj ku.tit t la
3P
die
PST Prt_evid
They have really died.

Seven_Orphans.091
jah kn p
m9.poa p wet
a.laj pea
side child when father go out.of.sight 3P
kan
9.ko loah t
kal alua
invite RECIP crawl out from tree stem
As for the children, when the father went out of sight, they helped each other crawl out from
(under) the tree.
Seven_Orphans.092
t
bn a.m
pn n9.traw
NEG EXIST anyone be whatever

Nothing had happened to any of them.
Seven_Orphans.093
tew.da taj a.laj a.d
god
help 3P
COMP
The gods had helped them.
135
Seven_Orphans.094
aj
pt lj pea
sm
ta.jah t
do
older big so invite younger walk return house

And so the eldest brother helped his younger brothers to walk back home.
Seven_Orphans.095
jah do
a.jea
taw a.tjh
taw k ka.ph
eam
side house grandmother old grandfather old peel gabeh.fruit sweet

At the house, the old grandmother and grandfather were peeling the sweet kapeh fruit.
Seven_Orphans.096
t
si
pea
kan
ta:
then IRR invite RECIP eat
And were going to help each other eat (the fruit).

Seven_Orphans.097
kt
n9.tom kn lj ra.-waw
think miss
paj kan a.laj t
child so RECIP-say C
if
3P
a.laj si
LOC 3P
ta: n haj
t la
IRR eat with 1P_inc PST Prt_evid
They were missing the children and so said to each other, If they were here, they would
surely have been eating with us.
Seven_Orphans.098
waw t
tan sot kn ka ta.lh mt ta: sw sw
speak NEG yet end child so run
enter eat commotion
(They) had not finshed speaking when the children ran into the room eating and causing a
commotion.
Seven_Orphans.099
m9.pe
waw paj t
mother speak C
t taw j
n9.tm ka.mt naj
come PST old PRT group orphan this
The mother said, These damned children have come, dearest.

Seven_Orphans.100
p
ta: pa.saj kn ka bec ra.t
when eat satisfy child so lie sleep
When they had eaten their fill, the children went to sleep.
Seven_Orphans.101
ba na
m9.paj a.jak
ra.-waw
kan
two Clf_Person wife husband RECIP-say RECIP again

Both the husband and wife discussed again (what to do).
136
Seven_Orphans.102
ma.n
maj si
p pot
p l
taw
tomorrow 2S IRR go abandon go where again old
Tomorrow, where will you abandon them again, old man.

Seven_Orphans.103
9.koa si
1S
pea
a.laj ton it
IRR invite 3P
up
ra.kt
take squirrel
I will have them go up and get a squirrel.

Seven_Orphans.104
tuaj to
hk hk
search Clf_animal big big
We will search for a very large one.

Seven_Orphans.105
ra.kt ki
ka ton kal alua hk pram
squirrel that so up
tree stem big also
The squirrel will go up a big tree also.

Seven_Orphans.106
a.laj s
3P
t dk
descend NEG able Prt_conclusion
They will not be able to get down.

Seven_Orphans.107
mn na
taw
yes yes true Prt_consider old

Yes, yes, that seems like it will work, old one.
Seven_Orphans.108
paX a.rp
m9.poa waw kap kn paj a naj m9.poa si
shine morning father speak with child C

ra.kt
pea
m9.paj p tuaj
day this father IRR invite 2P
go search
squirrel Prt_consider
When morning dawned, the father said to his children, Today I will have you go search for
squirrels, OK.
Seven_Orphans.109
kn p p
child go go
Children - Let's go!
137
Seven_Orphans.110
p
sk
kn maj na
hm ra.kt ta.lh ton kal alua
when come forest child one Clf_person see
squirrel run
up
tree stem
When they came to the forest, one child saw a squirrel running up a tree.
Seven_Orphans.111
an at m9.poa
3S say
father
He told his father.

Seven_Orphans.112
m9.poa a.blh paj ton kal hk mah l
father ask
up
The father asked, How big of a tree did it go up.

Seven_Orphans.113
kal mah ta.nul naj
tree equal post
this
The tree is equal to our house post.

Seven_Orphans.114
o kal t
hk mah l
oh tree NEG big equal where

Oh, the tree is not very big.
Seven_Orphans.115
tuaj ta.maj
search new
Search some more.
Seven_Orphans.116
kn maj na
hm n
child one Clf_person see
again
Then one child saw another squirrel.

Seven_Orphans.117
father ask
138
Seven_Orphans.118
mah do
naj
equal house this

As big as our house.
Seven_Orphans.119
m9.paj pea
yes yes 2P
kan
ton nam
invite RECIP up
follow go
Yes, yes, you all help each other go up and keep following it.
Seven_Orphans.120
kan ti.tm
if
a.-tit
ra.kt n m9.poa d
catch.up then CAUS-die squirrel for father Prt_command
If you catch it, then kill the squirrel for me.

Seven_Orphans.121
ta.pul sm
aj
lj ton nam
seven younger older so up
ra.kt p l
follow squirrel high very
So, the seven brothers went very high (up the tree) following the squirrel.
Seven_Orphans.122
poj
kal a.-ki
ton tet
point tree EMPH-there up
a.mil
stuck cloud
The tip of that tree went up into the clouds.

Seven_Orphans.123
n9.tm aj
ta
ti.tm
ra.kt
ki
group older therefore catch up squirrel that

Finally, the older brothers caught the squirrel.
Seven_Orphans.124
taj kan
it
a.tu tat ta.k ra.kt ta
help RECIP take knife stab neck
ta.kl a.-s
n m9.poa
squirrel therefore throw CAUS-down for father
They helped each other stab the squirrel's neck with a knife with the result that they threw
down the squirrel for the father.
Seven_Orphans.125
p
m9.poa t ra.kt to m9.prk
when father tie squirrel in
ka tah
kn a.d n kal alua ki
carry.pole then so leave child COMP on tree stem that
When the father had tied the squirrel to a pole, he then left the children in that tree.
139
Seven_Orphans.126
t
lp
kn n
lj
NEG return watch child again Prt_emph

He did not look back at the children at all.
Seven_Orphans.127
kn hm nw ki
child see
ka pea
kan
eam to a.nj
thing that so invite RECIP cry
in
n kal alua
each.other on tree stem
The children saw what was happening and so started crying with each in the tree.
Seven_Orphans.128
aj
waw m9.poa tah
haj
t sm
older speak father leave 1P_inc PST younger dear

The oldest said, Father has left us, dearest brothers.
Seven_Orphans.129
sm
haj
si
ta nw l
younger 1P_inc IRR do how

A younger brother - What will we do?
Seven_Orphans.130
si
bec sa l haj
IRR lie how
ra.t t
n9.trh b
1P_inc sleep then NEG fall
Prt_Q
How will we lie down so that when we sleep we won't fall (out of the tree)?
Seven_Orphans.131
sm
a.lh
haj
ti
it
pre
t a.-tet
a.nj
younger youngest 1P_inc pull take loincloth tie CAUS-stick each.other

The youngest brother - We will take off our loincloths and tie (ourselves) fast to each other.
Seven_Orphans.132
t
t tak haj
to kal alua
then tie body 1P_inc to
tree stem
Then we will tie our bodies to the tree.

Seven_Orphans.133
p
si.daw t
tan bec ra.t sm
aj
pea
kan
n9trh mit
when come night NEG yet lie sleep younger older invite RECIP surprise
When the evening came and they were not yet asleep, the brothers frightened each other.
140
Seven_Orphans.134
a.laj hm tom hk par t
3P
see
pk
kal alua ki
bird big fly come perch tree stem that
(Because) they saw a large bird fly to them and land on the tree.
Seven_Orphans.135
sm
aj
haj
si
ta nw l an t
younger older 1P_inc IRR do how
ta: haj
3S NEG eat 1P_inc Prt_Q
A younger brother - Eldest brother, what should we do so that it does not eat us?
Seven_Orphans.136
pea
kan
jir
na
invite RECIP shake finish every Clf_person

They all shook with fright.
Seven_Orphans.137
t tom hk s ra.nn ki
but bird big hear child
ra.-waw
kan
that RECIP-say RECIP
But the big bird heard what the children were saying to each other.
Seven_Orphans.138
an lj ra.-waw
kap ra.nn paj m9.paj t
3S so RECIP-say and child
2P
9.kh 9.koa dk
NEG must afraid 1S
Prt_contra
So it said to the children, Actually, you all do not have to be afraid of me.
Seven_Orphans.139
m9.paj t
2P
come from where
Where do you come from?

Seven_Orphans.140
m9.p p t
n kal alua naj
why go LOC on tree stem this

Why are you staying in this tree?
Seven_Orphans.141
aj
hk at paj m9.poa hi
older big say
pot
hi
father 1P_exc come abandon 1P_exc
The oldest brother said, Our father had us come (here) and then abandoned us.
141
Seven_Orphans.143
aj
hi
bn m p ti.n
older 1P_exc NEG have place go now
The older brother - We don't have anywhere to go now.

Seven_Orphans.144
tom hk it
sa naj
bird big take like this

The big bird - You can do something like this.
Seven_Orphans.145
kan m9.paj poc pa.laj a.lua n 9.koa ta: ton pa.saj 9.koa si
if
2P
pick fruit stem for 1S
eat until satisfy 1S
p a.suaj m9.paj
IRR go send 2P
If you pick fruit for me to eat until I am satisfied, then I will go and take (you to a new
place).
Seven_Orphans.146
sm
aj
lj pea
kan
poc pa.laj a.lua n tom ta: ton pa.saj
younger older so invite RECIP pick fruit stem for bird eat until satisfy
So the brothers helped each other pick fruit for the bird so that it could eat until it was
satisfied.
Seven_Orphans.147
tom awh
bat naj 9.koa pa.saj t m9.paj si
bird INTERJ time this 1S
satisfy PST 2P
p to l
IRR go to
where
Bird - Oof, now that I have been satisfied, where will you go?
Seven_Orphans.148
at
say
Tell me.
Seven_Orphans.149
a.laj hi
3P
bn m p
1P_exc NEG have place go
They - We don't have any place to go.

Seven_Orphans.150
tom kan waw nw ki
bird if
9.koa pea
speak like that 1S
m9.paj p t
invite 2P
tn
go field bountiful field bountiful Prt_suggest
The bird - If thats what you have to say, I invite you to go to some bountiful meadows, OK.
142
Seven_Orphans.151
ton tih kl 9.koa
up
ride back 1S_Poss
Get up and ride on my back.

Seven_Orphans.152
p
tih kl tom t tom ka pea
par p t lew ja
koh
ta.pul koh
when ride back bird PST bird so invite fly go PST PRT across mountain seven mountain
ta
therefore come
When (they) were sitting on the bird's back, the bird took them flying across the seven
mountains until they arrived.
Seven_Orphans.153
p
m tom a.blh a.laj paj m9.paj bn n9.traw
when come place bird ask
3P
2P
tet
tak t
have anything stuck body come Prt_Q
When they arrived at that place, the bird asked them, Have you brought anything with
you?
Seven_Orphans.154
bn bn a.tu kj maj nam
have have knife small one Clf_thing
(Yes we) have, (we) have a small knife.
Seven_Orphans.155
kan m9.paj bn la n9.traw
yes good if
2P
m9.paj a.l 9.koa to ma.l d
have story whatever allow 2P
call 1S
in
sky
Yes, good, good, if you have any problems, you must call for me in the sky.
Seven_Orphans.156
lew 9.koa si
then 1S
taj m9.paj
IRR come help 2P
Then I will come to help you.

Seven_Orphans.157
waw t tom hk ka par ton ma.l p
speak PST bird big so fly up
sky
go
When he had spoken, the big bird flew up into the sky and left.
143
Prt_command
Seven_Orphans.158
ra.nn k
child
na
lj pea
kan
ta ka.tup t
every Clf_person so invite RECIP do shack LOC
So each of the children helped each other to make a little house there.
Seven_Orphans.159
ta rew to tom pram
do snare in
bird also
(They) made snares to catch birds also.

Seven_Orphans.160
t
ki
bn tom ti.pal bn tom bring n9.truaj sk
field that have bird dove
kap tom n
pa.leaj nw
EXIST bird Bring chicken forest and bird again very
kind
The meadows there had doves, 'Bring' birds, wild chickens and many other kinds of birds.
Seven_Orphans.161
tran
sk
ka pa.leaj pram
animal forest so very
also
(There were) many kinds of wild animals also.

Seven_Orphans.162
maj si.aj maj si.aj sm
one day
one day
aj
si
kop tom bn pa.leaj l
younger older IRR grab bird able very
very
Some days, the brothers were able to catch many, many birds.
Seven_Orphans.163
p
ta.kro
sm
aj
ka pah plium an
a-
loah k
to
when cut.meat younger older so chop crop 3S_Poss CAUSE out every Clf_animal
As they were cleaning the birds, the brothers chopped the crops out of every animal.
Seven_Orphans.164
bn tr t
n plium tom pram
EXIST rice LOC on crop bird also
There was rice seeds in the crops of the birds.

Seven_Orphans.165
sm
aj
tia
tr ton si.t ta
a.-d
toh
younger older dry.sun rice until dry therefore CAUS-bring plant

The brothers put the rice seeds in the sunshine until they were dry so that they could be
planted.
144
Seven_Orphans.166
p
n9.t
mea sm
aj
pea
kan
toh tr n traj ton
maj
when come season rain younger older invite RECIP plant rice on field until finish one
bu
Clf_basket
When the rainy season came, the brothers helped each other to plant rice in the fields until
they used up one large basket (of seeds).
Seven_Orphans.167
p
n9.t
rac
tr n9.taj ma.tit la
when come season harvest rice month ten
maj bn tr pa.leaj t
CON one EXIST rice very
LOC
When the harvest season came in the eleventh month, there was a great abundance of rice in
the fields.
Seven_Orphans.168
p
ka.m t p ka t
when year
next
th t
maeajh n
so NEG poor NEG lack
again
The next year (they) were not poor any more.

Seven_Orphans.169
ta law to
tr ta.pul law
do shed place rice seven Clf_shed

(They) made seven storage sheds to store their rice.
Seven_Orphans.170
t p t
next
dun
sm
aj
ka hk pn baw
NEG time.long younger older so big be young man
Not long after that, the brothers grew and became young men.
Seven_Orphans.171
k
na
bn tr bn doj
ta: kom
ka.m
every Clf_person have rice have rice.cooked eat enough year

Everyone had enough seed rice and cooked rice to eat for the year.
Seven_Orphans.172
waw t
jah pa.nea m9.poa vil
speak come side ruler
te
ki
father village close there
(Now we will) talk about a village ruler (who lived) close to there.
145
Seven_Orphans.173
maj ka.m kt l
one year
doj
birth dry barren rice barren water
One year, there happened to be a drought and the rice lacked water.
Seven_Orphans.174
t an bn kn ka.mul
ta.pul na
but 3S have child female.unmarried seven Clf_person

But he had seven daughters.
Seven_Orphans.175
t ka.m ki
but year
an t
bn doj ta: lj
that 3S NEG EXIST rice eat Prt_emph
But that year, he did not have any cooked rice to eat at all.
Seven_Orphans.176
n
kn ka.mul
p tuaj a.ba
p ti.lh doj
allow child female.unmarried go search bamboo.shoot go trade rice

(He) had the daughters go search for bamboo shoots to trade for rice.
Seven_Orphans.177
ta.jah p tuaj ton t
do
ta.pul kn ka.mt
walk go search until come house seven child orphan

(They) were walking and searching until they came to the house of the seven orphans.
Seven_Orphans.178
aj
hk ki
hm lj a.blh paj sm
older big that see
so ask
m9.paj p tuaj n9.traw
younger 2P
go search what
The eldest brother saw them and so asked, Sisters, what are you looking for?
Seven_Orphans.179
m9.p p pa.leaj na
why go very
a.l
Clf_person very
Why did so many of you come?

Seven_Orphans.180
j
kn pa.nea at paj hi
older child ruler
say
p tuaj a.ba
p ti.lh aj
1P_exc go search bamboo.shoot go trade older dear
The eldest daughter of the ruler said, We are searching for bamboo shoots to trade for rice,
dear older brother.
146
Seven_Orphans.181
vil
hi
village 1P_exc dry

Our village is dry.
Seven_Orphans.182
t
bn d
ta nea
NEG EXIST water do field

There is not enough water to make the fields.
Seven_Orphans.183
doj ta: t
bn
rice eat NEG EXIST

There is no rice to eat.
Seven_Orphans.184
m9.poa lj n
hi
tuaj a.ba
p ti.lh naj la
father so allow 1P_exc come search bamboo.shoot go trade this Prt_evid

So our father had us come search for bamboo shoots to trade, that's the reason.
Seven_Orphans.185
aj
waw kan nw ki
older speak if
m9.paj it
like that 2p
a.ba
a.d naj la
take bamboo.shoot COMP this Prt_evid
The older brother said, If it's like that, you all take your bamboo shoots and put them
down.
Seven_Orphans.186
aj
si
tk
tr n m9.paj t
older IRR take.out rice for 2P
ta: dk
return eat Prt_conclusion
I will scoop rice (out of the bag) so that you all can return home and eat.
Seven_Orphans.187
sm
aj
lj pea
kan
tk
tr n ka.mul
ta.pul m9.prk
younger older so invite RECIP take.out rice for female.unmarried seven carry.pole
So the brothers helped each other scoop out rice so that the seven young women could carry
the rice on a pole.
Seven_Orphans.188
j
aj
n9.tm hi
weaj d
older older group 1P_exc return first Prt_conclusion

The eldest daughter - Older brother, our group will return home now.
147
Seven_Orphans.189
jah pa.nea p
side ruler
kn t
do
a.blh paj kn 9.koa n
when child return come house ask
child 1S
m9.paj p tuaj
allow 2P
go search
a.ba
bamboo.shoot
As for the ruler, when the children arrived home he asked them, Children, I asked you to go
search for bamboo shoots.
Seven_Orphans.190
m9.paj m9.p bn tr a.-t
2P
why have rice CAUS-return
How have you been able to bring back rice?

Seven_Orphans.191
kn hi
it
n sm
aj
ta.pul na
n koh
th
child 1P_exc take on younger older seven Prt_person LOC on mountain there.far
Children - We took it from seven brothers who live far away in the mountains.
Seven_Orphans.192
kan nw ki
if
m ta.maj m9.paj p it
like that day new
2P
a.-t
go take CAUS-return again Prt_command
If that is what happened, in a few days I want you to go again and bring back some more.
Seven_Orphans.193
ba paj
si.aj t p sm
two three day
next
ka p tuaj a.ba
younger older so go search bamboo.shoot again
A few days later, the sisters went searching for bamboo shoots again.
Seven_Orphans.194
mt s:k
tr n baw
ta.pul na
m9.pl tia
enter request rice on young.man seven Clf_person same before

They went to the seven young men and asked for rice just as before.
Seven_Orphans.195
bn tr a.-t
pa.leaj k
EXIST rice CAUS-return very
tia
same before
There was plenty of rice for them to bring back the same as before.
Seven_Orphans.196
pa.leaj t du
very
time often go
(The daughters) went (to get rice) many times and often.
148
Seven_Orphans.197
j
hk a.kac p ti.lh ka lj p t n aj
older big lazy
hk kn ka.mt lj
go trade so so go live with older big child orphan Prt_emph
The eldest daughter got too lazy to go trade for rice and so went to live with the oldest
orphan brother.
Seven_Orphans.198
t p sm
next
kuaj
ti ba kuaj
ti paj
ton t
sm
a.lh
ka p t
younger person REL two person REL three until come younger youngest so go live
n baw
na
with young.man every Clf_person

Next, the second youngest sister and the third youngest until the last sister went to live with
one of the young men.
Seven_Orphans.199
pa.nea da
ruler
ka lj n
ta.han p at ta.pul kn ka.mt paj kan mak kn
know so so cause soldier go say

9.koa m9.paj k
ka.mul
female.unmarried 1S_Poss 2P
seven child orphan C
na
if
like child
p s:k
every Clf_person must go request
When the ruler found out, he then had his soldiers go tell the seven orphans, If you like my
daughters, every one of you must come and ask to marry her.
Seven_Orphans.200
aj
hk da
nw ki
lj it
tr it
doj pa.leaj l p s:k
older big know like that so take rice take rice very
kn pa.nea
very go request child ruler
When the eldest brother learned of this, he then took a large amount of rice seed and cooked
rice and asked to marry the ruler's child.
Seven_Orphans.201
k
na
t d t ta: ma.nj
every Clf_person marry
live eat together
Everyone got married, living and eating together.

