Literature in English 1660-1798-Final

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LITERATURE IN ENGLISH 1660-1798

Paper-II
Section A & B
M.A. English (Previous)
Directorate of Distance Education
Maharshi Dayanand University

ROHTAK 124 001
Copyright 2003, Maharshi Dayanand University, ROHTAK

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ROHTAK 124 001
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Contents
Unit 1
Unit 2
Section A
JOHN DRYDEN
Absalom and Achitophel Book 1
ROBERT BURNS
The Cottar's Saturday Night
Holy Willie's Prayer
The Jolly Beggars
5
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GRAY
Elegy Written in the Country
Churchyard
Odes: The Progress of Poesy
Ode for Music
Ode on the Spring
Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College
Section B
Unit 3
WILLIAM CONGREVE
The Way of the World
102
Unit 4
JOHN DRYDEN
All for Love
126
Unit 5
VOLTAIRE
Candide
157
M.A. (Previous)
Max. Marks : 100

Time : 3 Hours
PAPER-II
Note:
Students will be required to attempt five questions in all. Question 1 will be compulsory. This question shall
be framed to test students' comprehension of the texts prescribed for Close Study. There will be one question
on each of the Units in all the four Sections. The students will be required to attempt four questions (in
about 200 words each) one from each section.
The other four questions will be based on the texts for Close Study with internal choice i.e. one question
with internal choice on each of the nine units. The students will be required to attempt One question from
each of the Five unit.
Unit 1
Unit 2
Section A
John Dryden
Absalom and Achitophel Book 1
Robert Burns
The Cottar's Saturday Night
Holy Willie's Prayer
The Jolly Beggars
Gray
Churchyard
Ode for Music
Ode on the Spring
Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College
Section B
Unit 3
William Congreve
Unit 4
John Dryden
All for Love
Unit 5
Voltaire
Candide
Robert Burns and Thomas Gray
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ROBERT BURNS
The Cottars Saturday Night
Holy Willies Prayer
The Jolly Beggars
THOMAS GRAY
Churchyard
Ode for Music
Ode on the Spring
Ode on a Distant Prospect
of Eton College
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Literature in English 1660-1798
Robert Burns (1759-1796)

Burns and His Times
By 1780 the mid-century poets, like Thomas Gray and William Collins, were mostly gone. A new generation
of poets could now be seen rising. Among the most distinguished of these new poets were William Cowper,
Robert Burns, William Blake, etc. Cowper and Burns have similarities, which others do not share with each
other in the same measure. These two mark alike a tendency to use subjective, autobiographical material and
to write of rural domesticity. They can be considered among the latest flowerings in the eighteenth century of
the cult of simplicity. Since it chances that Cowpers dates (1731 1800) are exactly a century later than
Drydens, it seems useful to compare these last voices in the neoclassic choir (if indeed they belong there)
with the tones of Dryden and Pope, the actual founders of the neoclassical tradition in English poetry. Obviously
the century elapsed has grown tender; Burns and Cowper both write satires, but their satires are relatively
good-humoured, perhaps a little too much good-humoured. Cowpers satire in particular lacks hardness, flash
and cutting edge. Burns, like Dryden and Pope, has sympathetic generalized observations to make about
man; but like Blake and Cowper, he is most aroused concerning underprivileged man. Burns and Blake show
faith in progress and in the ability of man to achieve his own destiny. Like Dryden and Pope, Cowper shows
a sense of mans limitations. But Cowper would have man rely on Gods help, on a divine plan, whereas Pope
fitted man into a philosophical chain of being, in which duty urges him to be a competent link or a submerged
atom. However, there is little in the observations of these later poets about man that would revolt Dryden or
Pope. In fact, both Burns and Cowper echo in their poetry Popes Essay on Man with impersonal material
What oft was thought. Cowper and Burns stressed what they thought and felt, though they did continue to
value impersonal aphoristic wisdom. Burns, Cowper and Blake tend to talk to themselves or to a small
audience. They lack, for sure, the loud and noble eloquence of the earlier poets. The tendency now is
increasingly subjective and lyrical. It expresses not so eagerly an acquired wisdom of life as it does a personal
experience of life. The later poets are not learned in the sense in which Dryden, Pope, Gray and Johnson
were. On the contrary, they are more intimately emotional than their predecessors. Cowper and Burns, more
than Gray and Collins, are transitional poets. Let us take up Burns and see how he shaped himself as a poet
and what contribution he made to the progress of English poetry.
Robert Burns was born in 1759 at Alloway in Ayrshire, a county in which most of his life was spent. His
father, William Burnes, as he spelled it, was a tenant farmer in a region where rentals were so high as to
make certain the poverty of the tenant. In 1781 Burns spent some months in Irvine learning to dress fax, but
that work proving unattractive, he returned to the farm. Upon the death of their father (1784), Robert and his
younger brothers moved the family to Mossgiel in Mauchline parish. Before this time Robert had commenced
writing verses and making love. His sexual activities were promiscuous as well as fruitful. Jean Armour of
Mauchline, whom Burns married in 1788, if not earlier, bore him twins in 1786 and again in 1788. Mary
Campbell (Highland Mary) apparently died in childbirth in 1786. There were several other women also in
his life of youth. Poems, chiefly in the Scottish Dialect, were printed at neighbouring Kilmarnock. This
brought Burns local fame. During the following winter Burns was in Edinburgh, where he conducted himself
with dignity even though in more intellectual or aristocratic society than he had hither to seen. In 1787 in
Edinburgh came out two reprinting of his poems, with some additions. A second winter in Edinburgh was
devoted in part to adjusting financial returns, which were considerable. The volume of Burnss poems was
also brought out in London. Within the next two years appeared the piracies of his poems in Dublin, Belfast,
Philadelphia, and New York. After his brief vocation tours in the summer of 1787, Burns once again decided
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to return to the farm. He also decided presently to marry Jean Armour. The wedded couple settled at Ellisland, near Dumfries. After making a last unsatisfactory attempt to make a rented farm pay, Burns moved to
Dumfries itself in 1791, where he got a place as an officer in the excise. In spite of gossip to the contrary, and
despite ill health, it is said to be certain that the last five years of Burnss life were those of valued and
respected citizen, of a well-known poet, who until the last was busy in his effort to aid George Thomson in his
projected Select Scottish Airs, designed to glorify Scots song-writing.
Like William Cowper, Burns is also known to be largely a poet of emotion. But whereas Cowper had liking
for environment for its own sake, Burns loved it for the human relationship implied in it. His poem, The
Cotters Saturday Night, is an obvious illustration. Burns also found his local background a grim stimulus
towards an escape to a larger life. In his view, this life was the just destiny of all men in a state of freedom.
Here lies the great difference between Burns and Cowper. While Cowper came of a distinguished family of
notable ability and of rich culture opportunity, Burns was a sport in a family of humble uprightness and
poverty-striken integrity, but without a spark of genius except in Robert. In a way, Burns was an untaught
genius. He could also be called, in his own words he used for Fergusson, Heaven-taught. As such, he was
the realization of an eighteenth-century dream that went back even further than Spectator No 160. Alexander
Pope was assured, at the beginning of his poetic career, by a hostile critic, You have not the sufficient
learning necessary to make a poet. The idea of learning as essential to a poet perished in the eighteenth
century. There came up a crop of poets contrary to this belief in the Augustan age. We can recall here
Stephen Duck, who was the thresher poet; Ann Yearsley, who was the milkmaid; and Thomas Chatterton,
who also aspired to the role of natural genius and all to the grief of possible sponsors seemed deficient in
quality. Robert Burns consciously attempted the part, and succeeded beyond all rivals. His outcry against
such learned, or college, or university, wits as Think to climb Parnassus/By dint O Greek would have
annoyed Popes critic:
Gie me ae spark O Natures fire,
Thats a the learning I desire;
Then, tho I drudge thro dub an mire
At plengh or cart,
My Muse, tho hamenly in attire,
May touch the heart.
Burns was by no means so untaught as this quoted stanza would seem to say. But this stanza constitutes
at least a declaration of poetical independence of learning. On the other hand, it is an implicit reaffirmation
of the favourite dogma of the century, Nature is nature wherever placed. The ability of the force of
Nature to reach the heights, if unhindered, or even to reach despite hindrance, had been a cherished notion
throughout the Augustan age. Burns can be said to be a complete demonstration of this idea. It may also
be noted that, later, in the nineteenth century, natural genius will be regarded as spontaneity rather than
untaught. But Burns was not all for spontaneity; he always felt proud of his careful revision of his poems.
No doubt, his poems came from the heart rather than head, but they are no profuse strains of unpremeditated
art. However, his career, as well as the idea of spontaneity, encouraged the romantic heresy that a true
genius could bloom into a finished poet in no time. An untaught genius naturally had to be proletarian a
thresher, a milkmaid, a farmer. Burns was proud of his humble origin, which was not a self-conscious literary
pose with him. It only fitted into a tradition glorifying the farmer that went back to the days (1728) when
Lord Bolingbroke had rakes, hoes, and other farm implements painted on the walls of the entrance hall of
his house, had his eye on the role of Cincinnatus. The tradition got a boost in the hands of the later
physiocrats. For example, it echoes in the Advertisement in Goldsmiths The Vicar of Wakefield, where
Dr Primrose is said to unite in himself the three greatest characters upon earth the priest, the farmer,
and the father of a family. The world was ready for a genius like Burns who should be a farmer, a family
man, and a great poet.
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Burns as A Farmer Poet

FOR Burns, the farming was inevitable. His father and his grandfather had both struggled to wrest a livelihood
from the farms of Ayrshire. Burns followed the family tradition. No doubt, it was a hard life, and was
decidedly a losing battle. The boy Robert at the Mount Oliphant, overworking and thus undermining his
health, as well as the married poet with children later in life, continued the family struggle of wresting
livelihood from the occupation of farming. Almost from the start of Burnss life there can be said to be three
worlds closing and opening on the poet bewilderingly. The first was the hard life of physical labour, for farm
life to Burns was never sincerely idyllic. The second was the world of books; for his father as well as many
more of Ayrshire men were reading people. Burns grew fond of books quite early in his life. He developed
special liking for a schoolbook, Arthur Massons Collection of Prose and Verse. This book gave Burns his
first knowledge of bits of Shakespeare, Dryden, Addison, and others. Later, he came to know well the work
of Milton, Pope, Thomson, Gray, Stenstone, Beattie, and Goldsmith. His bias to sentiment can be seen in his
love for Sternes and Mackenzies novels. Most important was, of course, his love for his Scottish predecessors.
Allan Ramsay and Robert Fergusson were his special interests. His long and deep passion for Scots song
books encouraged his great lyric gift. In various other disciplines of knowledge Burns was widely read, such
as theology, philosophy, and even agriculture. From his readings in prose and poetry, as well as from the
contemporary controversies between the Auld Lichts and the New Lichts so hotly debated in the Scotland
of his day, quite violently in the more rustic parishes, Burns very likely acquired his anti-Calvinistic belief in
the natural goodness of man. This belief did much to develop a sense of the injustice of the poor farmers lot
to make him what he speedily became a social rebel.
The themes, the landscapes, the environment, and the attitudes in majority of Burnss poems are typical of
the rural Scotland. His adoption of the Scottish dialect as the diction of his poetry gave to his compositions an
earthy touch. Since he wrote about life he actually lived, there is greater authenticity of tone and mood in his
poems than elsewhere in the eighteenth century. While his contemporaries wrote about rural life from the
distant abodes in urban centres, he alone wrote about it from within. Writing as an insider to rural Scotland,
Burns gives to his poetry a feel and a weight missing in most poems of the age on the rural themes. While
Pope, Johnson, and even Gray and Collins, wrote about rural life just as a matter of convention, Burns alone
wrote about it out of compulsion from within, out of felt experience. His emphasis on the Scottish dialect and
the folk life of his country must also be seen as an assertion of his Scottish nationalism. It should not be
forgotten that Burns lived during a period when the nationalism and self-pride of the Scottish people was at
stake. Walter Scotts writings both in prose and poetry, too, offer a similar illustration of that sentiment. It is
all right to treat Burns as a mere composer of rural songs, but it also amounts to ignoring the more significant
side of his revolutionary contribution to the poetry in English. Also significant is the phenomenon of the
regional novel in English that emerged around the same time, especially in the novels of Maria Edgeworth.
Burns poetry should also be seen as an attempt to create poetry of regional character. Compared to the
general poetry of the Augustans, who dominated the scene, Burnss poetry is highly particular and specific,
with a very strong regional odor and taste. Call it untutored, but it is this poetry which truly reflects the life of
the people, holds mirror to what was there around the poet in his times in Scotland.
Burns as Love Poet

Burnss attitude of a social rebel was stimulated not merely by philosophy and by exhaustion from the
threshers weary flinging tree, but also through influence of the third world that opened so maddeningly
upon the high strong youth, when, as his Muse in The Vision says
Youthful Love, warm blushing, strong,
Keen shivering, shot thy nerves along.
.
I saw thy pulses maddening play,
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Wild send thee Pleasures devious way,

Misled by Fancys meteor ray,
By passion driven;
But yet the light that led astray
Was light from Heaven
In the concluding lines cited here, the young poet, rebelliously guilty, disclaims moral responsibility. But his
whole psychology belies such fatalism. Burnss love was consciously sinful. He rationalizes excuses by
blaming Heaven or by such brilliant satire on the faults of others as is found in The Holy Fair. Burns
represents himself to this fair as accompanied by the hizzie Fun, to keep an eye on Superstition and Hypocrisy.
He concludes:
Theres some are fou o love divine;
Theres some are fou o brandy;
An monie jobs that day begin
May end in houghmanandine
Some ither day.
Here, we are made to feel the comedy of the sinful hypocrites. Open sin seems thus the less reprehensible.
His amours have quite obvious if inadequate excuse in the darkness of life to which he seemed unjustly
condemned.
Theres nonght but care on evry han,
In every hour that passes, O:
What signifies the life o man,
An twere nae for the lasses, O.
Burns thus begins his career with an apologetic and allegedly heaven-authorized defiance of convention. The
defiance is, at least partly, due to the rigorous morality his father had attempted to instil. It is also in part due
to his conscious rationalizing of his own follies, and in part to his growing class-consciousness. It is ultimately
to his political heterodoxy, which had become after 1788 somewhat notorious on his becoming an excise man
in the employ of His Majesty the King. By this time class-consciousness was reinforced by a rational love of
freedom, a sympathy first with the American colonies and later with the French revolutionaries. It was
natural for a Scot, a not too serious nation, that Charles III or his daughter the bonie lass of Albanie would
fill the throne of England with more grace than a mad Hanoverian. Burnss Jacobitism is negligible, but his
anger at political or social injustice is true, eloquent, and pervasive. It can be clearly seen in The Tea Dogs,
A Dream, Is there for Honest Poverty, and in the romantic anarchy of the last chorus of The Jolly Beggars.
From the world of love, work, and books, then, there was this other opening that Burns had found: the world
of poetry. As he records in his letter to his friend, Richard Brown, the following episode that occurred in 1781
reveals it all:
Do you recollect a Sunday we spent in Eglinton Woods? you told me, on my repeating some
verses to you, that you wondered I could resist the temptation of sending verses of such
merit to a magazine: twas actually this that gave me an idea of my own pieces which
encouraged me to the character of a Poet.
Burns first volume assured his fame. It indicated fully the nature of that fame as well. Like his contemporary
Cowper, he was to be a poet of rural, daily life. He aimed humbly at the character of a Poet. His notion of
that character was thoroughly of his time:
. Manners-painting strains,
The loves, the ways of simple swains
These were to be the subjects of his poetry. One might also add to them the portrayal of the hypocrisies of the
townsfolk of Ayrshire and, occasionally, the injustices of the larger world of statecraft. But Burns focused
chiefly on men and their interrelations their loves, their labours, and their sorrows.
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In Burnss poetry, landscape is only incidental. As in The Holy Fair, he frequently commences with a bit of
description. He uses imagery with less poignant effect, but almost unawares:
The wan moon sets behind the white wave,
And Time is setting with me, O.
If he writes of animals or flowers, they are companions the farmers mare, Maggie, the childs pet sheep,
Mailie, or the Mouse, or the Mountain Dairy to all of whom he ascribes human traits, a human lot. The
focus is on Man still. Put together his smaller pieces, seemingly on inconsequential subjects, and they come
to constitute his essay on man. The final injunction in his The vision is:
Preserve the dignity of man
With soul erect;
And trust the universal plan
Will all protect.
Burnss subject matter, then, is what one might expect: love songs, drinking songs, humorous satires on the
religious hypocrites of the Mauchline region. There is glowing eloquence on the theme of the right of man,
and the pervading incidental use of bits of rural life that becomes only slightly artificial, even when selfconsciously idyllic, as in The Cotters Saturday Night. Burns is never far from the soil, and never fails in a
human sympathy for whatever subject he treats.
Burnss lyrics, though diverse in mood and method, are chiefly focused on the theme of love. His songs of
wooing range from the reader in Mary Morrison to archness in Tam Glen, to a jocose treatment of bashfulness
in Duncan Gray, and to uproarious delight in the story of Last May a Braw Wooer. There are happy songs
of married life, such as Contented wi Little and the salvaged treasure of John Anderson my Jo, among
others. Although not his common theme, Burns has also treated absence with sweetness in Of a the Airts,
and the elegiac tone of Banks o Doon and Highland Mary expresses beautifully the tragedy of lost love.
Tam os Shanter alone would prove that Burns had the gifts in poetic narrative, but in his songs he seldom
relies on story for substance. In Auld Rob Morris, Open the Door, and Tam Glen, however, story is
exquisitely implied. The lover protests at parting perhaps too much in Ae Fond Kiss, but in the fervidly
hyperbolic Red, Red Rose we surely have authentic passion if ever words conveyed it.
Burnss high and individual achievement depended largely on his intense and tender insight into social relations.
In these his scope was wide: They might be as private as love or as public as monarchy. But at his best he
drew from the social problems, keenly felt in the laborious farm life that was his lot. His literary ambitions
were twofold: he hoped to be a poet like Thomson and Gray, but he distrusted his abilities; he hoped more
confidently to be a local poet following a Scottish muse and singing the scenes from which Old Scotias
grandeur springs. The two ambitions get mixed. To be a universal poet, he thought, required the ability to
strike out aphoristic reflections; but this art had perished, and in such lines as.
Anticipation forward points the view,
Burns showed that he could not recapture it. No more could Byron, of whom Goethe remarked, The minute
he reflects, he is childish. It is not that Burns could not write well in English. His letters would do credit to
any writer of English, and show conclusively that it was as natural for him to write English as it was to speak
Scots. But to Burns poetry was rhythm and sound as well as meaning; and the sound of his native Scots gave
him courage and gave his writing life, vigour, and savour. His ain countree gave him courage to be himself
and integrity to win, in spite of his moral flaws, the respect of the best people with whom he came in contact.
Burns as Scottish Poet

The growing tendency of Scottish writers to write in English, while continuing to talk (and in a sense to feel)
in Scots, in the seventeenth century, led to an almost disappearance of the Scots literary language. Consequently,
it led to the survival of Scots only as a series of regional dialects. Several historical events went into the
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making of English the more attractive option for the writers of Scotland. The Reformation, the Union of the
Crowns in 1603, and the prestige and influence of the Elizabethan writers, all helped in the rise of this
phenomenon. The Union of Parliaments in 1707, when the Scottish Parliament ceased to exist and Scotland
ceased to be a political entity to become only the northern part of Great Britain, marked a further stage in the
assimilation of Scottish culture to English. Its short run influence was, however, in the opposite direction.
Feeling frustrated in their national hopes, Scotsmen turned to their literary past for consolation. As a result,
the antiquarian interest in Old Scottish literature steadily grew throughout the eighteenth century. At the
same time, attempts were made to imitate and perpetuate, in whatever limited a way, some of the older
Scottish literary traditions.
In the given circumstances of the eighteenth century it was inevitable that English speech and English literary
forms should be looked upon as the proper medium for Scottish writers who wished to succeed in the larger
world. No doubt, there was a revival of Scots verse, but it was a dialect verse used for the most part for
humorous or sentimental purposes, in a patronizing, exhibitionist, or nostalgic manner. In the eventful year of
1706, the year before the Union of Parliaments was finally effected, an Edinburgh printer named James
Watson brought out the first of the three volumes of A Choice Collection of Comic and Serious Scots
Poems both Ancient and Modern, with two further volumes in 1709 and 1711. It need to be recalled here
that throughout the seventeenth century the line between folk poem and song and art poem was quite often
obscured in Scotland. Poems even by courtly poets found their way to popular singers and printers of broadsides,
as well as to private collectors. In such a situation, changes in text, corruptions of diction, amendments of
lines and phrases, even additions and adaptations were the natural consequences. What James Watson
printed seemed to represent things that were still going on in Scotland, though often not so much on the
surface. In bringing them to the surface, James Watson prevented them from being obscured by the new
face of Scottish culture. At the same time, he helped to divert patriotic attention from politics to literature.
Scotland became concerned about its literary past and about the possibilities of continuity with that past. It is
true that this concern was soon to become mixed up with confused ideas about the vernacular and primitive
poetry and the natural man. This confusion was finally to become a problem of serious difficulties for Robert
Burns. At the same time, it cannot be ignored that this also produced an environment which encouraged the
production of certain kinds of vernacular poetry. This encouragement proved decisive for the course of
eighteenth century Scottish poetry from Ramsay to Burns.
Robert Burns is said to have brought to a brilliant close the chapter in the history of the Scottish poetry that
had been begun by Allan Ramsay. Burns had begun in early 1783 to keep a Commonplace Book in which he
entered his poems and his comments on poetry and song. As he revealed, I never had the least thought or
inclination of turning Poet till I got once heartily in love, and then rhyme and song were, in a manner, the
spontaneous language of my heart. This observation accompanied an unpretentious, lilting song-poem, written
in English tipped with Scots, but turning to pure neoclassical English in the final stanza. Burns entered in the
Commonplace Book, shortly afterwards, sentimental, melodramatic, or melancholy pieces whose thought
reflected the family misfortunes of the time and vocabulary and manner derived from minor eighteenth
century English poets. He was reading Gray, Thomson, The Man of Feeling, Tristram Shandy, etc., cultivating
a gloomy sensibility. But suddenly one comes across a lively, swinging piece deriving from Scottish folk
tradition rather than from contemporary English sentimentalism. Burns learned to appreciate economy,
cogency, and variety in the work of Pope and others. But even more important than this learning was the one
from the old Scots literature to handle traditional Scottish literary forms and stanza-patterns, particularly
in descriptive and satirical verse, with assurance and cunning. He equally learned from the oral folk
tradition about song rhythms and fitting of words to music. And out of his reading in standard English, he
fashioned a Scots-English idiom which, though hardly a literary language in the sense that Henrysons or
Dunbars language was, proved over and over again to be an effective medium for Burnss kind of Scottish
poetry.
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Although he never pretended to write anything beyond his own amusement, Burns remained restless and
dissatisfied. His work on the farm did not bring dividends. He remained harassed by problems both emotional
and economic, so much so that he even entertained the idea of emigrating to Jamaica. But before anything
else Burns wanted to prove to his countrymen what he was capable of doing. Hence, despite his troubles, he
went ahead with his plans for publishing a volume of his poems at the nearby town of Kilmarnock Poems
chiefly in the Scottish Dialect, 1786. The volume met with instant success. It drove Burns to Edinburgh to
be lionized, patronized, and showered with well-meant but dangerous advice. The Kilmarnock volume was
an extraordinary mixture of a handful of first-rate Scots poems and some others including a number of verse
letters addressed to various friends. There were also a few Scots poems in which Burns seemed unable to
sustain his inspiration or which got spoiled by a confused purpose. Poems like Halloween were too selfconsciously rustic in their dogged descriptions of country customs and rituals and their almost exhibitionist
use of archaic rural terms. One of the finest poems in the volume is, of course, The Holy Fair. Written in the
old Scottish tradition of proems describing popular festivities, and adopting an old Scottish stanza form
which came down to him through Fergusson, the poem gives description with ironic humour of the goings-on
at one of the great outdoor tent preachings that were annually held relating to the communion service.
There is no moral indignation in the poem. There is only an ironic amusement to the thought that human
nature will always have its way even in the midst of Calvinist thunderings on the one hand and the unorthodox
moderate pleading for noble works on the other. Burns sums up the poems meaning in the concluding
stanza:
How monie hearts this day converts
OSinners and o lasses!
Their hearts o stane gin night are gane,
As saft as only flesh is.
Theres some are fou o love divine;
Theres some are fou o brandy;
An monie jobs that day begin
May end in Houghmagandie,
Here, Burns deliberately creates, just as Pope does in The Rape of the Lock, a confusion of theological,
biblical, and amorous imagery to underline the hard fact of impure (or ignoble) human nature.
Burnss native genius showed, more than elsewhere, in his Scottish songs. He is said to be the greatest song
writer ever born in great Britain, of which Scotland of Burns had become a part. He refurnished old songs,
and made new ones out of fragmentary remains. He generally used an old chorus as a foundation for a new
song, sometimes simply tonching up a set of character less old words. At times, he also provided entirely new
words to traditional airs and dance tunes. He did, of course, so much beyond the editorial and improving tasks
he undertook for Jonson and Thomson. If he had not been an exceptionally original poet himself, if he had
remained uncannily in tune with the folk tradition, he would have been execrated by
later scholars for spoiling original material with false improvement. His work as a song writer was a unique
blend of the antiquarian and the creative. In a passion of enthusiasm for his native Scottish culture, he took
the whole body of Scottish folk song and put it together, preserved it, reshaped it, and gave it new life and
spirit. He spoke with the great anonymous voice of the Scottish people. He uttered that voice with great
assurance. And in doing this he showed a technical skill, and a poetic splendour unmatched by any other song
writer.
Song or lyric, satire or self-expression, Burns wrote with a distinct advantage of a vernacular Scottish poet.
The very character of his environment gave him a certain advantage over both Ramsay and Fergusson.
Although in the eighteenth century, the vernacular was in fuller, and more general, use in conversation, even
by the educated classes in Scotland, than thereafter. Both these poets made a literary use of it with a certain
air of condescension, and as the specially appropriate medium of lowly themes. In the case of Burns, the use
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is more various, and often with a more serious and higher intent, than in the case of the other two. Burns was
also in closer and more perpetual contact with humble life than was either of them. As Burns himself
claimed, vernacular was his native language. He seems clearly to revel, in his verse, in the appropriation of
its direct and graphic phraseology.
Burns as A Regional Poet

Burns was one of those who are deeply rooted in the soil of the region in which they happen to have been
born, so deeply rooted that they become the soil, the air, the feel of that region. Wherever they might go, or
be transplated, they carry the smells and sounds of their regions with them. Born and brought up in Scotland,
Burns identified himself with his native place and became a voice of his place. For him, the past of his place
was also the present. He found in full life the native verse, with its ancestral forms and themes. He became
the sovereign artist of the same. His inheritance was four hundred unbroken years. He schooled himself,
deeply and devotedly, in the inherited art of his country. He left it higher than it had ever been. He became so
puissant a representative of it that he generally blotted out the figures both of his creditors and his debtors. He
owned nothing to Cowper or Crabbe, although he read the former with admiration. He was brought up on his
native song and legend. He lived nearer to the brown earth, upturned for sowing and crowded with life, than
any other of the poets in Great Britain. But he never portrays in his poetry any scenery for its own sake,
though he can do so brilliantly. The scenery in his poetry is always a habitation for men and mice. It always
provides a background, a chorus, a thing subordinate to the life that swarms in it. The background, no doubt,
is alive in itself, not in any pantheistic way after the manner of Wordsworth or Shelley. It offers to Burns no
religion and no instruction. Sometimes, certainly, it becomes an occasion for something a little declamatory or
half-sincere. Carlyle noted the painting of the torrent in The Brigs of Ayr; where haunted Garpel is
Arousd by blustring winds an spotting thowes;
In mony a torrent down the snow-broo rowes;
While crashing ice, borne on the roaring spate,
Sweep dams, an mills, an brigs, a to the gate;
And from Glenbuck, down to the Ratton-key,
Auld Ayr is just one lengthend, tumbling sea;
Then down yell hurl, deil nor ye never rise!
And dash the gumile jaups up to the pouring skies.
This passage is just one out of many. Burns is not without sensitiveness to the happiness of rapid and yet
peaceful water. He sees the burn wimpling through the glen, staying round a rocky scaur, and gives us all
its glitter and musical motion:
Whyles glillerd to the nightly rays,
Wi bickerin, dancin dazzle;
Whyles cookit underneath the braes
Below the spreading hazel
Unseen that night.
However, Burns does not speak of mountains or of solitudes, which he does not visit. His country is low and
rolling and flat Ayrshire and thereabouts. It is not thickly peopled, except with wild creatures, and of these
he knows all the sounds. He hears the curlews call and the paitricks whir and the bitternes roar and the
corncrakes clamour. He also knows the colour of the holiday dresses. He catches the glitter of the silks and
scarlets on the women Skelping barefoot to the Holy Fair. Even transient lights do not enscape his eye. The
greedy glower of the elder at his twopence in the plate, or the moonbeams glancing through every chink in
Alloway Kirk. Everything is seen in movement in the poetic world of Burns. He has very few pictures of still
life. Things flash by, or the winds sweep the voices along. The pace of excited actual existence, jovial or
angry or rueful, is given by him as by few other poets. This swift method goes back a in Scottish verse, and
is found again and again from Dunbar to Fergusson. In Burns it is most outstanding.
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The same gift can be seen in Burnss representation of animals. He does not merely love them, but knows
them intimately. He does not merely feel wrath for them, or see them in a kind of splendour. His sheep are
persons. He is a farmer. He knows them by their faces. His old ewe, his old mare, are not mere types.
Maggie is a classic old mare, with as definite traits as that of a human being:
Tho ye was trickie, slee, an funnie,
Ye neer was donsie;
But hamely, tawie, quite, an cannie,
Burns also has the hard sense of the farmer. He never takes the brutes too seriously, unless we except his
sentimentalizing over the field-mouse, where he is thinking of himself more than of that other plaything of
fortune. But even there he is saved by his banter. In The Twa Dogs, for instance, Caesar and Luath are not
so much dogs as shrewd men, a traveled valet and a cotter, comparing notes. But they are also admirably
drawn as dogs. He is thus, as it were, an artist of the animals. He applies the same gift to his friends, enemies,
and acquaintances. It came to him from native Scots tradition. He has the devouring eye and portraying
hand that Emerson remarked in Carlyle. His personages come out clear in a line or phrase, which tells all
that need be known, or was ever to tell, of
Rough, rude, ready-witted Rankine,
The Wale o cocks for fun an drinkin!
Or of Matthew Henderson the sportsman. This worthy is described indirectly. We know from the kindly
jesting artifice of the elegy, what he was like:
Mourn, sooty coots, and speckled teals,
Ye fisher herons, watching eels;
and from the ending:
But by thy honest turf Ill wait,
Thou man of worth!
And mourn the ae best fellows fate
Eer lay in earth!
Burnss art of description, very much like that of a novelist, can as well be seen in his pictures of places. They
bear real names in his poems. He is often as much a local poet as Cowper or Wordsworth. Glaston Moor
and Mossgiel and the Brigs of Ayr are there with their physiognomies, like Weston Underwood or Loughrigg
Fell. They are always peopled and alive, for Burns, unlike wordsworth, is seldom alone with them. He is part
of them, rather than they of him as in Wordsworth. They are drawn rapidly, but the pace does not blur the
sharpness of the imagery.
Burns as A Song Writer

To pass from Burnss poems his epistles, satires, and narratives to his songs is to pass to something purer
and more piercing and aerial, less tied to traditional tales, real persons, known legends, local incidents, and all
the harsh, tough fibers of Scottish character and the oddities of country physiognomy. It is to pass from the
earth to the air or the fire. For even when the matter of the songs is actually of that familiar sort, rank or
homely, it has wandered wider on the lips of the people. It is the poet who makes it universal by his treatment.
He sublimates the earthly material. He captures the breath and finer spirit of his people, which, more than all
others, is inconceivable without songs. No one has ever done this for England, where there is no such
material to work upon. No one has done it for Ireland, where the material is far more abundant. Burns, and
Burns alone, has done it for Scotland. He really became the singing soul of his people.
Nearly two hundred songs were sent by Burns to his employers. He sent some in 1787 to the unlettered
engraver James Johnson for his Musical Museum. Others, in 1792 he sent for the Scottish Airs, of George
Thomson. He scattered many more in broadcast. He had freedom in the Museum to virtually edit his songs,
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and he was then at his best. When he contributed to Scottish Airs, his finer hour seems to have passed.
Nearly all the pieces he treated are by nameless and untraceable authors. He claimed to have taken
old songs of olden times, and how much he added to them, we shall perhaps never know. However, we can
be sure that he stripped away all lusterless patches and substituted his own silver and gold. The old man
may have had purer versions than those available to us. They may have been just an invention of our poet.
That, too, we shall perhaps never know.
Whatever be the case, his songs are enchanting. Think of his world famous O, my luve is like a red, red
rose. This, too, he picked up from the old stock, mended and amended, softened and sweetened, and made
it a haunting piece. Such ways of working could be shown at endless length in the case of Burns. He took
whatever served him, and did what he would with it, with unfailing instinct. Also, as his manuscripts often
show, he gave to it a ceaseless care and revision, which is most striking in some of the most artless-seeming
and reeled-off ditties. O saw ye home Lesley is a piece of gallantery of his own, in honour of a real Miss
Leslie Baillie, when he accompanied her, with her father, on a ride southward. The song is, in his own phrase,
a parody of an old one, Bonnie lizzie Baillie, so that the surname and the tune were really all he had to work
upon.
It is very difficult to classify Burnss songs, even the best of them, as much as to classify the airs that go with
them. In dozens of these songs the Northern Pan is evoked, with his extraordinary leer. He puts his face so
close to yours that your dignity is gone and you feel his breath. He is chucklingly familiar. He measures your
tolerance at the moment. He even delights to go beyond it. Then, he dances back, singing, to watch the
effects of it all. In pure mischief, he will provide a drawing-room version which is still roguish, but presentable.
The two forms of Duncan Gray can be consulted for this device. Suddenly he vanishes, and a womans
voice is heard piercingly:
Near me, near me,
Laddie, lie near me!
Lang hae I lain my lave
Laddie, lie near me!
This feminine long-drawn call is heard often enough: Here awa, there awa, wandering Willie!, Wilt thou
be my dearie? Or the male voice is heard in reply, in a bass:
O, this is no my aim lassie,
Fair tho the lassie be:
Weel Kan I my aim lassie
Kind love is in her eer.
Or Burns own voice is raised, in honour of his wife: of a the airts the wind can blaw was written on his
honeymoon, with only a melody to work upon.
There is also another group of songs, the convivial, which is the lyric counterpart of Scotch Drink and the
like. There songs are, in fact, formal poems not meant for singing but for saying: O, quid ale comes, and
the Deils away wi tho exciseman are of this chanted order. But they are not so numerous as other kinds.
Of the Jacobite songs the greatest have been Awa, Whigs, awa! Oer the water to Charlie, Carl an the
King come; and Ye Jacobites by name. At the other extreme from the scurril stands the literary, historial
muse, with Turn again, thou fair Eliza, and thickest Night, surround my dwelling. All these types that
Burns practiced complete the picture of his moods and concerns. They also represents an artificial but actual
element in Scottish song. The commonplace view of his songs, that those in Scots are good and those in
English not so good, is too simplistic. No doubt, there are instances of his not so good songs in English, but
there are others which come up as well as his Scots songs. As Burns himself saw, Scots wha Hae is
rhetoric too (if good rhetoric), though the tune is northern.
But in which language, one would like to ask, does he write To the Toothache?
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When fevers burn, or agne freezes,

Rheumatics gnaw, or colic squeezes,
Our neebors sympathise to ease us
Wi pitying moan;
But thee!-thou hell o a diseases,
They mock our groan!
This is not southern, eighteenth century poetics diction at all. And yet, it is truly English, with a few northern
vowels and curtailments, in a northern metric and temper. Here again is another stanza which is no worse:
Hear how he clears the points o Faith
Wi rattlin and wi thumpin;
Now meekly calm, now wild in wrath,
Hes stampin, an hes jumpin!
It all seems to depend, more still, on our mental image of the speaker and his Doric sounds and the faces of
the cronies around him. The English speech, the Scot might say, is only a fainter form of the Scots, aspiring
to be like it. To appease the Scot the Englishman may accept that view. These elementary reflections help us
reach a truer judgment upon Burns prowess in the two languages. The bisection, that is customarily made,
of his talent into that which uses the Doric well, and that which misuses the English, need to be qualified.
Some of his songs, and some of the best, the most indigenous, the most peaty, and some of those that go
nearest home, contain no diction that demands translation. At most, one can say, they contain words in the
alternative northern sound and orthography. His noblest lines, Had we never loved sae blindly, are of this
kind. It was a for our rightfu King is another instance. It can only be called something like high English,
of the old Cavalier style. The truth is that when Burns starts in the right mood, and in the right key of
language, he can be almost equally good whatever proportion of the vernacular he may use. All that can be
said is, that he is always safe in Scots, that the very best of his pieces have a large dash of it, and that a single
vivid, unforgettable, puzzling word in a stanza is enough to give it colouring. This view brings Burns nearer the
main English tradition. The very freedom and intensity of his natural genius serves to lower, not to stiffen,
those barriers of bent and feeling which history and religions have raised harness over-high between the two
branches of the Great Britain.
We also need to notice about Burns that he has been one of those very few poets who could sing the songs
of either sex. No one else has ever captured the feminine delight in prospective motherhood combined with
the feminine joy in sexual surrender as Burns has done in the song he wrote for Jean when she was about to
bear his child:
O wha my babie-clouts will buy,
O wha will tent me when I cry;
Wha will kiss me where I lie..
The rantin dog, the dad die o it..
Nor has any one else so simply and yet powerfully expressed the combination of tenderness and swagger,
which is a purely male attitude towards love, as Burns did in A Red, Red Rose. Nor still has the note of
male protectiveness sounded so poignantly as in the poem that Burns wrote for Jessie Lewars, the girl who
helped to nurse him in his final illness. With an outstanding effort of the imagination Burns, as he lay dying,
reversed their roles and wrote, to one of Jessies favourite old Scottish airs,
Oh wert thou in the could blast,
On yonder lea, on yonder lea;
My plaidie to the angry airt,
Id shelter thee, Id shelter thee.
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The note of remembered friendship has also perhaps not been so movingly expressed by any one else as in
Auld lang syne - Burnss rewriting of an older song, which he never claimed as his own. It must always be
remembered, however, and never forgotten, that these are songs. As such, they should never be judged
without their tunes. Burns himself thought of words as part of a single whole.
Burns influence on Scottish poetry has not been a happy one, for he was lionized partly for wrong reasons.
His weaknesses, rather than his virtues, came to be imitated. Hence the modern Scottish poets had to return
to Dunbar rather than to Burns. A coyly self-conscious emphasis on sensibility as such, a cloying coziness of
tone, a false sugaring over of the realities of experience, with stock sentimental situations, all done in a
vernacular whose main feature is the adding of diminutive endings in ie to as many words as possible,
became, as David Daichies has remarked, the favourite imitations of the followers of Burns. Thus, his faults
rather than his virtues were profusely imitated. This came all the easier to them because Burns was a rustic
poet who wrote when Scotland was on the verge of the Industrial Revolution, after which the temptation to
sentimentalize over an idealized country life was irresistible. Burns could not have been Scottish expected to,
nor did he actually do anything to help Scottish literature to come to terms with the Industrial Revolution.
This much said in detail about the general features of Burnss poetry, we can now turn to the three
poems that are meant for our special reading. These poems are The Cotters Saturday Night, Holy
Willies Prayer, and The Jolly Beggars. These poems need to be analyzed in some detail to see how
Burnss genius worked, and how, as poet, he shaped his compositions.
(i) The Cotter's Saturday Night
This poem has been considered by critics as a sort of hybrid. It is, for one thing, written in the Spenserian
stanza, which Burns borrowed, not directly from Spenser, but indirectly from Beattie. It remains of purely
English descent, never before used by any Scottish vernacular poet. Although said partly to have been
suggested by Fergussons Farmers Ingle, and professedly descriptive of a lowly Scottish interior, and of the
sentiments and manners of the Scottish peasants in their more hallowed relations, Burnss poem is not, like
Fergussons written in their native language. It is written, on the contrary, substantially in modern English,
with, here and there, a sparse sprinkling of Scottish, or Scoto English, terms. It is for this reason that it has
been called a hybrid, for it mixes the English and the Scottish traits together. Much of this poems tone, many
of its sentiments and portions of its phraseology are reminiscent of those of the English poets whom Burns
knew. These poets are Milton, Gray, Pope, Thomson and Goldsmith. The poem comes out as a kind of
medley of ideas and phrases partly borrowed from them, very much in the manner of Grays poetry. Burns
mixes these borrowings with reflections of his own and descriptions partly in their manner but derived from
his own experience. It may in fact be termed a splendidly specious adaptation rather than quite an original
composition. On the whole, the artistic genius and the afflatus of the poet prevail, although in a somewhat
shackled, mannered, and restrained form. Its shackled manner becomes manifest when it is compared with
the spontaneous brilliancy of the best of his more vernacular verses in old traditional staves.
However, in The Collers Saturday Night there is a genuine pulse of poetry under an occasionally unreal, or
rather uncongenial phraseology. As Burns himself tells us, he had greeted by his fathers fireside whilst
composing it. The workmanship of the English parts of the poem has been, quite often, underestimated. But
at other times, he would turn out, in uncomfortable poetical or rhetorical diction, his utterances of revulsion
and repentance. The poets devotion though honest enough, has gone rather hectic. But all these moods are
only moods. Actually, he never turns any one fact towards us for long. Burns shares many traits with the
romantic poets, such as his love of colour, his eye for nature, his care for common humanity, as is evident
from The Cotters Saturday Night. But we can also note, on the other hand, that he also shows a temper
which is more anti-romantic than romantic. But wherefrom, if not from the English romantics like Blake, did
he get these traits. An obvious answer is that he got these romantic traits from the Scottish tradition. These
traits were not new at all in Scotland, or in Scottish verse. They had already found lovely vernacular expression,
and much before the Romantic Movement found an expression in England.
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It has now become an accepted fact that Burns never struck a chord that had not been sounded sometime or
other on the Scottish lyre or pipes. Some chords, indeed, he seldom sounded at all. For instance, the recovery
of the folk ballad he left to Scott. But the vivid passion for natural things had been present in northern verse
(Scottish verse), with long enfeeblings and intermissions, ever since the fifteenth century. The tenderly satiric
fashion of addressing beasts and men was familiar to Burns. It was familiar, not only from older native verse,
but from that of his immediate forerunner, Robert Fergusson, who died in 1744, when Burns was just a boy,
and to whom Burns inscribed the memorial stone in the Canongate burying-place. An instance of Burnss
debt to Fergusson can be seen in the very framework of The Cotters Saturday Night, which was suggested
by Fergussons The Farmers Ingle. Of course, so far as the poems sentiment is concerned, it is much more
deeply felt in Burns than in Fergusson.
The poetic form of the friendly or derisive epistle in verse was a long-standing form, which Burns took over,
expanded, varied, and made into an instrument of widest compass, for the expression of insolent, buttonholing colloquy, or of stentorian abuse, or of chaff, or of confidential gentle talk. Metrical scholars have
traced with care the origin and descent of Burns favourite staves. The chief of them, the six-lined verse built
in two rhymes goes back to Old French and Provencal, through a long intervening history of Scots, and is also
abundantly found in medieval English poetry. By choice, Burns thinks in this measure. He describes, muses,
sneers, reviles, toasts, and even maunders in it. Its commonest movement is a farward rush on the tripple and
repeated rhyme, stopped and clinched by the short line introducing the new rhyme. Then the other two lines,
long and short, on the same two rhymes, face round and give the answer or complete the idea, with a flingup of the heels, or those two lines are an afterthought, or there is no turn, or break at all, and the whole runs
in a single breath. Such changes are rung without end. But the requickening of the rhythmical pulse in the
fifth line, and the clanging finished in the sixth, are everywhere. The longer measures, also historic, and either
borrowed directly, as here in The Cotters Saturday Night, from Spenser, or adapted show an almost insolent
ease and mastery of technique, like that of a champion jig-dancer. The clap of the sandal on the ground at the
close is irresistibly suggested. For quick, striding narrative, or satiric enumeration, Burns often uses and
reinvigorates the old rhyming octosyllabic, and the long heroic couplet yields a piquant mixture of Pope-like
balance and vernacular freedom.
However, we must not forget that no such legacy of form can be one of form alone. We know how the soul
of Burns was itself an inheritance. That tone of fatel familiarity, for one thing, before which everything goes
down, is deep in the Scottish character. It is a feature, it will not be too much to say, even of its religious
history. If Burns emerges a free-loving peasant amorist, as he does in The Cotters Saturday Night, living at
first by semi-polygamous country custom, full of passion, blatancy, fickleness, tenderness, fun, true and
untrue sentiment, unchivlary, repentances, and domestic feeling, and if he enjoys and struggles accordingly,
well, it is idle to pity him alone. We must take generations of his peasant forbears under the wing of our
patronage or condonation, and praise nor does he show us every kind. But, on the whole, Burns is a far more
superb figure, and represents a richer type, than any which it lay within the plan or perhaps the ability of Scott
to portray. Finally, in The Cotters Saturday Night Burns affects for a time the slow pensive movement of
his Spenserian model (whom, rather than Spenser, he is studying). But Burns soon gets impatient and breaks
away. It is just like Keats working at his Hyperion in the Miltonic melody, but soon realizing that it could not
be possible to work against ones own grain. Burns, like Keats, even more than Keats, was not cut-out for the
heavy and loaded verse of Spenser or Milton. Hence, a conflict of interests, of spirit and form, leading to a
hybrid, which cannot be counted among the successful attempts of Burns.
(ii) Holy Willie's Prayer

The real Burns is said to be revealed in his satires and humorous poems and in the abandonment to the
moment of experience. We find this abandonment celebrated in many of his best songs as well. Burns the
song writer was not represented in the Kilmarnock edition. Most of his songs were, in fact, still unwritten.
Also, the Edinburg poetry readers did not consider song among the highest kinds of poetry. Burns the satirist
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in some degree was revealed, but the greatest of his satiric poems he deliberately omitted from the Kilmarnock
volume in order not to shock his genteel audience. Among the many of his satiric poems left out of the volume
was also Holy Willies Prayer, considered the greatest of all his satiric poems and one of the great verse
satires of all times. In this poem, Burns is concerned to attack the Calvinist view of predestination, and of
salvation by predestined grace regardless of good works. According to this view, no work of fallen men
(and all men are born fallen after the fall of Adam and Eve) can possibly be good in Gods sight. Burns makes
the attack by putting a prayer in the mouth of a strict Calvinist who is convinced that he is predestined to
salvation by the grace of God. Burns maintains in the poem a solemn and liturgical note. The creed damns
itself in the process of its expression. The poem opens with a calmly expressive statement of the view that
mans salvation or damnation is decreed by God without any reference to mans behaviour. It is the very
quietness and assurance of the statement that, at first, conceals its preposterousness. Then, suddenly, it
reveals it when we least expect it:
O thou that in the heavens does dwell!
Wha, as it pleases best Thysel,
Sends one to heaven and ten to hell,
A for thy glory!
And no for ony gude or ill
Theyve done before thee.
I bless and praise Thy matchless might,
When thousands Thou has left in night,
That I am here before Thy sight
For gifts and grace,
A burning and a shining light
To a this place.
As the poem progresses in the above-quoted liturgical manner, the speakers appalling complacency and
egotism, even to the speaker himself, as humility, are cumulatively revealed. Burns does not portray Holy
Willie a conscious hypocrite. When he attributes his lust to Gods protective desire to remind him that,
however gifted and elect, he is still a man. Thus, he is revealing the moral horrors that, for Burns, lay beneath
any claim by any individual that he had inner assurance of predestined salvation: when he asks Gods vengeance
for his enemies, he really believes that his will and Gods cause are one and the same. And, then, when he
asks for economic prosperity in this world in addition to his assured reward in the next, it is done with a view
to demonstrate to the heathen that God protects and favours those whom He has elected. As the poem goes
on, it becomes increasingly impossible to disentangle godliness from the most abandoned self-indulgence.
Also, in the confusion the creed of protection and predestination becomes monstrous. The poem ends in the
same stately organ tones with which it began:
But Lord, remember me and mine
Wi mercies temporal an divine!
That I for grace an gear may shine,
Excelld by nane!
And a the glory shall be thine!
Amen! Amen!
Thus, Holy Willies Prayer is wholly satirical in tone. The poem can be considered a mere metrical chain of
brilliantly relentless mockery. Burns makes this mockery serve both a general and a special purpose. By a
skilful series of burlesque parodies, the poem exposes, with deadly effect, the hypocritical self-righteousness
of an ignorantly opinionated ruling elder in Mauchline. This worthy had a prominent part in an unsuccessful
prosecution of the poets friend and landlord, Gavin Hamilton. The poem also lampoons the narrow puritanic
Calvinism of the Auld Licht party in the Kirk. Being what he was, Burns was bound to cherish against this
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party an almost unmeasured antipathy. The antipathy manifested itself in the form of uproarious derision. In
his later years, Burns had become something of a social democrat. And from his early manhood, he had
cherished a certain jealousy of those above him in station. He was also easily offended by airs of condescension
towards him. Despite all these, his antipathy to the Auld Licht clergy, the favourite of the people, made him
a strong opponent of the anti-patronage movement. He contemptuously scouted this movement as an attempt
to get the brutes them-selves the power to choose their herds. The proposal is ridiculed with the mockseriousness, polished innuendo, withering irony, and placid scorn in Holy Willies Prayer.
(iii) The Jolly Beggars

Like his Holy Willies Prayer, Burns also excluded from his Kilmarnock volume his remarkable anarchist
cantata, The Jolly Beggars. In this poem, Burns assembled a group of social outcasts and put into their
mouths roaring songs of social defiance and swaggering independence. In Burns, there always seemed a
streak of anarchism. But in the poem, he associates it with conviviality in a characteristic way. Here are
abandoned in roaring professions of antisocial independence all institutions, all conventions, anything that
limits the freely chosen association of friends and lovers with one another. The attitude manifested in the
poem may not be mature or complex, but it does touch a fundamental human drive. The Jolly Beggars gives
a brilliant expression to man as outcast and vagabond. Complete independence of social order implies poverty,
squalor, and vice, but Burns does not shrink from that prospect. He refuses to romanticize independence
from society. He only bodies it forth, motivated less by doctrinaire anarchism than by sheer high spirits.
Burns does not seem to have been acquainted with the old English plays, treatises and songs dealing with the
fortunes of beggars, vagabonds and outlaws. But he must have read, one can legitimately presume, Grays
The Beggars Opera. He decidedly knew the clever Scottish ballads The Gaberlunzie Man and The Jolly
Beggar. He evidently got faint hints from The Happy Beggars an excerpt from Charles Coffeys ballad
opera, The Beggars Wedding, The Merry Beggars of Ramsays Tea-Table Miscellany, and the song
books. Burns poem also seems to have been modeled on the burlesque odes and cantatas of the period. But
the wonder is that, such being the case, the curious metrical medley should emerge such a captivating
masterpiece of Burns. The poem, no doubt, has an advantage, even in its complete singularity, as an assortment
of old Scottish staves, interlaced with songs characteristically Scots or AngloScots in their style and manner.
All this goes to enrich the vivid picturesqueness of the poems presentation. But it does so only owing to the
fact that the subject appealed, in a very special way, to the peculiarities of the poets temperament and
genius. This plausibly accounts for the striking character of his artistic triumph.
Carlyle was the first to claim for The Jolly Beggars a superiority over Tam o Shanter. Not many will,
perhaps, admit so complete a superiority as he asserts. But the value of the criticism, so far as regards the
praise of The Jolly Beggars, even though originally only faintly tolerated, is now frankly admitted. Here, it is
admitted, there is more varied and more intimate and vital presentation of certain types of human nature than
in Tam a Shanter. The detailed record of the vagabonds high festival affords wider scope for picturesque
effects than does the comparatively conventional and respectable carousal in the village alehouse. On the
other hand, it seems a strange belittlement or misjudgment of Tam a Shanter to describe it as less a poem
than a piece of sparkling rhetoric. It sounds a still more questionable statement that the poem might have
been written all but quite as well by a man who, in place of genius, had only possessed talent. Most critics
other than Carlyle are still convinced that here, as in The Jolly Beggars, there is a superbly characteristic
example of the rare genius of Burns. His genius was developed by his special environment and his peculiarly
mingled poetic training.
One important assertion, contrary to that made by Carlyle, comes from Walter Scott, who says: I verily
believe Tam o Shanter to be inimitable, both in the serious and ludicrous parts, as well as in the happy
combination of both. In term of the relative merits of the two poems, Tam o Shanter is the more studied and
mature composition. When Burns composed this poem, he was a more fully experienced, a better read, and
a more highly trained artist, than when, in a bit of fine inspiration, he dashed off The Jolly Beggars. As Burns
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himself said about Tam o Shanter, it shewed a finishing polish, which he despaired of ever excelling.
The felicity and terse compactness and vividness of its phrasing are unsurpassable. Of course, there is an
occasional looseness in riming, as was rather customary with Burns. As for the alehouse fellowship of Tam
o Souter Johnie, and the skelping ride of the primed farmer through the eerie region in the wild night, genius
could hardly better these. Also, the thunder and lightening storm, and the witches hornpipes and reels at
haunted Alloway, with Auld Nick himself as musician, are certainly more strictly poetical and more thrilling
than the presentation of squalid revelry in the low Mauchline lodging house. But these two poems are really
so dissimilar in theme and method that a comparison of their respective merits seems rather difficult, and
even uncalled for. In both, Burns affords us a more splendid glimpse than elsewhere in his poetic possibilities,
had fortune favoured their full development.
Notwithstanding Carlyles description of Burns as the illiterate Ploughman of Ayrshire, when we consider
the fact that The Jolly Beggars was only a random product of his early and untutored years, one wonders
what he might not have accomplished as a writer of, at least, a certain type of comedy opera libretto. Burns
genius, one would admit, was for short poems. He wrote only a few poems which are of middle length, like
Tam o Shanter and The Vision. His longest poem, The Jolly Beggars, is barely three hundred lines. His
narrative and descriptive poems are often under a hundred lines. But even in the matter of length Burns is an
artist; he knows just how much he can do without loss of power or inspiration. He does go diffuse at times,
when he falls into the wrong sort of southern English. The Vision suffers in this way as it goes along. Using
Scots, he never seems to halt. When he is in the vein, he seems neither long nor short, because both the ear
and the mind of the reader are alive and at the stretch and lose count of time. No one infuses so much life into
so little room. Only Burns does it.
Burns poetic method is different in different kinds of poetry. For instance, his Epistles do not go straight
forward, but chat rapidly, and circle round the subject. They end when they please, like an actual letter. On
the other hand, the satiric and bitter poems, like Holy Willies Prayer, are deliberately concentrated for
effect. Burns leaves off, in these poems, while he is still angry. He never waits till he is placable. Tam o
Shanter is Burnss masterpiece composition in a single metric, perfectly begun and conducted and rounded
off. The Jolly Beggars is his masterpiece in a combination of metres, alternately descriptive and lyrical, a
roaring and yet accordant clamour of changing voices. In this poem, the passion runs so high that a longer
poem at the same tension would be physically impossible. Burns seems to feel that, and leaves off before
there is danger of an ebb. This quality is called classical. Several sayings of Burns himself explain his method
as an artist, which we find exemplified in The Jolly Beggars:
I have two or three times in my life composed from the wish rather than the impulse, but I never
succeeded to any purpose.All my poetry is the effect of easy composition, but of laborious
correction. The rough material of fine writing is certainly the gift of genius; but I as firmly believe
that the workmanship is the united effort of pains, attentions, and repeated trial.
Burnss manuscripts, as well as his comments to Johnson, show his fidelity to this creed. One can connect it,
on one side, with his study of Pope and Addison. On the other, it recalls that of his contemporary Blake, who
preached gospel of execution, or of firm determinate outline. Burnss thrift and precision are among his
greater attributes as a poet.
It does not at all seem fair to read The Jolly Beggars immediately before passing to the humours of the
middle-class topers in Guy Mannering. The Jolly Beggars is Burnss longest, best harmonized, and most
magnificent production, perfectly harmonious in its uproar. It is without even one flagging moment in its evervarying bravura. We see in the poem Pleydell and his companions ready to go back to their offices, and
make money next morning, and litigate. They never whistle owre the lave ot. They respect the main
chance too religiously. Claret is their interlude. An unruffled conscience helps them through the day. The jolly
beggars entertain no such afterthought. They have no choice but to pad the roads, and no choice but to sleep
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under the hedge. And they have to do all this till the next orgy. Their whole real life lies in that evening chorus.
It does not seem possible that Edie Ochiltree will he among them, although it is not an impossibility either. The
songs of these beggars, which Scott praised profusely, are the most splendid literature possible of its own
order. Burns sees them, as Will Waterproof saw London, in a kind of glory. And it is thus that they see
themselves. This is very different from the tolerant light of Scotts comedy of humours, with its easy cunning
gradations.
Burns as A Poet of Freedom