Seven_Orphans.202
pa.nea m9.p traj m9.p nea pa.leaj
ruler
divide field divide field very much field for
The ruler divided many rice fields and dry fields for (the new couples).
Seven_Orphans.203
bn t rua
si.aj sot
EXIST but happy every every day
end
They had only happiness all of their days. THE END
149
APPENDIX 2: THE BIG SNAKE SON-IN-LAW

pa.tiam
ku.tan hk
son-in-law snake
big
The big snake son-in-law.

t
dun
t bn vil
bn a.tjh
taw a.jea
taw
from past long_time come PST EXIST village EXIST grandfather old grandmother old
Once upon a time there was an old grandfather and an old grandmother who lived in a
village.
ba
na
bn kn
ka.mul
ta.pat na
two Clf_person EXIST child female.unmarried six
Clf_person
They had six unmarried daughters.

maj si.aj m9.pe
one
day
m9.poa p tuaj
tin
mother father go search mango ripe
One day, the mother and father went to search for ripe mangoes.
p
p t
sk
ka hm kal
when go come forest so
see
pa.leaj kal
tree mango many
tree
When they had arrived in the forest, they saw many mango trees.
t t
hm
but NEG see
tin t maj k
mango ripe but one
Clf_fruit
But they did not see any ripe mangoes, not even one.
a.tjh
taw waw
kap m9.paj paj
grandfather old speak and wife C
tin p to l
mango ripe go to
where all
The old grandfather said to his wife, Where have all the ripe mangoes gone?
ma.haj
n9.trea
hm pa.leaj n
yesterday two days ago still see
very
also
Two days ago I saw many still here.

tuaj
tin ton
p t
kal
maj kal
search mango ripe until go come tree mango one
tree
They searched for the ripe mangoes until they came to one particular mango tree.
hm ku.tan pt a.-k
see
snake
kuaj a.d
big CAUS-pile.up mango hug
COMP
They saw a big snake which had piled up mangoes and wrapped [itself around them].
ku.tan pt ki
snake
pn ku.tan pa.ea o.in pl
big that be snake
king
god change
tak
body come
That snake was the snake god king which had transformed itself into a body and come
(down to earth).
ku.tan a.blh ba
snake
ask
taw paj kan m9.paj j
two old C
if
2P
bn
tin 9.koa
si
want EXIST mango ripe 1S.Poss IRR give
The snake asked the two old ones, If you want to have my ripe mangoes, (I) will give them
to you.
t kn
ka.mul
maj
maj na
but child female.unmarried 2S.Poss one
maj na
Clf_person one
9.koa
1S.Poss
151
pn m9.paj
Clf_person must be wife
a.jea
taw lj a.blh ku.tan paj kn
grandmother old so ask

na
si
it
snake
9.koa
ka.mul
pa.leaj
child female.unmarried 1S.Poss many
naw a.l
Clf_person IRR take 3S
which
So the old grandmother asked the snake, I have many unmarried daughters, which one will
you take?
ku.tan waw paj kan nw
snake
speak C
if
ki
it
sa
naj
thing that take like this
The snake said, If it's like that, I will chose like this.
kan naw a.l
if
3S
ta:
which eat
9.koa
naw a.-ki
mango 1S.Poss 3S
pn m9.paj 9.koa
CAUS.-that must be wife 1S.Poss
Whoever eats my mangos, that one must become my wife.

maj waw n
a.laj ta.m d
2S speak allow 3P
listen
Prt_command
You tell them so that they will understand.

a.b.di
9.koa si
evening.this 1S
mt to ku.tan waw
IRR enter in
snake
speak
This evening, I will come and enter into your house, the snake said.
t
a.jea
do
taw a.tjh
taw ka toc
tin to a.ja
m9.prk
then grandmother old grandfather old so pick.up mango ripe put basket carry.pole
return house
Then the old woman and the old man picked up the ripe mangoes and put them in a basket
which they tied to a pole and returned home.
p
do
kn
na
ka ta.lh t
when arrive house child every Clf_person so run
rap
m9.pe
arrive receive mother
When they arrived at the house, all of their children came running to greet their mother.
152
p
m9.pe
a.tuh
a.ja
ka waw kap kn
paj kn
when mother set.down basket so speak with child C

tin naj t
kan a.m
child if
ta:
anyone eat
mango
pn m9.paj ku.tan hk d
ripe this then must be wife snake
big Prt_command
When the mother had set down the basket, she said to the children, Children, if anyone eats
these ripe mangoes, then [that person] must become the wife of a big snake.
m9.pe
kap m9.poa lj waw la ti ra.mh n kn
mother and father so speak story REL meet
ta.m
for child listen
So the mother and father told the story of what had happened so that the children could
understand.
p
kn
da
la ka
bn a.m
ka
ta:
when child know story then NEG EXIST anyone dare eat
tin k ku.tan
mango ripe POSS snake
pt lj
big at.all
After the children understood the story, no one was brave enough to eat the big snake's ripe
mangoes at all.
bn kn
a.lh
maj na
ti ka
ta:
EXIST child youngest one Clf_person REL dare eat
The youngest daughter was the only one who dared to eat [the mangoes].
sm
waw paj 9.koa ma.ha 9.koa si
younger speak C
1S
hunger 1S
ta:
IRR eat
pn m9.paj ku.tan ka
be wife snake
pn
then be
The younger daughter said, I am hungry; I will eat [the mangoes], and if I become the
snake's wife, so be it.
sm
a.lh
lj ta:
younger youngest so eat
tin maj na
ton
mango ripe one Clf_person until finish
So the youngest daughter ate the ripe mangoes by herself until they were gone.
153
p
a.b
ku.tan hk ka
when come evening snake
koh
sia
n9.tra k.ka.tk
big then descend from mountain noise loud
crash_boom
When evening came, the big snake came down from the mountain with a loud crashing
noise.
p
do
a.jea
taw an ka
loj
mt
klo
do
when arrive house grandmother old 3S then slither enter inside house
When it came to the old woman's house, it entered slithering into the house.
m9.poa m9.pe
hm sa ki
father mother see
ka
lj at kn
like that then so say
kan s
p ka.kuh
a.jak
ka.mul
child female.unmarried prepare

ti pn ku.tan
ceremony five pairs go pray.kneel husband REL be snake

The father and mother saw what was happening and so told their daughter to arrange the
five candle ceremony and to go kneel before her husband who was a snake.
sm
9.kh pa.leaj
a.lh
younger youngest afraid very

The youngest sister was very afraid.
t ta n9.traw
bn
but do anything NEG able
But she could not do anything about it.

an lj mt
to ku.tan pt t maj na
3S so enter to
snake
big but one Clf_person
So she went to the big snake all by herself.

an 9.kh 9.kh l jir
3S afraid afraid leg shake finish

She was so afraid that her legs were shaking completely.
154
t t
mt an
ta:
but must enter because eat
tin ku.tan
mango ripe snake
finish PST
But (she) had to enter (into marriage) because she had eaten all of the snakes ripe mangoes.
ku.tan hk hm an pn nw ki
snake
big see
lj waw kap an paj maj pn kuaj
3S be like that so speak with 3S C
ta.na
2S be person honest
The big snake saw that she was like that and so said to her, You are an honest person.
9.koa si
1S
tuajh
rup
maj hm
IRR take.of form allow 2S see
I will take off my form so that you can see (me as I really am).
p
waw t
ku.tan hk ka
when speak PST
snake
9.kol
tuajh
ku.tan loah
big then take.of skin.snake snake
out
When (he) finshed speaking, the big snake took the snake skin off.
an pn kuaj
mac
pa.leaj
3S be person beautiful very
He was a very handsome person.

sm
a.lh
hm sa ki
younger youngest see
an ka
si.m mit pa.leaj
like that 3S then happy
very
(When) the youngest sister saw what he was like, she was very happy.
p
pa
a.rp
sm
a.lh
ka
pea
a.jak
ti pn ku.tan p
when shine morning younger youngest then bring husband REL be snake
ti.tal
go
traj
clear.field field
When morning came, the youngest daughter invited her husband who was a snake to go
clear the fields.
155
p
traj ku.tan hk ka
when come field snake
9.kol
tuajh
ku.tan loah pn kuaj
big then take.of skin.snake snake
ti.tal
out be person clear.field
traj ton t
field until finish
When they arrived at the field, the big snake took off his snake skin and became a person
until they finished clearing the fields.
sm
a.lh
kt
n mit
younger youngest think in

sa naj k
paj ta nw l
heart C
a.jak
haj
ta si
pn kuaj
do whatever husband 1P_inc then IRR be person
si.aj p
like this every every day
go
The youngest daughter thought in her heart about if she could do anything so that her
husband would be a person like this all the time.
p
m ta.maj an ka
when come day new
waw maj na
sa ki
ton
tom si.ak
3S then speak one Clf_person like that again until bird crow
n kal alua s
in
tree
hear
The next day, she kept saying the same thing to herself out loud until a crow up in the tree
heard her.
si.ak lj waw kap sm
a.lh
paj t
crow so speak with younger youngest C
ea
9.koa si
NEG difficult 1S
taj
IRR help
So the crow spoke with the youngest daugter, Its not difficult. I will help (you)
9.koa si
1S
t;m 9.koa n pa.saj

IRR help but 2S must feed 1S
for satisfy
taj t
maj t
I will help you, but you must feed me until I am full.

t
9.koa si
then 1S
at kwam-kt 9.koa n ta.m
IRR say
NMLZ-think 1S
for listen
Then I will tell my idea to you.
156
sm
a.lh
tm tom si.ak ton
pa.saj t
an ka at paj maj ta sa naj
younger youngest feed bird crow until satisfy then 3S so say
2S do like this
d
PRT
When the youngest daughter had fed the crow until it was satisfied, the crow then told her,
You will do something like this.
tom waw 9.koa si
bird speak 1S
9.km
9.kol ku.tan an a.d
it
IRR mouth.hold take skin
snake
3S CAUS-bring
The bird said, I will grab the snake skin in my beak and take it away.
p
9.koa par t
when 1S
p ka.n ujh maj ka ta a.tujh
fly LOC over pile
9.koa
fire 2S so do chase.away 1S
When I fly over the fire, you shoo me away.

9.koa si
1S
pa.tah 9.kol ku.tan to ujh
IRR free
skin
snake
in
fire
I will drop the snake's skin into the fire.

p
ujh kat
9.kol ku.tan an
when fire burn skin
snake
an ka pn kuaj
si.aj
3S consume then 3S so be person every every day
dk
PRT_conclusion
When the fire burns up his snake skin, then he will be a person from then on for sure.
sm
a.lh
paj mn k maj waw
younger youngest C
true POSS 2S speak
The youngest sister said, What you say is true.

p
da
nw ki
sm
a.lh
ka n
tom 9.km
9.kol ku.tan p
when know like that younger youngest so allow bird mouth.hold skin
snake
When they knew the plan, the youngest sister had the bird pick up the snake skin in its
mouth and go.
157
go
p
tom par p ka.n ujh sm
when bird fly over pile
ka ta a.tujh
sah
sah
fire younger so do chase.away shoo shoo
When the bird flew over the fire, the younger sister pretended to chase it away, Shoo,
shoo!
9.kol maj
tom si.ak it
bird crow take skin
a.d
taw j
2S_Poss CAUS-bring PST old dear
The crow has taken your skin away, dearest!

a.jak
nw ki
ka ta.lh t
husband hear like that so run
taj
come help
The husband heard what was going on and so came running to help.
t
ti.tm
but NEG catch.up

But he did not come in time.
tom si.ak pa.tah 9.kol s
bird crow free
skin
to ujh
descend in
fire
The crow dropped the skin down unto the fire.

ujh kat
ton
fire burn until finish

The fire burned it up completely.
a.jak
hm nw ki
husband see
ka eam
like that so cry
The husband saw what happened and cried.

sm
a.lh
waw
kap a.jak
paj an kat
younger youngest speak and husband C
ka t
dk
3S burn PST so PST PRT_conclusion
The youngest sister said to her husband, It has been burned up and is finished for sure.
158
maj
ka t
to 9.kol ku.tan n
2S_Poss so NEG must wear skin
snake
PRT_emph
You do not have to wear the snake skin any more.

pn kuaj
ka
pa.leaj t
be person so good very
still
Being a person is still very good.

p
m9.paj waw
nw ki
an ka p eam
when hear wife speak like that 3S so stop cry
When he heard the things his wife was saying, he stopped crying.
m9.paj lj it
kum ku.tah
tea
mea n a.jak
wife so take black charcoal spread face for husband

So the wife took black charcoal and spread it on her husband's face.
9.kh sm
hm si
afraid younger older see
n9trh mit
IRR surprise
She was afraid her sisters would see and be surprised.

t
traj ka t
si.daw si.daw
return from field so return night
night
They returned from the fields late at night.

p
pa
a.rp
m9.pe
ka a.l kn p traj
when shine morning mother so call child go field

The next morning the mother called her daughter to go to the fields.
159
p
hm pa.tiam
when see
jar a.-ton
m9.pe
taw ka n9trh mit hm pa.tiam
son-in-law stand CAUS-up mother old so surprise see
pn
son-in-law be
kuaj
person
When she saw her son-in-law stand up, the old mother was surprised to see that he was a
person.
sm
a.lh
lj waw
n m9.pe
ta.m
younger youngest so speak for mother listen

So the youngest sister spoke so that her mother would understand.
p
ti.lia
pa.tiam
ton do
ka pah ujh
pn ka.rum
m9.paj ka it
when mid-morning son-in-law so chop firewood under area.under.house wife so take
water up
house
Around mid-morning, as the son-in-law chopped firewood under the house as his wife took
water up into the house.
kr
ti.pt d
hk to a.jak
bucket slip.off water spill in
husband finish
The bucket tipped over and water spilled all over the husband.
p
kn
kum n mea ka loah ton
pn mac
pa.leaj
when water touch black on face so out until finish be beautiful very
When the water touched the black charcoal on his face it came off completely and he was
very handsome.
p
sm
hm sa ki
when younger older see
ka n9trh mit
like that so surprise
When the sisters saw him like that, they were surprised.
160
waw
to sm
speak in
paj maj m9.p bn a.jak
younger C
mac
a.l
2S why have husband beautiful very
They said to the younger sister, Why do you have such a beautiful husband?
hi
bn sa maj k
kan
1P_exc want have like 2S same RECIP

We want to have a husband just the same as you.
ta t ki
sm
a.lh
ka t
kap
a.jak
ma.nj
rua
since that younger youngest so live with husband together happy good
Since that time, the youngest sister lived hapily together with her huspand.
waw
a.jea
taw a.tjh
taw n
maj do
bn kn
speak about grandmother old grandfather old again one house have child
ka.mul
maj na
female.unmarried one Clf_person

Now we will talk about an old man and old woman of another family who had one
unmarried daughter.
a.laj j
3P
bn pa.tiam
pn ku.tan hk k
want have son-in-law be snake
kan
big same RECIP
They wanted to have a son-in-law who was a big snake just the same as the family we just
talked about.
ba na
m9.paj a.jak
lj pea
kan
p tuaj ku.tan hk t
two Clf_person wife husband so invite RECIP go search snake

n pn a.jak
n koh
big LOC on mountain
kn ka.mul
for be husband child female.unmarried

So both the husband and wife decided to go search for a big snake living in the mountains so
that it would be a husband for their daughter.
161
p
koh
ka p kuac it
ku.tan ta.ln
when come mountain so go lasso take snake
a.-d
pn
constrictor.snake CAUS-bring be
pa.tiam
son-in-law
When they arrived in the mountains, they went and snared a constricting snake to take back
to be their son-in-law.
ba na
m9.paj a.jak
pea
kan
leak ti
ku.tan ta.ln
two Clf_person wife husband invite RECIP drag pull snake

t
constrictor.snake descend
koh
from mountain
Both the wife and husband helped each other to drag and pull the boa constrictor down from
the mountain.
p
do
ka it
ku.tan a.d
when come house so take snake
n klo do
CAUS-place on inside house
When they arrived home, they took the snake and placed it inside the house.
p
a.b
ka n kn ka.mul
kan s
mt
to
when evening so for child female.unmarried prepare ceremony five pairs enter in
During the evening, (they) made (their) daughter prepare the ceremony of the five pairs of
candles to enter into (the house?).
The_Big_Snake.085
waw paj 9.koa 9.kh 9.koa t
kn ka.mul
child female.unmarried speak C
1S
afraid 1S
ka
mt
NEG brave enter
The daughter said, "I am afraid, I am not brave enough to enter (the house).
m9.pe
waw paj kan t
mother speak C
if
mt
9.koa si
NEG enter 1S
a.-tit
maj
IRR CAUS-die 2S
The mother said, If you don't enter, I will kill you.
162
kn ka.mul
lj mt
child female.unmarried so enter

So the daughter entered [into the house].
p
si.daw ma.hj ku.tan hk ka hat
when night moment snake
an
big so wrap.around 3S
The moment night fell, the big snake wrapped itself around her.
t
ka ta: an
then so eat 3S
And then started to eat her.
ln
l an a
swallow leg 3S first

It swallowed her lower leg first.
an lj a.l n m9.pe
taj
3S so call for mother help

So she called for her mother to help.
a.l paj m9.pe
call C
ku.tan ln
mother snake
l 9.koa t
swallow leg 1S
PST
She called, Mother, the snake has swalled my leg!

m9.pe
jah noa
lj waw kap a.jak
paj maj
mother LOC side outside so speak with husband C
2S watch Prt_surprise
So the mother who was outside said to her husband, Will you look at that!
a.jak
a.pr l ka at m9.pe
husband pet
leg so tell
m9.poa
mother father
(Her) husband is petting (her) leg and so (she) tells us."
163
m9.pe
m9.poa lj t
mt
taj an
mother father so NEG enter help 3S

So the mother and father did not enter the house and help her.
p
ma.hj ku.tan ka ln
when again moment snake
lu
so swallow arrive thigh
In another moment, the snake swallowed up to her thigh.

an ka at m9.pe
3S so tell
m9.poa n
mother father again
Then she told her mother and father again.

m9.pe
waw kap m9.poa paj maj
mother speak with father C
2S watch Prt_surprise
The mother said to the father, Will you look at that!

a.jak
a.pr lu
husband pet
ka at m9.pe
thigh so tell
m9.poa
mother father
(Her) husband pets (her) thigh and so (she) tells us.

p
ma.hj ku.tan hk ka ln
when moment snake
9.ki
big so swallow arrive waist
In a moment, the big snake swallowed up to her waist.

an a.l n
ku.tan ln
3S call again snake
9.koa t
swallow 1S
9.ki t
arrive waist PST
She called out again, The snake has swallowed me up to the waist!
m9.pe
waw kap m9.poa n
maj
a.jak
a.tuj 9.ki ka at haj
mother speak with father again 2S watch husband tickle waist so say
1P_inc
The mother said to her husband again, Will you look at that, her husband is tickling her
waist and she tells us.
164
a.kan t
da
n9.traw l kn haj
naj
really NEG know what very child 1P_inc this

She really does not know anything at all, this child of ours.
ma.hj ka ln
ma.hm ln
moment so swallow arrive chest
ta.k
swallow arrive neck
The next moment, the snake swallowed up to her chest and up to her neck.
an lj tat mit paj t
3S so decide C
bn a.m
taj t
ku.tit kak kak
NEG EXIST anyone arrive help then die
sure sure
So she decided that (if) there was no one coming to help (her), then she would surely die.
lj it
kan kruap mea a.taw dm
so take bowl cover face REFLEX
So she took a bowl and covered up her own face.