The three poems we have discussed here are, more or less, satires. But they are not the type of satires
Dryden and Pope and Johnson wrote. Burns, unlike these three, did not make any attempt to master the
classics. He never thought of imitating Horace or Juvenal. In that sense of a learned poet, Burns was not a
classic. And yet he practiced some of the finest qualities of classical art. Similarly, he shared a good deal with
the romantics, and yet he was not a romantic in the formal sense in which Blake and wordsworth were.
Hence, he is a classic and not a classic; a romantic and not a romantic. As is clear from these three poems,
his satire is as distinctively Burnsian as anything else he wrote. He is too individualistic to be easily grouped
with any literary movement or style. He does seem to be as unique as Blake was, or Byron was. But behind
all the variety of subject and style, mode and method, there is an essence of the life and temper of his country
which Burns represents, and this essence can be described as the freedom of the natural soul. The special
thing about Burns is the wholeness of this freedom, and the perfection with which it is expressed. In general,
the eighteenth century poet, especially the first founders of the new verse, Crabbe and Cowper, and even
their great successors, Wordsworth and Coleridge, could not claim this wholeness and perfection. They did,
of course, win freedom, but it is not of the kind we come across in Burns. Blake, for sure, has it, and Byron
and Shelley have it afterwards.
The kind of freedom we are talking about need not imply revolutionary or explosive tenets, though it often
accompanies them. The Scottish nature has it except where artificially bound down or cramped in some
fashion. But the English writers, whom Burns read in his youth, have it not. They are highly limited and
controlled. These writers, namely Thomson and Gray, admirable as they are, have around them all kinds of
abstractions Reason, Decorum, Custom, Virtue, standing in arms on all the four sides of their field. Social
ordinance governs the outlook of Crabbe and Cowper. In Wordsworth, life is everywhere regulated by a lofty
self-prescription, often with supreme success, but never without the borders of that self-prescription. Even
Coleridge, otherwise the freest mind of his age, is haunted by the phantom of that order and self-possession
which he could not in his life attain. On the other hand, Blake likes to think that these old sentinels go over as
nine pins at his thrust. He seems stronger here than Burns, because he is quite happy in his freedom. He
never repents, having no cause for headaches. Burns, on his side, has many headaches, having courted
natures slap in the face. He versifies them in moderately good lines. He is indeed all the more a Scot for that.
Finally, Burns achieves his poetic superiority over Blake, not only by his constantly perfect poetic form, but
because he demonstrates more of plain humanity in him. For sure, he shows in him more earth, of the faun,
of the orgiast, and he gives us their poetry. Blake is, no doubt, far more moral than Burns. The only thing is
that his morality is high and imaginative, not that of custom and sentinels. Instead, Burns has the right goat
foot Music in his blood and in his verse. We can see it in Tam o Shanter, in The Jolly Beggars, in the lines
To a Louse, in Death and Doctor Hornbook these are among the best things that Burns did.
At the same time, that is not to say that these poems of Burns are of the highest kind. The only thing is thast
in reading them one forgets the distinction of high and low in the sense of their perfection. These poems show
us not only the freedom, but the natural soul itself. They show us the soul of dirt, and drink, and careless
roaring laughter, and of the sudden lust, and the sweating frenzied quickening dance, and the drunken chorus,
and the profane and greasy and unseemly catch. But if this were all, we should hardly talk of freedom. It
is in the power of Burns to escape from these things, and then to return to them, that the freedom consists.
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Burns the poet is at times a servant of Pan. But he is also, at the same time, an observer, an arch- friend and
caurade, and a hater of hypocrisy. Burns is also a moralist, and in no dry way. He is the one who sees how
illicit love may petrify the feeling. He celebrates the piety of the fireside. It is not that he pulls up in the
middle of a wild dance, and corrects himself, and tries to exorcise Pan; but that he feels different things at
different times, and thoroughly expresses each one of them. That one man, in the course of time, should arise
to give full utterance to all these feelings, and that too in song, is surely no immoderate allowance. But for
Burns, they would not have been sung, or not sung thus, and that complex tune would have been missing from
the endless opera omnia of the poets. That the life of the singer should be broken up and cut short was likely
enough. But we are talking of poetry, and not of such consequences. Nor are we here deploring the weakness
of human will or natures want of scruple in shattering her instruments.
Burns's Excellence as Poet

We may begin by saying that there is nothing new or mysterious in Burns, except his excellence, his perfection.
Even here the secret is an open one. It is his power to represent all things of life, all feelings as they come. As
these things and feelings come, his attempt is to have done with them. When we say that he is a classic, we
do not mean merely that he has left behind poetry that would endure, though that, too, is true. Nor do we
mean to say that he owes something to the narrowly classical school of Pope, though that is true also. We
mean to say rather that he reminds us of the antique, that he represents real life and life with the clearness,
rightness, and beauty of the antique. It can be said that it is the characteristic of Burns. It is why he is so
deeply satisfactory, and why we come back to him again and again, and why we feel that when he is as
remote as Theocritus is today, people will take the trouble to learn his language, and will treat him as an
ancient writer who perennially gives pleasure and entertainment. And all this is there because of his form.
During the period of more than a century that has lapsed after Burns, his perfection, his power of survival,
have asserted themselves continuously.
Carlyle had set the tone early in the nineteenth century, when he asserted in his lively, elegiac prose the
following:
While the Shakespears and Miltons roll on like mighty rivers through the country of thought, bearing
fleets of traffickers and assiduous pearl-fishers on their waves, this little Valclusa fountain will also
arrest our eye, for this also is of Natures own and most cunning workmanship; bursts from the
depths of the earth, with a full gushing current, into the light of day; and often will the traveler turn
aside to drink of its clear waters and muse among its rocks and pines!
Carlyles imagery need not distract us. The message here is clearer through imagery, vivid and visual. Valclusa
fountain suggests Petrarch, who can be considered the earliest modern equivalent to antique rightness and
beauty of form. But Petrarch does not represent life the way Burns does it, the real life of men. For all his
pains, Petrarch does not represent real life of his own. It is Wordsworth who seems closer to Burns in such
qualities. But not when he deliberately tries to be antique as in Laodamia, but when he tells the tale of
Michael or The Brothers. There, indeed, he is perfect, right, simple, and enduring, although he always, and
habitually, steeps his story in reflection and theory. It may sound a little exaggerated, but it is a fact that Burns
at his best writes in a style that answers better than Wordsworths own to the description of poetry that
Wordsworth himself put forth, namely, that it should be written in the real language of men in a state of vivid
sensation, and be purified of all rational causes of disgust and dislike. Burns, more than Wordsworth, uses
such a language, although only when he is himself and is not practicing the eighteenth century English
diction. But he unites it with clearness, and beauty and rightness, and blithe humour. It comes naturally, easily,
to him, as he narrates us in lines which themselves show his command of it. He has just named Jean, his wife:
O, how that Name inspires my style!
The words come skelpin, rank an file,
Amaist before I ken!
80
The ready measure rins as fine,

As Phoebus and the famous Nine
Were glowrin owre my pen.
My spaviet Pegasus will limp,
Till ance hes fairly het;
And then hell hilch, an stilt, an jimp,
And rin an unco fit;
But least then, the beast then
Should me this hasty ride,
Ill light now, and dight now
His sweaty, wizend hide.
It is also wonderful that these powers of Burnss poetry come out when he seems most slapdash and
spontaneous. Note, for example, the lines to James Smith, which express his real, and habitual, mood:
Some rhyme a neebors name to lash;
Some rhyme (vain thought!) for needfu cash:
Some rhyme to court the countra clash,
An raise a din;
For me, an aim I never fash;
I rhyme for fun.
We need not, of course, talk loosely or vaguely about the antique status of Burns. There is no Greek or
Latin Burns. To come nearest to some poet, we shall have to seek some poets who write like Burns. We shall
have to seek someone who writes in dialect, and writes for a homely purpose, to present real life, the life of
homely people. We have to look for some one whose form is rapid, passionate, beautiful, seemingly unstudied,
and yet quite right. A poet like Burns, we look for, who is not afraid of telling us of his own loves and hatreds,
who let his dignity take care of itself, who is himself a piece of nature, a force, who does not talk about being
an artist, or writing self-consciously. One thinks of Catullus, an ancient Greek poet, who has some of these
qualities. One also thinks of Theocritus, who has some of the others. While the former has the speed, the
passion, the lack of dignity, the personal tinge, the monumental form, the latter has the dialect, the gentle,
vivacious play of homely life, the love of nature and fun. Burns seems something of a compound of these two
ancient poets. He came to achieve their qualities, not at all by knowing the ancients, by only by his native gift,
and also but inheriting the long tradition of Scottish poetry, which he took up, crowned and eclipsed the
tradition of Dunbar, Ramsay, and Fergusson, and a hundred nameless poets; so that he is not only a classic,
but the classic of his country.
Books for Further Reading
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
A.R.Humphreys. The Augustan World. London, 1954.

W.L.Phelps. The Beginnings of the English Romantic Movement. Boston, 1893.
G.G.Smith. Scottish Literature. London, 1919.
L.Stephen. English Literature and Society in the Eighteenth Century. London, 1904.
O.Doughty. English Lyric in the Age of Reason. London, 1922.
A.L.Reed. The Background of Grays Elegy: A Study in the Taste For Melancholy Poetry,
1700 1751. New York, 1924.
N.Shuster. The English Ode from Milton to Keats. New York, 1940.
David Cecil. Poetand Storytellers. Cambridge, 1942.
G.Tillotson. Essays in Criticism and Research. Cambridge, 1949.
David Daiches. A Critical History of English Literature. Martin and Warburg Ltd. London, 1960.
Andrew Sanders. Oxford Short History of English Literature. Oxford, 2000.
Question Bank
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
Discuss Gray as a poet of nature.

Examine Grays Elegy in the context of English elegies.
Discuss Grays Odes in terms of their form and content.
Write a note on the classical and romantic elements in Grays poetry.
Discuss Burns as a Scottish poet.
Examine the case of Burns as a satirist.
Is Burns provincial or universal? Discuss.
Discuss Burns as a song writer.
Write a note on Burns as a poet of freedom.
Compare Gray and Burns as eighteenth-century poets.
Discuss Gray and Burns as rural poets.
81

Paper II: Literature in English 1660 1798
Unit 2: Thomas Gray and Robert Burns
THOMAS GRAY (1716 - 1771)
GRAYS LIFE AND TIMES
From the middle of the eighteenth century onward there appeared in English
poetry certain trends which constituted a departure from the neoclassical tradition
that had been in vogue since the time of John Dryden. The famous volume of
poems, Collection of Poems by Several Hands, better known as Dodsleys
Collection, gave representation to these poets who showed a marked change of
poetic style, moving away from the neoclassical. Among these poets one of the
most prominent figures was Thomas Gray. Another prominent poet in the
anthology was William Collins. When we speak of the pre-romantic poets of the
eighteenth century, the names of Gray and Collins always figure together, just as
do the names of Dryden and Pope, of Wordsworth and Coleridge. Cray became
more famous than Collins on the basis of his greatly popular Elegy, better known
as Grays Elegy. Let us acquaint ourselves with his life and times before we look
into the poems which are representative of his work!
Thomas Gray was the son of a London exchange broker. He entered the
famous Eton school in 1725, where he formed a friendly quadrumvirate with
Horace Walpole, Richard West and Thomas Ashton. In 1734, he went to Peterhouse, Cambridge, but left in 1738 without a degree. In 1739, he accompanied
Horace Walpole on a tour of France and Italy. But as a result of a quarrel he
returned to England alone in 1741. He rejoined Cambridge in 1742 to study law.
Most of the rest of his career is associated with this very place. His friendship with
Walpole was renewed in 1745. Walpole published some of Grays poems on his
Strawberry Hill press. During the years 175961, he settled in London so that he
could study in the newly opened British Museum. He was appointed in 1768
Professor of Modern History at Cambridge. In 1771 he was contemplating a
journey to Switzerland to visit his young friend Charles Victor, but death thwarted
his plans.
As his biography would bear it out, Gray was among the most learned of the
English poets. He was widely read in the Romans, in the Greeks, in his great
English predecessors, and in the English versions of Old Norse and Welsh poems.
Coming as he does in the last phase of the neoclassical period and just before the
beginning of the romantic period, Gray typifies the transitional poet who loved
1
tradition and yet courted novelty. He excelled all his contemporaries in meticulous
workmanship as well as in ability to use new materials medieval Welsh or
Scandinavian with imaginative power and dramatic effect. He sought sublime
moods, sensation fortes, and elevated, including primitive materials, to noble
Roman or heroic levels. But Grays poetic production is not so much as one would
expect from a poet of his status. As Grays friend, James Brown, said, he never
spoke out. Just a few pages hold all his poetry. Still the reputation which he has
received by his few pages is extremely high. The predominance of Pope and his
style of poetry in the eighteenth century prevented at that time the frank reception
of Gray by the readers of poetry. His Elegy, of course, pleased all its readers; it
could not but please. But his poetry, on the whole, astonished his contemporaries
more than it pleased them. They found it rather unfamiliar, so unlike the poetry of
Pope and his imitators. However, Grays poetry made its way after his death. As
his second biographer, Mitford, recorded, the works which were either neglected
or ridiculed by their contemporaries have now raised Gray and Collins to the rank
of our two greatest lyric poets.
Critics have offered various explanations for the quantitative limitations of
Grays poetic production. One of these is that perhaps he felt that devotion of all
his leisure time to writing alone would annul his position of genteel amateur. He
seemed inclined, it is said, to savour his refined sensations without the urge to
share them with strangers. For instance, his delight in Alpine scenery did not lead
to Coleridgean Hymne before Sunrise, nor would his pleasure in the English lake
have made him a Wordsworth, had he lived longer. He did not, so to say, pour
himself out. He was, no doubt, receptive and perceptive, but he was not
intellectually very creative. Very much unlike Walpole or Fielding or any typical
poet of his day, he was rather shy. Both his personality and poetry were somberly
affected by sorrows. For example, the death of his closest friend, Richard West,
made him quite melancholic. No wonder Matlhew Arnold liked him immensely,
both being melancholic by temprament. Above all, he perceived and delighted in
beauty. He worked overtime, as no other contemporary of his did, over the
exacting expression of beauty in poetry. For example, his famous Elegy, which is
neither very long nor very complex, occupied his creative hours during perhaps six
years. Walpole rightly remarked about Grays projected but never written history
of English poetry, If he rides Pegasus at his usual foot-pace, [he] will finish the
first page two years hence.
Despite his being slow, stately, and impersonal, however, quite a few of
Grays earlier poems are nevertheless derived from his personal experience of life.
Like the familiar productions of his day, these poems were actually written for
several occasions. A distant prospect of Eton College, where ten years ago, he
had been a schoolboy, led in 1742 the composition of an ode on the subject that
2
involved apparently his personal reflections on the hidden future sorrows awaiting
the happy youngsters seen at play. Here, in this poem, as in his Ode on the Spring,
the diction is still ornately Augustan. Wordsworth found his diction ornate also in
the Sonnet on the Death of Richard West. Grays Ode on the Death of a Favourite
Cat (belonging to Horace Walpole) is a neat and laughing jeu dsprit that he could
approve. Another poem of the period, The Long Story (1753), was less pointed and
finished. Gray excluded it, significantly, from the 1768 edition of his poems. His
contemporary William Cowper, knew this time better. There was little of the riant
in the genius of Gray as poet.
The greatest of Grays poems in fact, the greatest of the eighteenth century
is his Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard. Though perhaps motivated in part
by sorrow over the death of his greatest friend, West, the poem is not yet
particular in any sense. It is, on the contrary, an Elegy for Man or at least for all
average and obscure men. The poem works all along in universal terms. It also
has universal purity. Its propriety and harmony of diction is a great realization of
the ideals of the eighteenth century. In its placid melancholy and its rustic setting
the poem can be considered romantic. But in its treatment of the common man it is
heroic, and even majestic. However, it does not have the tone of Wordsworth. The
poem is compact of what Tennyson called divine truisms. These truisms are
universally, if decorously, affecting. Among poems embodying the ideal of (Popes
definition of wit) what oft was thought but neer so well expressed, this elegy
will always rank very high in the poetic scale. Critics like T.S. Eliot, with an
aversion to reflective common-places in poetry may question the subtlety of the
Elegy, but those admirers of both clarity and subtlety as merit will be content with
the noble and finished transparency of this poem. The poems achievement is, of
its very nature, the opposite of facile. In any case, the divine truisms are not so
easy to come by!
Grays next phase as poet can be said to begin from 1751. As against the
early phase, when he derived inspiration from personal experience, the second
phase derived its poetic stimulus from the poets reading of books rather than from
life. After his famous Elegy followed his two regular Pindaric odes, namely, The
Bard and The Progress of Poesy. Although Grays contemporaries appreciated the
clarity and reflective moralizing of the Elegy, they found the energetic and
rhapsodical qualities of the later odes rather difficult to digest. The imagery of The
Progress of Poesy dazzled more readers than Dr. Johnson. The smattering of
classical allusions in the poem reminded the readers of his age of the Miltonic
manner; it recalled them the schoolroom rather than the glory and grandeur of
Greece and Rome. The management of persons in The Bard, too, requires a sort of
study familiar to the readers of Browning, but quite unfamiliar in Grays time. At
the same time, neither of the two odes is so obscure as it seemed at first sight.
3
Actually, both the poems display unusual energy and imaginative shimmer. The
medieval fable used in The Bard shows dramatic powers not equalled by any
English poet between Milton and Byron. These odes of Grays approached the
sublime as is done by very few others in the eighteenth century that adored Milton
and Longinus. Though the rhythms in these poems sound, at first, dithyrambic,
they are rigidly correct within the true Pindaric form.
Gray, significantly, published no poem in his life time written in the heroic
couplet. He did use the heroic couplet in a few translations of brief length. He had
also begun in heroic couplet his didactic poem, Education and Government. Yet
Grays achievement in other metres and his critical interest in them have earned
him great importance in the history of English metrics. His metrical range from the
somewhat cold pomp of the heroic quatrains in his Elegy to the energetic outburst
of his Pindarics and the later primitive chants is unparalleled in the eighteenth
century. His interest in the technical aspect of poetry went, in fact, beyond metres.
He was, besides being a poet, also a historian and antiquarian. He had long been
interested in the early verse form and medieval poetic materials. He was deeply
drawn to Norse antiquities and poetry. He translated two Norse poems as The Fatal
Sisters and The Descent of Odin. He also drew upon ancient Welsh poetry, which
furnished materials for his The Triumphs of Owen and The death of Hoel. Gray and
others significantly turned, as Gibbon did not, from the Greeco-Roman tradition to
Northern antiquities, from classically correct elegies and Pindarics to the Primitive
minstrelsy of the North. When Gray edited his poems for the last time in 1768, he
also became Professor of Modern History at Cambridge. It is highly remarkable
that learning and poetry combine so perfectly in the wild runic chants of these
last products of his muse.
CRITICAL OPINIONS
Thomas Gray is one those few English poets who have the honour of having
been recognized as great right at the time they wrote. All of his contemporaries,
except those blindly committed to neoclassicism, lavished praise on Grays poetry.
It is only a critic like Dr Johnson who could be cold in his appreciation of Grays
genius. No wonder Gray himself disliked Johnson, so much so that he refused to
make his acquaintance. It may be for this very reason that Johnson wrote with
some irritation. Even otherwise, Johnson was not fitted by nature to do justice to
Gray and his poetry. In his Lives of Poets Johnson does, of course, add the life of
Gray. Decidedly, Johnson did injustice to Gray, whose life he had to write, but
even his domineering authority failed to make injustice prevail. Lord Macaulay
rightly calls Johnsons life of Gray the worst of his Lives. Even before Macaulay, it
had received many censures. Grays poetical reputation grew and flourished
despite what Johnson chose to say about his poetry. Grays first biographer,
4
Mason, who himself was a poet, compared him with Pindar. Britain has known,
says Mason in his epitaph for gray,
. a Homers fire in Miltons strains,
A Pindars rapture in the lyre of Gray.
Johnsons disparagement of Gray was called petulant and was severely blamed.
The very controversy it raised proves its being rather unfair.
At the end of the eighteenth century, Beattie wrote to Sir William Forbes,
saying, Of all the English poets of this age Mr. Gray is most admired, and I think
with justice. William Cowper, a contemporary of Gray, wrote, I have been
reading Grays works and think him the only poet since Shakespeare entitled to the
character of sublime. Adam smith, the famous classical economist and a
contemporary of Gray, also said, Gray joins to the sublimity of Milton the
elegance and harmony of Pope; and nothing is wanting to render him, perhaps, the
first poet in the English language, but to have written a little more. In the
nineteenth century, Sir James Mackintosh said of Gray: Of all English poets he
was the most finished artist. He attained the highest degree of splendour of which
poetical style seemed to be capable. Although he himself did not share the general
praise showered on his Elegy, Gray has been remembered all these years by that
one poem more than any other. No less critical praise has been hastowed upon
Gray as a learned man of letters. He has reveived as much praise for his learning as
he has received for his poetry.
Speaking of Grays learning, his friend Temple wrote, Mr Gray was
perhaps the most learned man in Europe. He knew every branch of histiry both
natural and civil; had read all the original historians of England, France and Italy;
and was a great antiquarian. Criticism, mataphysics, morals, politics, made a
principal part of his study. Voyages and travels of all sorts were his favourite
qmusements; and he had a fine taste of painting, paints, architecture, and
gardening. Versatile genius as Gray was, his interest extended in all areas of
knowledge. But as poet, he was as much concerned with the theory of poetry as he
was with its practice. No doubt, he did not write any formal treatise on the theory
of poetry, nor did he leave behind any formal criticism of poetry or poets. But his
scattered critical comments in his latters to friends clearly show that he was a
concious craftsman of poetry and a keen observer of matters aesthetic. Let us have
a look at some of his critical comments aviliable to us in his non-poetical writings.
One of Grays critical comments appears on the first theoritician of literature,
Aristitle: In the first place he is the hardest author by far I ever meddled with.
Then he has a dry conciseness that makes one imagine one is pursuing a table of
contents rather than a book; it tastes far all the world like chopped hay, or rather
like chopped logic; far he has a violent affection to that art, being in some sort his
own invention; so that he often loses himself in little trifling distinctions and verbal
5
niceties, and what is worse, leaves you to extricate yourself as you can. Thirdly, he
has suffered vastly by his transcribers, as all authors of great brevity necessarily
must. Fourthly and lastly, which makes him well worth the pains he gives one. You
see what you have to expect. Grays comments on Froissart are equally
perceptive, and more interesting since they are related to literature rather than
logic. He says the following: I rejoice you have met with Froissart, he is the
Herodotus of a harbarons age; had he but had the luck of writing in as good a
language, he might have been immortal . When you have tant chevauche as to
get to the end of him, there Monstrelet waits to take you up, and will set you down
at Philip de Commines; but previous to all these, you should have read
Villehardouin and Joinville. These are certainly critical comments on unfamiliar
subjects, not very well known to the average student of English. But Gray has left
behind even more elaborate comments than these on the English Writers and their
works. Let us have a look at some of those comments!
Like any other English poet, Gray also comment avoid speaking on
Shakespeare. The context of his comment is necessary to consider before a proper
appreciation of what he says can be made. The context is that Grays friend, West,
had praised Racine, the Latin dramatist, for using in his plays the language of the
times and that of the purest sort. West had also added, I will not decide what
style is fit for our English stage, but I should rather choose one that bordered upon
Cato, than upon Shakespeare. It may be noted that West makes a reference here to
Cato, a tragedy on the Greek model written by Addison. To the remarks made by
West, Gray responded in the following words:
As to matter of style, I have this to say: the longuage of the age is
never the language of poetry; except among the French, whose
verse, where the thought does not support it, differs in nothing from
prose. Our poetry, on the contrary, has a language peculiar to itself,
to which almost every one that has written has added something. In
truth, Shakespeares language is one of his principal beauties; and he
has no less advantage over your Addisons and Rowes in this, than in
those other great excellences you mention. Every word in him is a
picture. Pray put me the following lines into the tongue of our
modern dramatist
But I, that am not shaped for sportive tricks,
Nor made to court an amorous looking-glass-and what
follows? To me they appear untranslatable; and if this be the
case, our language is greatly degenerated.
As Arnold has remarked, it is impossible for a poet to lay down the rules of his
own art with more insight, soundness and certainty. Yet at the moment in England
there was perhaps not one other man, besides Gray, capable of writing the passage
just quoted.
Returning to Grays Poetry, it can be said with Arnold that his poetry not
only got stinted in quantity by reason of the age wherein he lived, it somewhat
suffered in quality also. It was under pressure of the age, for example, that he had
to profess himself to be under obligation to Dryden. If there was any excellence in
his numbers, he had learned it wholly from that great poet. He came at a time
when Dryden had, in the words of Dr Johnson, embellished English poetry; had
found it brick and left it marble. He came at a time when, to use Dr Johnsons
words once again, The English ear had been accustomed to the mellifluence of
Popes numbers, and the diction of poetry had grown more splendid. Gray could
not have remained unaffected by these strong winds of his age. He came under the
influence of these winds, and caught the intellectualities, ingenuities,
personifications, of the movement and diction of Dryden and Pope. Grays natural
genius, in all diction of Dryden and Pope. Grays natural genius, in all probability,
got curbed under these heavy winds of neoclassicism. Whatever little he did
produce, his age. In the language of Malthew Arnold, while the verse that Gray
wrote consitituted genuine poetry, the poetry of Dryden and Pope, and all their
school, was conceived in their wits. In Arnolds view, genuine poetry is conceived
and composed in the soul. The difference between the two kinds of poetry, in his
view, is immense.
The difference between genuine poetry, of which Gray was highly capable
to compose, and the poetry of wit, of which Dryden and Pope were perfect models,
is remarkably made out by Arnold in the following passage, which it is necessary
to cite in full:
The difference between two kinds of poetry is immence. They differ
profoundly in their modes of language, they differ profoundly in their
modes of evoluation. The poetic language of our eighteenth century in
general is the language of men composing without their eye on the
object, as Wodsworth excellently said of Dryden; language merely
recalling the object, as the common language of prose does, and then
dressing it out with a certain smartness and brilliancy for the fancy
and understanding. This is called splendid diction.The evoluation of
the poetry of our eighteenth century is likewise intellectual; it
proceeds by ratiocination, antithesis, ingenious turns and conceits.
This poetry os often eloquent, and always, in the hands of such
masters as Dryden and Pope, clever; but it does not take us much
below the surface of things in their truth and beauty. The language of
genuine poetry, on the other hand, is the language of one composing
with his eye on the object; its evolution is that of a thing which has
7
been plunged in the poets soul until it comes forth naturally and
necessarily. This sort of evolution is infinitely simpler than the other,
and infinitely more satisfying; the same thing is true of the genuine
poetic language likewise. But they are both of them also infinitely
harder of attainment; they come only from those who, as Emerson
says, live from a great depth of being.
No doubt, Grays prodiction, as said earlier, was scanty, and scanty, as
argued earlier, it could not but be. Also, even what he produced is not always pure
in diction, true in evolution. And yet, despite all the drawbacks it embraced from
its age, Grays poetry alone can be considered a case of genuine poetry in the
eighteenth century. As Gray himself remarked, the style he aimed at was extreme
conciseness of expression, yet pure, peropicuous, and musical. If compared, not
with the poetry of the great masters such as Shakespeare, Spenser, Milton, etc., but
with the poetry of his own contemporaries in general, Grays may be said to have
reached, as Arnold insists, in style, the excellence at which he aimed.
GRAYS BORROWINGS
Grays poetry is often a remarkable tissue of the phrases he borrows from

other poets. These borrowings cannot be ignored by those familiar with the works
of the English poets. Gray was not unmindful of this aspect of his poetry. After
making a confession of some borrowings in his Pindaric Odes, he wrote to
Bedingfield on 27 August 1756, do not wonder therefore, if some Magazine or
Review call me Plagiary: I could show them a hundred more instances, which they
never will discover themselves. Norton Nicholls recorded in his Reminiscences
of the poet that Gray congratulated himself on not having a good verbal memory;
for, without it he said he had initated too much; and if he had possessed such a
memory all that he wrote would have been initation, from his having read so
much. Grays friend, Richard Hurd, wrote his Discourse concerning Poetic
Imitation (1751) and the Letter to Mr Mason on the Marks of Imilation (1757),
which perhaps disturbed Gray rather strongly. Consequently, considering Hurds
distinction between legitimate imitation and mere plagiarism, Gray acknowledged
some of his borrowings in his collected Poems in 1768. The measure turned
borrowings into acceptable imitations. After Grays death, his editors have stesdily
added to the number of such debts. Critics of his poetry were thus able to point to a
lack of originality or even to accuse him of plagiarism. On the other hand, his
admirers appealed to the older concept of legitimate imitation of early poets. They
emphasized Grays skill in blending and improving what he borrowed.
In dealing with the borrowing aspect of Grays (or, for that matter, any
poets) work, one is frequently surprised by the lack of caution and discrimination
of those who produce or discuss the significance of such echoes or borrowings. We
8
must always bear in mind the possibility of concidence unless the parallels are
striking; mere parallels or echoes need not be taken into account. Some parallels do
verge upon imitation, in the sense acceptable to the eighteenth century, where
the reader was expected to appreciate the parallel as a virtual allusion to another
poet. Among Grays, or anyone eless, borrowings, those making sustained
patterns found in his poetry are perhaps of the greatest interests. And it is these
which have siginificance for the literary historian in indicating new and important
areas of influence on Gray. Most borrowings in his case seem to have come from
Spenser, Shakespeare, and Milton. These borrowings reveal the reorientation of
much mid-eighteenth-century poetry towards the earlier English tradition. They
also account for Gras conscious archaic effects in his poetry. It is important to
note that Gray once told Nicholls that he never sat down to compose poetry
without reading Spenser for a considerable time previously.
Grays borrowings are also not limited to those taken from Spensor,
Shakespeare and Milton. It should not be forgotten that the minds and ears of mideighteenth-century poets were still saturated with the poetry of Dryden and Pope.
Other parallels indicate that certain words and phrases were the common poetic
property of the age. They do not propose any particular source. Certain parallels
can also emphasize new poetic vogues or preoccupations of the period, as they do
in the case of Gray (and Collins). For example, the influence of james Thonison on
both Gray and Collins becomes more than ever clear. Other parallels indicate
Grays relationship to the melancholy poetry popular in the 1740s. the final
inteest of the parallels is perhaps a matter of literary personality or the creative
process. In the case of Gray, one is at times confronted with a kind of literary
kleptomania, such is his dependeance on the phrasing and thoughts of other poets.
In the context of the eighteenth-century, the question of borrowings may not be a
great literary sin. We know how learning was valued by the neoclassical critical
credo, how it was the first step of learning to initate the great masters, and how it
was a great mark of excellence to come up with similar, parallel, or improved
construction of phrases and clauses, echoing the earlier poets. From Chaucer to
Spensor to Dryden to Pope, the tradition is seen enriched by these borrowings
and imitations of the Greek, Latin, and French masters. By the time Gray came on
the scence, masters like Spensor, Shakespeare and Milton had emerged in the
native English tradition as well. Hence, we need not make much of Grays
borrowings, except taking note of them for the useful awareness of his affinities
and relationships with the neoclassical, and its opposite, tradition in English
Poetry.
ELEGY WRITTEN IN A COUNTRY CHURCHYARD
With this much background knowledge about Gray as man and poet, about
his age and tradition, we can now take up his individual poems meant for our
special consideration. His best known poem, also considered his greatest, is the
Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard. This poem, it is generally belived, may
have been begun in August 1742, after the death of Grays dearest friend, Richard
West, who died on June, 1742. Gray also wrote about the same time his Eton
College Ode and Sonnet on the Death of Richard West. As usual with Gray, he
took very long to finish his Elegy. Actively engaged since 1746, he completed the
poem in 1750, when on June 12 that year he sent its finished manskript to Horace
Walpole. Gray was known for his patience as poet, for he never rushed into prints,
and took time to always revise and reconsider his compositions. There are, in fact,
two versions of the Elegy, with substantial differences between them. The endings
of the two versions are altogether different. Gray was shocked to see the several
manuscript copies of the poem in circulation, especially on receving an offer of its
publication by the Magazine of Magazinea. His prompt response was to write to
Walpole, asking him to urgently get the poem published by Dodsley, a wellknown
and prestigious publisher of poetry, keeping his authorship a secret. Dodsley
finally brought out the poem on 15 February 1751 as a quarto pamphlet, and
without the authors name. In this edition, the poem is not divided into stanzas of
rythyning quatrains. The very next day of the poems publication by Dodsley
appeared another version of the poem in the Magazine of Magazines, with the
name of the author appended to the poem. Four more editions followed in the next
two months, and many more soon after. The poem became so popular that it was
translated into several Europeans languages.
Grays famous Elegy contains many borrowings from earlier poets, in
particular such classical poets as Virgil, Lucretius, Horace, etc. The poem also
echoes Drydens translation of Virgil, and Miltons early poetry. Even lines from
contemporary poets can be seen copied in modified forms. Of special interest in
this regard are Thomas Waston, Akenside, Young Thomson, Collins, Parnell and
many more. The poem runs into 128 lines, consisting of 32 stanzas of 4 lines each
called quatrain, with the rythme scheme of a b a b. The popular balland stanza
form has a charm of its own, as it can be easily to music. Let us analyse the poem
in terms of its theme, mood, and atmosphere, noting how the poet arrives at certain
effects through the use of several poetic devices.
Much against the temperament of Gray, an introvert academic always busy
with his books, his Elegy struck a note in every heart and earned popular acclaim,
which was unprecedented. Although not an admirer of Gray, Dr. Johnson gives the
most convincing reason for the poems popularity. The Churchyard abounds
10
with images which find a mirror in every mind, and with sentiments to which every
bossom returns an echo. Had Gray written often thus, it had been vain to blame
and useless to praise him. Generations of readers since then have endorsed
Johnsons judgment. Another reason, though not as powerful, is the poems wealth
of quotable lines and phrases, which no other single poem of similar size has ever
made available to mankind. Some of these quotable lines and phrases are The
paths of glory lead but to the grave; Full many a gem of purest ray serene;
Some mute inglorious Milton; Far from the madding crowds ignoble strife;
Some village Hampden that with dauntless breast; etc.
We need to know how Gray has managed to catch the ear of the common
readers, captivate the hearts of generations, and what did the Elegy mean to them?
As usual with any work of art, Grays poem has not meant the same to all
generations. Each age tends to interpret the poem in terms of its own interests and
ideals. In Grays own time, what appealed most to the common reader was the
sententious moralizing of the poems opening part. Another aspect of the poem that
the eighteenth century readers liked was its Miltonic diction. It may sound a
stumbling block today, but it carried prestige in an age in which Milton was
idolized. Not less popular in Grays time was the poems macabre tone produced
by the graveyard scenery and the moping owl. The theme of the poem was also in
consonance with the commandment of the age that Pope issued for poetry to be
what oft was thought but never so well expressed. All these factors combined to
give the poem the greatest popularity never enjoyed by any other poem of the age.
Although nineteenth century did not take kindly to the style of poetry represented
by Dryden and Pope, it made an exception for Grays Elegy, which continued to be
popular as before. It was read by the Romantics and the Victorious as a
preromantic poem one that glorified the common man, the rural folk, who
represented simplicity and purity of life. The shift in emphasis could also be seen
in their reading of the line like The paths of glory lead but to the grave. It no
longer meant as inevitability of death; rather, it meant a strong warning to the
upper classes. The great and the proud need to know the end of the pursuits, which
was the burial ground. Matthew Arnold made the representative statement for the
nineteenth century when he declared Gray a minor among the major English poets
but still greater than all the poets between Dryden and Johnson. Arnold viewed
Gray as a genuine poet, not a poet of wit, and his poetry, poetry of soul. So the
meaning of Grays poem underwent a radical change.
In the twentieth century, neither of the two meanings of the poem is taken
altogether wrong or right. Both the approaches to the poem, in fact, stand
discarded, since we find critics looking for new concerns, such as obscurities and
incoherences in the poems text, looking for plausible explanations for them.
Questions have also been raised about the coherence between the two parts of the
11
poem, since they seem rather unrelated in terms of the subject matter. Biographical
explanations for Grays melancholy in the poem have also been a favourite hunting
ground for critics. Rhetorical ironies have also been attributed to Gray, which, it is
argued, construct the structure of the poem. All the shades of critical approach to
the poem in our time concern the technical, more than the thematic, side.
Consequently, the popular-appeal side of the poem is altogether obliterated.
Returning to the question of the poems meaning, we see that on the face of
it the poet seems to glorify rural life and undermine the urban life of pomp and
show. Biographical critics have drawn our attention to the fact that in real life Gray
was never credited with any fascination for the rural life, much less for its poor
folk. He had, we are told, strong antipathy for life of labour, and prefered to live on
patronage. Whatever be the individual case of Gray as man, as poet, we find in his
Elegy, he does show great sympathy for the disadvantaged lot of the rural masses.
Also, in making a plea for the honest and simple life of the village and glorifying
the virtues of village life was nothing unusual in the eighteenth century. One can
recall here Popes Ode on Solitude, Goldsmiths The Deserted Village, Johnsons
Vanity of Human Wishes, to see the vogue of such a theme in Grays time. Of
course, this glorification is done from a distance; it is the urban dwellers distant
view of a less than civilized life. There is, no doubt, sympathy for the poor rural
folk in general in these poems, but there is also an element of patronage as well as
of inverted snobbery. Not that they would bargain their urban comforts for the hard
rural life. They would only entertain such a thought because it gives you a pleasing
feeling. And yet, in Grays poem, more than in the poem of any other poet of his
age on the same theme, there is a ring and resonance of an honest concern for those
who come and go unnoticed in the pageantry of life. And it is this ring and
resonance which has kept the poem alive through the ages. As Johnson said in the
context of Shakespeare, nothing can please many and please long but the just
representation of nature. It is this just representation of nature in Grays Elegy
which distinguishes it from the conventional lot by his contemporaries on the
subject of rural life.
Whatever else may invite disagreement among critics, the poems pastoral
character and melancholic note have always been affirmed. The tone is set, the
mood measured, and the atmosphere created, by the very opening stanza of the
poem:
The curfew tolls the knell of parting day,
The lowing herd wind slowly over the lea,
The ploughman homeward plods his weary way,
And leaves the world to darkness and to me.
Note how the atmosphere of retreat into the rural life is built up through a set of
simple images of village life. The last line inducts the note of darkness, death, and
12
personal loss, or grief to the poet. The next stanza further carries the task by adding
to the retreat the element of solitude:
Now fades the glimmering landscape on the sight,
And all the air a solemn stillness holds,
Save where the beetle wheels his droning flight,
And drowsy tinklings lull the distant folds;
Here are typical romantic strokes of the twilight atmosphere, of solemn stillness, of
natural sounds filling the solitude, of drowsy and lulling tinklings. In a romantic
poem, imagery plays always an important part in creating atmosphere appropriate
to the subject or theme, in striking an equally appropriate mood.
The contrast between the rural and the urban, the simple and the
sophisticated, the poor and the powerful, the sincere and the showy, is set up in the
poem for emphasizing the virtues of the rural, and for exposing the emptiness of
the urban. Here are the key stanzas that bring out the contrast very clearly and
effectively:
Let not Ambition mock their useful toil,
Their homely joys and destiny obscure;
Nor Grandeur hear, with a disdainful smile,
The short and simple annals of the poor.
The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power,
And all that beauty, all that wealth eer gave,
Awaits alike the inevitable hour.
The paths of glory lead but to the grave.
Here, in these two stanzas, the mode changes from the romantic moodmaking to
the neoclassical sententious observation. These lines remind us of the reflective
poem so typical of the period between Pope and Johnson. The latters Vanity of
Human Wishes automatically comes to mind. Observation and reflection were
central to the eighteenth century, just as meditation and imagination were to the
nineteenth. Thus, we can see how Gray, being a transitional poet, combines in his
poetry, even in this single poem of his, the dominant qualities of both the romantic,
as well as the neoclassical, style of poetry.
Whenever the Restoration and Augustan poets came to write upon the theme
of vanity of human wishes, and they did that quite often, Cromwell always came
handy as an example of inordinate ambition meeting with the inevitable fall. Gray
follows the same convention of his age. The antiCromwelbain Restoration and,
later, The Augustan readers would be very receptive to such an example. The satire
on Cromwell, here, is more indirect than direct. We are told how the rural folk is
not like Cromwell, guiltless of his countrys blood:
Their lot forbade: nor circumscribed alone
13
Their growing virtues, but their crimes confined;

Forbade to wade through slaughter to a throne,
And shut the gates of mercy on mankind.
The manner, as well as the subject, is typically neoclassical. One cannot miss the
Restorational and Augustan punch at the Puritans, especially the leader of the
roundheads. The poem proceeds logically through the binary oppositions drawn
from the antithesis of ruralurban theme. But it runs into trouble when it comes to
conclude the matter of the poem. The trouble can be seen in the fact that the poem
has, not one, but two endings.
Thus, the crucial fact about the poem is that we possess two distinct versions
of it. All discussions of the poem have naturally taken account of this crucial fact.
One of the versions originally ends with the four rejected stanzas in what is called
the Eton manuscript. The other is the more familiar, revised and expanded version.
In the absence of these four concluding stanzas of the expanded version the poem
is a very well contructed piece. In more than one way, it is more balanced and
lucid than the poem in its expanded version. The three opening stanzas solidly
setting the poem and the poet in the churchyard, are followed by four balanced
sections each consisting of four stanzas, dealing alternately with the lives of the
humble village folk; by contrast, with the lives of the great; with the way the
villagers are deprived of the opportunities of gaining greatness; and by contrast,
with the crimes inextricably involved in success as the thoughtless world knows
it, from which the villagers are protected. The last three stanzas, balancing the
opening three, return to the poet himself in the churchyard, making clear that the
whole poem has been a debate within the poets own mind as he meditates in the
darkness. At the end of this meditation the poet makes his own choice about the
preferability of the obscure innocence to the dangers of the great world.
One cannot miss here the echoes of two great classical poems in praise of
rural retirement from the corruption of the court and city; that is, Virgils Georgics
and Horaces second Epode. The echoes are in keeping with the pervasive
influence of these poems on the neoclassical poetry. In the concluding rejected
stanzas of the first version of Grays Elegy the classical praise of retirement is
successfully blended with the Christian consolation, that this world is nothing but
vanity and that comfort for the afflicted will come in the next. Grays handling of
this religious aspect is very restrained. In fact, it is so restrained that only the
highly motivated Christian reader would insist upon the poems massage being
Christian. As a matter of fact, the poems appeal lies in its being precisely not
narrowly Christian but broadly humanitarian and humanist. What emerges as a
virtue of the poem is its classical or Augustan restraint and balance which preserve
the poem from the romantic excesses of emotion and idealism. This virtue is also
14
manifested in the balanced structure of the poem as a whole, as well as in the

balancing effect of the basic quatrain unit.
The conclusion of the first version of the Elegy, it seems, failed to satisfy
Gray. It may be partly due to its being too overtly personal. It may also be because
its very symmetry and order represented an oversimplification of his own
predicament, of the way he saw his own life and wished it to be seen by society. A
simple identification with the innocent but uneducated rural people was mere self
deception. Grays continuation of the poem may lack some of the clarity, control
and authority of the earlier stanzas. At the same time, it also represents a genuine
attempt to redefine and justify his actual relationship with society more accurately
by merging it with a dramatization of the social role played by poetry or the poet.
As Gray starts to rewrite the poem, the simple antithesis of rich and poor, of vice
and virtue, of life and death, which underlay the first version, get replaced by a
preoccupation with the desire to be remembered after death. Now, here comes into
play a concern which combines both rich and poor, making the splendid
monuments and the frail memorials equally pathetic. The revised concern or
theme runs contrary to the earlier resignation to obscurity. The present expectation
of eternal peace hereafter leads Gray to contemplate the sort of ways in which he
himself, or the poet into whom Gray projects himself, may be remembered after his
death. The assessment that Gray finally gives in the words of the hoaryheaded
swan and of the Epitaph (not necessarily meant to be identical) also evaluate the
poets role in society. Unlike the poet in the poetry of Pope and Johnson, in Gray
the figure is no longer urban, urbane, worldly, rational Augustan man among men,
with his own place in society. What Grays poem dramatizes is the poet as
outsider, with an uneasy consciousness of a sensibility and imagination at once
unique and burdensome.
The lack of social function, so apparent in the poetry of the preromantics, is
constantly betrayed by its search for inspiration in the past. It is very significant
that Grays description of the lonely, melancholy poet is riddled with phrases and
diction borrowed from Spenser, Shakespeare and Milton. The texture of these
stanzas is fanciful, consciously poetic, archaic in tone. If the swains picture of
the lonely poet is respectful but confused, stressing the unique and valuable
sensibility characterizing him, the Epitaph, from a different standpoint, assesses
that sensibility as the source of such social virtues as pity and benevolence. One
can recall here Grays Pindaric Odes of the 1750s where he is continuously
preoccupied with the subject of the function of poetry in society. Although Gray
asserts the value of poetry, the deliberate obscurity of the Odes betrays Grays own
conviction that poetry could not, and perhaps should not, attempt any longer to
communicate with society as a whole. The central figure of The Bard himself is not
an unpredictable development of the poet at the end of the Elegy, which is more
15
defiant in its belief that poetry and liberty in society are in reparably involved with
each other. His awareness of the forces hostile to poetry as well as his awareness
that poetry is equally isolated and doomed becomes quite clear in the poem.
(ii) THE PROGRESS OF POESY: A PINDARIC ODE
Gray wrote this poem in Sept. 1751 and Dec. 1754. He wrote to Walpole
saying, I dont know I may send him [Dodsley] very soon (by your hands) an ode
to his own tooth, a high Pindarick upon stilts, which one must be a better scholar
than he is to understand but a little matter here and there. It was but seventeen lines
of having an end, I dont say of being finished. As it is so unfortunate to come too
late for Mr. Bentley, it may appear in the fourth volume of the Miscellanies,
provided you dont think it execrable, and suppress it. The poem was written, as
Gray said, by fits and starts, and it was not really finished. As William Mason, a
friend of Gray, revealed, though I admired it greatly, and thought that it breathed
the very spirit of Pindar, yet I suspected it would by no means hit the public taste.
This opinion of Mason had an adverse effect on the poem. Gray lost enthusiasm for
it, and never finished it the way he had planned. When asked by Mason about the
poems completion, Gray always replied, No, you have thrown cold water upon
it. When published it finally in 1757, the poem was entitled merely Ode, and it
was only in 1768 that it received its full title. Gray prefixed a motto to the two
Odes he published in 1757 The Progress of Poesy and The Bard which he
himself translated from Pindar. The motto reads as Vocal to the Intelligent alone.
He then amplified the quotation in 1768. Horace Walpole tried to persuade Gray to
add more notes to the poems to help the reader, but he would not agree and would
only say, Whatever wants to be explained, dont deserve to be. Grays belief
was, as he told Walpole, I do not love notes . They are signs of weakness and
obscurity. If a thing cannot be understood without them, it had better be not
understood at all.
AS AN ODE
Confronted with the confusions and misunderstandings the poems caused the
readers, Gray finally decided, in 1768, to provide an extinsive prose commentary
on the poem. However, the Odes come to be admired eventually as only next to his
Elegy. Like The Bard, The Progress of Poesy is a Pindaric Ode. The effective
introduction of the Pindaric Ode in English has generally been attributed to
Cowley, whose Pindarique Odes were published in 1656, although he was
unaware of the metrical and structural principles of Pinders poetry. The irregular
stanzaic forms of his imitations contributed a good deal to what became a common
misconception of Pindar as an impassioned poet, whose genius was unrestrained
16
by normal rules. This misconception, as well as the popularity of the Pindaric ode
itself, was fostered by Drydens masterly use of the irregular stanza in his Song for
St. Cecelias Day and Alexanders Feast. As an effective vehicle for enthusiastic
religious and patriotic poetry, the Pindaric ode became a popular form, permitting,
presumably, any kind of metrical and thematic inconsequentiality, providing an
attractively emancipated alternative to the logical and metrical demands of stricter
verse forms. William Congreve, as early as 1706, had raised a protest against this
misconception of Pindar. In his preface to his Pindarique Ode to the Queen, he
objected that most of the supposed imitations of Pindar were merely a Bundle of
rambling incoherent thoughts, expressed in a like parcel of irregular stanzas, which
also consist of such another complication of disproportioned, uncertain and
perplexed verses and Rymes.
Congreve not only objected to the general misunderstanding of the Pindric
Ode, he also expounded the true principles of Pindars odes in order to show that
there is nothing more regular than the Odes of Pinder, both as to the exact
observation of the Measures and Numbers of his stanzas and verses, and the
perpetual coherence of his thoughts. As Congreve explained, the Pindaric ode
usually (but by no means inevitably) consisted of three stanzas the strophe,
antistrophe and epode. The poet fixed the metric and the stanzaic form of the
strophe (which varied from ode to ode), which had to be duplicated precisely in the
antistrophe. In the epode the poet devised another, usually contrasting, stanzaic
form. The ode could consist of several sets of three stanzas, but the stanzaic form
established in the first set had to be duplicated exactly thereafter. Pindar himself
varies this basic form, which however is followed meticulously by Gray. Although
it gave enough scope for metrical variation within the symmetrical pattern, it was
never irregular as it was misconceived to be.
Highly learned as he was, Gray did not require the guidence of Congreve to
know what Pindaric ode was like. In his notes on Pindar, Gray transcribed several
of the passages from the Greek poet which he was later to imitate in The Progress
of Poesy. It is not surprising, therefore, that Gray closely observed the principles of
Pindars ode, more faithfully than was done by any other English poet. Gray also
tried to capture the manner of Pindars odes by imitating the highly allusive and
concise narrative technique and the swift transitions from one topic to another
which characterize them. Grays repeated emphasis on the learned character of his
Pindaric odes indicates his desire to dissociate himself from the debased, irregular
form, which had, in any case, lost much of its popularity by the middle of the
eighteenth century. Grays own preference for the length of stanza desirable in the
strophe and antistrophe is expressed in the following words: If it is too great, it
has little or no effect upon the ear, which scarce perceives the regular return of
17
Metres at so great a distance from one another, to make it succeed, I am persuaded

the stanzas must not consist of above 9 lines each at the most.
AS A PROGRESS POEM
Grays The Progress of Poesy, as the litle itself suggests, is a progress

poem. As such it belongs to the most popular poetic genres of the neoclassical
period. The genre of the progress poem flurished as the Augustans developed a
historical pesspective establishing them as heirs to the ancient civilization of
Greece and Rome. The purpose of the progress poem was to expound this
genealogy, tracing back their arts and virtues to greece and then describing the
continuous historical and geographical progress westward to Britain. The route
could show minor varitions, but usually proceeded through Rome and medieval
Italy. As Grays own The Progress of Poesy reveals, the reason for the steady
progress of the arts to Britain was the decline of liberty in the earlier cultural
centres of the world. As the Augustans sincerely believed, true liberty was to be
found only in Britain making it inevitable for the arts to settle there. One can recall
here the explicit descriptions of the route followed by liberty herself to Britain in
such progress poems as Thomsons Liberty and Collinss Ode to Liberty. By the
time we reach the mid-eighteenth century, the patriotic conviction, that the
classical arts and virtues had not merely been transmitted to Britain but had thrived
there as never before was already losing some of its confidence. It was out of the
sense of the past that the progress poem sprang. This very sense produced in this
new generation a sense of inferiority rather than simple complacency. As an
example of such a sense is the conclusion of Grays Progress of Poesy, as well as
Collins Ode on the Poetical Character.
The poem opens with the following lines, which state the very theme:
Awake, Aeolian lyre, awake,
And give to rapture all thy trembling strings.
From Helicons harmonious springs
A thousand rills their mazy progress take:
Since Pindar styled his own poetry with its musical accompanyments, Gray begins
his poem with that association. The subject and simile, as usual with Pindar, are
united. The various sources of poetry, which imparts life and lustre to all it
touches, are here described. Its quiet majestic progress enriches every subject
(otherwise dry and barren) with a pomp of diction and luxuriant harmony of when
swollen and burried away by the conflict of more than clear that Gray is imitating
the Pythian Odes of Pindar, which celebrate the power of the lyre:
Oh! Sovereign of the willing soul,
Parent of sweet and solemn breathing airs,
Enchantingphell! The sullen cares
18
And frantic Passions hear thy soft control.

The firt lyre was conventionally supposed to have been invented by goddess
hermes from strings stretched across a tortoise shell. The long from lavish praise of
the lyre over, Gray returns to the familiar Augustan theme of discoursing on the
status of man.
Mans feeble race what ills await,
Labour, and penury, the racks of pain,
Disease, and sorrows weeping train,
And death, and refuge from the storms of fate!
The picture these lines draw of mans life on earth is familiar enough to an
eighteenth-century reader. Popes Essay on Man instantly comes to mind. It was to
compensate the real and imaginary ills of mans life that the muse was given, in the
classical belief, to mankind by the same providence that sends the Day by its
cheerful presence to dispel the gloom and terror of the Night. Like Milton, Grays
poem is full of classical allusions, and traces the progress of poesy from greece to
Rome to Britain through a maze of imagery evoking the classical antiquity and its
stream of lineage that comes down to the chosen britain.
Grays poem ends with a repeated tribute to the lyre, describing its latest
abode in britain:
Oh! lyre divine, what daring spirit
Wakes thee now? Though he inherit
Nor the pride nor ample pinion,
That the theban eagle bear
Sailing with supreme dominion
Through the azure deep of air:
As Gray explained in his 1768 notes to the poem, Pindar compares himself to that
bird, and his enemies to ravens that croak and clamour in vain below while it
pursnes its flight, regardless of their noise. Grays epigraph to the poem comes
from the same passage: Full many a swift arrow have I beneath mine arm, within
my quiver, many an arrow that is vocal to the wise; but for the crowd thay need
interpreters. The true poet is he who knoweth much by gift of nature, but they that
only learnt the lore of song, and are turbulent and intemperate of tongue, like a pair
of crows, chatter in vain against the godlike bird of Zeus.
ODE ON THE SPRING
This poem, Ode on the Spring, is one of the early odes of Gray. He wrote it
in 1742. Richard West, the dearest friend of Gray, had sent him his Ode on May, in
reply to which Gray wrote his Ode on Spring. It was composed during a visit to his
uncle and aunt, Mr and Mrs Rogers. West died on June 1742. Grays letter
containg this poem came back unopened since his friend was no longer in this
19
world. Gray came to know of his death several days later when he read the news in
a newspaper (on 17th Jume). Gray sent a copy of the poem to Walpole in October
1746. it was quite evidently through Walpole that Grays Ode was first printed
anonymously in Dodsleys Collection in 1748. Grays original title of the poem
suggested to Mason that probably he then meant to write two more, descriptive of
Morning and Evening.
Dr Samuel Johnson, in his Lives of the Poets, thought that the Ode has
something poetical, both in the language and the thought; but the language is too
luxuriant, and the thoughts have nothing new. The morality is natural, but too stale;
the conclusion is pretty. It is often pointed out that Grays poem is of desivative
nature, pointing out a number of borrowings from other poets. Partly, the richness
of effect at which Gray aimed could be achieved only by the deliberate echoing
and evocation of earlier classical and native descriptions of the Spring. We can see
how the poem embodies, both in details of phrasing and in the basic situation of
the retired poet contemplating the trivolity of the world as represented by the
insect youth, the echoes of great masters of the past. It must also be recognised
that Grays use of this stale morality is self-conscious and ultimately dramatic in
effect. For Gray, the point of the poem lay in the final stanza, in which he
moralizes on the moralistic touch of self-derision in his own apparent
complacency. The juxtaposition of the busy world and the contemplative life was
to be dramatize again, more seriously and powerfully, in the Elegy, as was the
poets uneasiness about the choice he attempted to make between them.
The poems opening lines show a deliberate attempt to echo earlier
descriptions of spring, particularly those in classical literature:
Lo! Where the rosy bosomed Hours,
Fair Venus train, appear,
Disclose the long expecting flowers,
And wake the purple year!
The Attic warbler pours her throat,
Responsive to the cuckoos note,
The untought harmony of Spring:
Here echoes of Homer, Horace, Ovid, and Anacreon are too apparent to be missed
by any learned reader. Obviously, Gray is aiming here at a general richness of
allusion rather than imitation of any particular model. The effect is a great richness
of texture and dramatisation of the season.
The poem shows remarkable richness of imagery woven into a texture we
generally associate with Keats. The clourful and the mucical combine to create an
effect not easy to be achieved by an ordinary talent. Note, for instance, the
following:
Whereer the oaks thich branches stretch
20
A broader browner shade;

Whereer the rude and moss-grown beech
Oer-canopies the glade,
Besides some waters rushy brink
With me the Muse shall sit, and think
(At ease reclined in rustic state)
How vain the ardour of the crowd,
How low, how little are the proud,
How indignent the great!
It is not less remarkable that the colour and mucic combine smoothly slips into the
reflection on the busy woold, making a sharp contrast to the leisure of the poet.
The fact that the picture of the poet reclining in the heat of mid-day beneath a tree
and beside a stream has occurred frequently in classical poetry does not in any way
undermine the picture Gray presents in these lines. On the contrary, it enriches the
presents discription and sets up a continuity between the past and the present. Gray
acknowledged his borrowings to Walpole, explaining how he attempts to use
allusious to the great masters.
The poem, as did most Augustan poems, inevitably reverts to the condition
of man on earth:
To Contemplations sober eye
Such is the race of man:
And they that creep, and they that fly,
Shall end where they began.
Alike the busy and the gay
But flutter through lifes little day,
In fortunes varying colours dressed:
Brushed by the hand of rough Mischance,
Or chilled by age, their airy dance
They leave, in dust to rest.
Vanity of human wishes is what it is, asserting once again the dictum that paths
of glory lead only to the grave. The great Augustan theme of death the leveler, of
the futility of human pursuits, reappears here, as elsewhere in Gray, with an
exceptional freshness.
The poem ends with the tables turned on the moralist recluse, in effect
saying, well, it is all right to maralise on the meaningless march of mankind, but
how about your own manner of living? The beauty of the ending is that this
question about the maralists own life is not raised by any other presence in the
poem; it is the poet himself who hears the question raised in his own mind:
Methanks I hear in accents low
The sportive kind reply:
21
Poor moralist! And what art thou?