ku.tan hk lj ln
snake
an
tak
big so swallow 3S complete body
So the big snake swallowed her whole body up.

tri
s sia n9.traw
quiet NEG hear noise anything

It was very quiet, not a sound was heard.
m9.pe
m9.poa t
jah noa
waw kan
paj n
mother father LOC side outside speak RECIP C
a.jak
a.toa maj t
ka bec
sure husband pester tired then so lie
na
PRT_opinion
The mother and father who were outside said to each other, Surely the husband has tired of
pestering her and probably went to sleep.
165
p
pa
a.rp
p a.meajh kn jar koj
doj ka t
s sia n9.traw
when come shine morning go awaken child stand steam rice so NEG hear noise anything
The next morning, when the mother went to awaken her daughter to get up and steam the
rice, she did not hear anything.
m9.pe
lj waw paj n
mother so speak C
bn a.jak
la
ta.m
ti.lia
sure have husband then Prt_evid wake.up late
So the mother said, Sure, she has a husband and so wakes up late.
a.kac l
lazy
very
She is so lazy!
p
ph pa.tu p ka t
hm a.m
when open door go look so NEG see
anyone
When she opened the door to go look, she did not see anyone.
hm t
see
p jah kli
do
only hole side behind house
She only saw a hole at the back of the house.

m9.pe
eam ta.lh p a.t a.jak
mother cry
run
go say
paj ku.tan ta: kn
husband C
snake
haj
taw j
eat child 1P_inc old dear
The mother went running and crying to tell her huspand, The snake ate our child, dearest.
an pn ku.tan l t
3S be snake
mn ku.tan ba.bot
true NEG true snake
transform come
It was a real snake, not a transformed snake come down from the heavens.
t
k a.laj
NEG same POSS 3P
It was not the same as theirs [previous family].
166
m9.poa kap m9.pe
lj p nam
kn
father and mother so go follow child

So the father and mother went and followed their daughter.
t ka nam
ku.tan hk t
but then follow snake
ti.tm
big NEG catch.up
But though they followed the big snake, they did not catch up.
bn t
eam t
able only cry
to do
return in
house
They could only cry and return to their house.

tX ba na
sm
aj
t n
ra.k maj
speak about two Clf_person younger older live with grandfather man one
waw
na
Clf_person
Now we will talk about two brother who lived with their grandfather.
ta
do
traj t
n koh
field LOC on mountain
They farmed in the mountains.

maj si.aj ba na
sm
aj
p m a.l
one day two Clf_person younger older go look trap
One day, the brothers went to visit their traps.
p p tX hm a.l laXjh
when go come see trap spring
As they were coming, they saw that a trap had been sprung.
p p X t;eX t;eX hm a.l t;at ku.t;an ta.ln

hk
when go watch close close see trap caught snake snake.constrictor big
As they went closer to look, they saw that the trap had caught a big constrictor snake.
167
sm
hm sa kiX lXj a.lX aj
tX X
younger see like that so call older come look
So when the younger brother had seen what had happened, he called the older brother to
come and look.
ba na
sm
aj
lXj peXa kan
leXak ku.t;an t;
do
two Clf_person younger older so invite RECIP drag snake return house
So the two of them helped each other to drag the snake back to the house.
p tX do ba na
sm
aj lXj trXh
ta.kro
when come house two Clf_person younger older so cut.open cut.meat
So when the two brothers came to their house, they cut open the snake to get the meat.
sm
waXw paj ku.t;an naj t;a: nt.traw
younger speak C
snake this eat what
The younger brother said, What did this snake eat?

mt.p p
hk a.l
why stomach big very
Why is it's stomach so big?

p trXh
p bi bi ka hm kan kj
when cut.open go little little then see bowl small
When they had cut the snake open a little bit, they say a small bowl.
p ph kan loah ka hm meXa kuaj

when open bowl out then see face person
When they pulled the bowl out they saw a person's face.
sm
waXw kap aj
paj aj
j an
younger speak with older C
older dear 3S
t;a: kuaj
eat person
The younger brother said to his older brother, Dear brother, it has eaten a person!
168
aj
hm lXj waXw paj ta.k an
older see so speak C
neck 3S
t ta.h n
still pulse with
So when the elder brother saw it he said, Her neck still has a pulse.
an
3S
ha
ku.t;it weXaj
not.yet die
yet
She has not died yet. [She is not dead yet.]

koaj koaj trXh

d
slow slow cut.open PRT_command
Carefully cut the snake open.
padi
klaXp an
just.then touch 3S
At that moment they touched her.

p trXh
it an
when cut.open take 3S
a.-loah
ka tiXa
an
CAUS-out then dry.sun 3S
d n ra.pa
put on rack.dry
When they had cut open the snake and taken her out, they then dried her in the sun, putting
her on a drying rack.
it doj it d it ra.haw
a.-t;m
an
take rice take water take medicine CAUS-feed 3S
paj si.aj
three day
They force fed her rice, water and medicine for three days.
an
3S
ka ra.t;aw bn
then wiggle able
Then she was able to move a little bit.

p pon si.aj s: si.aj an

when four day five day 3S
ka waXw bn
then speak able
After four or five days, she was able to speak.
169
t
dun
an
NEG time.long 3S
ka wa
so heal
Not long after that, she was healed.

t an
but 3S
t;
lXa tiXa t bn
remember story before NEG able
But she could not remember what had happened to her.

p an
when 3S
wa t;X an
heal PST 3S
ka waXw paj a.mX

t;aj an
then speak C
whoever help 3S
an
3S
si
t d kap
IRR marry with
naXw a.ki
3P CAUS-there
After she had been healed, she said that whoever had helped her, she would marry that
person.
p m ta.maj sm
ka waXw kap aj paj a.mX si pn kuaj t d
when day new younger then speak with older C
who IRR be person marry
kap an
with 3S
The next day, the younger brother said to his older brother, Who will be the person to
marry her?
aj
waXw paj maXj e la
older speak C
2S PRT_evid
The older brother said, You of course!

sm
t
kap an
younger prepare with 3S
t bn dk
NEG able PRT_conclusion
[younger speaking] No, I cannot marry her.

kan .t koa t
maXj si ra.nh miXt kan pn mt.paj .t koa t;X
if
1S
prepare 2S IRR upset
if
be wife 1S_Poss PST
If I marry her, you will be upset if she were to become my wife.
170
kan an
if
3S
p t;uaj nt.traw maj si

p m a.ja an
go search what 2S IRR go look basket 3S
ka t
kX
then NEG appropriate
daXjh
PRT_anger
If she went out to gather something, you would go and look in her basket and that is really
not appropriate.
kan t d kap aj
.t koa ka si
a.lX paj saj
if
marry and older 1S
then IRR call C
sister-in-law.older
If she marries you, the older brother, then I will call her saai, my older sister-in-law.
an
3S
si kX
kua
IRR appropriate than
That is more appropriate.

aj at maXj waXw mXn t;X

older say 2S speak true PST
The older brother said, You have spoken correctly.

p da nXw kiX aj lXj t d kap ka.mul

ma.sm a.laj t;aj
when know thing that older so marry with female.unmarried woman 3P help
So after coming to this understanding, the older brother married with the young woman they
had helped.
p t d t t;a: ma.nj bn maj ka.m aj

kap mt.paj ka p ta
when marry live eat together have one year older and wife so go do
traj
field
After they had married and lived together for one year, the older brother and his wife went
to work the fields.
mt.paj aj t;oh ma.u

wife older plant pumpkin
The older brother's wife planted a pumpkin.
171
mt.paj aj ka.kuh
s:k
kap tew.da paj kan .t koa t;oh ma.u n koc
wife older pray.kneel request with god
C
if
1S
plant pumpkin allow tip
ma.u leXam
t;on tX do mt.peX do mt.poa .t koa tXh
d
pumpkin grow.spread until come house mother house father 1S_Poss there.far PRT_emph
Then kneeling, the older brother's wife made this request from the gods. If I plant this
pumpkin, allow the vine to grow and spread until it comes to my mother and father's house
far away.
kiXt
a.b bac a.rXp kiXt
a.rXp bac a.b d
pick.off evening bud morning pick.off morning bud evening PRT_emph
Make it so that when the tip of the vine is picked off in the evening, it will bud anew in the
morning; and when it is picked off in the morning, it will sprout anew by the evening.
p tX maj t;it la s: si.aj ma.u ka hk a.t;on

when come one ten CON five day pumpkin then big CAUS-up
After fifteen days, the pumpkin plant grew up.
si.m ma.u leXam

p ta.pul koh
t;on tX do mt.peX do
vine pumpkin grow.spread go seven mountain until come house mother house
mt.poa
father
The pumpkin vine spread from the seven mountains until it came to the house of her mother
and father.
an
3S
leXam
t;on la.ka do t;on paX la.ka X
grow.spread go.up roof
house until full roof
complete
It grew up onto the roof of their house and then covered it completely.
a.jeXa
taw kiXt
a.rXp a.-d
t;a:
grandmother old pick.off morning CAUS-bring eat
The old woman picked off the tip of the vine in the morning and brought it back to eat it.
p a.b t;X bac ta.maj

when evening PST bud new
When evening had come, the vine had bud anew.
172
p kiXt
a.b
a.rXp t;X bac n
when pick.off evening morning PST bud again
When she picked the tip of the vine in the evening, by the next morning, the vine again had
bud again.
an
3S
lXj kXt n miXt paj si.m ma.u naj tX

t
l
so think in heart C
vine pumpkin this come from where
So she thought in her heart, Where has this pumpkin vine come from?
an
3S
lXj loXa naXm si.m ma.u p

so test follow vine pumpkin go
So she tried to follow the pumpkin vine, leaving that place.

naXm p t;on tX
ta.pul koh
t;a
t;i.tm kal klk ma.u
follow go until come seven mountain therefore reach tree stem pumpkin
She kept following the vine until she came to the seven mountains with the result that she
reached the base of the pumpkin vine.
p a.jeXa
naXm tX
traj lXj mt a.blh aj kap mt.paj paj
when grandmother follow come field so enter ask
older and wife C
i.dh
ma.u naj maXj pn kuaj t;oh b
HON.female pumpkin this 2S be person plant Q
When the grandmother following the pumpkin vine came to the field, she entered and asked
the older brother and his wife, Madam, about this pumpkin, were you the person who
planted it?
mt.paj aj lXj at paj mXn t;X .t koa pn kuaj t;oh a.-t;on

wife older so say C
true PST 1S
be person plant CAUS-up
The older brothers wife told her, That is correct.
.t koa pn kuaj t;oh a.-t;on

1S
be person plant CAUS-up
I am the person who planted and raised the pumpkin plant.
173
a.blh ta
ask
do
nt.traw
what grandmother
Why do you ask, grandmother?

a.jeXa
taw lXj waXw lXa ma.u n an
grandmother old so speak story pumpkin for 3S
ta.mX
listen
So the old woman told the story of the pumpkin so that the she would understand.
a.jeXa
taw lXj a.blh an
grandmother old so ask
3S
a-lp
paj an
CAUS.return C
3S
pn kn a.mX
be child who
And so the old woman asked her more questions, Whose child are you?
tX t l
come from where
Where do you come from?
mt.p p ta
why go do
traj t p naj
field LOC go this
Why are you working in the field in this place?

mt.paj aj lXj waXw lXa ku.t;an t;a: an

wife older so speak story snake eat 3S
n a.jeXa
taw ta.mX
for grandmother old understand
So the older brothers wife told the story of how the snake had eaten her in order that the old
woman would understand.
p a.jeXa
taw ta.mX sot ka da lXj
paj an
when grandmother old listen end so know Prt_emph C
3S
a.t;aw dm
REFLEX
pn kn
be child
When the old woman had finished listening, she knew for sure that the young woman was
her own child.
174
mt.paj aj ka kXt bn kX kan

paj a.jeXa
taw a.-naj
pn
wife older so think able same RECIP C
grandmother old INTENS-this be
mt.peX an
mother 3S_Poss
And the older brother's wife had been thinking the same thing, that this woman right here
was her mother.
ba na
da lXa lXj eXam t;o kan
two Clf_person know story so cry to RECIP
When both of them understood the story, they cried with each other.
ba na
mt.peX kn lXj ra.mh kan
two Clf_person mother child so meet RECIP
So both the mother and child renewed their relationship [lit. met each other].
a.laj eXam pa.leXaj

3P cry very
They cried a lot.
mt.paj aj lXj it mt.peX kap mt.poa p t n

wife older so take mother and father go live with
So the older brother's wife took her mother and father to go and live with them.
ta t kiX a.laj lXj t ma.nj rua

k
k
si.aj sot
since that 3P so live together happy good every every day end
Since then, they have lived together happily every day. The End.
175
APPENDIX 3: THE BUYEANG FISH STORY

lXa sia bu.j

story fish buyeang fish
The Buyeang Fish story.
dun
tX
t;X bn kra maj kra
time.long come PST EXIST city one city
A long time ago, there was a city.
mt.poa kra bn kn baw

ba na
aj
kap sm
father city
have child young man two Clf_person older and younger
The ruler of the city had two sons who were young men, an older son and a younger son.
t mt.peX mt.poa peX t sm

an
sm
pn kuaj
but mother father love but younger because younger be person good
But the mother and father only loved the younger brother because he was a good person.
liXan p maXk t;aj kuaj

ka.nh t;aj tran pram
study clever like help person another help animal also
He was clever in his studies and he liked to help other people, and animals also.
aj
pn kuaj t
older be person NEG good
The older brother was not a good person.

kXt t
kap an
think NEG good with 3S
du
du
often often
Often, he thought evil about his younger brother.
9.kh an
afraid 3S
bn ln
have inheritance
He was afraid that the younger would receive a better inheritance.

.t kh mt.poa a.j
kra n sm
afraid father offer_up city
for younger
(He) was afraid that his father would give the city to his younger brother.
lXj kXt a.t;it

sm
so think CAUS-die younger
So he thought about killing the younger brother.

maj si.aj lXj peXa sm

p pa tran
sk
one day so invite younger go shoot animal forest
So one day he invited the younger brother to go shoot wild animals.

peXa ta.han p pa.leXaj na

pram
invite soldier go very
Clf_person also
(He) invited many of his soldiers to go also.
p tX
sk pt ka at ta.han a.a an
when arrive forest big so say soldier deceive 3S
p a.t;it
t;i
go CAUS-die Prt_COM
When they came to the big forest, [the elder] told the soldiers to trick him, Go kill [him]!
an
3S
kap ta.han lXj p pu la ra.na kap aj

and soldier then go each
road with older
The younger brother with the soldiers went a different way from the older brother.
p tX
jX tp
ta.han ka kop an
when come far and some soldier so grab 3S
d
COMP
When they had gone quite far, the soldiers grabbed him.
177
t; t;o kal a.loa kXt paj si a.-t;it

an
tie to tree stem think C
IRR CAUS-die 3S
They tied him to a tree and thought that they would kill him.
an
3S
lXj waXw kap ta.han paj tn

t kra .t koa
kap mt.paj
so speak with soldier C
period live city 1S
good and 2P
So he said to the soldiers, During the time I lived in the city, I was good to you.
mt.paj mt.p j a.-t;it

.t koa
2P
why want CAUS- die 1S
Why do you want to kill me?
ta.han at an
soldier say 3S
hi
ta
1P_exc do
an
aj
maXj at
because older 2S say
The soldiers said, We are doing (this) because your older brother told (us to).
sm
waXw n
tn
t kra t;aj nt.t;m a.laj pa.leXaj sam l
younger speak again period live city help group 3P very
equal which
The younger brother said again, During the time I lived in the city, I helped the people so
very much.
ta.han kXt a.joX lXj pa.tah an

soldier think pity so free 3S
The soldiers thought about it and pitied him, so they freed him.
ta.han waXw kap an

soldier speak and 3S
paj maXj p kra ka.nh loXt

C
2S go city another PRT_Imper
The soldiers said to him, You need to go to another city.

kan maXj t;
aj
ka a.-t;it
maXj n
if
2S return older so CAUS-die 2S again
If you return to the city, your older brother will try to kill you again.
178
an
3S
lXj ta.jah kra ka.nh

so walk city another
And so he walked to another city.

jah ta.han a si
p s:k
kh it sk tr a.laj a.-d
n aj
side soldier before IRR go request cut take hair shirt pants CAUS-take for older
X
watch
As for the soldiers, before he had gone, they asked him to cut some of his hair and pieces of
his clothing for them to show to his older brother.
p n a.laj t;X sm
ka ta.jah mt sk p kra ka.nh
when give 3P PST younger then walk enter forest go city another
When he had given them (those things), the younger brother walked into the forest going to
another city.
jah ta.han p t;
tX
aj
at aj
paj hi
a.-t;it
an
side soldier when return_home come older say older C
1P_Exc CAUS-die 3S
t;X
PST
And the soldiers, when they had returned to the older brother, they told him, We have
killed him.
tp keXm sk a.-t;
sk kap tr a.laj n maXj X
bury edge forest CAUS-return hair and shirt pants for 2S watch
(We) buryed him on the edge of the forest and brought back some hair and pieces of his
clothing for you to see.
aj
t;Xa
miXt lXj t
waXw nt.traw
older believe heart so NEG speak what
The older brother believed (them), and so he did not say anything.
179
t;
t;o kra p at mt.peX mt.poa paj sm
klaXp ku.la t;a: t
n
return to city go tell mother father C
younger PASS tiger eat LOC on
sk t;X
forest PST
When he returned to the city, he went and told his mother and father, Younger brother has
been eaten by a tiger on the edge of the forest.
hi
si
t;aj t t;aj t
bn
1P_exc IRR help but help NEG able
We tried to help but were not able to.
mt.peX mt.poa da peXa kan

eXam nt.t;om
mother father know invite RECIP cry miss
When the mother and father knew what had happened, they cried mourning.
jah sm
ta.jah n sk
side younger walk in
n tr
forest in
pa.leaj si.aj
jungle many
day
Meanwhile, the younger brother walked in the forest for many days.
ta: pa.laj a.loa pn a.tin
eat fruit stem be food
(He) ate fruit for his food.
ta.jah p bi
bi
an p hm sia bu.j
walk go little little 3S go see
trt
tah
fish buyeang.fish water dry.up leave
He walked a little further on when he saw a buyeang fish which had been stranded when a
pool of water dried up.
an a.jo lj taj it
si.la bua a.jom p pa.tah t
3S pity so help take leaf lotus wrap go free
m9.pe
hk
LOC mother water big
He pitied the fish and so helped it by taking a lotus leaf and wrapping it up and then setting
it free in a large river.
180
ta.jah p n p n ka hm pojh klaXp kuaj

pa
walk go again go again so see deer PASS person shoot
He then kept on walking and walking until he saw a deer that had been shot.
an ka t;aj t;o ra.haw t;on wa

3S so help put medicine until heal
So he helped the deer by giving it medicine until it was healed.

pojh waXw kap an paj t p bn lXa nt.traw n .t koa t;aj ka a.t

deer speak and 3S C
next EXIST story what allow 1S
help then say
d
PRT_emph
The deer said to him, "From now on, if you have any problem that I can help you with just
tell me."
waXw t;X ka ta.lh mt sk p

speak PST so run enter forest go
After speaking he then ran off into the forest.

an ta.jah p n
ka hm a.t; hu t;at mo preXan
3S walk go again so see wolf
caught snare hunter
The younger brother continued walking until he saw a wolf caught in a trap.
an ka t;aj n
3S so help again
And so he helped again.

a.t; hu waXw kap an paj kan maj bn lXa nt.traw 9.koa si

p t;aj
wolf
speak and 3S C
if
2S EXIST story what 1S
IRR go help
The wolf said to him, If you have any problems I will come and help you.
waXw t a.t; hu ka ta.lh mt sk p

speak PST wolf
so run enter forest go
After he had finished speaking, the wolf ran off into the forest.
181
an lj ta.jah p n
ton t
kra maj kra
3S so walk go again until come city
one Clf_city
So the younger brother went on again until he came to a city.

kuaj
n kra ki
person on city
pn kol
ma
si
na
that be stone almost IRR finish every CLF_person
Almost all of the people in the city had been turned to stone.
t kuaj
t tran
pn kol
na
both person both animal be stone finish every Clf_person

Both the animals and the people, all of them, were stone.
an hm n9trh mit pa.leaj hm t kol
3S see
surprise very
see
but stone
He saw this and was very surprised that he only saw people and animals turned to stone.
t
hm kuaj
NEG see
do
person every every house
He did not see anyone in any of the houses.

t
t a.jea
taw maj do
bn pn kol
LOC but woman old one house NEG have be stone

Except for one old woman in her house that had not been turned to stone.
an lj mt a.blh paj
3S so enter ask
vil
maj m9.p t
bn kuaj
grandmother grandmother village 2S why NEG EXIST person
So he entered the house and asked, "Grandmother, grandmother, why aren't there any people
in your village?
tran
ka t
bn
animal so NEG EXIST

And there aren't any animals either.
182
a.laj p to
3P
go
in
where finish
Where did they all go?