A solitary fly!
Thy joys no glittering female meets,
No hive hast thou of hoarded sweets,
No painted plumage to display:
On hasty wings thy youth is flown;
Thy sun is set, thy spring is gone
We frolic, while tis May.
Thus, the poem is not without the ironic overturning of moralising itself. One also
wonders at the appropriateness of the title, for the Ode is not so much about the
season of spring as the season of mans life, where spring and summer alike end in
autumn and winter. The Augustan device of antithesis is the main vehicle in the
poem that binds the disparate material together into a tight texture of meaning.
Reflection, as ever, remains the main stay of grays Ode.
(iv) ODE ON A DISTANT PROSPECT OF ETON COLLEGE
Grays transcript of the poem in his Commonplace Book is dated at Stroke
August: 1742. When Gray sent Walpole his Ode on the Spring in October 1746,
he refered to another Ode already in Walpoles possession, which was presumably
the present poem. The present poem was the first of Grays English poems to
appear in print. Gray described the poems reception at Cambridge to Walpole: I
promise you, few take to it here at all, which is good sign (for I never know
anything liked here, that ever proved to be so anywhere else,). It is said to be mine,
but I strenuously deny it, and so do all that are in the secret, so that no body knows
what to think; a few only of Kings College gave me the lie, but I hope to demolish
them; for if I dont know, who should? the manuscript of the poem carried a
motto from Menander but was not printed with the poem until 1768. The motto has
been translated, I am a man; a sufficient cause for being unhappy. A letter from
Gray to his friend Richard West (27 May 1742) throws some light on the poets
attitude to some of his contemporaries at Eton. The letter was written three months
before the Ode was composed, so its significance can not be slighted. The letter
says the following:
It is not odd to consider ones contemporaries in the grave light of Husband
and Father? There is my Lords [Sandwich] and [Halifax], they are
statesmen: Do not you remember them dirty boys playing at cricket? As for
me, I am never a bit the older, nor the bigger, nor the wiser than I was then:
No, not for having been beyond sea.
Jacob Bryant, a contemporary of Gray at Eton, offers an illuminating explanation
of Grays distaste for outdoor life, or any life involving physical activity: both Mr.
Gray and his friend [Walpole] were looked upon as too delicate, upon which
22
account they had few associates, and never engaged in any exercise, nor partook
any boyish amusement. Hence they seldom were in the fields, at least they took
only a distant view of those who pursued their different diversions. Some,
therefore, who were severe, treated them as feminine characters, on account of
their too great delicacy, and sometimes a too fastidious behaviour. Mr. Walpole
long time afterwards used to say that Gray was never a boy. Mr. Gray was so
averse to all rough exercise, that I am confident he was never on horseback.
Grays dislike for boyish games is amply betrayed by the self-conscious and
ponderous diction he uses to describe them. On his side, these descriptions are
meant to be gently humorous. But by August 1742, Eton had acquired for Gray a
more profound significance than seems apparent from the studied immaturity of his
letter to West three months earlier. The death of West himself only a few days after
the date of that letter had widened the gulf separating Gray from his schooldays.
The gulf had been opened by Grays quarrel in Italy with Horace Walpole in the
previous year. Whatever his feelings for Walpole, Gray was not able to forget the
fall from power of his friends father, Robert Walpole, the Prime Minister, early in
1742. Grays own father had died in November 1741. His future at the time was
rather uncertain, his financial position insecure. All these considerations must be
behind the poems he composed during the summer of 1742, in particular the Ode
on Eton. In this state of mind Gray was bound to idealize his schooldays. The
poem is built on a stark contrast between the joys of childhood and the evils that
maturity brings. Eton requires a prelapsarian innocence, which is enforced by the
echoes of Miltons description of Eden and other accounts of man in the Golden
Age, before the outset of evil passions, by Pope and Thompson. Gray may have
also remembered the Ode to Mary Magdalene which Richard West had written
while exiled to Oxford. The poem is dated August 1736, and was sent to Walpole.
The following stanzas from Wests poem are pertinent:
Lost and enwrapt in thought profound,
Absent I tread Etonain ground;
Then starting from the dear mistake,
As disenchanted, wake .
Oh! How I long again with those,
Whom first my boyish heart had chose,
Together through the friendly shade
To stray, as once I strayed!
Their presence would the scene endear,
Like paradise would all appear,
More sweet around the flowers would blow,
More soft the waters flow.
23
The spirit of these lines is just the same that we find reflected in the Eton Ode of
Gray. Wests poem must have inspired Gray to outdo his friends composition.
Decidedly, Grays poem is far superior. The surviving poet does excel the dying.
We get in Grays poem a greater feel of life and a deeper tone of contemplation.
In his letter Jocab Bryant gives an implausible account of the composition of
Grays Ode, which describes the poet crossing the play-fields of Eton on his way to
Windsor to see Horace Walpole who had offered reconciliation. Bryants story
does not stand the test of known facts, but there is some basis to his story which
does make sense. The poem seems to support Bryants assertion that The poet
saw and experimentally felt what he so masterly describes, and that Grays title is
no mere formula. The Grounds of West End House at Stoke Poges, where Gray
was staying with his uncle Jonathan Rogers, had a summer-house overlooking the
Thames Valley, where the poet could see Eton and Windsor. Thus, for Gray there
was a literal prospect wherefrom he could literally feel the winds blowing from
Eton. The part of the point is that the prospect was distant in time with the winds
blowing across years which separated him from his schooldays. The poems title
also points to a relationship with the genre of the topographical poem, a number of
features of which appear in miniature in it. Like any other topographical poem of
the period, say Popes Windsor Forest, Grays Ode includes all the familiar
features of the genre, such as the founder of Eton, the genre sketch of the children
at play, the presence of abstractions and moralizing. The crucial innovation in
Grays poem is the development of the nostalgic associations of the landscape
described. As the poems title indicates, in effect he was combining the
typographical poem with the subjective ode to produce a new form. It is
characterized by that interplay of the subjective and the objective which
distinguishes Grays poetry in general.
Grays Eton Ode is, therefore, to be read in the light of this background
material. Its conventional characters as an ode and a typographical poem are made
to combine with its unconventional character as a personal reminiscence and a
rumination. Note how the two strands play each other, placed as they are side by
side in an alternating movement of the poem:
Ye distant Spires, ye unique towers,
That crown the watery glade,
Where grateful Science still odores
Her Henrys holy shade;
And ye that from the stately brow
Of Windsors heights the expanse below
Of grove, of lawn, of mead survey,
Whose turf, whose shade, whose flowers among
Wanders the hoary Thames along
24
His silver-winding way.

Ah, happy hills, ah, pleasing shade,
Ah, fields beloved in vain,
Where once my careless childhood strayed,
A stranger yet to pain!
I feel the gales, that from ye blow,
A momentary bliss bestow,
As waving fresh their gladsome wing,
My weary soul they seem to soothe,
And redolent of joy and youth,
To breathe a second spring.
These two opening stanzas, making the strophe and the antistrophe of the Pindaric
Ode, combine also the topographical poems feature of the first stanza with the
reminiscence poems element of the second. Thus, the objective and the subjective,
the surrounding and the self, get amalgamated into a unified whole, both
interacting to add depth of reflection to the poem. The reference to King Henry the
Sixth, the founder of the Eton College, makes the poem solidly specific, giving it a
historical touch. The concrete landscape, evoked through a cluster of images,
comes alive as the poets brush moves from stroke to stroke.
Grays ode, like most of his major poems, inevitably returns to his perennial
theme of mans mortality, his miseries and pains, his ill fate and helplessness:
Alas, regardless of their doom,
The little victims play!
No sense have they of ills to come,
Nor care beyond today:
Yet see how all around them wait
The ministers of human fate,
And block Misfortunes baleful stand
Ah, show them where in ambush train!
To seize their prey the murtherous band!
Ah, tell them, they are men!
Mans limited life as well as limited powers are repeatedly hammered by the
Augustan poets, including Gray, Pope, and Johnson. Man is presented in the poetry
of the period no better than a victim, but more a victim of his own vain pursuits.
The poem proceeds, very much like most other poems of Gray, towards the
inevitable end of moralizing on man and his destiny. Reflection is as necessary a
part of Grays poetic composition as description or reminiscence.
25
Grays Eton Ode is, in fact, sadder in its ending than any other of his poems.
Perhaps the deaths and other sorrowful events we mentioned in the beginning
deepened the darker mood of the poet. Note the concluding stanza of the poem:
To each his sufferings: all are men,
Condemned alike to groan;
The tender for anothers pain,
The unfeeling for his own.
Yet ah! Why should they know their fate?
Since sorrow never comes too late,
And happiness too swiftly flies.
Thought would destroy their paradise.
No more; where ignorance is bliss,
Tis folly to be wise.
Not that there are no precedents and parallels to these lines; there are plenty of
them in the classical as well as native tradition of poetry. And yet, the concluding
stanza of Grays poem carries a force of conviction as well as authenticity of
experience. Technically also, the poem remains true to its Pindaric form following
closely the perfect pattern of strophe-antistrophe-epode. And yet nowhere are we
made to feel that the observance of the form is only a formality. On the contrary,
the verse moves with an ease and a freedom familiar to us about Grays poetry,
although not without an element of self-consciousness.
(v) ODE FOR MUSIC
Gray wrote his Ode for Music between February and April 1769. the poem is
an occasional piece, written for the ceremonious occasion of the Chancellor of
Cambridges Installation ceremony. The Duke of Grafton, who as Prime Minister
had been directly responsible for Grays appointment as Regius Professor of
History at Cambridge in July 1768, was elected Chancellor of the University on 29
November 1768. as was done in 1749, when the Duke of Newcastle became
Chancellor, a special ode, set to music by a well-known composer, was to be
performed at the Installation ceremony on 1 July 1769. Gray confirmed the
occasional status of the poem in his letter to James Beattie not long after the
ceremony: I thought myself bound in gratitude to his Grace unmasked to take
upon me the task of writing those verses that are usually set to musick on this
occasion. In his Reminiscences of Gray, Norton Nicholls recalled the mingled
distaste and sense of duty with which Gray set about the task of writing this
occasional poem:
After I had quitted the University I always paid Mr. Gray an annual
visit; during one of these visits it was revealed that he was determined
as he said to offer with a good grace what he could not have refused if
26
it had been asked of him viz., to write the Installation Ode for the
Duke of Grafton. This however he considered as a sort of task to
which he submitted with great reluctance; & it was long after he first
mentioned it to me, before he could prevail with himself to begin the
composition. One morning when I went to him as usual after
breakfast, I knocked at his door, which he threw open, & exclaimed
with a loud voice
Hence! avaunt, tis holy ground.
I was so astonished, that I almost feared he was out of his senses; but
this was the beginning of the Ode which he had just composed.
Gray had composed the Ode by 20 April 1769, when he wrote to Wharton, I must
comfort myself with the intention: for I know it will bring abuse enough on me.
However it is done, & given to V: Chancellor, & there is an end. As he wrote at
about the same time to James Brown, his friend Delaval had recently told me of
the obloquy that waits for me; and said everything to deter me from doing a thing
that is already done. The abuse of Grays political flattery of Grafton duly came
from the Dukes political enemies. Gray had actually anticipated it in a letter to his
friend Stonhewer, Graftons secretary, when he sent the Ode for the Duks perusal:
I did not intend the Duke should have heard me till he could not help
it. You are desired to make the best excuse you can to his Grace for
the liberty I have taken of praising him to his face; but as somebody
was necessarily to do this, I did not see why Gratitude should sit silent
and leave it to Expectation to sing, who certainly would have sung,
and that gorge deploye upon such an occasion.
Very rightly, Gray was never anything but deprecating about the Ode. As he
told Nicholls, Odicle has been rehearsed again & again, & the boys have got
scraps by heart: I expect to see it torn piece-meal in the North-Briton, before it is
born. The musick is as good as the words: the former might be taken for mine, &
the latter for Dr. Randals. The critical response to the poem started pouring in
right away from foes as well as friends. For instance, Richard Gaugh, a
contemporary of Gray, thought the Ode was well set and performed, but charged
with obsecurity. Another contemporary, Joseph Cockfield, considered the Ode a
recent instance of flattery bestowed indiscriminately on the great, and that it
would do no credit to that celebrated writer. Significantly, when the Ode was
published, Grays name did not appear on the title page. He perhaps did it to
indicate that he was not particularly proud of the piece, for the authorship had been
so well known that the poet would not have hoped any anonymity at that stage.
From the very beginning of the event, we have seen, Gray always regarded the
writing of the Ode more as a duty than a genuine expression.
27
Grays own opinion of the Ode is clearly stated in his letter to James Beattie:
I do not think them [those verses] worth sending you, because they are by nature
doomed to live but a single day, or if their existence is prolonged beyond that date,
it is only by means of news-paper parodies, & witless criticism. This sort of abuse I
had reason to expect, but did not think it worthwhile to avoid it. As expected, one
parody of the Ode appeared almost immediately in the St. Jamess Chronicle,
beginning Hence! avaunt! tis venal ground,/Let pallid Freedom ever fly. The
London Chronicle also published a parody of the epitaph of the Elegy, which
contained such lines as And smooth-tongued flattry markd him for her own.
Beattie assured Gray that his Ode was the finest panegyrical poem in the world.
Mason, Grays biographer, when he published the poem in 1775, considered that
the fact that it was irregular was a serious defect, but otherwise thought it, in
point of lyrical arrangement and expression, to be equal to most of his other Odes.
An entirely unexpected admirer of the poem was S.T. Coleridge, who thought that
there is something very majestic in Grays installation Ode; but as to The Bard
and the rest of his lyrics, I must say I think them frigid and artificial.
The poem opens on an impressive note, with a series of warnings echoing
Virgil, Milton, Shakespeare and the rest in the studied structure of the stanza:
Air
Hence, avaunt, (tis holy ground)
Comus and his mid-night crew,
And Ignorance with looks profound,
And Dreaming Sloth of Pallid hue,
Mad Seditions cry profane,
Servitude that hugs her chain,
Nor in these consecrated bowers
Let painted Flattery hide her serpent-train in flowers.
Chorus
Nor Envy base nor creeping Gain
Dare the Muses walk to stain,
While bright-eyed Science watches round,
Hence, away, tis holy ground!
like any other Ode of Gray, this one, too, is highly learned, carrying in each phrase
a reference to earlier masters of poetry. Beginning with Anied of Virgil, Henry IV,
Othello, Macbeth, and A Mid summer Nights Dream of Shakespeare, Comus of
Milton, Essay on Criticism of Pope, Ode to Liberty of Wharton, Hymn to Light of
Cowley, the very first stanza indicates the wealth of allusions the poem is going to
incorporate within its fold. Indeed, only the very learned reader can admire the
allusive verse.
28
As usual with Gray, he also adds here a personal touch to the panegyric:
Oft at the blush of dawn
I trod your level lawn,
Oft wooed the gleam of Cynthia silver-bright
In cloisters dim, far from the haunts of Folly,
With freedom by my side, and soft-eyed Melancholy.
There lines are a deliberate pastiche of Miltons Il Penseroso 61-7:
Sweet bird that shunnst the noise of folly,
Most musical, most melancholy!
Thee Chauntress oft the Woods among,
I woo to hear thy eeven Song;
And missing thee, I walk unseen
On the dry smooth-shaven Green,
To behold the wandering Moon.
Grays aptitude for pastiche always invited the charge of borrowings. But he had
the ability to make the borrowings his own. The present instance proves it beyond
doubt. In fact, while Miltons verses, with their incorrigible inversions, sound
rather rough, compared to the smooth run of Grays verses. At times, though not
always, Gray, like Shakespeare, improves his sources. The subsequent lines, listing
the founders of the various colleges at Cambridge, are rather tedious, not very
interesting except as history.
The poem concludes on an optimistic note, foretelling a glorious future for
the new king and Chancellor of the University of Cambridge:
With modest pride to grace thy youthful brow
The laureate wreath, that Cecil wore, she brings,
And to thy just, thy gentle hand
Submits the fasces of her sway,
While Spirits blest above and men below
Join with glad voice the loud symphonious lay.
Grand Chorus
Through the wild waves as they roar
With watchful eye and dauntless mien
Thy steady course of honour keep,
Nor fear the rocks nor seek the shore:
The star of Brunswick smiles serene,
And gils the horrors of the deep.
Making a lavish use of Milton along with an additional borrowing from Dryden,
Gray weaves here a piece of hope and prayer, giving an appropriate conclusion to
the praise of his patron. It is always easy to condemn the known panegyrical
attempts, but the deliberate purpose does not necessarily always undermine the
29
quality of the poetic composition. If the occasion of the Ode could be forgotten for
a moment, the poem does not compare poorly with any other similar attempt by
Gray, or any other poet, for that matter. The poems erudition apart, its melodious
movement, its stately march, and its classical restraint call for an appreciation.
Thus, we can conclude our discussion of Gray by remarking that his poetry
has a charm of its own. Although firmly grounded in classical learning, he never
remained a solitude, he never became confessional like the romantics. In a way, we
come across in his poetry the virtues of both classical restraint and romantic
individualism. No doubt, a highly learned poet, relying on the wealth of allusions,
but reading his poems like the Elegy one does not feel handicapped by ones lack
of his level of learning.
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WILLIAM CONGREVE
William Congreve
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Unit-3
William Congreve: His Life and Works
William Congreve was the son of an army officer who commanded the garrison at Youghal and later became
an agent for the estates of the Earl of Cork. He came of an old Straffordshire family. William was born in 1670
at Bardsey near Leeds. So he was educated in Ireland first at Kilkenny school and then at Trinity College,
Dublin. Jonathan Swift, the famous satirst, was senior to him by two years both at the school and at the college.
And they were friends in those days. Congreve later joined the Middle Temple to study law.
Congreve started writing quite early and in 1692 he published a novel. He was just twenty-two at that time.
This novel bore the title Incognita or Love and Duty Reconciled Congreve published this novel under the
pseudonym of Cleophil. When Congreve was twenty-three (in 1693) he brought out his first play The Old
Bachelor. It was successful on the stage. It seems to have been written under the influence of Ben Jonson.
His next play The Double Dealer too was brought out the same year. It was praised by Dryden and became
fairly popular.
Congreves next play was Love for Love. It was staged at the New Theatre in Lincolns Inn Fields in 1695.
This play won wide acclaim and established Congreve as a playwright. The play has a well-constructed plot
and the dialogues in it are sparkling with wit. It was in 1695 that Congreve was appointed commissioner for
licensing hackney coaches.
In 1697 he wrote a tragedy entitled The Mourning Bride. It ranks among the best of half a dozen tragedies
written during the post-restoration period. But by genius Congreve was a writer of comedies, rather than one
of tragedies. However, it is appreciable that inspite of that he was able to write a tragedy that has won the
praise of Dr. Samuel Johnson.
In 1700 Congreve published his last play The Way of the World. This play is regarded as Congreves master
piece, but it did not succeed on the stage the result was that Congreve stopped writing for the stage. No doubt,
the play is replete with repartee but its plot is weak. In this play Mirabell, the protagonist, devices a plan to
marry his beloved Millamant and get all her property with her, as her aunt, who is also her guardian, wants her
to marry her own nephew. The execution of this plan covers most of the drama but the counter-intrigue of a girl
whom Mirabell has rejected frustrates the plan. It is the second last minute intrigue of Mirabell that is crowned
with success. Though Mirabell is the protagonist of the play and Fainall is the villain, yet Mirabell is not free
from Fainalls weakness of having an extra-marital love affair. The moral of the drama lies embodied in the
following words of Mirabell:
From hence let those be warnd, who mean to wed;
Last mutual Falsehood stain the bridal Bed:
For each Deceiver to his cost may find,
That Marriage Frauds to oft are paid in kind.
(WW, V, i, 544-47)
In 1701 he wrote The Judgment of Paris and Ode for St. Cecilias Day. In 1705 he got the post of
Commissioner of Wine licenses. In 1706 he wrote A Pindaric Ode to the Queen. In 1714 he was appointed
secretary of the Island of Jamaica. He was an affluent man now and quite popular. Alexander Pope dedicated
his translation of Iliad to him in 1720. In later years he went blind and was also suffering from jout. However,
his gaiety remained undiminished.
It was on the 12th of January 1729 that he breathed his last. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.
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Comedy of Manners
The term comedy of manners is used for a species of comedies in which the protagonist is a witty, sophisticated,
smart, well-mannered gentleman who is able to win the hearts of a number of ladies, and may try to get the
hand as well as the property of a well-bred lady in marriage. In such a comedy we have people who are rich
enough to afford to do without doing anything for bread with the result that they have ample time at their
disposal to spend on amorous intrigues but who are prudent enough to maintain their reputation as well-bred
people. These people are not romantic in love and keep their eyes on the property of the would-be-wife. The
more hearts the protagonist wins and the more husbands he turns into cuckolds the more successful he is. The
characters is a comedy of manners try to look fashionable and well-bred without caring for their morals with
the result that they become ridiculous.
We can take The Way of the World to illustrate this. Mirabell, the protagonist of this drama, has been able to
win the hearts of Mrs. Millamant, Arabella Fainall, Lady Wishfort and Mrs. Marwood, though he is trying to
win the hand of only Mrs. Millamant in marriage, he has physical relationship with Arabella but is not desirous
to became her husband with the result that he gets her married to Fainall, he only pretends to be in love with
Lady Wishfort so that he may come to her house and meet Mrs. Millamant as frequently as he likes, and he
does not like Mrs. Marwood at all and neglects her advances. And for such ways of his he is regarded as a
gallant, as Fainall says to him, You are a gallant man, Mirabell (WW I, i, 81). Fainall, another important
character in the drama has married Arabella but he is in love with Marwood and tries to assure her that he will
marry her. When he says to her: I believe you; Im convincd I have done you wrong; and any way, evry
way will make amends; Ill hate may wife yet more, Damm her, Ill part with her, rob her of all shes worth and
will retire somewhere, anywhere to another World, Ill marry thee Be pacifyd, (WW, II, i 213-17).
If we compare and contrast these characters with the lovers in Shakespeares dramas we discover how they
indulge in undesirable practices. Shakespeares Orlando is in love with Rosalind alone and tries to win only her
as his wife. Likewise, Rosalind too is in love with Orlando alone. And they seek nothing but each other. The
devotion of either of them is singular. And they love each other not for money or property or position. But
Mirabell who is trying to win Millamant as his wife is also trying to get with her the whole of her property. And
Mirabells love for Millamant is not singular, he has been in love with Arabella and when he feared she had
become pregnant he got her married to Fainall. This is evident from his remark to Arabella Fainall in the
following piece of conversation between them:
Mrs Fainall. Why did you make me marry this Man?
Mirabell. Why do we daily commit disagreeable and dangerous actions? To save that Idol Reputation.
If the familiarities of our Loves had producd that consequence, of which you were apprehensive,
where could you have fixd a Fathers Name with Credit but on a Husband? (WW II, i, 232-36).
When Fainall says to Mrs. Marwood, I it seems am a Husband, a Rank Husband; and my wife a very
Errant, Rank wife, all in the Way of the World's death to be an Anticipated Cuckold, a Cuckold in Embrio!
Sure I was born with budding Antlers like a young Satyr, or a Citizens Child (WW III, i, 545-49) he is full of
self-contempt. So contemptible is perhaps everybody in a comedy of manners. If the frailty of a mother, makes
her son regard his flesh to be sullied in Shakespeares Hamlet, the flesh of many a man will be found to be
sullied in a comedy of manners.
Since in this society it is considered smartness to have several beloveds, there rise up some pretenders too:
they pretend to be gallants and stage-manage things in such a way that they appear to have won several ladies
hearts. Petulant is a man of that kind as he hires trulls to call on him at public places, as the following exchange
of remarks between Fainall and Witwoud evidences:
Coachman. Is Master Petulant here, Mistress?
Betty. Yes
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Coachman. Three Gentlewomen in the coach would speak with him.

Fainall. O brave Petulant, Three!
Betty. Ill tell him.
Coachman. You must bring Two Dishes of Chocolate and a Glass of Cinnamon-water.
[Exeunt Coachman and Betty].
Witwoud. That should be for Two fasting Strumpets, and a Bawd troubled with wind. Now you may
know what the Three are.
Mirabell. You are very free with you friends Acquaintance.
Witwoud. Ay, ay: Friendship without Freedom is as dull as Love without Enjoyment, or Wine without
Toasting; but to tell you a Secret, these are Trulls that he allows Coach-hire, and something more by
the Week, to call on him once a Day at Public Places. (WW I, i, 303-16).
In these comedies one is expected to acquire good manners whether ones morals are good or bad. In other
words here manners are taken into consideration, morals are ignored. The result is that the people whose
manners are not up to the mark are not allowed to be the members of the polite circle. Since the knights living
in the country are not familiar with the ways of the people of the town and have different manners, they are
ridiculed here.
For example, in The Way of the World we have a country knight named Sir Willfull Witwoud, the nephew of
Lady Wishfort. He is ridiculed, when he comes to his aunts, for his country manners by Witwoud and Petulant.
Witwoud ridicules him for asking No offence, I hope? , for his journey-stained boots, and for his horse, as
in evident from the following piece of conversation:
Witwoud. This is a vile Dog, I see that already. No offence! Ha, ha, ha, to him; to him Petulant,
smoke him.
Petulant. It seems as if you had come a Journey, Sir; hem, hem.
[Surveying him round.
Sir Willfull. Very likely, sir, that it may seem so.
Petulant. No Offence, I hope, Sir.
Witwoud. Smoke the Boots, the Boots; Petulant, the Boots; Ha, ha, ha.
Sir Willful. May be not, Sir; thereafter as tis meant, Sir.
Petulant. Sir, I presume upon the Information of your Boots. (WW III, i, 423-31)
The country-knights are ridiculed here also for being too warm in their affections. Witwoud goes to the extent
of saying that it is not modish to know Relations in Town (WW III, i, 460-61) and at that Sir Willfull snubs him
with the words: The Fashions a Fool; and youre a Fop, dear Brother (WW III, i, 466). They are also
ridiculed for being modest. It is for his modesty that Sir Willfull Witwoud is being ridiculed in the scene in which
he approaches Mrs. Millamant with the intention of courting her. Here is an exchange of remarks between
Millamant and him:
Millamant. Have you any Business with me, Sir Willful?
Sir Willfull. Not at present, Cousin, Yes, I made bold to see, to come and know if that how you
were disposd to fetch a Walk this Evening, if so be that I might not be troublesome, I would have
sought a walk with you.
Millamant. A walk? What then?
Sir Willfull. Nay nothing Only for the Walks sake, that all
Millamant. I nauseate walking; tis a Country Diversion, I loath the Country and everything that
relates to it. (WW IV, i, 100-08)
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Millamant goes to the extent of saying explicitly: Sure never anything was so Unbred as that odious Man
(WW III, i, 246).
The comedy of manners is different from the comedy of humours because while in the comedy of manners the
dramatist focuses attention on the social manners of a character, in the comedy of humours, the attention is
focused on a weakness in the temperament of the character. Social manners are acquired but humour is a
characteristic of ones nature. The theory of humour is based on the medicinal view that in the human body
there are four fluids, viz. blood, phlegm, yellow bile or choler, and black bile or melancholy and that so long as
there is a proper balance between these four, ones personality remains balanced, but when the balance is
disturbed there creeps in some oddity in the personality and that is responsible for the infirmity in the personality.
For instance, in Ben Jonsons comedies we come across various infirm characters: somebody is excessively
greedy, somebody is excessively allergic to noise, somebody is lustful and so on. That implies that the characters
in a comedy of humours suffer from temperamental defects and infirmities for which they are ridiculed, but in
the comedy of manners the characters have some infirm social manners and for them they are held upto
ridicule.
The species comedy of manners was attacked by Jeremy Collier in his pamphlet A Short View of the Immorality
and Profaneness of the English Stage. In this pamphlet he declared the plays of this species immoral and
prophane. Here is a passage from that pamphlet:
The business of plays is to recommend Virtue, and discountenance Vice; to show the uncertainty of Human
Greatness, the sudden turns of Fate, and the unhappy conclusions of Violence and Injustice: Tis to expose the
Singularities of Pride and Fancy, to make Folly and Falsehood contemptible, and to bring everything that is ill
under Infamy and Neglect. This design has been oddly pursued by the English stage. Our poets write with a
different view . Tis true were their intentions fair, they might be serviceable to this purpose. They have in a
great measure the springs of Thought and Inclination in their power. Show, Music, Action, and Rhetoric are
moving entertainments, and if rightly employed, would be very significant. But force and motion are things
indifferent, and the use lies chiefly in the application. These advantages are now in the enemies hands, and
under a very dangerous management that this complaint is not unreasonable. I shall endeavour to prove by
showing the misbehaviour of the stage with respect to morality and religion. Their liberties in the following
particulars are intolerable, their swearing, profaneness and lewd application of scripture; their abuse of the
clergy; their making their top characters libertines, and giving them success in their debauchery. This charge
with some other irregularities, I shall make good against the stage, and show both the Novelty and scandal of
the practices.
But in his essay On the Artificial Comedy of the Last Country. Charles Lamb justifies the comedies of
manners on the ground that theirs is a dream world and there is no reason why we should project our moral
sense into them. He says, The whole is a passing pageant, where we should sit as unconcerned at the issues,
for life or death, as at a battle of the frogs and mice. But like Don Quixote we take part against the puppets, and
quite as impertinently. We dare not contemplate of Atlantic, a scheme out of which our coxcombical moral
sense is, for a little transitory ease, excluded. We have not the courage to imagine a state of things for which
there is neither reward nor punishment. We cling to the painful necessities of shame and blame. We would
indict our very dreams.
Chief Exponents of Comedy of Manners

One of the greatest contributions of the Restoration period to English literature is the Comedy of Manners.
This form of drama was born when Etherege (1634-91) wrote his first play The Comical levenge or Love in
a Tub. It was performed in 1664. Here we have a comic plot dealing with gallants, tricksters, fools, bullies, and
ladies of varying degrees of morality and wit. Its subplot is heroic and presents in rhyming couplets the convolutions
of conflicting loves and loyalties in the hearts of the protagonists. The drama has in it occasions for wit combats
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and studies in competitive sophistication. Ethereges second play She Would if she Could was performed in
1668. In this play we have two honest gentlemen of the town, who represent male wit and sophistication and
speak elegant prose. The two young ladies with whom they are involved in the battle between male lust and
female prudence have vivacity and charm. Here a lustful wife pursues a gallant with cunning. Ethereges third
play The Man of Mode or Sir Fopling Flutter, his most brilliant comedy was produced in 1676. The hero of
this play treats various women except Harriet brutally Harriet, however, is witty enough to make her own
terms. In this play the characters try to arrive at the best accommodation between lust and self-interest. The
wit combat between Dorimant, the hero, and Harriet reminds one of the wit-combat between Beatrice and
Benedick in Much Ado about Nothing. Though both of them are attracted towards each other yet they try to
retain as much freedom of movement as they can.
William Wycherley (1640-1716) wrote four comedies between 1671 and 1676. But the two of them which
made him famous were The Country Wife and The Plain Dealer. Wycherleys characters are unscrupulous
and selfish. About the kind of people he depicts David Daiches writes: there is a savagery in his plays, a brutal
insistence on the unscrupulous selfishness and obsessive animality of all men and women, on the cruel dishonesties
implied in the ordinary courtesies of social life, that is worlds apart from the amoral cheerfulness of Etherege
or Congreve. What Wycherley says in the play The Plain Dealer lies embodie in the following speech of its
hero Manly:
Not but I know that generally no man can be a great enemy but under the name of friend; and
if you are a cuckold, it is your friend only that makes you so, for your enemy is not admitted
to your house: if you are cheated in your fortune, tis your friend that does it, for your enemy
is not made your trustee: if your honour or good name be injured, its your friend that does
it still, because you enemy is not believed against you
The Country Wife has a lot of wit and liveliness, but this play too is an embodiment of bitterness at moral
degeneration. In this play Horner uses a successful device of proclaiming himself a eunuch but convincing the
ladies of his real situation in order to enjoy the favours of outwardly respectable and virtuous ladies with the
consent of their husbands. Here the dramatist is exposing peoples selfishness and lust lying behind professed
virtue and honour.
John Dryden too wrote some comedies of manners. They include The Wild Gallant, The Rival Ladies, Secret
Love, and Sir Martin Mar-all. In them we have love intrigues, wit combats, some fine comic scenes, and illicit
sex relations.
William Congreve is regarded as the real master of this mode. John Dryden was all praise for him and wrote
in his poem To My Dear Friend Mr Congreve, on his Comedy Calld the Double Dealer:
In easy dialogue is Fletchers praise;
He moved the mind, but had not power to raise.
Great Jonson did by strength of judgment please,
Yet, doubling Fletchers force, he wants his ease.
In diffring talents both adorned their age;
One for the study, tother for the stage:
But both to Congreve justly shall submit,
One matched in judgment, both oermatched in wit.
In him all beauties of this age we see,
Etherege his courtship, Southernes purity,
The satire, wit and strength of manly Wycherley .
Congreve wrote The Old Bachelor, Love for Love, and The Way of the World. In The Old Bachelor we
have force, satire and Jonsonian humours. Here Heartwell, an old bachelor has been trapped by his lust into a
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supposed marriage. In Love for Love we have an impoverished gallant who adopts various devices to avoid
his creditors and also to win the love of his mistress. It is in the prologue itself that the dramatist expresses his
intention to lash his age and expose peoples weaknesses:
Since the Plain Dealers scenes of manly rage,
Not one has dared to lash this crying age.
This time the poet owns the bold essay
In this play the playwright exposes sophisticated peoples practice of saying one thing and doing another.
Congreves drama The Way of the World, which was produced in 1700, is regarded as his finest comedy. It
contains almost all the situations usually found in a comedy of manners: a wit-combat between lovers, an
amorous widow, a country gentleman who is mocked for his rusticity, intrigues, adulteries and the tension
between public reputation and private behaviour.
Sir John Vanbrugh wrote The Relapse (1670), and The Provoked Wife (1697). His third comedy Journey to
London was left unfinished. In the drama The Relapse a husband commits adultery against his better judgment
as he has genuine love for his wife. In its sub-plot a younger brother gulls his elder brother and carries off the
rich girl designed for the latter. In The Provoked Wife Sir John Brute and his wife reveal their strong antipathies
for each other.
George Farquhar (1678-1707) is regarded as the last dramatist of this school and his last comedy The Beaux
Stratagem (1707) is regarded as his best play. In this play Farquhar, both enjoys and mocks human passions.
Summary of the Play the Way of the World

A young man named Mirabell is in love with a lady named Millament and she is in love with him. Mrs.
Millament has two more admirers. They are Witwoud and Petulant. Mrs. Millament lets them admire her but
she will accept only Mirabell as her husband. But the course of love does not run smooth: there are some
obstacles and unless they are removed, marriage cannot take place. Lady Wishfort, Millaments aunt and
guardian, wants Millament to marry her (Lady Wishforts) nephew Sir Willful Witwoud. Millament can get her
property only if she marries with her aunts consent and if she marries without her consent she will lose to her
a moiety of her fortune which is in Lady Wishforts possession. Since in such a situation Mirabell wanted his
love for Millament to remain unrevealed but he wanted to court Millament he started pretending that he was in
love with Lady Wishfort herself.
Lady Wishfort is an old widow of fifty-five but she is suffering from the green sickness of another childhood
and desires to get married once again. So she became very happy with Mirabell and allowed him free entry into
her house with the result that Mirabell got as many opportunities to meet Millamant as he liked.
Mirabell is loved by two more ladies. One of them is Lady Wishforts daughter Arabella Languish who is a
widow, and the other is Mrs. Marwood, when Arabella feared she was pregnant, Mirabell made her marry Mr.
Fainall, who enjoyed good reputation in the town, inspite of his being lax in morals. So when the play opens
Arabella has become Mrs.Fainall, though she is still in love with Mirabell. Mr. Fainall is in love with Mrs.
Marwood and intends to marry her when he has enriched himself with the property of Arabella and, if
possible, that of Lady Wishfort. Mrs. Marwood, even though she is Mr. Fainalls mistress, is in love with
Mirabell and will like to become his wife. She also made advances towards him but he rejected her. That is one
of the reasons why she has been trying to put obstructions in Mirabells way to Millamant. She did this first
when she came to know that Mirabell was pretending to be in love with Lady Wishfort. She revealed the fact
to Lady Wishfort with the result Mirabells efforts went in vain and Lady Wishfort became inimical towards
him.
Now Mirabell makes another plan to get Lady Wishforts consent to his marriage with Millament. He takes his
servant Waitwell, the Ladys maid servant Mrs. Foible and Mrs. Fainall into his confidence and decides to use
Waitwell and Foible as his tools to make Lady Wishfort be at his mercy so that she is compelled to give her
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consent to his marriage with Millament. He circulates a story that his uncle Sir Rowland, who is still a bachelor,
is coming to the town with the intention of finding a lady who can become his wife. He also circulates the story
that he is not in happy terms with his uncle and that if the uncle marries and has some issue Mirabell will lose
the chance to inherit his uncles property. Lady Wishfort hears this and resolves to marry Sir Rowland, provided
he falls in love with her, and give Sir Rowland an heir. She asks Foible to go to Sir Rowland, show him her
(Lady Wishforts) picture and persuade him to come to the Lady.
As a matter of fact it is Waitwell who is going to impersonate as Sir Rowland. Mirabell makes him marry Foible
and takes from him his marriage certificate. Mirabells plan is that when Lady Wishfort marries Waitfall under
the impression that she is marrying Sir Rowland, he will reveal to her that the man she has married is a servant
and when she tries to come out of this wedlock, he (Mirabell) will give her the certificate of Waitwells
marriage with Foible for the purpose on the condition that she gives her consent to Millaments marriage with
Mirabell.
Sir Willful Witwoud comes to Lady Wishforts. But his half-brother Witwoud not only pretends not to have
recognized him but also asks Petulant to ridicule him for his country manners, journey-stained boots, and want
of proficiency in language.
Fainall is a greedy man and he has his eye not only on the property of his wife but also on the property of Lady
Wishfort and the moiety of Millaments fortune in the possession of Lady Wishfort. He wants Millament to
marry somebody without the consent of Lady Wishfort so that the moiety of her fortune is forfeited by the
Lady and then it comes from her to Mrs. Fainall and finally to him. If Mrs. Marwood had not revealed to Lady
Wishfort that Mirabell was only pretending to be in love with her (Lady Wishfort) and that he came to her
residence to meet Millament, Millamant would have married Mirabell and then the moiety of her fortune would
have remained with the Lady as she (the Lady) would not have given her consent to this marriage. Mrs.
Marwoods having obstructed this marriage makes Fainall suspect that she is in love with Mirabell and he
charges her with that. This offends Mrs. Marwood she charges him with ingratitude though she also reveals to
him that Mrs. Fainall is in love with Mirabell. However, at last Fainall apologizes and assures her of his love for
her and his intention of marrying her on enriching himself with his wifes property.
Foible takes a picture of Lady Wishfort and tells the Lady that she is going to Sir Rowland to show it so that he
may fall in love with her and may come to court her. Lady Wishfort prepares herself for a meeting with
Rowland.
Mr. Fainall wants Millamant to marry without seeking Lady Wishforts consent. He wants Millamant to refuse
to marry Sir Willfull Witwoud and, thus, lose her moiety. So he goes to Sir Willful and makes him drink hard so
that the knight may behave indecently and Millamant may refuse to accept him as her husband.
Since Sir Willfull has been called by Lady Wishfort to meet Millamant so that she may ask her niece to marry
him, he comes to Millamant. However, he is too hesitant to say to her he will like to marry her. On the contrary,
he says: I hope, after a time, I shall break my Mind that is upon further Acquaintance So for the
present, Cousin, Ill take my leave if so be youll be so kind to make my Excuse, Ill return to my company
(WW, iv, i, 69-72). Even when Millamant says to him, Have you any Business with me Sir Willfull?
, he says, Not at present, Cousin, Yes, I made bold to see, to come and know if that how you were
disposd to fetch a Walk this Evening, if so be that I might not be troublesome, I would have fought a walk with
you (WW, iv, I, 101-04).
Mirabell comes to Millamant and tells her that he does not like her taking delight in the company of such fools
as Witwoud and Petulant. At this Millamant tells her that if he persists in the offensive freedom of reprimanding
him, she will be displeased and will not marry him. She tells him in unambiguous words, I shant endure to be
reprimanded, nor instructed; tis so dull to act always by Advice, and so tedious to be told of ones Faults I
cant bear it (WW, II, iv, 398-400). She is a lady who is different from Shakespeares Miranda who loves
Ferdinand so much that she requests Ferdinand to make her his maid if he cannot make her his wife. Millamant
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can agree to become Mirabells wife only on the condition that he agrees she says, she will lie in her bed in the
morning as long as she likes; she will not addressed by Mirabell as Wife, spouse, my Dear, Joy, Jewel, Love,
Sweetheart and the like; she will have the liberty to pay and receive visits to and from whomsoever she
likes; she will have the liberty not to accompany her husband to Hyde Park; she will have her closet inviolate;
and she will be the sole empress of her tea-table. Mirabell agrees to accept these terms on the condition that
her acquaintance is general; he will like her not to paint her face; he will not allow any woman selling muslim,
Chinaware, and fans to enter his house; he will like her to wear loose fitting clothes when she is pregnant; he
will like her to restrain herself to native and simple tea-table to confine herself to only genuine and authorized
table-talk. She accepts his terms but uses such language to convey her acceptance: Well, you ridiculous
thing you, Ill have you I wont be kissd, nor I wont be thankd. Here kiss my Hand tho : So hold your
Tongue now, and dont say a Word (WW, IV, I, 260-62).
In order to look attractive and young Lady Wishfort has to paint her face. She needs Foibles help for that and
she is eagerly waiting for her maid servant. When Foible comes back she pretends to have met Sir Rowland
and to have snubbed Mirabell. When the Lady has painted herself Sir Willfull Witwoud comes drunk singing
says like:
Prithee fill me the Glass
Till it laughs in my Face
With Ale that is Potent and Mellow;
He that whines for a Lass
Is an ignorant Ass
For a Bumper has not its Fellow.
(WW, IV, I, 348-53)
He says, to Lady Wishfort, if you woud have me marry my Cousin, say the Word, and Ill dot
Willfull will dot, thats the word (WW, IV, I, 354-55) At this misbehaviour of his she is upset and shouts
at him: Out upont out upont, at Years of Discretion, and compart yourself at this Rantipole rate (WW, IV,
I, 335-36). How can she ask Millamant to marry such a man? She tries to give explanations but no amount of
explanation can make Sir Willfulls behaviour excusable.
When Mrs. Fainall asks Foible how things are proceeding Foible tells her that Lady Wishfort is impatient to
marry Sir Rowland and that Waitwell will soon come to her impersonating as Mirabells uncle. At this time
Mrs. Marwood is in Lady Wishforts closet and she overhears Foible with the result that she decides to reveal
the whole plan of Mirabell to Lady Wishfort. She goes to Mr. Fainall to inform him of the intrigue.
On finding Sir Willfull Witwoud drunk Millamant is disgusted and tells Lady Wishfort:
Your Pardon, Madam, I can stay no longer Sir Willfull grows very powerful, Egh! How he smells! I shall
be overcome if I stay (WW, IV, I, 378-79). Lady Wishfort herself comes to the decision: This will never do.
It will never make a Match At least before he has been abroad (WW, IV, I, 424).
Waitwell, impersonating as Sir Rowland, arrives at Lady Wishforts and expresses his impatience to marry the
Lady. He says: My Impatience, Madam, is the Effect of my Transport; and till I have the Possession of
your adorable Person, I am tantalizd on the Rack; and do but hang, Madam, on the Tenter of Expectation
(WW, IV, I, 431-33). Lady Wishfort is all humility and cooperation. But when she calls dancers to entertain Sir
Rowland, she receives Mrs. Marwoods letter informing her that the man who is pretending to be Sir Rowland
is a cheat and a rascal. Waitwell says he will bring his blackbox is which he keeps the documents pertaining to
his property. He also says that the letter has been written by Mirabell. He succeeds in leaving Lady Wishforts
house but Mr. Fainall comes with a police officer and gets him arrested. Lady Wishfort is told how Foible has
been cheating her. The Lady is very angry.
Mr. Fainall also tells Lady Wishfort that Arabella is Mirabells mistress, and, thus, she has been faithless to her
husband. Mrs. Fainall reveals that her husband has illicit relations with Mrs. Marwood. Mr. Fainall tries to
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blackmail Lady Wishfort and says he can ignore his wifes wantonness on the condition that Arabella will settle
on him the remainder of her fortune not made over already and for her maintenance will depend on Mr. Fainall,
Lady Wishfort can enjoy her own proper estate only during her lifetime on the condition that she obliges herself
never to marry under such penalty as he thinks convenient, and in case she is prescribed marriage for health,
Fainall will have the power to choose for her, and the amount of six thousand pounds which is the moiety of
Mrs. Millamants fortune in the Ladys possession will also be given to Fainall as Mrs. Millamant has forfeited
it, as per the last will and testament of Lady Wishforts deceased husband Sir Jonathan Wishfort, by refusing
the offered match with Sir Willful Witwoud and contracting herself against her aunts consent or knowledge.
Lady Wishfort does not want to accept even one of these demands and angrily, says: this insolence is beyond
all Precedent, all Parallel; must I be subject to this merciless villain? Mrs. Marwood pretends to be her friend
but advises her to accept every demand of Fainall.
Here we reach the fifth Act of the play. Thus what has been done by Mirabell to achieve his end upto this time
extending over four Acts ends in smoke. No doubt, an unsuccessful attempt of the protagonist can be included
in a drama as one of the incidents but it should not overshadow the successful attempt. It is the successful
attempt that is everybodys concern and should receive the focus. Since that has not happened here it will be
regarded as one of the weaknesses of the plot.
When the whole plot of Mirabell comes to nothing, thanks to Mrs. Marwood, and Mr. Finall and Mrs. Marwood
have won a major victory, Mirabell and Mrs. Fainall do not accept defeat. They make another move to counter
Mrs. Marwood and Mr. Fainall. First of all Mrs. Fainall collects proofs to substantiate the illicit relations
between her husband and Mrs. Marwood. Foible and Mincing agree to reveal an incident which proves the
charge. Foible says: I can take my Oath of it, Madam, so can Mrs. Mincing; we have had many a fair Word
from Madam Marwood, to conceal something that passd in our Chamber one Evening when you were at
Hide-Park; and we were thought to have gone a Walking: But we went up unawares tho we were
sworn to Secresie too; (WW, V, I, 80-84). Both Foible and Mincing agree to help Mrs. Fainall.
Mirabell makes Sir Willfull Witwoud and Mrs. Millamant agree to help him. He makes Millamant pretend that
she is willing to marry Sir Willful. And so Millamant will not forfeit the moiety of her fortune in Lady Wishforts
possession. When Millamant says to Lady Wishfort: I am content to be a Sacrifice to your Repose, Madam;
(WW, V, I, 284), the Lady is very happy and says: Well, Ill swear I am something revivd at this Testimony
of your Obedience; (WW, V, I, 293). Thus one of Mr. Fainalls demands stands rejected. Actually Sir
Willfull has no intention to marry at the moment and he intends to go on a foreign tour. So he has no objection
to Millamants marriage with Mirabell. He has agreed to become a part of the execution of Mirabells plan
because Mirabell is going to be his fellow traveller and to be his interpreter. Mirabell comes to Lady Wishfort
and wishes to be excused for the Rowland episode. He gives a convincing argument: it was an Innocent
Device; tho I confess it had a face of Guiltiness, It was at most an Artifice which Love contrivd And
Errors which love produces have ever been accounted Venial (WW, V, I, 336-339). Mirabell offers to
provide a remedy for Mr. Fainalls demand for Mrs. Fainalls property. He produces a document which is a
Deed of Conveyance of the whole Estate real of Arabella Languish, Widow, in Trust to Edward Mirabell.
This proves that when Arabella was Languishs widow and had not married Fainall, she put the whole of her
property in Edward Mirabells trust and now it is in Mirabells possession with the result that neither Lady
Wishfort nor Mrs. Fainall is in a position to give it to Mr. Fainall. Thus Mr. Fainalls plan to grab Mrs. Fainalls
property also fails.
Mrs. Fainall also produces Foible and Mincing to expose Mrs. Marwood to Lady Wishfort and tell her that
Mrs. Marwood is Mr. Fainalls mistress. Lady Wishfort is shocked to know it and exclaims: O Marwood,
Marwood, art thou false? My Friend deceive me? Hast thou been a wicked Accomplice with the profligate
Man? (WW, V, I, 421-23). Both Fainall and Mrs. Marwood threaten to take revenge.
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Thus relieved Lady Wishfort is happy with Mirabell and pardons both Waitwell and Foible. Even the problem
of Mirabells marriage with Millament is solved as Lady Wishfort gives her consent to that provided Sir Willful
has no objection. Sir Willfull readily withdraws his claim over Millamant saying; Sheart, Aunt, I have no
mind to marry. My Cousins a fine Lady and the Gentleman loves her and she loves him, and they deserve one
another;. (WW V, i, 512-14). The drama ends with Mirabells reciting two couplets:
From hence that those be warnd, who mean to wed;
Lest mutual Falsehood stain the Bridal Bed:
For each Deceiver to his cost may find
That marriage frauds to oft are paid in kind.
The Plot-Construction of The Way of the World

Congreves comedy The Way of the World is a comedy that revolves round a love-intrigue. It is a lovecomedy as here Mirabell is in love with Millamant and makes efforts to win her hand in marriage along with the
whole of her property. The intrigue that he devises and executes to achieve this end of his, and the counterintrigue devised by Mr. Fainall and Mrs. Marwood to frustrate his efforts form the plot of this drama. But the
weakness of the plot is that the intrigue that Mirabell devises and executes in order to win Millamant
ends in nothing even though it covers most of this comedy and the solution of the problem comes through
a piece of paper. If the whole intrigue was to end in smoke it should not have been made to cover the bulk
of the drama and should have been simply reported. The bulk of the drama should have been covered
by the measures which remove the impediments between the lover and the beloved and make the marriage
possible.
Congreve observes the rule of three unities in this play. We have the unity of time in it as the time taken by the
incidents of the drama is, as the dramatist himself says, equal to that of the presentation; we have here the
unity of place as all the incidents take place in the city of London; and we have the unity of action here as all
the incidents included in the play have something or the other to do with the marriage of Mirabell and Millamant,
and when that has been agreed upon the play is over.
The success of a play depends considerably on the incidents that a dramatist selects for inclusion in the plot. If
these incidents have an appeal to the spectators aesthetic sense they will enable the play to endear itself to the
spectators and readers. Usually they include a courtship scene in a love comedy. For instance, in Shakespeares
As You Like It Orlando and Rosalind (disguised as a boy) meet in the Forest of Arden when Rosalind says:
...men are April when they woo, December when they wed . Likewise in The Tempest there is a scene in
which Ferdinand and Miranda meet in a lonely place and Miranda says to him that she will become his wife if
he marries her, otherwise she will become his maid. We have one such scene in The Way of the World but
here we have a different kind of beloved: she is not willing to surrender her all in order to become a wife. Here
she is willing to surrender only a few of her liberties. And that is the attitude of Mirabell too. Here are some of
the conditions laid down by Millamant: Mirabell, Ill lye a Bed in a Morning as long as I pleaseI wont be
called names after Im marryd, [I demand] Liberty to play and receive visits to and from whom I please;
to write and receive letters without Interrogatories or wry Faces on your Part; to wear what I please; and
chuse conversation with regard only to my Tea-Table, which you must never presume to approach without first
asking leave (WW IV, i, 168-98). Mirabell also offers conditions like: I prohibit all Masks for the Night,
made of oil-skins and I know not what Hogs-bones, Hares-gall, Pig water, and the Marrow of a roasted
Cat (WW IV, i, 221-23).
This bargain scene brings to light the fact that the husband and the wife in a comedy of manners are far from
being faithful to each other and that they wish to enjoy same liberties independent of each other but want to
keep their reputation unstained. While commenting on this bargain scene David Daiches observes: [Here]
hero and heroine, perfectly aware of each others faults and willing to keep up the usual social games in order
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to save them from the embarrassment of confrontation with each others naked emotions, reveal in their
mutual conversation something of the complexity and sadness of all human relationships.1
The Way of the World as a Satire