9.koa t
at paj vil
grandmother say
village 1S
bn kuaj
pa.leaj
from past EXIST person very
In the past my village had many people.

ti.n kuaj
9.koa pn kol
vil
now person village 1S
be stone finish PST
Now, all the people of my village have been turned to stone.

k
maj hm e la
same 2S see
prt_evid
Just as you have surely seen.

m9.p pn nw ki
grandmother grandmother why be thing that

Grandmother, why has this happened?
lj waw n an ta.m paj t
grandmother so speak for 3S listen
pn sa naj
from past NEG be like this
So the grandmother told him what had happened, In the past it was not like this.
bn maj ka.m bn kuaj
EXIST one year
jh
m9.p si.mut mt t
EXIST person crazy witch
n kra hi
enter LOC on city
1P_exc
There was a year when an evil witch entered our city.

an bn ti.la wi.set maj nam
ta n
hm
3S have mirror magic one Clf_thing do cause see
complete every place
She had a magic mirror that allowed her to see every single place.
183
a.m
ta n9.traw
an ka hm
anyone do whatever 3S so see
She could see everything that everyone was doing.

t
p l
an ka hm
LOC go where 3S so see

Wherever they were, she could see them.
an kop pa.nea kra kn m9.paj pa.nea a.d
3S grab ruler
city
child wife ruler
COMP
She captured the king of the city along with his wife and children.
an at a.nea vil
3S say
paj kan kuaj
people village C
if
to t
ti.la wi.set an bn an si
person where hide from mirror magic 3S able 3S IRR
pa.tah pa.nea kap m9.paj

free
ruler
and wife
She told the villagers that if anyone is able to hide from her magic mirror, she would free
the king and his wife.
kan an hm a.m
if
3S see
n ti.la wi.set an si
it
a.loa wi.set si.dj n
pn kol
anyone on mirror magic 3S IRR take stem magic point allow be stone
If she saw that person in her magic mirror, she would point her magic wand at them and
turn them into stone.
kuaj
na
n kra 9.koa lj pn kol
person every Clf_person on city
1S
maj hm e la
so be stone same 2S see
Prt_evid
So every person in the city was turned into stone just as you have surely seen."
sm
kan nw ki
younger if
9.koa si
thing that 1S
taj pa.nea kn kap m9.paj an
IRR help ruler
child and wife 3S
Younger brother: "If that's the situation then I will help the king and his children and his
wife.
184
t 9.koa t
but 1S
da
paj ta nw l
NEG know C
ta
to t
ti.la wi.set a.jea
do thing where so.that hide from mirror magic woman
m9.p si.mut bn
witch
able
But I do not know what to do so that I can hide from the witch's magic mirror."
ka taj maj t
bn taw
grandmother so help 2S NEG able grandchild dear

I can not help you dear grandson.
9.koa kt
yes 1S
bn t
think able PST
"Ahh, I've thought of something."

n
mt at m9.p si.mut paj 9.koa si
cause grandmother enter say
witch
1S
pn kuaj
to t
ti.la
IRR be person hide from mirror
wi.set an bn
magic 3S able
I want you to go to the witch and tell her that I will be the person who can hide from her
magic mirror."
p
pa
a.rp
ka mt waw a.a at m9.p si.mut paj bn
when shine morning grandmother so enter speak deceive say

ra.k maj na
man
pn baw
an waw paj to t
one Clf_person be young man 3S speak C
witch
EXIST
ti.la wi.set maj bn
hide from mirror magic 2S able
So the next morning the grandmother went to the witch to trick her by saying, There is a
young man who says that he can hide from your magic mirror.
an waw paj t
3S speak C
9.kh maj lj
NEG afraid 2S at.all
He said that he does not fear you at all.
185
kan ti.la wi.set maj tuaj an hm t
if
mirror magic 2S search 3S see
pai
t n
mai si.dj pn kol
bn
come three time allow 2S point be stone able
lj
Prt_emph
If your magic mirror finds him three times then you will have the right turn him into
stone.
t kan tuaj t
but if
hm n
search NEG see
maj pa.tah pa.nea kap kn kap a.nea vil
allow 2S free
ruler
pram
and child and people village also
But if you do not find him, you must free the king, his children and the villagers also."
m9.p si.mut at paj t
witch
say
kj bn a.m
to t
ti.la wi.set 9.koa bn
NEG ever EXIST anyone hide from mirror magic 1S
able
The witch said, There has never been anyone who could hide from my magic mirror.
maj p at an p
2S go say
3S go
You tell him to go.

9.koa n
1S
to paj
t k ki
allow hide three time only that
I will give him only three chances to hide.

da
lj t
at sm
grandmother know so return say
p to
younger allow go hide
When the grandmother understood this she then returned to tell the younger brother so that
he would go and hide.
sm
lj p to sia bu.j
younger so go in
taj
fish buyeang fish allow help
So the younger brother went to the buyeang fish so that it could help him.
186
sia bu.j
p at m9.pe
fish buyeang fish go say

t
pn d
sia to
hk n
an to t
n bo
mother fish Clf_animal big allow 3S hide LOC on mouth
n9.tru
LOC under water deep
The buyeang fish went and told the great mother fish to hide him in her mouth deep under
the water.
jah m9.p si.mut it
side witch
ti.la wi.set
take mirror magic watch
Meanwhile, the witch started looking in the magic mirror.

to koh
watch in
ka t
hm
mountain so NEG see
She looked in the mountains and did not see him.

p
to d
when watch in
ka hm sm
water so see
n bo
sia lj n
ta.han p kop
younger LOC on mouth fish so allow soldier go grab
sm
younger
When she looked in the water she saw the younger brother in the fish's mouth and so had her
soldiers go to grab him.
m9.p si.mut waw paj 9.koa hm maj maj t t
witch
speak C
1S
see
2S one time PST
The witch said, I have caught you one time.

sm
p to n
younger go hide again

The younger brother went to hide again.
ta ti
ba p to pojh
time who two go in
deer
For his second attempt he went to the deer.
187
pojh lj pea
p to n kp t
m koh
hk
deer so invite go hide on cave LOC place mountain big
So the deer brought him to go hide in a cave deep in the mountains.

jah m9.p si.mut it
side witch
ti.la
to d
take mirror watch in
hk ka t
hm
water big so NEG see
Meanwhile, the witch was looking in her magic mirror at the big water but did not see him
there.
to koh
watch in
to kp lj hm an t
mountain in
cave so see
n klo kp ka.nam pa.leaj
3S LOC in
inside cave dark
very
She looked in the mountains and in the cave, and so she saw him inside the very dark cave.
m9.p si.mut n
witch
ta.han p kop an n
allow soldier go grab 3S again
The witch sent her soldiers to capture him again.

a
ta.han si
kop pojh waw kap an paj 9.koa taj maj bn k naj la
before soldier IRR grab deer speak and 3S C
1S
help 2S able only this Prt_evid
Before the soldiers could get him, the deer said to him, I can only help you this much.
an lj p to a.t hu
3S so go in
wolf
So he went to the wolf.

a.t hu lj waw kap an paj 9.koa si
wolf
so speak and 3S C
1S
taj maj
IRR help 2S
And so the wolf said to him, I will help you.

pea
maj p to
bring 2S go hide
I will bring you to a place to hide.
188
waw t a.t hu ka pea
speak PST wolf
an mt a.p kra ton t
so invite 3S enter center city
do
hk wa
until come house big palace POSS
m9.p si.mut t
witch
LOC
After saying this, the wolf then brought him into the center of the city until they came to a
big house, the palace of the witch.
a.t hu kaj
wolf
ku.t ta kp pn m bec k m9.p si.mut
dig.dog ground do cave under place lie POSS witch
The wolf dug a tunnel under the witch's bedroom.

p
kaj
ka pea
sm
mt to t
klo kp ki
when dig.dog finish so bring younger enter hide LOC inside cave that
When he was finished digging, he had the younger brother get in the tunnel and hide inside
it.
jah m9.p si.mut si.m mit pa.leaj
side witch
happy
very
Meanwhile, the witch was very happy.

tuaj sm
hm ba t t
search younger see
two time PST
She had searched for and found the younger brother two times already.
t ti
paj
sm
si
ku.tit kak kak an kt
time which three younger IRR die
n mit
sure sure 3S think on heart
On the third time the younger brother will die for sure. She thought to herself.
m9.p si.mut ka it
witch
ti.la loah
tuaj sm
so take mirror out watch search younger
So the witch took her magic mirror out and began to search for the younger brother.
189
to d
watch in
ka t
hm
water so NEG see
She looked in the water but didn't see him.

ton to koh
watch up
in
ka t
hm
mountain so NEG see
She looked up into the mountains but did not see him there.
to l to l ka t
watch everywhere
hm
so NEG see
She looked all over the place but could not find him.
m9.p si.mut reaj
witch
pa.leaj
angry very
The witch became very angry.

an
ka t
hm sm
3S watch PST watch again watch PST watch again so NEG see
lj
younger at.all
She looked here and there and here and there but could not find the younger brother at all.
an reaj
pa.leaj
3S angry very much

She became even more angry.
kt
paj ti.la wi.set kap a.loa wi.set t
think C
wi.set n
mirror magic and stem magic NEG magic still
She thought that the magic mirror and the magic wand were not magic any more.
an lj ta.kl ti.la kap a.loa
3S so throw mirror and stem
So she threw the mirror and the wand.
190
ti.la plah
mirror shatter complete

The mirror was completely shattered.
a.loa wi.set ta.kajh k
stem magic break half
The magic wand broke in half.
jah poj
a.loa si.dj to a.taw dm
side point stem point at
REFLEX
The point of the wand pointed back at the witch herself.

m9.p si.mut lj pn kol
witch
ta.j ka t
m ki
so be stone stand hard LOC place that
And so the witch was turned into hard stone right where she stood.
p
m9.p si.mut pn kol
when witch
pa.nea kap a.nea vil
be stone ruler
ka wa t
kata k
and people village so heal from spell
POSS
m9.p si.mut
witch
When the witch was turned into stone, the king and all the villagers were healed from the
witch's spell.
ka lj pn kuaj
tia
then so be person same before

And were changed into people, the same as before.
pa.nea si.m mit pa.leaj
ruler
happy
very
The king was very happy.

a.j
kn ka.mul
n sm
offer.up child female.unmarried for younger

He gave his daughter in marriage to the younger brother.
191
m9.p kra n pram
divide city
for also
And also gave a part of the city to him.

t d t ta: ma.nj rua
marry
si.ai sot
live eat together happy good every every day
end
They were married and lived together happily ever after. The END
192
APPENDIX 4: THE WILD BUFFALO EAR

ka.tur si.ur
ear
buffalo.wild
The wild buffalo ear.

dun
t bn
kap taw
ta
traj t
te
koh
time.long come PST EXIST grandfather and grandson make field LOC close mountain
A long time ago, there was a grandfather and grandson who worked in the fields close to
the mountains.
ba na
naj n9.tom ta
tr traj
two Clf_person this PROG make rice field

These two were working in the rice fields.
bn maj si.aj bn prean t vil
EXIST one day
ma.nj pa.leaj na
EXIST hunter live village together very
Clf_person
One day there were many hunters who were living together in a village.
a.laj p pa
3P
tran
sk
n koh
go shoot animal forest LOC on mountain
They went to hunt wild animals in the forest located in the mountains.
a.laj pa
3P
bn si.ur
maj to
shoot able buffalo.wild one Clf_animal

n9.tm a.laj lj pea
group 3P
kan
ta.kro
m9.p tac kan
so invite RECIP cut.meat divide meat RECIP
So they decided to help each other to cut up the meat and then divide it with each other.
n9.tm prean lj ta.jah t
do
klaj trai k
kap taw
group hunter so walk return house pass field POSS grandfather and grandchild
And so, when the hunters walked home they passed by the old man and his grandson's field.
n9.tm a.laj lj si.baw to
group 3P
so shout in
tac si.ur
paj
grandfather C
n9.tm hi
it
grandfather grandfather group 1P_exc take
n mai
meat buffalo.wild for 2S

So they shouted from afar to the grandfather, "Grandfather, grandfather, we have brought
some wild buffalo meat for you."
hi
a.d
n a.il
nai d
1P_exc CAUS-place on stump this PRT_purpose

"We put some on this stump, alright."
prean kuaj
a waw
hunter person first speak

The first hunter said.
lj at a.laj paj
grandfather so say
3P
a.d
ki
la
yes CAUS-place that PRT_evid
So the old man said to them, Yes, just put it there.

p
ma.hj prean kuaj
ti ba ka ta.jah s
koh
when moment hunter person REL two so walk descend from mountain another
A moment later, the second hunter walked down from the mountain.
an lj si.baw at
3S so shout say
paj
grandfather C
9.koa it
grandfather grandfather 1S
tac si.ur
take meat buffalo.wild
n mai
for 2S
So he shouted from afar and told the old man, Grandfather, grandfather, I have brought
some wild buffalo meat for you.
194
9.koa a.d
1S
n a.il
nai d
CAUS-place on stump this PRT_purpose
"I will place it on this stump OK."

lj waw paj
grandfather so speak C
a.d
ki
la
taw
yes CAUS_place that PRT_evid grandchild
So the old man said, "Yes, just place it there grandson."

p
prean kuaj
ti pai
an ka waw k
tija n
when hunter person REL three come 3S so speak same usual again
When the third hunter arrived, he also said the same as the others.
taw
lj waw kap
paj
grandchild grandfather so speak with grandfather C

pa.leaj na
very
a.laj n tac haj
grandfather 3P
give meat 1P_inc
CLF_person PST
So the old man's grandson said to him, "Grandfather, many hunters have given us meat.
haj
pea
kan
1P_inc invite RECIP go watch PRT_request

"Let's go look at it, OK."
mah nai pa.leaj t la
equal this very
PST PRT_evid
There must be a large amount.

lj waw a.-ton
paj kan pa.leaj haj
grandfather so speak CAUS-up C

ti.ra
if
very
si
it
tac a.d
1P_inc IRR take meat CAUS-bring
smoke.preserve PRT_consider
So the grandfather spoke up and said, If there is a lot, we will take the meat and smoke it.
195
t
kap taw
ka pea
kan
ta.jah p
tac si.ur
then grandfather and grandchild so invite RECIP walk go watch meat buffalo.wild LOC
n a.il
a.loa
on stump stem
Then the grandfather and grandson walked over to see the wild buffalo meat on the tree
stump.
p
a.laj p
when 3P
ka hm ka.tur si.ur
go watch so see
ear
maj nam
k ki
buffalo.wild one CLF_thing only that
When they went to look, they only saw one wild buffalo ear.
lj waw a.ton paj ka.tur si.ur
grandfather so speak up
ear
maj nam
naj b
ti a.laj
buffalo.wild one CLF_thing this PRT_Q REL 3P
n9.tm prean at haj

group hunter say
1P_inc
The Grandfather spoke up saying, "Is it just one wild buffalo ear which all those hunters were
telling us about?"
it
lot
yes take PRT_Imper

"OK, let's take it anyways."
a-t
to a.raw
grandfather CAUS.return curry in
???
I will bring it back and make it into curry with an arau plant."
ba na
taw
lj pea
kan
to do
two Clf_person grandfather grandchild so invite RECIP return in
house
So then the two of them agreed and returned to their house.

p
pa
a.rp
m ta.mai
when shine morning day new
lj pea
taw
p lh
bat
trai
grandfather so bring grandchild go pull.up grass field
Early the next day, Grandfather brought the grandson to go and weed the rice field with him.
196
a.laj lh
3P
jah mea bat
ka kt jah kli
pull up side face grass so birth side behind
As they pulled up the weeds in the front part of the field, the weeds in back of the field
sprouted.
p
a.laj lh
when 3P
jah kli
bat
ka kt jah mea
pull.up side behind grass so birth side face
When they pulled up the weeds at the back of the field, the weeds sprouted at the front of
the field.
p
pa.leaj n9.tai t p a.laj ba na
when very
month next
3P
ka lh
bat
two Clf_person so pull.up grass NEG complete
After many months passed by, the two of them had not pulled up all the weeds.
tew.da t
god
p ma.l lj kt
LOC high sky
ma.sm mac
a.jo a.laj lj ba.bot
so think pity 3P
ka.tur si.ur
so transform allow ear
pn
buffalo.wild be
pa.leaj
woman beautiful very

So a god in the sky pitied them and transformed the wild buffalo ear into a very beautiful
woman.
p
kap taw
p to trai ma.sm kuaj
when grandfather and grandchild go to
ki
ka s
ta.wi
field woman person that so descend from tray
When the grandfather and grandchild went to the field, that woman got down from the tray.
t
an ka pujh
do
a.rjh ku.b ku.ba
then 3S so sweep house wash bowl bowl
Then she swept the house and washed the dishes.

p
mat ma.na a.wih an ka koj
when come sun
tilt
doj a.kan a.laj
3S so steam rice wait 3P
In the afternoon, she steamed rice and had it waiting for them.
197
p
a.laj t
when 3P
t2
trai
ka ton to do
return from field grandfather so go up in
house
When they returned home from the field, the grandfather went up into the house.
p
an ton t
do
an ka hm doj koj
when 3S go up come house 3S so see
tin t1
rice steam ripe PST
When he had gone up and entered the house, he saw rice steamed already.
a.dh n
hul wal wal
pot steaming LOC emit wisping

There was steam still wisping up from the steaming pot.
an ka n9trh mit
3S so surprise
He was surprised.
an lj a.blh taw
3S so ask
paj
grandchild C
So he asked the grandchild,

taw
a.m t
grandchild dear who
koj
doj n
haj
nai
come steam rice allow 1P_inc here
"Dear grandson, who came here and steamed this rice for us?"
taw
lj at paj
grandchild so say
And the grandchild said,

t
da
lew
NEG know PRT

"I have no idea."
198
kap taw
lj t
bn a.m ka
grandfather and grandchild so NEG EXIST who

an
a.laj kt
because 3P
paj a.nea vil
think C
si
ka
ta: doj ti
n top
ki
brave eat rice who LOC on basket that
a.laj
people village IRR poison 3P
And so of the grandfather and the grandchild, neither dared to eat the rice which was in the
basket there, because they thought that the villagers might have been trying to poison them.
taw
lj waw kap
paj haj
grandchild then speak and grandfather C
it
doj n
a.t ta:
weaj
1P_inc take rice allow dog eat watch first
Then the grandchild waid to the grandfather, "We should take the rice and give it to the dog
to eat and watch him first."
kan a.t ku.tit haj
if
dog die
ka si
ta:
1P_inc so IRR NEG eat
"If the dog dies, we will not eat it."

kan a.t t
if
ku.tit haj
dog NEG die
ta
ta:
1P_inc therefore eat
"If the dog does not die, then we will eat."

lj it
doj n a.t ta:
grandfather so take rice give dog eat
So the grandfather took the rice and gave it to the dog to eat.
p
a.t ta: doj t a.t to
ki
ka t
pn n9.traw
when dog eat rice PST dog Clf_animal that so NEG be what
When the dog had eaten the rice, nothing happened to the dog.
taw
lj waw paj
grandchild so speak C
a.t t
hm pn n9.traw
watch Prt_command dog NEG see
be what
And so the grandchild said, "Look at that! I don't see anything happening to the dog!"
199
kan nw ki
if
9.koa ta: d
like that 1S
eat Prt_conclusion
"If that's the situation, I am going to eat!"

taw
lj ta: doj ki
t t
ka
ta:
grandchild so eat rice that but grandfather still NEG brave eat
And so the grandchild ate that rice, but the grandfather still did not dare to eat.
p
pa
a.rp
m ta.mai
when shine morning day new
ka pea
taw
p to trai n
grandfather so invite grandchild go in
field again
The next morning, the grandfather requested that the grandchild go to the fields again.
p
a.laj p wet
when 3P
ka.tur si.ur
go out of sight ear
ka ba.bot
pn1 ma.sm mac
buffalo.wild so transform be
woman beautiful again
When they had gone out of sight, the wild buffalo ear again was transformed into a beautiful
woman.
t
an ka s
ta.wi
then 3S so descend from tray

Then she got down from the tray.
t
ka pujh
do
pujh
do su1 h
then so sweep house sweep house
a.d
scoop water CAUS.place
Then she swept the house and got water from the well stored away.
p
tn
a.b
an ka koj
doj
when come period evening 3S so steam rice

When the evening came, she steamed rice.
t
ka ta ta: a.kan2 a.laj pram1
then so do eat wait
3P
also
Then she made food so that it was waiting for them also.
200
p
te
we.lea ti
when almost time

n ta.wi k
on tray
kap taw
si
do
an ka ton t
who grandfather and grandchild IRR return house 3S so go up LOC
tija
same usual
When it was close to the time when the grandfather and grandchild would return to the
house, she went up onto the tray as usual.
p
ton to do
when grandfather up
to
ka hm bn kuaj
house so see
koj
doj a.kan t
able person steam rice wait PST
When the grandfather had gone into the house, he was able to see that a person had steamed
rice and that it was waiting for them.
a.dh n
t hul wal wal t
pot steaming still emit wisping still

The pot was still steaming.
an ka n9trh mit n
3S so surprise again
He was surprised again.
p
pa a.rp
ka waw kap taw
paj
when early morning grandfather so speak and grandchild C
When morning came, the grandfather spoke with his grandchild.

taw
mai ku.kh ku.nai a.d a.kan
grandchild 2S chop
mouse store wait
"Grandson, you chop up the mouse and put it away for later.
paj eam a.b
watch C
si
bn kuaj
koj
doj kap ta ta: a.kan haj
time evening IRR have person come steam rice and do eat wait 1P_inc LOC
Prt_Q
We will see this evening if someone comes to steam rice and make food so that it is waiting
for us."
201
p
a.laj ta nw ki
when 3P
t a.laj ba na
do like that PST 3P
lj loah t
do
p to traj
two Clf_person so out from house go in
field
When they had done as they planned, then they both went out of the house and went to the
field.
p
trai
paj ma.hj 9.koa si
ka waw kap taw
when come field grandfather so speak and grandchild C

t
to
paj a.m koj
return hide watch C
who
moment 1S
pea
mai
IRR invite 2S
doj a.kan haj
steam rice wait 1P_inc
When they arrived at the field, the grandfather said to the grandson, In a moment I will ask
you to return home with me and hide in order to watch who steams the rice and has it
waiting for us.
p
ma.hj
ka pea
when moment grandfather so
taw
tp
bring grandchild return sneak watch
After a few moments, the grandfather then brought the grandchild back to the house to spy
out who was coming.
a.laj ka hm ma.sm
maj na
3P
one
so
see
woman
an n9.tom si
koj
doj
Clf_person 3S PROG IRR steam rice
And so they saw a woman as she was preparing to steam rice.

taw
lj ton a.blh paj mai pn a.m mai m9.p t
grandchild so go.up ask
2S be who
koj
doj t
n do
2S why come steam rice LOC on house
hi
1P_exc
So the grandchild went up and asked her, Who are you? Why have you come to out house
to steam rice?
ma.sm kuaj
ki
lj
at an paj 9.koa t n do
woman person that at all say
3S C
1S
mai nai la
live on house 2S this Prt_evid
So that woman told him, I live in your house, that's the reason.
202
tew.da ba.bot
god
9.koa pn kuaj
transform allow 1S
be person
The gods transformed me so that I became a person.

mai kt
paj 9.koa pn n9.traw t
2S think watch Prt_command C
1S
n do
mai nai
be what LOC on house 2S this
Can you loook around and think of what I am here in your house?
taw
lj ti.laj n
an ta.m ton
grandchild so guess allow 3S listen
until complete
So the grandchild guessed for her until he ran out of ideas.

u
kr
top
doj
watertank bucket basket rice

The watertank? The bucket? The rice basket?
nea
kuaj
ki
ka waw a.ton lojh
woman.young person that so speak up
klap
wrong NEG correct
The woman spoke up each time saying, Wrong! That's not right!
taw
ti.laj ton
ka t
mn
grandchild guess until complete so NEG true

The grandchild guessed everything he could think of but all of his guesses were wrong.
taw
lj n
at
grandchild so allow grandfather say
So the grandchild had the grandfather tell her his guesses.

p
at ka t
when grandfather say
klap
lj waw paj t
so NEG correct grandfather so speak C
maj nam
LOC again one CLF
ka.tur si.ur
ear
buffalo.wild
When the grandfather had made a few wrong guesses, he then said, There is one more
thing, the wild buffalo ear.
203
ma.sm kuaj
lj waw paj mn t 9.koa pn ka.tur si.ur
ki
woman person that so speak C
true PST 1S
be ear
buffalo.wild
So that woman said, Correct, I am the wild buffalo ear.

9.koa ba.bot
tew.da n
god
cause 1S
pn kuaj
transform be person
A god caused me to transform into a person.

p
da
nw ki
ka waw paj kan pn sa ki
when grandfather know like that so speak C
be like that 1S
mai
IRR allow 2S
k 9.koa
t d kap taw
marry
if
9.koa si
with grandchild POSS 1S
When the grandfather understood the situation, he said, If it is like that, I will have you to
marry my grandson.
an
9.koa ka taw t m9.pai si
because 1S
so old PST 2P
bn lia 9.koa
IRR able raise 1S
Because I am now old and you can support me.

t
ma.sm kuaj
ki
kap taw
ka t d
then woman person that and grandchild POSS grandfather so marry

Then that woman and the grandfather's grandson were married.
t
ka t ma.nj
then so live together

And so they lived together.
p
pa
a.rp
kap taw
ka p to trai n
when shine morning grandfather and grandchild so go in
field again
The next morning, the grandfather and grandson went to the fields again.
a.laj p lh
3P
bat
tr trai
go pull.up grass rice field
They went and pulled up grass in the fields.
204
p
a.b
a.laj ka t
when evening 3P
to do
so return in
house
When evening came, they returned to the house.

m9.pai taw
ka a.blh paj lh
wife grandchild so ask
bat
t b
pull.up grass finish PST Q
The grandson's wife asked them, Have you finished pulling up all the grass?
lj waw paj t
tan t
weaj
NEG yet finish yet
So the grandfather said, We haven't finished yet.

lh
jah mea jah kli
pat
kt
pull.up side face side behind PASS NEG birth

When we pull up the grass in front of us, the grass behind us grows up.
p
lh
jah kli
pat
jah mea kt
when pull.up side behind PASS NEG side face birth

When we pull up the grass behind us, the grass in front of us grows up.
maj l taw
tired very grandchild dear

I am very tired, dear granddaughter.
m9.pai k taw
lj waw paj ma.n
wife POSS grandchild so speak C
m9.pai t
tomorrow 2P
p to trai
NEG must go in
field
dk
PRT_conclusion
So the grandson's wife said, Tomorrow you don't have to go to the fields.
9.koa si
1S
pn kuaj
p maj na
IRR be person go one Clf_person
I will be the person to go by myself.
205
p
pa a.rp
an koj
doj kap ta ra.tin
when early morning 3S steam rice and do food
When morning came, she steamed rice and made food.

t
an ka a.jom doj
then 3S so wrap rice

Then she wrapped up some rice.
t
ka p to trai
then so go in
field
And then she went to the fields.

p
trai an ka ta.ba e
bat
pa.leaj l
when come field 3S so look around grass very
very
When she came to the fields, she observed that there was really a lot of grass.
t
an ka ta.kc
a.loa it
a.-d
tat ra.h bat
a.-d
ton ta
then 3S so sharpen stem take CAUS-bring stab breath grass CAUS-place until around
trai
field
Then she sharpened some sticks and took them and stabbed them into the breath of the
grass, leaving them in the ground all around the field.
t
an ka t
do
then 3S so return house

Then she returned home.
p
m ta.mai bat
when day new
n trai a.laj ka ku.tit ton
grass LOC on field 3P
so die
until completely
When the next day came, the grass which was in the fields died off completely.
tr lj kt a.-ton
p pa.leaj
rice so birth CAUS-up tall very
So the rice plants grew up very tall.
206
bn maj ka.m t
EXIST one year
n n9.t
l tr t
n law k a.laj
LOC on season dry rice LOC on shed POSS 3P
used.up
One year during the dry season, the rice in the their storage shed was completely used up.
t
bn doj ta:
NEG EXIST rice eat

There was no rice to eat.
kumn
an pn kuaj
t do
pujh
do
pujh
do su
daughter-in-law POSS grandfather 3S be person LOC but house sweep house sweep house
koj
doj ta ta:
steam rice do eat
The grandfather's daughter-in-law was the person who stayed in the house, sweeping it and
making the food.
p
an da
paj a.s
an ka th mit
pa.leaj
when 3S know thus rice.uncooked used.up 3S so poor heart very
When she found out that the shelled rice was all gone, she was very sad.
p
mat ma.na a.wih an ka it
when sun
liam
p rac
si.la tr kap si.la pla
turn 3S so take scythe go harvest leaf rice and leaf grass
When afternoon came, she took a scythe and went out to cut the leaves off of rice plants and
to cut grass.
t
an ka t
to do
then 3S then return to
it
si.la tr kap1 si.la pla a.-d
koj
house take leaf rice and leaf grass CAUS-place steam
Then she returned to the house and took the rice leaves and grass and steamed them.
p
tin si.la tr kap si.la pla ka ba.bot
pn doj ton
when ripe leaf rice and leaf grass so transform be rice until completely
When the rice leaves and the grass were steamed, all of it transformed into cooked rice.
207
p
kap a.jak
trai a.laj ka hm an n9.tom toh doj
when grandfather and husband return from field 3P
so see
3S PROG cool rice
When the grandfather and her husband returned from the fields, they saw that she was
cooling the rice.
kt
n mit
grandfather think in
paj an it
heart C
doj a.-t
a.-d
3S take rice CAUS-come from where CAUS-bring steam
The grandfather thought in his heart, where has she gotten rice from to steam.
an
a.s
ka
tr ka
because rice.uncooked so used.up rice so used.up

Because the shelled rice and the unshelled rice had been used up.
lj kt
da
grandfather so think want know

So the grandfather wanted to find out how she got the rice.
p
m ta.maj kumn
when day new
an koj
doj a.d
daughter-in-law 3S steam rice COMP
When the next day came, the daughter-in-law was steaming rice.
t
an ka at n
then 3S so say
kia? a.d
allow grandfather guard COMP
Then she asked the grandfather to watch the steaming rice.

an at
3S say
paj
grandfather C
kia? raj
doj n
grandfather guard basket rice allow PRT_emph
She told the grandfather, Grandfather, watch the rice basket for me.
an si
p toc
bat
a.-t
koj
klua
3S IRR go pick.up grass CAUS-come parboil

She went to go pick some grass to bring back and parboil.
208
p
kumn
ta.jah p wet
ka ton ph
raj
doj
when daughter-in-law walk go out_of_sight grandfather so go.up open watch basket rice
When the daughter-in-law and walked out of sight, the grandfather went to the rice steaming
basket and opened it to see what was inside.
p
an hm si.la tr kap si.la pla t
when 3S see
n raj
an ka n9trh mit pa.leaj
leaf rice and leaf grass LOC on basket 3S so surprise very
When he saw the rice leaves and the grass in the steaming basket, he was very surprised.
reaj
pa.leaj
grandfather angry very

He became very angry.
jah p raj
pn si.la tr t jah pn pn doj t
side top basket be leaf rice but side under be rice PST
The top of the steaming basket had rice leaves, but under that it was steamed rice.
lj reaj
paj ku.mn
grandfather so angry C
it
si.la tr kap si.la pla koj
an
daughter-in-law take leaf rice and leaf grass steam allow 3S
ta:
eat
So the grandfather became angry that the daughter-in-law had taken rice leaves and blades
of grass and steamed them for him to eat.
an pa.ta kumn
3S criticize daughter-in-law
He criticized the daughter-in-law.
an ta.tip ton ku.mn
an t
ti.tm
3S criticize until daughter-in-law 3S return catch

He kept on criticizing the daughter-in-law until she returned home in time.
209
t
an ka s
pa.ta
then 3S so hear grandfather criticize

Then she heard the grandfather criticizing (her).
an t
si.m mit pa.leaj
3S NEG happy
very
She was very unhappy.

an lj ta.jah loah t
do
p to traj
3S so walk out from house go in
field
So she walked away from the house and went to the field.
t
an ka ti
it
a.loa ti an tat ra.h bat
a.d
then 3S so pull take stem REL 3S stab breath grass COMP

Then she took and pulled out the stakes which she had used to stab the breath of the grass
out.
p
an ti
a-
loah t bat
n9.tm ki
ka mojh
a.-
t on k
when 3S pull CAUS- out PST grass group that so resurrect CAUS- up
tia
same before
When she finished pulling them out, the grass revived and grew quickly just as before.
pa.leXaj
3S poor heart very
an th mit
She was very sad.

an lj t
lp
to do
3S so NEG return to
kap taw
n9.tm ki
house grandfather and grandchild group that again Prt_emph
So she did not return to the grandfather and grandson's house ever again.
an ta.jah mt to sk
3S walk enter in
lj
di t
a ki
p lj
sot
forest flee from day that go Prt_emph end
She walked into the forest and was never seen again. The End.
210
APPENDIX 5: THE GRANDFATHER GHOST

The_Grandfather_Ghost.001
braw
grandfather ghost
The grandfather ghost.
dun
t bn vil
kj kj maj vil
time.long arrive PST EXIST village small small one village

A long time ago there was a very small village.
t
n vil
ki
bn kn ka.mt t maj na
LOC on village that EXIST child orphan live one Clf_person

In that village there was an orphan child who lived all alone.
m9.pe
m9.poa ku.tit tah
mother father die
leave completely
(His) father and mother had died and left him with no family.
an lj t n
taw
3S so live with grandfather old
And so he lived with an old grandfather.

t
vil
naj pn sk
pn tr
ton
from past village around around this be forest be jungle until completely
In the past, the villages around here were only jungle.
do
su
j j kan
house house LOC far far
RECIP
The houses were located far from each other.
taw ka lia taw
pa.leaj ka.m
grandfather old so raise grandchild LOC very
year
The old grandfather raised the grandchild for many years.

bn maj si.aj
EXIST one day
a.i t
an ka ku.tit p tam
grandfather sick then 3S so die
go Prt_simpathy
One day the grandfather became sick, and then he went and died.
tah
taw
ti t kj t
maj na
leave cause grandchild REL still small LOC one Clf_person

His leaving caused the grandchild who was still small to live all alone.
an
sm
an p l
ka t
bn n
because younger older 3S go where so NEG have Prt_emph

Because he did not have any family anywhere.
ta n
taw
an n9.tom
do cause grandchild 3S miss
pa.leaj
grandfather very
This made the grandchild miss his grandfather very much.

k
si.aj taw
every every day
si
p eam
grandchild IRR go cry
Every day the grandchild would go cry.

p ra.np
m pr ti a.laj tp
go cemetery place hole REL 3P
ki
si.aj an
bury grandfather that every day
an n9.tom
because 3S miss
pa.leaj
very
He would go to the place where they had burried his grandfather every day because he really
missed him.
maj ku.tit t
grandfather dear 2S die
PST
Dear grandfather, you have died,
212
9.koa si
1S
t n a.m
IRR live with who
Who will I live with?

9.koa t
1S
bn a.m t
NEG EXIST who
9.koa p t n
maj it
then 2S take 1S
go live with
I don't have anyone so will you please take me to live with you.
k
si.aj an si
every day
p waw kam ki
3S IRR go speak word that
Every day he would go and say the same thing.

an waw ton
kuaj
ti pn braw a.jo ta an
3S speak until grandfather person REL be ghost pity do 3S

He kept on saying those things until the grandfather who was a ghost pitied him.
lj ba.bot
tak n
an hm
grandfather so transform body allow 3S see
So the grandfather transformed his body so that the grandson could see (him).
t
ka waw paj taw
then so speak C
sm
kan maj n9.tom 9.koa re
grandchild dear if
2S miss
1S
maj ka t
bn
strong result 2S so NEG have
younger older
Then he said, Dear grandson, if you miss me so much because you don't have any family.
kan nw ki
if
maj ta: ka.lo ra.haw
like that allow 2S eat bulb
naj d
medicine this Prt_command
If that is the situation, I will allow you to eat this plant which is medicine.
t
maj ka si
t n
bn
then 2S so IRR come live with grandfather able

Then you will be able to live with me.
213
p
taw
kn ka.mt ta: ka.lo ra.haw
when grandchild child orphan eat bulb
ki
t an ka hm braw hm briw
medicine that PST 3S so see
ghost see
spirit
When the orphaned grandchild had eaten the medicine plant, he saw the ghosts and spirits.
m ti an kj hm pn ra.np
place REL 3S ever see
ka pn vil
kuaj
a.-ton
be cemetery so be village person CAUS-up
In the place which used to be a cemetery there appeared a village of people.

bn kuaj
sw
sw
n vil
EXIST person commotion commotion LOC in
ki
village that
There were people making all sorts of noise in that village.

p
ma.hj
ka pea
an mt to vil
when moment grandfather so invite 3S enter in
village
Just then, the grandfather invited him to enter into the village.
p
do
ka ta ta.mia n
when arrive house grandfather so do bow
an maj nam
allow 3S one Clf_thing
When they arrived at the house, the grandfather made a bow for him.
a.-d
p pa
tran
waw
CAUS-put go shoot animal Prt_command grandfather speak

Bring this to go shoot animals grandfather said.
aj
kn ka.mt ka t n
bn pa.leaj n9.taj tp
older child orphan so live with grandfather have very
month some
The elder orphan child then lived with the grandfather for more than many months.
bn maj si.ai ka.nea ti t
EXIST one day
n vil
ki
a.laj t
friend REL LOC on village that 3P
pea
an p ho
arrive invite 3S go make.noise and
9.kra tran
flush
animal
There was one day, the friends who live in that village came and invited him to go hunt
animals by flushing (them out of the woods.)
214
kap
p
do
a.laj ka waw paj
when arrive house grandfather 3P
so speak C
aj
kn ka.mt t
grandfather older child orphan LOC
Prt_Q
When they arrive at the grandfather's house, they asked, Grandfather, is the orphan child
here?
lj a.blh a.laj paj m9.pai si
grandfather so ask
3P
2P
ta n9.traw
IRR do what
So the grandfather asked them, What are you going to do?

o
hi
si
pea
kap 9.kra tran
an p ho
ohh 1P_exc IRR invite 3S go make.noise and flush
animal
Oh, we will invite him to go help us flush out animals.

an
ma.haj
hi
hm lm
because yesterday 1P_exc see
pojh t
n tr
mark deer LOC on jungle
Because yesterday we saw deer tracks in the jungle.

tr
ki
hk dk
tr
kj kj
jungle that NEG big Prt_contra jungle small small

Actually that jungle is not big but quite small.
ka.nea braw n9.tm ki
ra.-waw
friend ghost group that RECIP-say