A discourse ridiculing a folly or a vice with the aim of correction is called a satire. It may be a poem, a drama,
a novel, or a short-story, meaning thereby that a satire is not a literary form or a genre. Rather any literary form
can be used as a satire. For example, when in the Rape of the Lock Pope is ridiculing women for spending
hours at the toilet to beautify themselves, he is using poetry as a satire, when in Twelfth Night Shakespeare is
ridiculing the Puritans through Malvolio and his folly in becoming ambitions to marry Countess Olivia, Shakespeare
is using drama for satirical purposes, and when swift ridicules writers for their spider-like originality in The
Battle of Books he is using tale as a satire.
In this drama Congreve satirizes, the practice of peoples being in love with others wives as the outcome of
this practice is that many of them find themselves to have become cuckolds. In The Way of the World, for
example, we have Mr. Fainall who is false to his wife and has a mistress named Mrs. Marwood, but soon he
finds that his wife Mrs. Arabella Fainall is the mistress of Mirabell. He finds himself to be a cuckold and, so, a
contemptible person: I, it seems, am a Husband, a Rank Husband; and my wife a very Errant, Rank-wife,
- all in the Way of the World. Sdeath to be an Anticipated Cuckold, a Cuckold in embrio! Sure I was born with
budding Antlers like a young Satyr, or a Citizens Child. Sdeath, to be Out-witted, to be Out-jilted OutMatrimonyd, (WW III, i, 545-50). When a man acquires a mistress, he does it under the impression that
his wife is faithful to him and will continue to be so. But when he discovers his wifes infidelity to him he finds
himself to have been out-witted by his wife. So long as a man does not come to know of his wifes infidelity he
regards his own infidelity as his smartness but when he finds he has been cuckolded by his wife, he realizes
how abominable the offence of infidelity is.
Congreve satirizes the ladies practice of painting themselves in order to look beautiful when he makes Mirabell
ask Millamant not to paint herself and keep her face as it is: I Article that you continue to like you own Face,
as long as I shall. And which it passes Current with me, that you endeavour not to new Coin it. To which end,
together with all vizards for the Day, I prohibit all marks of the night, made of oiled skins and I know not what
Hogs-bones, Hares-gall, Pig Water, and the marrow of a roasted cat (WW, IV, i, 218-23). He suggests
here that the face-paints are made of such odious material that they are not even worth-touching, not to
mention of using for painting ones face. He does it also when he describes Lady Wishforts painting her face
so thick that the moment she frowns, there are cracks in the varnish and she looks like an old peeled wall
(WW III, i, 126).
Congreve also satirizes ladies who wear tight dresses in order to keep themselves in shape especially when
they are in the family way. He does so when he makes Mirabell say to Millamant; I denounce against all
strait-lacing, squeezing for a shape, till you mould by Boys Head like a Sugar-loaf; and instead of a Man Child,
make me the father to a crooked-billet (WW IV, i, 230-32).
Hypocrisy is another fault which has been exposed in this drama. For instance, Lady Wishfort likes to have a
husband even though she is fifty-five years old, butthe pretends to hate male human beings.
Lady Wishfort also pretends to like a pastoral life and on one occasion says to Mrs. Marwood: ...I would
retire to Deserts and Solitudes; and feed harmless sheep by Groves and purling Streams. Dar marwood, let us
leave the World, and retire by ourselves and be shepherdesses (WW, V, i, 114-19). But when she gets an
opportunity to become a shepherdess, as Fainall demands from her the whole of her property, and an assurance
that she will never marry, and Marwood persuades her to accept this by saying: That Condition, I dare
1.
David Daiches, A Critical History of English Literature Vol. III (New Delhi: Allied, 2000 [1960], p. 547.
114
answer, my Lady will consent to, without Difficulty; she has already but to much experienced the perfidiousness
of men. Besides, Madam, when we retire to our Pastoral Solitude we shall bid adieu to all other thoughts
(WW, v, i 226-29), she backtracks saying, Ay, that's true; but in case of Necessity; as of health or some such
Emergency (WW, v, i, 230-31). This back tracking of hers in an indication of the fact that inh her heart
of hearts she is eager to get a husband.
Mirabell
Truly speaking, Mirabell is a rake and a cheat: he is in love with Millamant but in order to get easy approach to
her he pretends to be in love with Lady Wishfort, has illicit relations with Arabella and gets her married to Mr.
Fainall when she is pregnant. The spectators of the Restoration period might have regarded him as a gallant,
there is little appreciable in his morals. It appears that he has no conscience and he seems to regard cheating
as his birth-right. He is not content with his own cheating but makes even his servant Waitwell impersonate as
Sir Rowland and go to cheat Lady Wishfort. He believes that one cannot win ones beloved unless one employs
tricks to do that, as he says: I say that a man may as soon make a Friend by his Wit, or a Fortune by his
Honesty, as a win a woman with Plain-dealing and sincerity (WW, II, i, 407-09). For him everything is fair in
love.
He tells lies quite frequently. For instance, he told Lady Wishfort, when she was suffering from dropsy, that she
was being reported to be in labour. He regarded it as flattery, as he says: I did as much as Man coud with
any reasonable conscience; I proceeded to the very last Act of Flattery with her, and was guilty of a Song in
her commendation: when she lay in of a Dropsie, persuaded her she was reported to be in Labour. The
Devils int, if an old Woman is to be flatterd further, unless a man shoud endeavour downright personally to
debauch her; and that my virtue forbade me..
Mirabells brain is very fertile in contriving plots and implementing them. He contrives three successive plans
to win Millamants hand along with the whole of her property including the moiety of six thousand pounds in the
possession of Lady Wishfort: First, he pretends to be Lady Wishforts lover; when his pretension has been
exposed to the Lady by Mrs. Marwood, he makes his servant Waitwell impersonate as Sir Rowland and
approach Lady Wishfort as her lover; and, thirdly, when the second contrivance too comes to nothing, thanks
to Mrs. Marwood, he makes Sir Willfull Witwoud and Millamant pretend that they have agreed to marry as per
the old Ladys wish.
Mirabell is very expert in the art of dissembling. When he pretended to be in love with Lady Wishfort, he
practised all the arts with the result that Lady Wishfort began to regard him as her genuine lover. How
successfully he dissembled comes to light from the following report of Lady Wishfort:
.the Hours that he has dyd away at my Feet, the Tears that he has shed, the Oaths that he has sworn, the
palpitations that he has felt, the Trances and the Tremblings, the Ardors and the Ecstacies, the Kneelings and
the Risings, the Heart-heavings and the Hand-gripings, the pangs and the Pathetick Regards of his protesting
Eyes! (WW IV, i, 548-53).
He not only said he was in love but also pretended to tremble, and to go in the state of trance!
He is also a past master in the art of persuading people to become his tools. In his first intrigue it is Millamant
who lets him cheat her aunt Lady Wishfort and does not reveal to her that he is not in love with her; in the
second intrigue Foible and Waitwell agree to play in his hands; and in the third Millamant agrees to pretend that
she is willing to marry Sir Willfull and Sir Willfull also agrees to pretend that he will marry Millamant. Foible
talks of this capacity of Mirabell when she tells Lady Wishfort: Mr. Mirabell seducd me; I am not the first
that he has wheadld with his dissembling Tongue; Your Ladyships own Wisdom has been deluded by him,
then how shoud I, a poor Ignorant, defend my self? . (WW V, i, 22-25).
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But he will not let his reputation be stained. He likes to have the reputation of being a man of morals and in
order to get that reputation he will do even disagreeable and dangerous deeds. For example, in order to
preserve his and Arabellas reputation as well-behaved persons, he makes Arabella marry Fainall even though
he knows that Fainall is a man of loose morals. He tells his beloved Arabella, Why do we daily commit
disagreeable and dangerous actions? To save that Idol Reputation. If the Familiarities of our Loves had producd
that consequence, of which you were apprehensive, where could you have fixd a father's Name with credit,
but on a Husband? (WW II, i, 232-36).
Mirabells Prudence never deserts him and keeps his attention focused on one gain or another. It is a proof of
his active prudence that he resolves to get Millamant as his wife, and at the same time ensure that she brings
to him the whole of the property her parents have left her. It is for that purpose that he designs to make his
servant Waitwell impersonate as Sir Rowland and marry Lady Wishfort so that he (Mirabell) is in a position to
reveal the imposture betimes and release her by producing a certificate of Waitwells former marriage with
Foible, provided that Lady Wishfort consents to Mirabells marriage with Millamant and surrenders the moiety
of Millamants fortune in her (Lady Wishforts) possession (WW II, i, 260-65). That is why this is not at all
surprising that he instructs Mrs. Fainall to hate her husband with prudence (WW, II, i, 225). It was his
prudence that made him take the precaution of making Lady Wishforts daughter Arabella, his beloved, entrust
the whole of her estate in trust to himself so that Fainall is not able to cheat or force Arabella out of her estate.
Mirabells remark to Mrs. Fainall I would not tempt my servant to betray me by trusting him too for. If your
mother, in hopes to ruin me, shoud consent to marry my pretended Uncle, he might like Mosca in the Fox,
stand upon Terms; so I made him sure beforehand (WW II, i, 255-58) evidence the fact that he does not trust
even his servant as he knows anybody can betray one. Mirabell is right in distrusting people as in this play
almost everybody is trying to cheat one or the other and nobody is trust-worthy. Mirabells illustrating his point
with an example from Ben Jonsons comedy Volpone or the Fox signifies that he loves Ben Jonsons comedy
Volpone and has read or viewed it with care.
Mirabell does not feel any shame in telling lies, and pretends to have relinquished the desire to marry Millamant
though he is executing another plan to gain her. When he says to Lady Wishfort: At least think it is Punishment
enough, that I have lost what is my Heart I hold most dear, that to your cruel Indignation, I have offerd up this
beauty, and with her my Peace and Quiet; nay all my Hopes of future Comfort (WW V, i, 339-42) he is
making another bid to get what his heart holds most dear.
Even Sir Willfull Witwoud becomes his tool when he agrees to dissemble before Lady Wishfort and declare
Mirabell to be his friend: Sheart, the Gentlemans a Civil Gentleman, Aunt, let him come in; why we are
sworn Brothers and Fellow-Travellers We are to be Pylades and Orestes, he and I He is to be my
Interpreter in Foreign Parts. He has been Over-seas once already; and with proviso that I marry my cousin,
will cross em once again, only to bear me company (WW V, i, 303-09). All this shows that Mirabell has a
bewitching tongue and can charm whomsoever he likes. That must be the reason why Lady Wishfort does not
want him to come face to face before her and says: I cannot admit that Traitor. I fear I cannot fortify
myself to support his Appearance. He is as terrible to me as a Gorgon; if I see him I fear I shall turn to stone,
petrifie incesantly (WW V, i, 293-97). And actually when Mirabell comes to her, she readily believes him and
lets herself be cheated once again.
Another device that Mirabell employs is that he underplays his own faults and offences so that his listeners
may regard his offences to be minor and, so, excusable. For example, his sending Waitwell as Sir Rowland to
Lady Wishfort is not a minor offence, but he justifies it saying: it was an Innocent Device; tho I confess
it had a face of Guiltiness It was at most an Artifice which Love contrivd And Errors which Love
produces have ever been accounted Venial (WW V, i, 336-39).
116
Mirabell is a good judge of character and that is one of the reasons why nobody is able to cheat him. For
instance, he correctly judges Lady Wishfort to be a Lady aspiring to get a lover with the result that he begins
to pretend to be her lover. Likewise, he correctly judged Fainall to be a man deserving to have Arabella as his
wife, as he tells Arabella: I knew Fainall to be a Man Lavish of his Morals, an interested and a professing
Friend, a false and a designing Lover; yet one whose Wit and outward fair Behaviour, have gaind a Reputation
with the Town, enough to make that Woman stand excusd, who has sufferd herself to be won by his Addresses
(WW II, i, 236-40).
So far as his views are concerned, it is obvious that he believes beauty to be there in the eyes of the beholder
rather than something objective, as he says to millamant, Beauty is the Lovers Gift; tis he bestows your
charms Your Glass is all a cheat. The ugly and the old, whom the looking-glass mortifies, yet after
commendation can be flatterd by it, and discover beauties in it: For that reflects our praises rather than your
face. (WW II, i, 345-49).
Mirabell is poetic in his expressions quite often. Here is, for example, his description of Millamant whom he
finds charming and whom he describes in terms of a ship: Here she comes i faith full sail, with her fan
spread and her streamers out, and a Shoal of Fools for Tenders (WW, II, i, 283-84). He is witty too and
gives a testimony of his wit when he is talking to Millamant in the bargain scene, and when she talks of
dwindling into a wife, he talks of enlarging into a husband:
Millament: These articles subscribd, if I continue to endure you a little longer, I may by degrees
dwindle into a wife.
Mirabell: Your Bill of Fare is something advancd in this latter account. Well, have I Liberty to
offer conditions That when you are dwindld into a wife, I may not be beyond measure enlargd
into a husband? (WW, IV, i, 199-205)
Both Mirabell and Fainall make plans and counter plans to achieve their ends: Mirabell is intelligent enough to
frustrate the designs of Fainall to get the property of his wife as well as a moiety of Millamants fortune in Lady
Wishforts possession; Fainall has succeeded in frustrating Lady Wishfort and then compel her to give her
consent to the marriage of Millamant with Mirabell. The difference between the two is that Mirabell is more
shrewd than Fainall and though two plots have been frustrated by Fainall, it is Mirabell who has the last laugh
and gets not only Millamants hand but also the whole of her property including the moiety in Lady Wishforts
possession.
What differentiates Mirabell from Fainall is that while Fainall tries to have not only the property of his wife but
also that of Millamant and that of Lady Wishfort, as he enlists his demands while talking to his mother-in-law:
You shall enjoy your own proper Estate during Life; on condition you oblige yourself never to marry, under
such penalty as I think convenient.next, my wife shall settle on me the Remainder of her Fortune, not made
over already; and for her maintenance depend entirely on my discretion. Lastly, I will be endowd in right of
my wife, with that six thousand pound, which is the moiety of Mrs. Millamants fortune in your possession; and
which she has forfeited (WW, V, i, 220-46), Mirabell is trying to get nothing more than Millamants whole
property along with her hand in marriage. There is no difference between them so far as their having extramarital relations are concerned, as if Fainall is in love with Mrs. Marwood, Mirabell is in love with Arabella
(who is now Mrs. Fainall). In other words, Mirabell is not greedy while Fainall is.
Fainall
Fainall is a wicked man. He is in love with Marwood but has married Arabella. And even after his marriage
with Arabella he is carrying on his illicit relations with Marwood. He is, as Marwood says, Bankrupt in
honour, as indigent of wealth (WW II, i, 173). He marries Arabella not because he wishes to lead a happy
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domestic life with her but because she is rich and he intends to take from her wealth so that he may spend that
on himself and his beloved Marwood. This motive of his finds expression in his remark,
wherefore did I marry, but to make lawful prize of a rich widows wealth, and squander it on love and
you? (WW II, i, 81-82). This is the depth of wickedness that a man marries in order to get money from his
wife and to spend it on his concubine! His greed has made him cast his eyes even on the property of Millamant
and he expects to get its moiety, as he tells Mrs. Marwood, had you permitted Mirabell with Millamant to
have stoln their marriage, my lady had been incensd beyond all means of Reconcilement: Millamant has
forfeited the moiety of her Fortune; which then woud have descended to my wife; (WW II, i, 177-80). No
doubt, one needs money to buy things, but there are desirable and undesirable ways of earning money. If one
earns by selling ones produce or by trading commodities or by providing ones service to the needy one is
adopting fair means to enrich oneself. But if one enriches oneself by robbing people one is wicked. And one
who robs ones mother-in-law, ones wife, and ones sister-in-law, ones wickedness is contemptible. If Mirabell
had not taken necessary precautions, Arabella would have been robbed by Fainall.
Mr. Fainall is a cuckold as his wife Arabella is in love with Mirabell. The fact is communicated to him in the
following exchange of remarks between Mr. Fainall and his beloved Mrs. Marwood:
Mrs. Marwood: If I am [jealous] is it inconsistent with my love to you that I am tender of your honour?
Fainall: You woud intimate then, as if there were a fellow-feeling between my wife and [Mirabell].
Mrs. Marwood: I think she does not hate him to that degree she woud be thought.
Fainall: But he, I fear, is too Insensible.
Mr. Marwood: it may be you are deceived. (WW II, i, 107-14)
As he is faithless to his wife, she is faithless to him. Such a state of affairs is responsible for a feeling of
bitterness between the two: on the one hand his wife hates him and says to Mirabell, While I only hated my
husband, I could bear to see him, but since I have despisd him, hes too offensive (WW II, i, 223-24), on the
other he hates his wife and says to Millamant, Ill hate my wife yet more, Damn her, Ill part with her, rob her
of all shes worth and will retire somewhere, anywhere to another world, (WW II, i, 214-16).
Fainall marries Arabella of his own free will but he regards marriage as fetters, as he communicates to Mrs.
Marwood when he says to her, am I not Married?Am I not Imprisond, Fettered? Have I not a wife!
may a wife that was a Widow, a young Widow, a handsome Widow; and would be again a Widow, but that I
have a heart of proof and something of a constitution to bustle thro the Ways of Wedlock and this World
(WW II, i, 184-88). A marriage brings two halves of one whole and makes it possible for them not only to give
birth to children but also to bring them up and to make it possible for them to have a suitable atmosphere to
grow in. That is the reason why almost every sane person wants to get married. If somebody regards this
marriage as fetters, there must be something wrong with his/her thinking.
What is surprising about Fainall is that he is jealous as a lover though not at all jealous as a husband. When he
feels that Marwood likes to be where Mirabell is and that she is repeatedly exposing Mirabell he begins to
suspect that she is in love with Mirabell. This arouses jealousy in his heart and he charges her with Infidelity,
with loving of another, with love of Mirabell (WW, II, i, 132). He says to her, The injuries you have done him
are a proof: Your interposing in his love. What cause had you to make discoveries of his pretended passion? To
undeceive the credulous Aunt, and be the officious Obstacle of his Match with Millamant? (WW, II, i, 13640), and thus conveys to her that she is doing all such things because she is in love with Mirabell. But he lets his
own wife remain in love with Mirabell, as he tells Marwood, Twas for my ease to oversee and willfully
neglect the gross advances made him by my wife; that by permitting her to be engagd, I might continue
unsuspected in my pleasures; and take you oftener to my Arms in full security (WW, II, i, 125-28).
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Millamant
Millamant is an attractive lady. She has been described by Mirabell in the following words: Here she comes
i faith full Sail, with her Fan spread and her streamers out, (WW, II, i, 282-83) Mirabell uses the image of
a ship in this description. It is a tribute to her charms that she is usually attended by a flock of fashionable young
men, as Mirabell tells her, You usd to have the Beaumond Throng after you; and a Flock of gay fine
Perrukes hovering round you. (WW, II, i, 289-91), and receives a large number of letters (many of which are
in verse) which she uses to pin up her hair (WW II, i, 319). She also knows that she is charming and can attract
lovers quite easily as she says to Mirabell, ..one makes lovers as fast as one pleases, and they live as long as
one pleases, and they die as soon as one pleases: And then if one pleases one makes more (WW, II, i, 35356). She prides herself on having gained Mirabell as her lover as there are ladies like Lady Wishfort and Mrs.
Marwood who have tried to gain his heart and have been rejected. That is why she triumphantly boasts of her
achievement when she sings:
Tis not to wound a wonton Boy
Or amrous Youth, that gives the Joy;
But tis the Glory to have piercd a Swain,
For whom inferior Beauties sighd in vain
Then I alone the Conquest prize,
When I insult a Rivals Eyes;
If theres Delight in love, tis when I see
That Heart which others bleed for, bleed for me. (WW III, i, 333-40)
Millamant is not a kind of girl who will rush into her lovers arms blindly. She can agree to become a wife only
when her terms and conditions are accepted. She frankly tells Mirabell that she will not like to be instructed or
reprimanded: Mirabell, if you persist in this offensive Freedom youll displease me I think I must
resolve after all, not to have you I shant endure to be reprimanded, nor instructed; tis so dull to act
always by advice, and so tedious to be told of ones faults I cant bear it (WW, II, i, 393-400). It is in the
bargain scene that she is in her form and bargains quite close-fistedly.
She wants to be solicited by her lover till the last moment even if she is on verge of marriage, as she tells
Mirabell candidly: Ill fly and be followd to the last moment, though I am upon the very Verge of Matrimony,
I expect you shoud solicit me as much as if I were wavering at the Gate of a monastery, with one foot over the
threshold. Ill be solicited to the very last, (WW, IV, i, 141-44). No doubt this approach will make her
valuable in the eyes of her lover, but what she does not pay her attention to is the fact that if she keeps
uncertainty alive too long, it is possible that she loses him to an inferior rival of hers.
If we study her demands in the bargain scene we can come to know much about what she thinks of married
life. When she says: I wont be calld Names Ay, as Wife, Spouse, my Dear, Joy, Jewel, Love, Sweetheart,
and the rest of that Naseous Cant, in which Men and their wives are so fulsomely familiar, (WW IV, i,
172-76), she brings it home to Mirabell that she does not like a husbands exhibiting his affection to his wife. In
other words she likes to have a stiff upper lip attitude as a typical English person is believed to have. She seems
to think that the newly married persons become indecent in exhibiting their fondness for each other in the early
days of their married life but soon grow weary and then are not seen even together with the result that they
give the impression that they were proud of one another the first week, and ashamd of one another ever
after (WW IV, i, 180-81). She makes prudent demands when she says: [I would like] to have no Obligation
upon me to converse with Wits that I dont like, because they are your Acquaintance; or to be intimate with
fools, because they may be your relations. Come to dinner when I please, dine in my dressing room when Im
out of Humour without giving a reason (WW IV, i, 290-96).
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But when she demands that she would like to have her closet inviolate, and that Mirabell, when he is her
husband, shall always knock at the door before [he comes] in (WW, IV, i, 296, 299), she is demanding
something that some husband may resent or may refuse to accept as a husband is not likely to allow his wifes
closet to be inviolate and will refuse to knock at the door when he enters his wifes room. That is the reason
why Mirabell immediately demands, I Covenant that your acquaintance be general; that you admit no
sworn confident, or intimate of your own sex; No Decoy Duck to wheadle you a fop scrambling to the
play in a mask then bring you home in a pretended fright, when you think you shall be found out (WW, IV,
i, 208-14).
Millamant too holds certain aesthetic views. She rejects Mirabells view that beauty lies in the eyes of the
beholder, when she says: O the vanity of these men!If they did not commend us, we were not handsome!
Now you must know they could not commend one, if one was not handsome (WW, II, i, 350-52), and adds:
One no more owes ones beauty to a lover, than ones wit to an echo: (WW, II, i, 359-60). She means
to say that beauty exists irrespective of the beholder and that a beholder describes a thing as beautiful provided
it is beautiful.
Lady Wishfort
Lady Wishfort, the mother of Mrs. Arabella Fainall is suffering from green sickness even in her old age, and is
desperate to get a husband. For some time she hopes she can become Mirabells wife though actually Mirabell
is in love with her niece Millamant and only pretends to be in love with her. Then she tries to become Sir
Rowlands wife, though the man who is impersonating as Sir Rowland is Mirabells servant Waitwell, and
escapes becoming Waitwells wife because Mrs. Marwood informs her of this fact before the marriage takes
place. She is not willing to agree to Fainalls demand that she obliges herself never to marry, as first she asks
him, Never to marry? (WW, V, i, 223) and then pleads, but in case of Necessity; as of Health or some
such Emergency (WW, V, i 230-31). Nay, when Mirabell comes to her at the end of the Rowland
episode, she finds her feeling of love revived as she says to herself, Oh, he has Witchcraft in his Eyes and
Tongue; When I did not see him I could have bribd a Villain to his Assassination; but this Appearance rakes
the Embers which have so long lain smotherd in my Breast (WW, V, i, 356-59). She, as Mirabell says,
publishes her Destestation of Mankind; and full of the Vigour of fifty-five, declares for a friend and Ratafia;
(WW, I, i, 55-7). She is so keen to get a husband that she can marry anybody. That is the reason why Mirabell
says: I think the good Lady would marry anything that resembld a Man, tho twere no more than what
a Butler could pinch out of a Napkin (WW, II, i, 273-75).
Even at the age of fifty-five she likes not only to be loved but also to give birth to children. That must have been
the reason why Mirabell told her the malicious Town took notice that she was grown fat of a sudden; and
when she lay in of a Dropsie, persuaded her she was reported to be in Labour (WW I, i, 66-69) and he
regarded it as her flattery!
In order to conceal her wrinkles she paints her face so much that even if she frowns, the paint cracks. It is
Foible who draws her attention to that once when she tells her, Your Ladyship has frownd a little too rashly,
indeed Madam. There are some Cracks discernible in the white Varnish (WW, III, i, 123-24). These cracks
distrub the lady so much that she says: why I am arrantly fleadI look like an old peeld Wall (WW, III, i,
125-26). The paint on her face is so thick that her real face remains hidden under it. Sir Willfull refers to this
fact when he says: she dare not frown desperately, because her face is none of her own. Sheart an she
shoud her forehead woud wrinkle like the coat of a cream-cheese; (WW, V, i, 317-19).
But inspite of all this she considers herself a pattern of virtue and wishes herself to have been regarded as a
model by her daughter as she says to her, O Daughter, Daughter, is it possible thou shouldst be my Child,
Bone of my Bone, and Flesh of my Flesh, and as I may say, another me, and yet transgress the most minute
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Particle of severe virtue? Is it possible you should lean aside to Iniquity, who have been cast in the direct Mould
of Virtue? I have not only been a Mould but a Pattern for you, and a Model for you, after you were brought into
the World (WW, V, i, 123-29). It is ones practice, rather than ones preaching, that is learnt by ones sons,
daughters, and followers. That is the reason why Chaucers Parson first practises and then preaches. Lady
Wishfort wants her daughter to shun the company of male human beings but she herself likes to have a
husband even at the age of fifty-five. This fact cannot be kept hidden from the notice of Arabella Fainall and
the daughter knows that her mother only pretends to hate male human beings, as she tells Mrs. Marwood,
it seems you dissemble an Aversion to Mankind, only in compliance with any Mothers Humour (WW,
II, i, 17-18).
Lady Wishfort holds the opinion that if a girl is kept away from male human beings, upto the age of 15, she is
not likely to deviate from the path of virtue. The fact comes to light when she reports how she brought up her
daughter Arabella: As Im a Person tis true she was never sufferd to play with a Male-Child, tho but
in coats; Nay her very Babies were of the Feminine Gender. O, she never lookd a Man in the Face but her
own Father, or the Chaplain, and him we made a shift to put upon her for a Woman, by the help of his long
garments, and his sleek face; till she was going in her fifteen (WW, V, i, 165-71). But since inspite of all such
precautions taken by her Arabella has allowed herself to become Mirabells mistress, it comes to light that her
views about a girls bringing up are not correct. She seems to think that it is the company of a male human
being that makes a girl sex-conscious, but Charles Darwin seems to be right when he includes sex-consciousness
in the list of instincts.
Lady Wishfort seems to be a well-read person, because she alludes to the behaviour of a character in Don
Quixote, the famous novel of Cervantes, when she scolds Peg for her bad manners and says: What, wouldst
thou go with the Bottle in thy Hand like a Tapster! As Im a Person, this Wench has livd in an Inn upon the
Road before she came to me, like Maritornes the Asturian in Don Quixote (WW III, i, 31-34). In her closet
she has, as she says, Quarles and Pryn, and the Short View of the Stage, with Bunyans Works (WW,
III, i, 58-59). Here she mentions the works of four authors, namely Francis Quarels (1552-1644) who was a
poet and whose popular work was Divine Embelems, William Prynne (1600-1669) who attacked the popular
amusements of the day in his work Historiomastrix or a Scourge for Stage Players (1633). Jeremy Collier
(whose pamphlet Short View of the Stage became very famous), and John Bunyan (1628-1688) whose
famous works were The Holy War, Grace Abounding, and The Pilgrims Progress.
Lady Wishfort is too simple to escape being gulled by cunning people like Mirabell, Foible, Fainall, and Mrs.
Marwood. She is so credulous that she cannot detect lies and accepts whatever people tell her, with the result
that people cheat her again and again: once Mirabell pretended to be in love with her, then Foible makes her
believe that Waitwell is Sir Rowland, and then Marwood makes her believe she is her friend and is trying to
protect her interests when she and Fainall want her to agree never to marry under such penalty as Fainall
thinks convenient. The cunning ways of people sometimes make her resolve to leave the world to feed
harmless sheep by Groves and purling streams (WW, V, i, 117-18).
Even though she becomes angry, shouts at people and even threatens to punish the cheats, Lady Wishfort is not
able to do anybody any harm. When she comes to know of Foibles being an accomplice of Mirabell, she
shouts at her: Out of my House, out of my House, thou Viper, thou Serpent, that I have fosterd, thou bosom
Traitress, that I raisd from nothingBegon, begon, go, go, (WW V, i, 1-3). And then she threatens her:
Ill couple you, Yes, Ill Dukes-Place you, as Im a person. Your Turtle is in Custody already: You shall go in
the same cage, if there be constable or warrant in the Parish (WW V, i, 46-49). But she is able to do no harm
to her. Whe she is angry with Mirabell, she comes out with threats, Ods my Life, Ill have him poisond.
Where does he eat? Ill marry a Drawer to have him poisond in his Wine (WW III, i, 87-89). But Mirabell is
too sharp for her to touch. When, she willfull witwoud drinks too much she shouts at him. get thee gone,
William Congreve
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get thee but far enough, to the Saracens, or the Tartars, or the Turksfor thou art not fit to live in a Christian
Commonwealth, thou beastly Pagan (WW, IV, i, 384-86).
Mrs. Marwood
Mrs. Marwood is a lady who likes to enjoy the pleasures of youth as much as she can, as she says to Arabella
Fainall, tis better to be left, than never to have been lovd. To pass out youth in dull indifference, to refuse
the sweets of Life because they once must leave us; is as preposterous, as to wish to have been born Old,
because we one Day must be Old. For my part, my youth may wear and waste, but it shall never rust in my
Possession (WW II,I,11-16). She loves mens company, rather than womens, as she says, : I have no
Taste of those insipid dry Discourses, with which our sex of force must entertain themselves, apart from
Men (WW II, i, 19-21). She believes that a woman can only pretend to be friendly with a woman, but she can
never perservere in that friendship, and sooner or later she will fall in love with a man. She expresses this
opinion of hers when she says: We may effect Endearments to each other, profess eternal friendships, and
seem to dote like Lovers; but tis not in our Natures long to persevere. Love will resume his Empire in our
Breasts, and every Heart, or soon or late, receive and readmit him as its lawful Tyrant (WW, II, i, 21-25).
Since the attraction between persons of opposite sex is instinctive, she appears to be instinctive in her behaviour.
And true to what she asserts she is in love with Mirabell and Fainall: she has become Fainalls mistress, but she
wishes to become Mirabells wife. And since Mirabell does not respond to her love, she is unhappy.
Since Mirabell has rejected her as he has not agreed to marry Lady Wishfort, the two ladies have become
friends. It is usually seen that two persons facing identical or even similar setbacks become friends, as they are
in a position to sit and hear each other groan.
Another thing that is common to the two ladies is that both of them, as Mrs. Fainall says, dissemble an
Aversion to Mankind (WW II, i, 17). Mrs. Marwood actively helps Lady Wishfort at least in two cases. First,
she detected that Mirabells addresses to Lady Wishfort were sham (WW I, i, 58) and that he was trying to
get Millamant as his wife. Secondly, it is she who reveals it to Lady Wishfort that the man who has come to
Lady Wishfort in disguise as Sir Rowland is actually Mirabells servant Waitwell. Marwood might have had
some other motives too as she does not like Mirabells having neglected her, but she has definitely helped Lady
Wishfort by not letting her be cheated by Mirabell. That is the reason why Lady Wishfort is thankful to her and
says: O my dear Friend, how can I enumerate the Benefits that I have receivd from your Goodness? To you
I owe the timely Discovery of the false vows of Mirabell; to you the Detection of the Impostor Sir Rowland
(WW V, i, 108-11).
Even when she is found to have behaved wickedly she does not lose her presence of mind and makes the rebel
a victim. For example, when Fainall charges her with being false in her friendship with Arabella, as even
though she calls herself Arabellas friend, she has allowed herself to become the mistress of Arabellas husband,
she readily charges Fainall with ingratitude when she says to him, Shame and ingratitude! Do you reproach
me? You, you upbraid me! Have I been false to her, thro strict fidelity to you, and sacrificd my friendship to
keep my Love inviolate? And have you the Baseness to charge me with the Guilt, unmindful of the Merit! To
you it shoud be meritorious, that I have been vicious. And do you reflect that Guilt upon me, which should lie
buried in your Bosom? (WW, II, i, 150-56). He is ignoring her love for himself and is highlighting her cheating
Mrs. Fainall, she ignores her cheating Mrs. Fainall and highlights her love for Fainall. The secret of ones
success in arguments is that one highlights ones strong points and ignores ones weak points. And since at last
it is Fainall who has to say: Come, I ask your Pardon No Tears I was to blame, I coud not love you
and be easie in my Doubts Pray forbear I believe you; Im convincd I have done you wrong it is
obvious that she has had the upper hand and has overpowered Fainall, and that she is sharper than Fainall.
No doubt it is Fainall who behaves like a villain, but it is Marwood who plans whatever he does. It is she who
designs the course of action that can enable him to get for himself his wifes property as she tells him:
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Discover to my Lady your Wifes conduct; threaten to part with her My Lady loves her; and will come
to any composition to save her Reputation. Take the opportunity of breaking it, just upon the Discovery of this
imposture. My Lady will be enragd beyond Bounds, and sacrifice Niece, and Fortune, and all at that conjecture.
And let me alone to keep her warm, if she shoud flag in her part, I will not fail to prompt her (WW, III, i,
572-78).
Mrs. Marwood joins hands with Fainall in trying to fleece Lady Wishfort and makes a plan how this can be
done when she instructs him like this. Mrs Fainall is right in describing her as a leach when she says, Stick
to you? Ay, like a leach, to suck your best blood shell drop off when shes full (WW V. i, 152-53). But she
tries to make Lady Wishfort feel that she is serving her selflessly and is helping her out of her troubles and
when Mrs. Fainall charges her with carrying on a love affair with Fainall, she charges her with being ungrateful
and says: I am sorry my zeal to serve your ladyship and family should admit of misconstruction, or make me
liable to Affronts (WW V, i, 143-45).
Mrs. Marwood knows the art of persuading people. She knows that one fears infamy most, especially the
infamy caused by the scandalous behaviour of ones daughter. So when Lady Wishfort refuses to believe that
her daughter is false to her husband and wants the charge to be proved, Mrs. Marwood changes her mind by
drawing her attention to the infamy that will be caused in case the matter goes to the court, Prove it,
Madam? What, and have your name prostituted in a publick court; yours and your daughters Reputation
worryd at the Bar by a pack of Bawling Lawyers (WW V, i, 183-85). Thus by frightening her Mrs. Marwood
makes her accept the charge that her daughter is guilty. What would have been done by a court after long
sittings, endless discussions, arguments and counter-arguments going for years has been realised just by one
single argument of Mrs. Marwood.
Wit and Humour in The Way of World