That group of ghost friends all said.
lj waw kap taw
paj
grandfather so speak and grandchild C
p lot
taw
yes go Prt_permission grandchild
So the grandfather said to the grandchild, Yes, go ahead.

la ta
bn pojh a.-t
ta: n
sometimes EXIST deer CAUS-bring eat consume

Sometimes there is a deer which they bring back so that we can eat it all.
215
an lj p n ka.nea
3S so go with friend
And so he went with his friends.

an it
ta.mia ti
3S take bow
ta n
a.-d
pram
REL grandfather do allow CAUS-bring also
He brought the bow which the grandfather made for him also.
p
a.laj p t
when 3P
tr
ti ka.nea waw paj hm lm
go arrive jungle REL friend speak C
see
pojh a.laj lj at n
mark deer 3P
so say
an
allow 3S
lat
ambush
When they had arrived at the jungle where the friends said that they saw the dear tracks,
they then told him to wait in ambush.
a.laj waw paj aj
3P
speak C
kn ka.mt maj lat
m naj d
older child orphan 2S ambush place this Prt_request
They said, Orphan child, you will wait in ambush in this place.
t
a.laj ka tah
then 3P
kuaj
d pn m pn m
so leave person put be place be place
Then they left a number of people in various places.

t
n9.tm a.laj ka waw kap an paj n9.tm hi
then group 3P
so speak and 3S C
si
mt ho
group 1P_exc IRR enter make.noise
Then they said to him, We will go into the jungle and make noise.
kan hm an loah n
if
see
maj pa
lot
ka.nea at
3S out allow 2S shoot Prt_command Prt_request friend say
If you see it come out, you must shoot it, OK. The friends said.
aj
kn ka.mt ka rap po a.laj paj
older child orphan so agree
3P
kan an loah 9.koa si
yes if
3S out 1S
pa
lot
IRR shoot Prt_intend
The orphan agreed with them saying, Yes, if it comes out I will shoot it for sure.
216
t
9.kh ta
lot
na
NEG must afraid believe Prt_emph Prt_consider

Don't worry. You can depend on me for sure.
p
an waw sot ka.nea n9.tm ti pn l
ka mt ho
a.p sk
when 3S speak end friend group REL be assistants so enter make.noise LOC center forest
When he finished speaking, the friends which were helping entered making noise in the
middle of the forest.
jah aj
ka.mt an ka a.kan t
ki
side older orphan 3S so wait LOC that

As for the orphan, he waited in that place.
t
hm n9.traw loah to an lj
NEG see
what out in
3S Prt_emph
He did not see anything come out to him at all.

tran
ka t
hm n9.traw ka t
animal so NEG see
hm
what so NEG see
He did not see any animals nor anything else.

s t ka.nea waw paj an p to maj t d
hear but friend speak C
3S go in
2S PST Prt_emph
He only heard the friends saying, It has gone towards you!

aj
kn ka.mt ea ta.mia d
older child orphan bend bow
COMP
The orphan child bent his bow and held it ready.

t an ka t
hm n9.traw loah to an lj
but 3S so NEG see
what out in
3S Prt_emph
But he did not see anything come out to him at all.
217
hm t a.ka
see
maj to
si.dajh loah
but grasshopper one Clf_animal jump out
He saw only one grasshopper jump out of the jungle.

an lj waw paj kp
3S so speak C
a.-t
buh ta: weaj na
cup.hand CAUS-bring.back for grandfather roast eat first Prt_consider
So he said, I think I will catch this grasshopper and bring it back for grandfather to roast
and eat.
an lj kp
it
a.ka
ka a.-d
n at
3S so cup.hand take grasshopper then so CAUS-put on pocket

And so he caught the grasshopper in his hand and then put it in his pocket.
t
ka.nea ka ho
to an
then friend so make.noise arrive in
3S
Then the friends came to him making noise.

t
a.laj ka a.blh an paj aj
then 3P
so ask
3S C
kn ka.mt hm pojh loah to maj b
older child orphan see
deer out in
2S Prt_Q
Then they asked him, Orphan child, did you see the deer come out to you?
an waw paj t
3S speak C
hm t
NEG see
hm tran
NEG see
n9.traw loah to 9.koa lj
animal what out in
1S
Prt_emph
He said, I did not see any animals or anything else at all come out of the jungle to me.
aj
kn ka.mt waw ka.nea t
ta
lj a.blh an n
older child orphan speak friend NEG believe so ask

ra.t b
maj lj t
paj t
3S again C
mn maj bec
NEG true 2S lie
hm an loah
sleep Prt_Q 2S so NEG see
3S out
After the orphan child had spoken, the friends did not believe him and so asked him again,
Isn't it true that you went to sleep and so did not see it come out?
218
naj de
lm
an loah m maj naj ka.nea waw
this right mark 3S out place 2S this friend speak

Right here its footprints come out to you. The friends said.
oj ka.nea 9.koa t
hey friend 1S
hm pojh t maj to
NEG see
deer but one Clf_animal true
Hey friends, I did not any deer, not even one.

t
9.koa ka t
paj t pojh ku.naj maj to
NEG C
but deer mouse one Clf_animal 1S
hm
so NEG see
Even if it was only one mouse deer, I did not see it.
p
an waw nw ki
ka.nea ka lj pea
an t
when 3S speak like that friend so so invite 3S return

When he had spoken those things, the friends suggested that he return home.
a.laj kt
3P
paj an loah eam an bec ra.t e la
think C
3S out time 3S lie sleep Prt_evid
They thought it obvious that the deer had come out during the time the orphan was sleeping.
p t
m ta.maj ta
go return day new
ka.nea maj na
waw
therefore arrive again friend one Clf_person speak
Let's go home, we can come again another day. One of the friends said.
a.laj lj pea
3P
kan
do
so invite RECIP return house
So they all encouraged one another to go home.

p
aj
kn ka.mt t
do
ka a.blh paj pn nw l taw
when older child orphan arrive house grandfather so ask
be how
grandchild
bn b
have Prt_Q
When the orphan child returned home, the grandfather asked, How was it? Do you have
(any deer)?
219
an lj at paj t
3S so say
bn t
hm n9.traw
NEG have NEG see
what
So he said, I don't have any, I didn't see anything.

t ka.nea paj hm lm
but friend C
see
an loah m 9.koa
mark 3S out place 1S
grandfather dear
But the friends say that they saw its prints come out in the place where I was, dear
grandfather.
t 9.koa t
but 1S
hm n9.traw lj
NEG see
what Prt_emph
But I did not see anything at all.

9.koa hm t a.ka
1S
see
maj to
naj la
but grasshopper one Clf_animal this Prt_evid
I saw only one grasshopper.

n9trh mit pa.leaj
grandfather surprise very

The grandfather was very surprised.
an lj waw kap taw
paj maj m9.p waw paj a.ka
3S so speak with grandchild C
2S why speak C
naj la pojh
grasshopper this be deer
So he said to the grandchild, Why do you say a grasshopper? It is the deer!

p
kop a.ka
ka on a.-s
do
when grandfather grab grasshopper then then toss CAUS-down house

After the grandfather had grabbed the grasshopper, he then threw it down from the house.
a.ka
ki
ka ba.bot
pn pojh hk
grasshopper that so transform be deer big
That grasshopper transformed into a big deer.
220
aj
kn1 ka.mt
ta
mat a.taw dm
older child orphan watch same NEG believe eye 3P.REFLEX
The orphan child watched it as if he could not believe his own eyes.
lj waw paj 9.koa p nam
1S
a.laj t
go follow 3P
ta.kro
weaj d
arrive cut.meat first Prt_intend
So the grandfather said, I will go follow them to bring them back to cut the meat now.
p
p nam
ka.nea ti p ho
ma.nj t
when grandfather go follow friend REL go make.noise together arrive

After the grandfather had followed and caught up with the friends who were the
noisemakers, they came back to the house together.
a.laj ka waw paj n
3P
so speak C
hi
waw t
sure 1P_exc speak PST
They said, It is just as we said.

hi
hm lm
1P_exc see
an loah jah naj
mark 3S out side this
We saw its prints go out that side.

a.laj lj pea
3P
kan
ta.kro
m9.p tac n
na
so invite RECIP cut.meat divide meat allow every Clf_person
So they helped each other to cut up the meat and divide it so that everyone got his share.
bl
kap 9.kar pojh a.laj n aj
head and skin deer 3P
kn ka.mt
give older child orphan
They gave the head and the skin of the deer to the orphan child.
an
an pn kuaj
pa
bn
because 3S be person shoot able
Because he was the person who was able to shoot the deer.
221
t
a.laj ka pea
then 3P
kan
a.-t
ta:
so invite RECIP CAUS-return eat
Then they invited each other to return and eat.

p
pa.leaj si.aj t
when very
day
p aj
kn ka.mt ka p pa
tom
connect go older child orphan so go shoot bird
After many days passed by, the orphan child went to shoot birds.
paj 9.koa p pa
an a.t
3S say
grandfather C
1S
tom n tr
naj weaj d
go shoot bird on jungle this first Prt_intend
He told the grandfather, I am going to go shoot birds in the jungle now.

ka t
waw n9.traw
grandfather so NEG speak what

The grandfather did not say anything.
p
an t
tr
an ka p pa
tom
when 3S arrive jungle 3S so go shoot bird
When he came to the jungle, he went and shot some birds.

an bn tom ka.ro maj to
3S have bird owl
klaj
ki
ka pn tom a.wea tom si.ak tom
one Clf_animal pass.by that so be bird ???
bird crow bird
ti.pal
dove
He got one owl and after that he shot an aweang bird, a crow and a dove.
an kt
n mit
paj k naj ka poa
3S think on heart C
ta: t
la
only this so enough eat finish Prt_evid
He thought in his heart that this much would surely be enough to eat.
an lj t
to do
3S so return in
house
And so he returned to the house.
222
p
do
an ka lh
si.sk tom
when arrive house 3S so pull.up hair bird
When he came home, he defeathered the birds.

t
ka si
a.-d
ta ta:
then so IRR CAUS-take.with do eat

Then he was going to take the birds to make food.
p
hm
when grandfather arrive see
ka n9.trh mit
grandfather so fall
maj t
heart again one time
When the grandfather came and saw what was happening, he was surprised yet again one
more time.
ta.lh t
grandfather run
a.-tit
to an t ka ra.-waw
arrive in
paj taw
3S PST so RECIP-say C
maj m9.p ka
grandchild 2S why dare
hat taw hat neaj
CAUS-die even lord even lord

The grandfather ran up to him and said to him, Grandson, why have you dared to kill our
rulers.
kn j
pn tot
kak kak haj
child dear be punish sure sure 1P_inc

Dear child, we will surely be punished!
t aj
kn ka.mt
ka klk
but older child orphan watch grandfather then so confuse

But the orphan child looked at the grandfather and was confused.
pa
bn tom
m9.p paj haj
shoot have bird grandfather why C
a.-tit
taw neaj
1P_inc CAUS-die lord lord
I have shot birds grandfather, why do you say that I have killed our leaders?
223
p
p kop tom k ki
la
tom n9.tm ki
ka ba.bot
pn
when grandfather go grab bird only that Prt_evid bird group that so transform be
kuaj
a.-ton
person CAUS-up
After the grandfather went and grabbed the birds, just like that, those birds transformed into
people.
nw ti an hm pn si.sk tom ka pn tr a.laj a.-ton
thing REL 3S see
be hair bird so be shirt pants CAUS-up
What he saw as feathers now appeared to be clothes.

tr a.laj ki
bn ma.tor bn
shirt pants that have star
n tr a.laj br a.-ton
have stripe LOC on shirt pants glow CAUS-up full eye
And those clothes had stars and stripes on them which shown brightly.
aj
kn ka.mt n9.trh mit
older child orphan fall
pa.leaj ti hm sa ki
heart very
REL see
like that
The orphan child was very surprised to see what had happened.
tom ka.ro pat
bird owl
pn neaj am.p
formerly be lord district
The owl had been the district ruler.

tom a.wea tom si.ak pat
bird ???
pn pa.lat
bird crow formerly be official
The aweang bird and the crow had been officials.

pn n9.traw p lw
be what go Prt_emph
What could they do?
it
a.-d
tp
it
pa mat
a.-d
tp
at
take CAUS-bring bury take CAUS-bring bury grandfather say
Take and bury them, take and bury them! Grandfather told him.
224
p
an tp
waw kap an paj maj t
when 3S bury PST grandfather speak and 3S C

dk
taw
t n 9.koa t
2S come live with 1S
bn n
NEG able still
Prt_contra grandchild dear

When the grandson had buried them, the grandfather said to him, You cannot come and live
with me any longer, dear grandson.
maj a.-tit
hat taw hat neaj
2S CAUS-die even lord even lord

Since you have killed the rulers (of this village.)
p 9.koa si
go 1S
a.suaj maj
IRR return send 2S
Go! I am going to send you home (to the land of the living).
ka ta.jah nam mea
when speak finish grandfather so walk follow face

p
waw t
When he had finished speaking, the grandfather walked face forward.

an loah t
vil
3S out from village

He went out from the village.
ka waw kap an paj awh maj ta: ka.lo naj t
when arrive edge village grandfather so speak and 3S C oh 2S eat bulb this then
p
maj ka t
n9.th vil
d
2S so return Prt_command
When they came to the edge of the village, the grandfather said to him, OK, you eat this
plantbulb and then you will return to the land of the living.
p
an ta: ka.lo ki
when 3S eat bulb
t nw ti an kj hm ka t
that PST thing REL 3S ever see
hm n
so NEG see
Prt_emph
When he had eaten that bulb, the things which he used to see he did not see at all.
225
m ti kj pn vil
kuaj
ti.n ka pn sk
pn tr
pn ra.np
ton
place REL ever be village person now so be forest be jungle be cemetery until
complete
The place which used to be a village of people was now just jungle and a cemetery.
kap kuaj
ka.nh ka pit
p pram
grandfather and person another so disappear go also

The grandfather and all the other people disappeared and went away also.
an eam a.l
3S cry
ma.l
call grandfather so much
He cried and called to his grandfather a lot.

ka t
loah to an n
grandfather so NEG out in
bat naj
3S Prt_emph time this
The grandfather did not come out to him at all during this time.
an ka lj t
to do
3S so so return in
t maj na
ton k
si.ai
house live one Clf_person until every day
So he returned to the house and lived all alone for the rest of his life.
sot
end
THE END
226
APPENDIX 6: KING PAAJIT

King_Paajit.001
t kra in.ta.pa.ta bn kn baw
ra.mh
from past time.long come PST city Inthapatha EXIST child young.man name
t
dun
pa.nea pa.tit
ruler
Paajit
A long time ago in the city of Inthapahtha there was a young man named King Paajit.
King_Paajit.002
p
an pt baw
m9.poa ka tuaj m9.paj n
when 3S big young.man father so search wife for

When he grew into a man, his father looked for a wife for him.
King_Paajit.003
m9.poa an kian san
p to kra ka.nh ti bn kn ka.mul
father 3S write official.letter go in

n
a.-d
city
another REL have child female.unmarried
n pa.nea pa.tit a.l
allow CAUS-bring for ruler
Paajit choose
His father wrote official letters to other cities which had young women commanding
them to bring the women so that King Paajit could choose a wife.
King_Paajit.004
pa.nea pa.tit t
ruler
mak kn ka.mul
k kra l
Paajit NEG like child female.unmarried POSS city
lj
where Prt_emph
King Paajit did not like any of the young women from any of the cities.
King_Paajit.005
an lj at m9.poa paj m9.poa kn ka.mul
3S so say
father C
k kra ka.nh kn bn
father child female.unmarried POSS city
another child have
watch PST
So he said to his father, Father, the women of these cities, I have looked them over.
King_Paajit.006
kn t
a.l
a.m
child NEG choose anyone

I have not chosen anyone.
King_Paajit.007
kn s:k
loah p tuaj
child request out
go search
I ask to go out and search.

King_Paajit.008
kn tuaj m9.pai it
di.dm
child search wife take myself
I will search for a wife and take her for myself.

King_Paajit.009
kan mit
if
mai kt
nw ki
m9.poa ka si
waw n9.traw
heart 2S think thing that father so IRR NEG speak whatever
[Father speaking] If your heart feels that way, I will not say anything against it.
King_Paajit.010
pn m9.pai pa.nea kra in.ta.pa.ta at
allow child choose person good good CAUS-come be wife ruler city Inthapatha say
n
kn a.l
kuaj
a.-t
kn
child
I command that you choose a good person and bring her to be the queen of Inthapatha
city. He said to his son.
King_Paajit.011
pa.nea pa.tit kap ta.han ti da
mit
nak.keo kap nak.kwan ton a.sh tih
ruler
Paajit and soldier REL know heart namely Nakkeo and Nakkwan go.up horse ride
ja
kra ka.nh
across city
another
King Paajit and the soldiers who knew his heart, Nakkea and Kakkwan, mounted their horses
and rode off to another city.
King_Paajit.012
ka t
klap mit
a.m
so NEG agree heart anyone

They did not share their plans with anyone.
228
King_Paajit.013
ton a.laj tih a.sh t
until 3P
kra pi.maan.bu.ri
ride horse come city
Pimaanburi
Until they rode their horses to Pimaanburi city.

King_Paajit.014
bn pa.nea prom.ma.tat pn kuaj
EXIST ruler
kra
Prommatat be person watch city
The ruler of the city was King Prommatat.

King_Paajit.015
pn kra ti ho.ra waw a.d paj si
be city
REL seer
speak COMP C
ra.mh ma.sm ti si
IRR meet
pn m9.pai
woman REL IRR come be wife
It was the city which had been fortold that he would meet a woman who would come to be
his wife.
King_Paajit.016
pa.nea pa.tit tih a.sh t
ruler
vil
maj vil
ti t
te
te
kra
Paajit ride horse come village one Clf_village REL LOC close close city
pi.maan.bu.ri
Pimaanburi
King Paajit rode his horse to a village which was very close to Pimaanburi city.
King_Paajit.017
bn ra.mh ma.sm pu
have meet
maj na
woman pregnant one Clf_person
He met a pregnant woman.

King_Paajit.018
an tai
nea t
a.p t
3S plow field LOC center field

She was plowing in the middle of a meadow.
King_Paajit.019
an n9.tom ta.jah nam
ta.ria ti tai
nea t
ki
3S PROG walk follow buffalo REL plow field LOC that

She was walking behind a buffalo which was plowing the field there.
229
King_Paajit.020
pa.nea pa.tit
ruler
k
k paj bn ml
Paajit watch like C
kan
kan.hm a.ta
puak
an t
have shadow umbrella prevent sunlight allow 3S LOC which
kap ho.ra bn at d
same RECIP and seer
have say
COMP
King Paajit saw that it seemed like there was a shadow of an umbrella blocking out the sun
for her there, just as had been prophesied.
King_Paajit.021
p
an t
tai
nea pa.nea pa.tit nam
when 3S finish from plow field ruler
an mt to a.p vil
Paajit follow 3S enter in
center village with
When she finished plowing the field, King Paajit followed her and entered into the center of
the village with her.
King_Paajit.022
an ka oam
pa.nea pa.tit kap ta.han p t
3S so willing allow ruler
n do
Paajit and soldier go stay in
house
She was willing to allow King Paajit and his soldiers to stay in her house.
King_Paajit.023
pa.nea pa.tit ka bn t taj an tai
ruler
nea kap tuaj ra.tin pea
Paajit so have live help 3S plow field and search food
an ta:
invite 3S eat
So King Paahit was living there and helping her to plow the fields and to search for food for
them to eat.
King_Paajit.024
bn maj si.ai pa.nea pa.tit ka bn at an paj m9.pe
EXIST one day
ruler
Paajit so EXIST say
3S C
9.koa pn kn
mother 1S
be child
k pa.nea kra in.ta.pa.ta

young man POSS ruler city Inthapatha
baw
One day, King Paajit said to her, Mother, I am the son of the king of Inthapatha.
King_Paajit.025
ba na
ti
n 9.koa
two body who come with 1S
The two people who came with me.
230
King_Paajit.026
a.laj ka pn ta.han kuaj
3P
da
k 9.koa ti
mit
so be soldier person know heart POSS 1S
9.koa loah t
who 1S
wa
out from palace come
naj
here
They are soldiers who know me well who left the palace and came with me here.
King_Paajit.027
9.koa tuaj ma.sm ti
an
because 1S
si
pn m9.paj
search woman who IRR come be wife
Because I am searching for a woman who will become my wife.

King_Paajit.028
9.koa s:k
1S
ra.nn ti
request child
n p
k m9.pe
who LOC on stomach POSS mother
I request (that you give me) the child who is in your womb.
King_Paajit.029
kan tih
if
a.-loah
pn ma.sm 9.koa s:k
birth CAUS-out be woman 1S
lia a.-d
pn m9.pai
request raise CAUS-COMP come be wife
"If you give birth to a girl, I request to raise her up to become my wife."
King_Paajit.030
9.koa si
kan pn kn baw
if
be child young.man 1S
lia a.-d
n pn ka.nea
IRR raise CAUS-COMP for be friend
If the child is a boy, I will raise him up to be a friend.

King_Paajit.031
m9.pe
si
waw nw l
mother IRR speak thing where

Mother, what will you say?
King_Paajit.032
p
nea naw.n9.taw do
when Lady master
da
paj kuaj
house know C
ti
n an pn kn baw
person who come LOC with 3S be child young man
k naw.n9.taw kra in.ta.pa.ta an si.m mit pa.leaj

POSS master
city Inthapatha 3S warm heart very
When the woman, the mistress of the house, found out that the person who had come to live
with them was the son of the master of Inthapatha city, she was very happy.
231
King_Paajit.033
an lj waw paj 9.koa si
3S so speak C
1S
mai s:k
nw
IRR allow same 2S request every thing
So she said, I will do everything for you just as you have asked.
King_Paajit.034
t p an ka tih
next
kn loah pn kn ma.sm mac
3S so birth child out be child woman beautiful
Not long after that, she gave birth to a girl who was very beautiful.
King_Paajit.035
pn ta
pe pa.leaj k si
be worthy love very
pn kuaj
mac
kan hk a.ton
like IRR be person beautiful good if
big up
She was very cute, as if she would be a beautiful person when she grew up.
King_Paajit.036
pa.nea pa.tit lj n ra.mh paj a.ra.pim
ruler
Paajit so give name
Arapim
So King Paajit gave her the name Arapim.

King_Paajit.037
pa.nea pa.tit t
lia ba na
ka.mul
mac
ruler
m9.pe
kn ton a.ra.pim pt a.ton pn
Paajit LOC raise two Clf_person mother child until Arapim big up
t
be
mat mea kam waw kam ta: ka la.oat eam
female.unmarried beautiful resulting from eye face word speak word eat so soft
sweet
King Paajit stayed there supporting the mother and child until Arapim grew up and became a
woman so beautiful that everything about her was soft and sweet
King_Paajit.038
nea a.ra.pim da
paj pa.nea pa.tit t
lady Arapim know C
ruler
mn aj
Paajit NEG true older
The lady Arapim knew that King Paajit was not really her older brother.
King_Paajit.039
an ka hk t
3S so big PST
And so she grew up.
232
King_Paajit.040
bn maj si.ai pa.nea pa.tit ka at nea a.ra.pim kap m9.pe
EXIST one day
ruler
Paajit so say
paj aj
lady Arapim and mother C
si
older IRR return
kra p at m9.poa
city
go say
father
One day King Paajit said to lady Arapim and her mother, I will return to my city to go and
tell my father what has happened.
King_Paajit.041
t
ka si
it
sin.st
s:k
nea a.ra.pim
then so IRR take brideprice come request lady Arapim
Then I will get the bride price money and come ask to marry (you).
King_Paajit.042
si
bn t d n
IRR have marry
klap
rit
klap
koa
k do
k vil
allow correct custom correct custom POSS house POSS village
I will have a wedding that is according to the customs of your village.

King_Paajit.043
aj
paajit s
p dun
sm
a.ra.pim n9.tom
older Paajit don't go time.long Prt_command younger Arapim miss

Brother Paajit, don't go away for a long time or I will miss you.
King_Paajit.044
aj
si
at m9.poa t ka si
older IRR say
to sm
father PST so IRR come in
a.ra.pim wai wai
younger Arapim fast fast
After you have told your father, will you please come back to me quickly.
King_Paajit.045
p
a.laj lea
when 3P
kan
t pa.nea paajit kap ta.han ba na
leave RECIP PST ruler
ka tih a.sh t
to
Paajit and soldier two body so ride horse return in
kra in.ta.pa.ta
city Inthapatha
When they had said good-bye to each other, King Paajit and his two soldiers rode their
horses back to Inthapatha city.
King_Paajit.046
jah nea a.ra.pim t n m9.pe
p do
side lady Arapim live with mother go house

Meanwhile the lady Arapim lived with her mother at their house.
233
King_Paajit.047
a.b
maj si.ai nea a.ra.pim kap ka.nea lun
evening one day

kan
ma.nj pon s: na
pea
lady Arapim and friend generation together four five body invite
p m9.pj d
n ra
te
te
do
RECIP go wash water LOC on stream close close house

One evening, lady Arapim and four or five friends her age went to bathe in a stream very
close to the house.
King_Paajit.047
ka k m9.pe
so is
mun
mother water Muun
That is the river Muun.

King_Paajit.048
an kt
ta n9.traw rua rua
3S think do what fun fun

She thought about doing something fun.
King_Paajit.049
an su
bl
t ka it
sk ti
lm
to n9.to kj kj
3S wash head PST so take hair who fall.off in
float small small
After she washed her head, she took some of the hair which had fallen off and put it on a
small float.
King_Paajit.050
t
ka a.-loj
then so CAUS-float water go

Then it floated away.
King_Paajit.051
ka.to loj
float
p ton t
m m9.pj d
k pa.nea prom.ma.tat
float go until come place wash water POSS ruler
Prommatat
The float floated down the river until it came to the bathing place of King Prommatat.
King_Paajit.052
sn
sk ki
puam
pa.leaj
strand hair that smell.good very
The strand of hair had a very good smell.
234
King_Paajit.053
pa.nea prom.ma.tat toc it
ka.to ki
ruler
Prommatat pick take float
sn
sk ki
a.-t
ton an m9.pao to naw.n9.taw
that CAUS-return watch until 3S dream in
master
strand hair that

King Prommatat picked up the float and took it home, looking at it until he dreamed about
the owner of that strand of hair.
King_Paajit.054
t
t an ka t
hm naw.n9.taw sn
finish PST 3S so resist want see
master
sk ki
bn
strand hair that NEG able
Finally, he was not able to resist the desire to see the owner of the strand of hair.
King_Paajit.055
lj at n
so say
se.na kap ta.han p tuaj ma.sm ti
bn kn sk puam
sa
allow official and soldier go search woman who have smell hair smell.good like
nai
this
And so he ordered his officials and soldiers to go search for the woman who had the same
smell as the good smelling hair.
King_Paajit.056
p
da
paj nea t p l
when know C
at an
lady live go where allow return say
3S
When they found out where the lady lived they were to return and tell him.
King_Paajit.057
n9.tm se.na loah tuaj a.blh t
group official out search ask
maj vil
n vil
kap n kra ton p t
LOC on village and on city
vil
until go come village
n9.th kra pi.maan.bu.ri
one Clf_village LOC edge city
pimaanburi
The group of officials went out searching and asking in villages and cities until the arrived at
the village located on the outskirts of Pimaanburi city.
King_Paajit.058
ka bn ra.mh kap nea a.ra.pim ma.sm ti
so have meet
bn sn
sk puam
with Lady Arapim woman who have strand hair smell.good
Then they met with the Lady Arapim, the woman who had the good smelling strand of hair.
235
King_Paajit.059
se.na lj it
nea a.ra.pim a.-d
n pa.nea prom.ma.tat
official so take Lady Arapim CAUS-take for ruler
Prommatat
So the officials grabbed Lady Arapim to take her back for King Prommatat.
King_Paajit.060
nea si
waw paj bn baw
Lady IRR speak C
t ka.ja
n9.tm ta.han ka t
ta.m
have young man PST however group soldier so NEG understand
She had told them that she had a young man already, but the group of soldiers did not listen
to her.
King_Paajit.061
nea lj ta n
we.lea a.laj ta.jah tea a.-s
Lady so do allow time

si
3P
an
an j
a.kan pa.nea paajit
walk slow CAUS-down because 3S want wait ruler
Paajit
bn taj nea bn
IRR able help Lady able

So she made them walk slower and slower because she wanted to wait for King Paajit as
maybe he would be able to help her.
King_Paajit.062
nea lj s:k
a.l a.p ra.na
Lady so request rest center road

So she asked to rest halfway through their trip.
King_Paajit.063
t
nea ka eam an
then Lady so cry
an n9.tom pa.nea paajit
because 3S miss
ruler
Paajit
Then she cried because she missed King Paajit.

King_Paajit.064
vil
ti nea a.ra.pim a.l a.kan pa.nea paajit ki
village REL Lady Arapim rest wait ruler
bn ra.mh paj vil
Paajit that have name
nea a.kan
village Lady wait
The village where Lady Arapim rested, waiting for King Paajit, was later named The Lady
Waiting village.
King_Paajit.065
ti.n pn am.p nan.kr
ta.wat bu.ri.ram
now be district naankrawng province buriram

Now it is the Naankrawng district in the province of Buriram.
236
King_Paajit.066
ta.han lj at n
soldier so say
an ta.jah p n
cause 3S walk go again
So the soldiers ordered her to start walking again.

King_Paajit.067
an
an mak pa.nea paajit maj na
because 3S like ruler
an lj si.daih di mt sk
p to
Paajit one body 3S so jump flee enter forest go hide
Because she loved only King Paajit, she jumped into the woods and fled, going to hide.
King_Paajit.068
ti.n t hm bn ra.mh paj vil
now still see
able name
bra.del bra.del kan pn pa.sa
village Bradel Bradel if
ka.mer k
be language Khmer be
si.daih
jump
Now we can still see the name of that village is Bradel (Bradel in the Khmer language means
jump).
King_Paajit.069
ta.han k pa.nea prom.ma.tat pi tuaj an t ka t
soldier POSS ruler
ra.mh
Prommatat try search 3S but so NEG meet
King Prommatat's soldiers searched for her but could not find her.
King_Paajit.070
lj pea
kan
sk
ki
a.d
so invite RECIP surround forest that COMP

So they worked together to completely surround the forest there.
King_Paajit.071
t p m ki
next
ka pn vil
kuaj
bn ra.mh paj Pai.lm
place that so be village person have name
pailawm
Later that place became a village which had the name Pailawm village.
King_Paajit.072
nea a.ra.pim di p to t
n kp k koh
Lady Arapim flee go hide LOC in
maj koh
cave POSS mountain one Clf_mountain
Lady Arapim fled to a cave on a mountain and hid inside of it.

King_Paajit.073
t ta.han t
hm an
but soldier NEG see
3S
And the soldiers did not see her.
237
King_Paajit.074
t p koh
next
ki
a.laj a.l paj kao.plaj.bat
mountain that 3P
call C
kaoplaybat
Later, people called that mountain Kaoplaybat.

King_Paajit.075
t p
ma.hj ta.han k pa.nea prom.ma.tat ka tuaj an ra.mh
but when moment soldier POSS ruler
Prommatat so search 3S meet
But suddenly, King Prommatat's soldiers found her.

King_Paajit.076
t
ka a.-d
n pa.nea prom.ma.tat
then so CAUS-take for ruler
Prommatat
Then they took her for King Prommatat.

King_Paajit.077
p
nea a.ra.pim klap ka a.d n wa
pa.nea prom.ma.tat pi waw n
when Lady Arapim PASS cage COMP on palace ruler
nea
Prommatat try speak allow Lady
oam pn m9.pai
willing be wife
After Lady Arapim had been placed in a cage in the castle, King Prommatat tried to talk her
into becoming his wife.
King_Paajit.078
t p
mt te
te
tak an ka ku.taw m9.pl ujh ton pa.nea prom.ma.tat mt
but when enter close close body 3S so hot

te an t
same fire until ruler
Prommatat enter
bn
near 3S NEG able

But when he got very close to her, her body got hot like a fire so that King Prommatat was
not able to get close to her.
King_Paajit.079
jah pa.nea paajit p
side ruler
ti
an si
kra lj at m9.poa kap m9.pe
Paajit when return.home come city
so say
paj ma.sm
father and mother C
woman
t d n pn a.m
who 3S IRR marry
on be anyone
Meanwhile, King Paajit, after he returned to the city, told his father and mother about the
woman who he was going to marry.
238
King_Paajit.080
kli
t ki
ka t
sin.st
s:k
nea a.ra.pim
after but that so prepare brideprice come request Lady Arapim
After that, he prepared the brideprice to come and ask for Lady Arapim's hand in marriage.
King_Paajit.081
p
n9.tm a.laj ta.jah t
when group 3P
a.p ra.na ka da
paj pa.nea prom.ma.tat pa.nea kra
walk come center road so know C
pi.maan.bu.ri kop nea a.ra.pim mt to wa

pimaanburi grab Lady Arapim enter in
ruler
Prommatat ruler
city
palace PST
When they had walked about halfway, they learned that King Prommatat, the king of
Pimaanburi had grabbed Lady Arapin and had entered into the palace.
King_Paajit.082
an
an reaj
pa.leaj pa.nea paajit lj at n
because 3S angry very

a.t s:k
ruler
Paajit so say
nea a.ra.pim a.-s
ta.han to
kr kraw ti si
allow soldier pour thing thing REL IRR
ton
bring request Ms. Arapim CAUS-down until finish

Because he was so angry, King Paajit commanded that the soldiers throw out all of the things
which he was bringing to request the Lady Arapim's hand in marriage.
King_Paajit.083
m ki
a.laj a.l paj sa.bk.tan
place that 3P
call C
Sa.bek.jan
That place they called Sabekjan.

King_Paajit.084
kr kraw n9.tm ki
ka hj s
thing thing group that so flow descend water go
The whole group of gifts slid into the water and dissapeared.
King_Paajit.085
t p m9.pe
next
nai ka a.l paj lam.play.mat
mother water this so call C
Lamplaymaat
Then this river was called Lamplaymaat.

King_Paajit.086
t
pa.nea paajit ka at n
then ruler
Paajit so say
ta.han ti t
n t
do
kra
allow soldier REL come with return house city
Then King Paahit commanded the soldiers who had come with him to return to their houses
in the city.
239
King_Paajit.087
jah an ta.jah mt kra pi.maan.bu.ri
side 3S walk enter city
pimaanburi
As for him, he walked into the city of Pimaanburi.

King_Paajit.088
p
an p t
a.laj n9.tom ta ean t d n
when 3S go come 3P
PROG do party marry
nea a.ra.pim pn m9.pai pa.nea
allow Ms. Arapim be wife ruler
prom.ma.tat
Prommatat
When he came into the city, they were celebrating the wedding for Lady Arapim to become
the wife of King Prommatat.
King_Paajit.089
pa.nea paajit s:k
ruler
mt kap ta.han kia? pa.tu paj 9.koa pn aj
Paajit request enter with soldier guard door C
1S
k nea
be older POSS Lady
a.ra.pim
Arapim
King Paajit asked the door guards to enter saying, I am the older brother of Lady Arapim.
King_Paajit.090
9.koa s:k
1S
mt ean t d n bn b
request enter party marry
with able Prt_Q
Can I come in and join the marriage celebration?

King_Paajit.091
ta.han kia? pa.tu ka n
mt
soldier guard door so allow enter

The soldiers guarding the door allowed him to enter.
King_Paajit.092
pa.nea paajit kap nea a.ra.pim lj bn ra.mh kan
ruler
Paajit and Lady Arapim so able meet
RECIP
So King Paajit and Lady Arapim were able to meet each other.
King_Paajit.093
an hr a.-ton
k si.m mit
paj aj
3S yell CAUS-up like warm heart C
older come PST
She yelled out like she was happy, The older brother has come.
240
King_Paajit.094
kli
ki
a.laj lj a.l lojh
after from that 3P

tawat
paj pi.maj
so call wrong C
pn am.p maj am.p k
older has come be district one district POSS
nak.kn.rat.ta.si.ma
province Nakhorn Ratchasima
After that, they called that place in error Pimaay which is a district of Nakhorn Ratchasima
province. [Should have been called Pii maa leew]
King_Paajit.095
p
si.daw pa.nea paajit kap nea a.ra.pim ka tac loah t
when night ruler
Paajit and Lady Arapim so steal out
wa
from palace
In the evening, King Paajit and Lady Arapim stole out of the palace.
King_Paajit.096
t
ka di loah t
then so flee out
kra pi.maan.bu.ri
from city
pimaanburi
Then they fled away from Pimaanburi city.

King_Paajit.097
ba na
pea
kan
ta.jah n sk
n tr
ton maj ton tt a.l maj kap1
two body invite RECIP walk on forest on jungle until tired until stop rest tired and
bec pn kal a.loa hk
lie under tree stem big
The two helped each other walk into the forest until they were tired and stopped to rest and
laid down under a large tree.
King_Paajit.98
ta.han pa.nea prom.ma.tat nam
soldier ruler
ti.tm
lj it
ta.mia pa
Prommatat follow come catch.up so take bow
klap pa.nea paajit
shoot PASS ruler
Paajit
ku.tit
die
King Prommatat's soldiers followed them and when they caught up to them they took their
bows and shot, and King Paajit was killed.
King_Paajit.099
nea a.ra.pim klap ta.han it
a.-ton
kl ta.ria t
kra
Lady Arapim PASS soldier take CAUS-up back buffalo return city
Lady Arapim was captured by the soldiers who put her up on the back of a buffalo and
returned to the city.
241
King_Paajit.100
t t
tan t
kra nea a.ra.pim ka tac ta.han di lp
still NEG yet come city
to pa.nea paajit
Lady Arapim so steal soldier flee return in
ruler
Paajit
They had not yet come to the city when Lady Arapim stole away from the soldiers and fled
back to King Paajit.
King_Paajit.101
ka ra.mh paj pa.nea paajit ku.tit t
so meet
ruler
Paajit die
PST
She then found out that King Paajit had died.

King_Paajit.102
an lj ta.k eam t
3S so sit
cry
m pa.nea paajit ku.tit ki
LOC place ruler
Paajit die
there
So she sat down and cried in the place where King Paajit died.
King_Paajit.103
ku.taw t
hot
pa.nea .in da
come ruler
paj kuaj
god know C
klap kuaj
ka.nh a.-tit
person good PASS person another CAUS-die
The heat came and the god king knew that a good person was killed by another person.
King_Paajit.104
naw lj pea
3P
pa.nea wit.nu.km
so invite ruler
Witnugam
So he invited King Witnugam (to come).

King_Paajit.105
t
ka ba.bot
tak pn ku.tan kap tam.puan ra.-kap
then so transform body be snake
kan
te
te
and mongoose PLURAL-bite RECIP LOC close close
m ti nea arapim ta.k kia? pa.nea paa.tit

place REL Lady Arapim sit
guard ruler
Paajit
Then they transformed their bodies into a snake and a mongoose which attacked each other
very close to the place Lady Arapim was sitting guarding King Paajit.
King_Paajit.106
p
tam.puan kap ku.tan ku.tit tam.puan ka p 9.km
when mongoose bite snake

nam t
die
it
rh a.loa maj
mongoose so go mouth.hold take root stem one
a.bat
CLF come chew

When the mongoose bit the snake so that it died, the mongoose then went and took in its
mouth a root and returned chewing it.
242
King_Paajit.107
t
ka prujh to to
then so spray in
ku.tan
body snake
Then it sprayed from its mouth the chewed up root onto the snake's body.
King_Paajit.108
ku.tan lj mojh
snake
so resurrect
And so the snake came back to life.

King_Paajit.109
t
ba to
ka kap kan
then two Clf_animal so bite RECIP again

Then the two animals started fighting again.
King_Paajit.110
p
tam.puan ku.tit ku.tan ka a.bat rh a.loa tia
when mongoose die
snake
ki
so chew root stem before that
When the mongoose died, the snake chewed the root just like before.
King_Paajit.111
t
ka prujh to tam.puan
then so spray in
mongoose
Then spayed the root from its mouth onto the mongoose.
King_Paajit.112
tam.puan ka mojh
a.-ton
mongoose so resurrect CAUS-up

The mongoose then came back to life and got up.
King_Paajit.113
pn sa nai pa.leaj t
be like this very
time
They did this many times.

King_Paajit.114
nea arapim an kt
n mit
paj rh a.loa nai pn ra.haw
Lady Arapim 3S think on heart C
wi.set kak kak
root stem this be medicine magic sure sure
The Lady Arapim thought in her heart that this root was surely magic medicine.
243
King_Paajit.115
lj p it
rh a.loa ki
a.bat
so go take root stem that come chew

So she went and took that root and returned chewing it.
King_Paajit.116
t
ka prujh to tak pa.nea paa.tit
then so spray in
body ruler
Paajit
And then sprayed the root from her mouth onto the body of King Paajit.
King_Paajit.117
pa.nea paa.tit lj mojh
ruler
Paajit so resurrect
And so King Paajit came back to life.

King_Paajit.118
ta n
nea arapim si.m mit
pa.leaj
do allow Lady Arapim warm heart very

This made Lady Arapim very happy.
King_Paajit.119
lj it
rh a.loa wi.set ki
p pram
so take root stem magic that go also
And so she took that magic root with her also.

King_Paajit.120
t
ka pea
kan
ta.jah p t
m9.pe
maj tua
then so invite RECIP walk go come mother water one lake

And so they helped each other to go walk until they came to a lake.
King_Paajit.121
m9.pe
ki
la.ua pa.leaj
mother water that wide very

That lake was very wide.
King_Paajit.122
a.laj t
3P
da
paj si
NEG know C
ja
p nw l
IRR across go thing where
They did not know how they could go across.
244
King_Paajit.123
p
p hm a.a.ku kj maj na
when go see
monk
peaj ta t
small one body row boat come
After they went a little ways, they saw a small monk coming towards them rowing a boat.
King_Paajit.124
ba na
lj s:k
n2
a.a.ku kj p a.suaj ph jah th
two body so request allow monk
small go send shore side there.far on
So the two of them asked the small monk to take them to the far shore.
King_Paajit.125
t ta pn ta kj kj
but boat be boat small small

But the boat was very small.
King_Paajit.126
p bn ta la
maj na
go able time each one body

It was only able to take one person at a time.
King_Paajit.132
nea arapim lj n
pa.nea paa.tit tih ta p a
Lady Arapim so allow ruler
Paajit ride boat go first
So Lady Arapim had King Paajit go across first in the boat.

King_Paajit.133
t
ka n
a.a.ku kj t
then so allow monk
rap
nea arapim jah kli
small come receive Lady Arapim side after
And then they had the small monk come and get the Lady Arapim after that.
King_Paajit.134
a.a.ku kj lp
monk
rap
nea arapim an hm nea pn kuaj
small return receive Lady Arapim 3S see
ma.l t tak k an ka puam

sky
mac
nea
Lady be person beautiful same Lady
pa.leaj
even body POSS 3S so smell.good very
When the small monk returned to get Lady Arapim, he saw that the Lady was very beautiful,
just as the Lady in the sky, even her body had a very pleasing aroma.
King_Paajit.135
ta n
a.a.ku kj mak an
do allow monk
small like 3S
This made the little monk fall in love with her.
245
King_Paajit.136
lj kt
pi peaj ta di p jah ka.nh
so think try row boat flee go side another

And so he thought to try to row the boat to another side of the lake, fleeing from King Paajit.
King_Paajit.137
nea arapim si
waw s:k
a.a.ku kj p a.suaj m pa.nea paa.tit t
Lady Arapim IRR speak request allow monk
small go send place ruler
Paajit LOC
The Lady Arapim would ask the small monk to take her to where King Paajit was.
King_Paajit.138
an ka t
ta.m
3S so NEG listen
But he would not listen.

King_Paajit.139
p
a.a.ku kj peaj ta klaj
when monk
kal la.weah hk nea arapim ka waw at
small row boat pass.by tree fig
a.a.ku kj paj kan mak an l n

monk
small C
if
big Lady Arapim so speak say
ton poc pa.lai la.weah t
like 3S very allow go.up pick fruit fig
an ta:
come allow 3S eat
When the small monk rowed the boat past a large fig tree, Lady Arapim spoke and told the
monk that if he loved her very much, she wanted him to go up and pick some figs and bring
them back so that she could eat them.
King_Paajit.140
a.a.ku kj ta
monk
small believe
The small monk believed her.

King_Paajit.141
an lj peaj ta p te
te
kal la.weah
3S so row boat go close close tree fig

So he rowed the boat very close to the fig tree.
King_Paajit.142
t
ka ton poc it
pa.lai la.weah n
then so go.up pick take fruit fig
nea arapim ta:
allow Lady Arapim eat
And then he went up to pick the figs for Lady Arapim to eat.
246
King_Paajit.143
t
nea arapim ka peaj ta di lp
to pa.nea paa.tit
then Lady Arapim so row boat flee return to
ruler
Paajit
Then Lady Arapim rowed the boat back to King Paajit.

King_Paajit.144
t ka t
hm
but so NEG see

But she did not see him.
King_Paajit.145
an lj peaj ta p tk
ton t
kra krut.rat
3S so row boat go continuously go.up come city
Krutraat
So she rowed and rowed the boat until she came to the city of Krutraat.
King_Paajit.146
nea arapim tah
ta
Lady Arapim leave boat

Then Lady Arapim left the boat.
King_Paajit.147
t ka ta.jah mt to kra
PST so walk enter in
city
Then she walked into the city.

King_Paajit.148
t ka p a.l t
m do
kj maj do
PST so go rest LOC place house small one house

Then she went and rested in a small house.
King_Paajit.149
an lj da
paj pn do
3S so know C
tean
kr kraw k kuaj
ra maj do
be house donate thing thing POSS person rich one house
So she realized that it was a house that stored things donated by a rich person.
King_Paajit.150
t
tean
ra.tin kap tr a.laj n
come donate food
kuaj
th
and shirt pants allow person poor
The rich person donated food and clothes for poor people.
247
King_Paajit.151
p
nea arapim hm ka.lo to kuaj
when Lady Arapim see

arapim lj it
coffin in
rh a.loa ti it
ku.tit ta
person die
tet
te
te
do
ki
nea
set.up LOC close close house that Lady
tak t
Arapim so take root stem REL take stuck body come on
When Lady Arapim saw a coffin with a body in it displayed very close to that house, Lady
Arapim then took the root which she had been carrying with her.
King_Paajit.152
a.bat t ka prujh to kuaj
chew PST so spray in
ku.tit
person die
After chewing the root, she sprayed it out of her mouth onto the dead person.
King_Paajit.153
t kuaj
ki
ka mojh
a.-ton
PST person that so resurrect CAUS-up

Then that person came back to life.
King_Paajit.154
p
kuaj
ku.tit mojh
when person die

ka.mul
t nea arapim ka da
paj an pn kn
resurrect PST Lady Arapim so know C
k kuaj
3S be child
ra ra.mh paj pa.tum.ke.sn
female.unmarried POSS person rich name
Pathumkesawn
When the dead person had come back to life, Lady Arapim learned that she was the daughter
of the rich person named Bathumkesawn.
King_Paajit.155
tn
an ti.th
ra.h ku.tit m9.pe
period 3S take.last breath die

te
te
do
tean
m9.poa k an it
ka.lo k an a.t d
mother father POSS 3S take coffin POSS 3S bring put
kr kraw nai
close close house donate thing thing this

During the time when she took her last breath, her mother and father had brought her coffin
and placed it close to the donation house.
King_Paajit.156
an
bn a.a.ku maj na
because EXIST monk

ra.haw
wi.set t
at paj maj si.ai si
one Clf_person say
po n
mojh
one day
bn kuaj
it
IRR EXIST person take
bn
medicine magic come heal allow resurrect able
Because there was a monk who said that one day there would be a person who would come
bringing some magic medicine to heal her so that she could be able to come alive again.
248
King_Paajit.157
p
nea arapim bn ta.m
lea
p nam
la k nea pa.tum.ke.sn t an ka s:k
when Lady Arapim had understand story POSS Lady Pathumkesawn PST 3S so request
pa.nea paa.tit
leave go follow ruler
Paajit
When Lady Arapim had understood the story of Lady Pathumkesawn, she then asked to take
leave to follow King Paajit.
King_Paajit.158
nea pa.tum.ke.sn s:k
nam
p n
Lady Pathumkesawn request follow go with

Lady Pathumkesawn asked to go with her.
King_Paajit.159
nea arapim t
da
nw si
waw lj n
an p n
Lady Arapim NEG know thing IRR speak so allow 3S go with

Lady Arapim did not know what she should say so she allowed her (Pathumkesawn) to go
with her (Arapim).
King_Paajit.160
an
a.laj t
because 3P
pn n9.traw a.laj lj t
NEG allow be what 3P
tak pn ra.k
so prepare body be man
Because they did not want anything bad to happen, they prepared their bodies to be men.
King_Paajit.161
a.laj ka.kuh
3P
tew.da taj n
pray.kneel allow god
tak a.laj pn ra.k
help cause body 3P
be man
They prayed for the gods to help them by causing their bodies to be male.
King_Paajit.162
sk ku.ti ku.ti a.laj ka p pa
hair long long 3P
a.-d
kap kal a.loa kal s.n
so go entrust CAUS-place with tree stem tree Sawngnawng
They hid their very long hair by placing it and entrusting it to a Sawngnawng tree.
King_Paajit.163
lu
l ka p pa
a.-d
kap kal l nea
thigh leg so go entrust CAUS-place and tree leg Lady

They entrusted their legs and placed them with a Lady-leg tree.
249
King_Paajit.164
jah a.tea mon
mon
k a.laj p pa
side breast round round POSS 3P
d kap kal iw
go entrust put and tree Ngiw
As for their round breasts, they entrusted them by placing them with a Ngiw tree.
King_Paajit.165
a.laj ta sa nai ba na
3P
lj pn ra.k a.tea pai
do like this two body so be man
ti.kat
breast three hands.[measure]
After they did all of these things, the two of them became men with chests measuring three
hands.
King_Paajit.166
a.m
hm ka 9.kh t
anyone see
ka
te
so afraid NEG brave come near
If anyone saw them, they were afraid and did not dare to come near.
King_Paajit.167
a.laj ta.jah t
3P
kra maj kra s
walk come city
one city
kn ka.mul
pa.nea klap ku.tan kap
which child female.unmarried ruler
PASS snake
and
ku.tit
die
They walked until they came to a city in which the King's daughter had been bitten by a
snake and had died.
King_Paajit.168
ta.han k kra ki
soldier POSS city
ta koa tuaj m
a.-t
po
that hit gong search doctor excellent CAUS-bring heal
The soldiers of that city were striking a gong to call a good doctor to come and heal her.
King_Paajit.169
kan a.m
if
n
po n kn ka.mul
pa.nea wa bn pa.nea si
anyone heal for child female.unmarried ruler
maj k kap a.j
kn ka.mul
heal able ruler

n
m9.p kra
IRR divide city
pn m9.pai pram
allow watch one half and lift.up child female.unmarried allow be wife also
If anyone were able to heal the King's daughter, the King would divide the city and let that
person rule one half; and he would give his daughter in marriage to that person.
250
King_Paajit.170
baw
arapim rap
bo
pa.nea paj si
young.man Arapim receive mouth ruler
pn kuaj
po kn ka.mul
IRR be person heal child female.unmarried
an
3S
The young man Arapim agreed with the king that he (she?) would be the one to heal his
daughter.
King_Paajit.171
an it
rh a.loa wi.set a.bat
3S take root stem magic chew

He took the magic root and chewed it.
King_Paajit.172
t ka prujh to ton mojh
PST so spray in
pn kuaj
ti.ja
until resurrect be person same before
Then he sprayed the medicine from his mouth onto the dead girl until she came alive and
was the same as she was before.
King_Paajit.173
pa.nea kra lj a.j
ruler
city
kra n
so lift.up city
maj k kap it
kn ka.mul
allow watch one half and take child female.unmarried give
pram
also
So the king of the city gave half of the city to (Arapim) and took his daughter to give to him
also.
King_Paajit.174
t baw
arapim t
it
but young.man Arapim NEG take

But the young man Arapim did not take her.
King_Paajit.175
t an ka s:k
buat
pn a.a.ku
PST 3S so request monk.be be monk

And then he asked to become a monk.
King_Paajit.176
kap s:k
a.laj ta lo
and request allow 3P
tean
ra.tin n
do Clf_building donate food
kuaj
th ta:
allow person poor eat
And asked that they make a house for poor people to come and eat donated food.
251
King_Paajit.177
kap n
kuaj
ti
ta.jah t
kra ka.nh bn a.l maj pram
and cause person who walk come from city
another able rest tired able
And have the house be a place where a person who travels from another city can rest also.
King_Paajit.178
kap s:k
kuaj
wat la k a.taw dm kap

and request cause person REL paint form excellent allow paint story POSS REFL.PRO and
pa.nea paa.tit t
ruler
ti wat rup k
a a ton t
ra.tah
kan
Paajit from first first until come separate RECIP
And he asked that they have an artist to paint the story of himself/herself and King Paajit
from the beginning until they were separated from each other (on the walls of that house).
King_Paajit.179
t
ka n
ta.han a.kan
paj kuaj
then so cause soldier wait watch C
ti t
a.l t
n do
person where REL come rest LOC on house
tean
donate
And then have soldiers wait and watch whoever came to rest in the donation house.
King_Paajit.180
t p
rup n
ta.han t
at an
PST go watch form allow soldier come say
3S
And if that person went to look at the pictures, he wanted the soldiers to come and tell him.
King_Paajit.181
bn maj si.ai ta.han t
EXIST one day
tean
at an paj bn kuaj
soldier come say
rup t
3S C
a.l t
n do
EXIST person come rest LOC on house
ka ta.k eam ton sa.lp p
donate watch form then so sit
cry
until faint go
One day the soldiers came and told him that there was a person who had come to rest in the
donation house and who had looked at the pictures and then had sat down and cried until he
fainted.
King_Paajit.182
nea arapim ti t
n tak ti pn a.a.ku at n
Lady Arapim REL LOC on body REL be monk
say
to
allow come in
The Lady Arapim who was in the body of a monk told them to have him come to her.
252
King_Paajit.183
p
hm ka t
when see
bn lj paj pn pa.nea paa.tit
so remember able so C
be ruler
Paajit
When she saw him she recognized that he was King Paajit.
King_Paajit.184
t
nea arapim ka waw la ti a.laj ra.tah
then Lady Arapim so speak story REL 3P
kan
ta.m
separate RECIP allow understand
Then Lady Arapim told him the story of how they were separated from each other so that he
would understand.
King_Paajit.185
ti.n sm
bn ba.bot
tak k 9.koa pn ra.k
now younger EXIST transform allow body POSS 1S
be man
Now I have transformed my body into a man's body.

King_Paajit.186
t ka buat
pn a.a.ku nea arapim at pa.nea paa.tit
PST so monk.be be monk
Lady Arapim say
ruler
Paajit
And then I became a monk, The Lady Arapim told King Paajit.
King_Paajit.187
t
tak sm
si
lp
pn k
tija
bn t
pa.nea paa.tit a.blh
then body younger IRR return be same before able LOC Prt_Q ruler
Paajit ask
Then your body will be able to return to normal? King Paajit asked.
King_Paajit.188
ti 9.koa ta sa nai an
REL 1S
9.koa mak mai
do like this because 1S
like 2S
These things which I have done because I love you.

King_Paajit.189
arapim si
ka.kuh
tak lp
pn ma.sm k
tija
ti.n la
Arapim IRR pray.kneel allow body return be woman same before now Prt_evid
Now I will pray so that my body returns to become a woman the same as before.
King_Paajit.190
t
nea arapim pea
pa.nea paa.tit mt to wa
then Lady Arapim invite ruler
Paajit enter in
palace
Then Lady Arapim invited King Paajit to enter into the palace.
253
King_Paajit.191
t
ka at n pa.nea da
then so say
for ruler
la k
nw
know story every thing
And then she told the king so that he would know the whole story.
King_Paajit.192
jah pa.tum.ke.sn ka ka.kuh
tak lp
pn ma.sm k
tija
side Pathumkesawn so pray.kneel allow body return be woman same before

As for Pathumkesawn, he prayed so that her body would return to be a woman the same as
before.
King_Paajit.193
kap s:k
nam
kra in.ta.pa.ta
Paajit and Lady Arapim return city Inthapatha
pa.nea paa.tit kap nea arapim t
and request follow ruler
And asked to follow King Paajit and Lady Arapim to return to Inthapatha city.
King_Paajit.194
nea arapim p rap
m9.pe
t n
Lady Arapim go receive mother come live with

Lady Arapim went and got her mother to come live with them.
King_Paajit.195
pa.nea paa.tit kap nea arapim ka
ruler
kra t ma.nj rua
Paajit and Lady Arapim so watch city
live together happy good every every
si.aj
day
King Paajit and Lady Arapim governed the city and lived together every day.
King_Paajit.196
sot
end
The End
254
RESUME
Name:
Date of Birth:
13/02/68
Place of Birth:
Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA
Institutions Attended:
1986 Burnsville High School

1990 Bethel University, Bachelor of Arts
(Bible and Theology)
Contact Details
Tom_Tebow@SIL.ORG
255

+Tebow-Participant - Reference - in - Bru - Narrative - Texts - 2010

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AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE

IN BRU NARRATIVE TEXTS AS SPOKEN IN

Charles Thomas Tebow II

Presented to Payap University in Partial Fulfillment

MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN BRU

AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE

Charles Thomas Tebow II

Presented to Payap University in Partial Fulfillment

MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

Payap University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

AN ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPANT REFERENCE IN

Charles Thomas Tebow II

Master of Arts in Linguistics

Asst. Prof. Thomas M. Tehan Ph.D.

The members of the thesis examination committee:

(Prof. Somsonge Burusphat) Ph.D.

(Asst. Prof. Thomas M. Tehan) Ph.D.

(Larin Adams) Ph.D.

Approval Date: ______________________

Dean of the Faculty of Arts

Copyright Charles Thomas Tebow II Payap University 2010

Charles Thomas Tebow II

An analysis of participant reference in Bru narrative texts

Asst. Prof. Dr. Thomas M. Tehan

Discourse analysis, Bru, Participant reference

Charles Thomas Tebow II

Master of Arts in Linguistics

3.1.2 Identifiability, activation status and thematic salience.............................38

5.3.1 Subject reference patterns.........................................................................85

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

first person singular

first person plural exclusive

first person plural inclusive

second person singular

second person plural

third person singular

third person singular

third person plural

Subject, verb, object

very important participant

Chapter 2 provides a brief description of Bru phonology and sentence level

The Bru people

Figure 1: Map of Northern Katuic languages in Thailand, Laos and Vietnam

Bru is an Austroasiatic, Mon-Khmer language in the Katuic branch. The Ethnologue

Bahnaric Katuic Vietic

Figure 2: Bru Language Family Tree

Bru Don Luang

Nong Hay Noi

Figure 3: Detailed Map of 8 Bru KS villages (Mapmagic Thailand:2008)

This historical narrative is not included in the texts under study.

Previous research on Bru and So

Migliazza (1998) has written a grammar of the closely related So language as

The following questions are addressed in this thesis:

Objectives of the study

functions on the discourse level,

suggesting possible motivations for them.

Limitations and scope

The text corpus

understanding of utterances is linear, and (4) other factors beyond linguistic

Bru has 21 consonants (Table 1) and 28 vowels. Of the vowels, 22 are

Table 2: Monophthong vowel inventory

ta.kajh 'swipe horn'