Congreves drama The Way of the World is characterized by sparkling wit. Most of the characters make
captivating remarks. When Millamant and Mirabell meet in the bargain scene and put forward their demands
they make witty remarks. For instance, when Millamant says: These Article subscribd, if I continue to
endure you a little longer, I may by degrees dwindle into a wife (WW IV, i, 199-201), Mirabell shoots out the
remark: have I liberty to offer conditionsthat when you are dwindld into a wife, I may not be beyond
measure enlargd into a Husband? (WW IV, i, 203-05).
Equally attractive, but more comic is the battle of wits between Witwoud and Petulant: if Witwoud calls
Petulant an epitomizer of words, Petulant calls Witwoud an annihilater of sense in the following exchange
of remarks between the two:
Petulant. Look you. Mrs. Millamant if you can love me, dear Nymph say it and thats the
conclusion pass on, or pass off thats all.
Witwoud. Thou hast utterd volumes, folios, in less than Decimo Sexto, my dear Lacedemonian,
Sirrah Petulant, thou art an Epitomizer of Words.
Petulant. Witwoud You are an annihilator of sense.
Witwoud. Thou art a Retailer of Phrases; and dost deal in Remnants of Remnants, like a maker of
Pincushions thou art in truth (metaphorically speaking) a speaker of short-hand.
Petulant. Thou art (without a Figure) just one half of an Ass; and Baldwin yonder, thy half brother
is the rest (WW IV, i, 299-10).
Witwoud and Petulant can call each other names quite readily, as they do in the following passage:
Petulant. Ill go sleep
Witwoud. Do, wrap thyself up like a wood-louse, and dream revenge and hear me, if thou canst learn to
write by tomorrow morning, pen me a challenge Ill carry it for thee.
Petulant. Carry you Mistresss Monkey a Spider, go flea dogs, and read Romances (WW IV, i,
326-31).
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It is in the fifth Act that we find in several cases how one person utters a remark to defend himself but soon his
adversary employs that very remark to attack him, just as in The Merchant of Venice Gratiano uses Shylock's
remark "A Daniel come to judgement" to ridicule Shylock and to give him a crushing defeat. For example,
when Mrs.Marwood informs Mr. Fainall through the evidence of Foible and Mincing, Fainall says: "'If it must
all come out, why let 'em know it, 'tis but the Way of the World'" (WW,V, i, 413-14). A little later when Mirabell
produces Arabella's deed of conveyance of her estate to Mirabell and Fainall finds confusion in it, Mirabell hits
him with his remark 'the way of the world': " 'Even so, sir; 'tis the way of the World, Sir; of the Widows of the
world. I suppose this Deed may bear an elder Data than what you have obtained from your Lady'" (WW V, i,
486-87)
In another example it is Mr. Fainall who hits Lady Wishfort, Mrs. Millamant, Mirabell and Sir Willful with their
expressions in the following piece of conversation:
Lady Wishfort: My Niece exerts a lawful claim, having match'd herself by my direction to Sir
Willfull.
Millamant: Sir, I have given my consent.
Mirabell: And, Sir, I have resign'd my Pretensions.
Sir Willfull: And Sir, I assert my Right; and will maintain it in defiance of you, sir, and of your
Instrument. 'Sheart an you talk of an Instrument sir, I have an old Fox by my thigh shall back your
Instrument of Ram Vellam to Shreads, Sir..
Fainall: .You shall submit your own Estate to my management, and absolutely make over my Wife's to my
sole use, as pursuant to the Purport and Tenor of this other Covenant.-------I suppose, Madam, you Consent is
not requisite in this case; nor, Mr. Mirabell, your Resignation; nor, Sir Willfull, your Right. (WW. V, i, 363-83).
Sir Willful too gets an opportunity to ridicule Fainall using his remark. When Sir Willfull threatens Fainall to use
his sword against him Fainall says: " 'You may draw your Fox if you please, Sir, and make a Bear-Garden
flourish somewhere else: For here it will not avail' " (WW V, i 384-85). A little later there comes a situation in
which Fainall gives a threat to become violent and beat Mrs. Fainall, then it is Sir Willfull's turn to hit Fainall
with his phrase and say: " 'Hold, Sir, now you may make your Bear-Garden Flourish somewhere else, Sir' "
(WW, V, i, 492-93)
The pun on the word 'instrument' in the following exchange of remarks is quite brilliant. Mr. Fainall uses the
word in the sense of a deed which he wants Lady Wishfort to sign, but Sir Willfull Witwoud uses it in the sense
of 'sword' which is a soldier's intrument. These are the two characters' remarks:
Fainall: Your Date of Deliberation, Madam, is expir'd. Here is the Instrument, are you prepared to
sign?
Sir Willfull: And, I assert my Right; and will maintain it in defiance of you, Sir, and of your Instrument.
'S heart an you talk of an Instrument Sir, I have an old Fox by my Thigh that shall back your
Instrument of Ram Vellam to Shreds, Sir, It shall not be sufficient for a Mittimus or a Tailor's
Measure; therefore withdraw Sir, or by'r Lady I shall draw mine. (WW V, i, 361-74)
Even the uses of the words 'withdraw' and 'draw' are quite brilliant.
Even Mrs. Fainall is quite proficient in using her adversary's words to hit him/her. Once she uses her mother's
words 'friend' to hit both her mother and Mrs. Marwood and at the same time Mr. Fainall. Here is the relevant
passage:
Lady Wishfort. O my dear Friend, how can I enumerate the Benefits that I have receiv'd from your
Goodness.
Mrs. Marwood: Let us first dispatch the Affair in hand, Madam
Lay Wishfort: O Daughter, Daughter, is it possible thou shou'dst be my child,
Mrs. Fainall: I don't understand your Ladyship
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I am wrong'd and abused and so are you. 'T is a false Accusation, as false as Hell, as false as your Friend
these, ay or your Friends Friend, my false Husband. (WW V, i, 180-37).
Lady Wishfort uses the word 'friend' in the sense of 'well-wisher' but Mrs. Fainall uses it in the senses of
'pretender', and 'lover' respectively. Similar is her use of the word 'stick' in the following extract:
Mrs. Marwood: You will pardon me, Madam, if I meddle no more with an Affair in which I am not
personally concern'd.
Lady Wishfort: No, stick to me, my good Genius.
Mrs. Fainall: .Stick to you? Ay, like a Leach, to such your best Blood - She'll drop off when
she's full. (WW V, i, 145-54 )
Lady Wishfort uses the word 'stick' in the sense of 'continue to be a friend' but Mrs. Fainall uses it in the sense
of 'continue to such the blood'.
Humour is also aroused when one ridicules another. For instance, Lady Wishfort has been ridiculed in the play
for painting her face. Once it is Sir WillFull Witwoud who does that when he speaks about Lady Wishfort in the
following words: " '..she dara not frown desperately, because her Face is none of her own. 'S heart an she
shou'd her Forehead wou'd wrinkle like the Coat of a Cream-cheese; but mum for that' " (WW, V, i, 315-17)
This practices of Lady Wishfort has been highlighted in the following piece of conversation:
Lady Wishfort: This Wretch has fretted me that I am absolutely decay'd. Look Foible.
Foible: Your Ladyship has frown'd a little too rashly, indeed Madam. There are some cracks
discernible in the white Varnish.
Lady: Let me see the Glass - Cracks, say'st thou? Why I am arrantly Flea'd - I look like an old
peel'd wall. Thou must repair me, Foible, before Sir Rowland comes, or I shall never keep up to my
Picture. (WW III, i, 121-28)
She cannot even frown rashly and if she does, the paint cracks and then she looks like a peeled Wall! It means
she does not paint her face but plasters it. No doubt it is human to beautify oneself but going to the extent of
plastering oneself in order to look beautiful and young is vulgar. If one has plastered one's face one loses one's
features and one's face does not remain one's own. How will people be able to recognize one in that case?
Irony is another source of humour. We have the use of this dramatic device of irony when the speaker is not
conscious of the implications of her/his utterance but the reader knows it and enjoys it. Congreve employs
irony when he makes Lady Wishfort say to her daughter: " 'O Daughter, Daughter, is it possible thou shou'dst
be my child, Bone of my Bone, and Flesh of my Flesh, and as I may say, another Me, and yet transgress the
most minute Particle of severe Virtue? Is it possible you should lean aside to Iniquity, who have been cast in the
direct. Mold of Virtue? I have not only been a Mold but a Pattern for you, and a Model for you, after you were
brought into the World' " (WW V, i, 123-29). No doubt Mrs. Fainall has been in love with Mirabell and on that
ground she is being charged of vice, but even Lady Wishfort has been in love with Mirabell. Mrs. Fainall has
the excuse of being a young widow, Lady Wishfort cannot be excused even on such a ground as she is fiftyfive years old. When Lady Wishfort inspite of her eagerness to marry calls herself virtuous, the readers laugh.
The Lady does not know that ladies behaving like her are not considered virtuous.
Long Answer Type Questions

1. Discuss William Congreve as a dramatist.
2. Discuss Congreve as a writer of comedies of manners.
3. What do you mean by the comedy of manners? In what ways is it different from the comedy of
humours?
4. Discuss The Way of the World as a comedy of manners.
5. Write a note on wit and humour in The Way of the World.
William Congreve
6.
Discuss The Way of the World as a satirical play.
7.
Justify the title of the play The Way of the World.
8.
Write a note on the bargain scene of The Way of the World.
9.
Is The Way of the World an immoral play? Give a reasoned answer.
125
10. Mirabell is the protagonist of the play The Way of the World but basically he is not different from Mr.
Fainall. Discuss.
11. Sketch the character of Marwood.
12. Lady Wishfort has been ridiculed mercilessly. Do you agree with this view?
Short Answer Type Questions

1. What is meant by wit? Distinguish between true wit and false wit.
2. What do you mean by satire? Which foibles of women have been satirized in The Way of the World?
3. Define the term Comedy of Manners.
4. What is the significance of the bargain scene in The Way of the World?
5. The end of The Way of the World is not convincing. How?
JOHN DRYDEN
M.A. (Previous)

ROHTAK 124 001

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written permission of the copyright holder.
ROHTAK 124 001
Contents
1.
All for Love: An Introduction
2.
The Restoration Age
3.
All for Love as a Heroic Tragedy
4.
The Plot of All for Love
13
5.
Cleopatra
17
6.
Antony
25
126
JOHN DRYDEN
All for Love
John Dryden: All for Love
127
1. All for Love: An Introduction

All for Love is one of the most powerful dramas on the theme of illicit love. Here the persons who are in love
with each other occupy the top most positions in their communities: Antony is one of the two rulers of the Roman
empire and his partner Octavius Caesar as compared to him is just a boy, meaning thereby that Antony is the
mightiest man in the establishment of the Roman empire; and Cleopatra the Queen of Egypt is as Serapion says
the queen of several nations, and has so much gold that she gives gold-pieces to even messengers who bring
welcome news to her. But since they are not husband and wife, their love for each other is illegitimate and it is
this love that causes their ruin. The drama embodies the view that if such a mighty man as Antony and such a
rich queen as Cleopatra have to lose their all on account of their illegitimate love, who else can escape utter ruin
if he or she falls in illegitimate love?
Just as in Sophocleas' play Oedipus Rex there is no rain and the kingdom has become a desert because the king
has committed the sin of marrying his own mother, in the same way in All for Love, since Cleopatra, the queen
of the land, and Antony, one of the two rulers of the Roman empire, have developed illicit relations, the Supreme
Being is communicating his disapproval of it by making unnatural things happen. The fact has been mentioned by
Serapion, a priest of Iris in the opening lines of the drama :
Portent and prodigies are grown so frequent
That they have lost their name. Our fruitful Nile
Flowed ere the wonted season, with a torrent
So unexpected and so wondrous fierce
That the wild deluge overtook the haste
Even of the hinds that watched it : men and beasts
Were borne above the tops of trees that grew.
If the flowing of the river was unexpected so was its receding:
... with so swift an ebb the flood drove backward,
It slipped from underneath the scaly herd :
Here monstrous phocae panted on the shore;
Forsaken dolphins there with their broad tails
Lay lashing the departing waves; hard by 'em,
Sea-horses floundering in the slimy mud
Tossed up their heads and dashed the ooze about 'em.
Nay , there was, as he reports, an earthquake too:
Last night, between the hours of twelve and one,
In a lone aisle o' th' temple while I walked,
A whirlwind rose, that with a violent blast ,
Shook all the dome: the doors around me clapped;
The iron wicket that defends the vault
Where the long race of Ptolemies is laid
Burst open, and disclosed the mighty dead.
From out each monument, in order placed,
An armed ghost start up; the boy-king last
Reared his inglorious head. A peal of groans
Then followed, and a lamentable voice
Cried, 'Egypt is no more!'
128
Since Cleopatra is the boy-king's widow it sounds reasonable for his ghost and the ghosts of his forefathers to be
offended by Cleopatra's illicit relations with Antony and to come out of their graves armed. And one can foresee
the end: both Antony and Cleopatra will lose their lives for their misdeed.
Serapion's interpreting these incidents as "portents and prodigies" or the indications of the Supreme Being's
disapproval of the illicit relations between Cleopatra and Antony makes it evident that there are at least some
people who regard it as bad for Cleopatra to be false to her dead husband.
One's extra-marital love affair can result in misery owing to the beloved's not being faithful to the lover, or the
lover's being cruel or evil-designed. Dryden's showing that Cleopatra is true to Antony and Antony is very kindhearted and well-meaning signifies that according to him Antony and Cleopatra meet their doom not because
there is anything wanting in their sincerity towards each other but sheerly because their love is illegitimate.
All for Love was first performed in December 1677 and had been perhaps written early that year. A play like
this was needed in the Restoration age as it is said to be an age in which the people associated with the royal
court delighted in having mistresses. Such people needed to be told the story of Antony and Cleopatra so that
they might realize that if such a mighty emperor as Antony was ruined by illegitimate relations, such relations
would very easily ruin smaller fries.
It was Plutarch who first told the story of the love of Antony in his book Fifty Parallel Lives of Greece and
Rome. This story was treated by William Shakespeare in his drama Antony and Cleopatra. It is this story that
has been taken up for treatment in the drama All for Love by John Dryden. John Dryden's treatment of the story
is in several respects different from Shakespeare's in Antony and Cleopatra. For instance, Dryden's Cleopatra
is genuinely in love with Antony while Shakespeare's Cleopatra is often suspected to be faithless and frail.
Dryden explicitly says that in his prologue.
I could name more : a wife and mistress too;
Both (to be plain) too good for most of you:
The wife well-natured, and the mistress true.
129
2. The Restoration Age

The Restoration age was the period in which efforts were made to convert the psalm-singing England back into
'merry' England and what was happening disturbed not only the Puritans but also neutral citizens and John Milton
was pained to find people behaving like the sons of Belial about whom he writes in Paradise Lost:
In Courts and Palaces he also Reigns
And in luxurious Cities, where the noise
Of riot ascend, above their loftiest Tow'rs,
And injury and outrage: And when night
Darkens the Streets, then wonder for the Sons
Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine.
(PL, I, ll. 497-502)
While discussing the Restoration atmosphere David Daiches writes in A Critical History of English Literature
Vol. III: "The reaction against Puritan manners and morals was inevitable. It was all the more violent because
many of the returned Cavaliers had spent their exile in France and become expert in French wit and French
gallantry, and because the King himself, an indolent sensualist possessed of both wit and cunning, encouraged an
atmosphere of hedonistic liveliness at Court. Charles set the tene for the Court Wits, and the Court Wits set the
tone if not for all the literature of the period at least for a certain segment of it, notably dramatic comedy."1
One of the chief development of the period was the revival of the drama. The theatres had been closed by the
Puritans in 1642 and for fourteen years there was no regular performance of drama. It was in 1656 that Sir
William D' Avenant obtained permission to open for the public an "allegorical entertainment by declamation and
music, after the manner of the Ancients". It was called The First Day's Entertainment at Rutland House. This
first attempt was followed by his more ambitious show The Seige of Rhodes the same year. This play can be
regarded as the germ of both the English opera and the English heroic Tragedy. This play was designed to
recommend virtue "under the forms of valour and conjugal love." When monarchy was restored in 1660 D'Avenant
was given the charge of one of the two companies of actors and one of the two theatres authorized by the royal
command.
But since only two theatres were in operation in London, it is obvious that the number of theatre-goers was not
as large as it was in the Renaissance period when there flourished a host of theatres in London and crowds
thronged to view the plays of Ben Jonson and Shakespeare. It is believed that since the plays of this period
depicted the life of the upper circle of society the people of the other sections of society kept themselves away
from the theatres as they considered the wasy of the upper circle immoral. That means the drama of this period
was not the drama of the masses. This applies especially to the species called the comedy of manners.
John Dryden is the most distinguished playwright of the Restoration Age. He wrote both comedies and tragedies
but it was as a writer of heroic plays that he became popular. Dryden's chief heroic plays were Tyrannic Love
(1669), The Conquest of Granada ( 1670), and Aurung-Zebe ( 1675). Of them Aurung-Zebe is considered to
be the best one though The Conqest of Granada became very popular. The hero of a heroic play is a valiant
fighter who can kill thousands of soldiers in a day in the battlefield, but when he is back home he is voraciously
active in love. He also indulges in rantings and uses bombastic language. A heroic play is usually written in
heroic couplet.
1
A Critical History of English Literature Vol. III (New Delhi : Allied, 2000 [1960] ), pp. 537-38
130
The other dramatists who wrote heroic plays were Roger Boyle, Nathaniel Lee and Thomas Otway. Roger
Boyle wrote six heroic plays of which Mustapha, the Son of Solyman the Magnificent is regarded as the best.
In this play Roxolana, the empress, plots against her step-son Mustapha to secure the throne for her son Zauger.
But the two boys are devoted friends. Even when they fall in love with the same girl, they are large-hearted
enough not to become hostile to each other. However their father is prevailed upon to decree Mustapha's death.
This pains Zauger so much that he too puts an end to his life saying:
But now over love I have the conquest got;
Though love divided us, yet death shall not.
Nathaniel Lee wrote Nero and Sophonisba or Hannibal's Overthrow. In Sophonisba he treats the theme of
valour and love. Here we have two contrasted pairs of lovers and the despairing lover commits suicide. Otway
wrote Alcibiades and Don Carlos.
Comedy of manners is another dramatic form that came into existence during the Restoration period. The
people who wrote the comedies of this kind are Etherege, Wycherley, Congreve and Farquhar. In a comedy of
manners the whole plot moves round a love intrigue. The hero or rather the protagonist of such a comedy is a
gallant in the sense that he is loved by a number of ladies who vie with one another to win his heart and the lady
who succeeds prides herself on her achievement. The ladies in such a comedy try to gain lovers. Those who
agree to marry are realistic in their approach and surrender only a few of their privileges and remain independent
in the rest. Faithfulness to the husband or to the wife does not exist here and usually the husband is regarded as
a villain as he is an obstruction between the lover and the beloved. Even old ladies try to get husbands and regard
singleness as a cause of ill-health.
131
3. All for Love as a Heroic Tragedy

The hero of a heroic tragedy is active in two fields, namely fighting and love. When this hero goes to a battlefield he is a matchless fighter and kills hundreds a day, nay even thousands a day, and when he is back from the
battlefield he devotes himself whole-heartedly to his beloved. Dryden's Antony has a glorious past as a fighter.
He and Ventidius recollect his heroic feats in the past. Antony once fought Cassius and cared a nought for a
steepy hill between him and Cassius' camp:
.. I darted upward
To Cassius' Camp; in vain the steepy hill
Opposed my way, in vain a war of spears
Sung round my head, and planted all my shield:
I won the trenches while my foremost men
Lagged on the plain below.
(AL I, i, 441-46)
He also recollets his brave fight against the Parthians. At that time he was wearing an iron armour and was at
the head of his troops which beat the Parthians (AL. II, i, 427-28). He recollects the days when he became the
master of the empire:
Fortune came smiling to my youth, and wooed it,
And purple greatness met my ripened years.
When I first came to empire, I was borne
On tides of people crowding my triumphs
The wish of nations! And the willing world
Received me as its pledge of future peace: ....
(AL I, i, 297-302)
Dryden tries to justify the heroic tragedy in his Essay on Heroic Plays, which he wrote as a Preface to The
Conquest of Granada, when he asserts that "an heroic poet is not tied to a bare representation of what is true,
or exceeding probable; but... he might let himself loose to visionary objects, and to the representation of such
things, as depending not on sense, and therefore not to be comprehended by knowledge, may give him a freer
scope for imagination."
The play All for Love has several characteristics of a heroic tragedy even though many critics refuse to give it
that title. It is like the hero of a heroic tragedy that Antony speaks when he is going to the field to attack Caesar
and says:
Our men are armed.
Unbar the gate that looks to Caesar's Camp.
I would revenge the Treachery he meant me,
And long security makes conquest easy.
(AL, II, i, ll. 453 - 56)
His sentence "I would revenge the treachery he meant me" signifies that he is going to unleash terror in the
battlefield. And he actually does that as on coming back victorious from the field he tells Cleopatra :
... I sprung forwards
And added all my strength to every blow.
(AL III, i, ll, 3 -4)
132
and
Suppose me come from the Phlegraean plains,
Where gasping giants lay, left by my sword,
And mountain tops pared off each other blow
To bury those I slew.
(AL III, i, ll. 13-16)
He likes to be treated like one who has, left giants who are lying in the battlefield and whom even mountains help
in burying his enemies.He is so valiant that even such big objects of nature as the mountains come to become his
tools!
It is like the hero of a heroic tragedy that Antonio rants when he says to Ventidius:
We'll not divide our stars, but side by side
Fight emulous, and with malicious eyes
Survey each other's acts; so every death
Thou giv'st, I'll take on me as a just debt,
And pay thee back a soul.
(AL V, i, 173-77)
and hopes
Who knows but we may pierce through all their troops,
And reach my veterans yet?' Tis worth the tempting
T' o'er leap this gulf of fate,
And leave our wondering destinies behind.
(AL V, i, 185-88)
Like the heroes of the heroic tragedies Antony kills thousands in the battlefield. For example, here is a description
of one of his war-like accomplishments given by himself to Ventidius:
We can conquer,
You see, without your aid. We have dislodged their troops
They look on us at distance, and like curs
'Scaped from the lion's paws, they bay far off,
And lick their wounds, and faintly threaten war.
Five thousand Romans with their faces upward
Lie breathless on the plain.
(AL III, i, 51-57)
It is difficult to kill even five thousand flies. But Antony has, as he says, killed five thousand Romans!
It Antony is a Mars in the battlefield he is an Eros at home. When he is back with Cleopatra he is back with his
"brighter Venus" (AL, III, i, 11) He declares to her that he fought in order to gain her and that she is his sole goal:
Receive me, goddess!
Let Caesar spread his subtle nets, like Vulcan:
In thy embraces I would be beheld
By heaven and earth at once,
And make their envy what they meant their sport.
Let those who look us blush; I would love on
With awful state, regardless of their frowns,
As their superior god.
(AL, III, i, ll. 16-23)
His appetite for love is never cloyed, as he says:

There's no satety of love in thee:
Enjoye, thou still art new; perpetual spring
Is in thy arms; the ripened fruit but falls,
And blossoms rise to fill its empty place,
And I grow rich by giving.
133
(AL III, i, ll. 24-28)

As a matter of fact it was his love for Cleopatra that took him to the battlefield as while going he told her
I'm eager to return before I go,
For all the pleasures I have known beat thick
On my remembrance - How I long for night!
That both the sweets of mutual love may try,
And once triumph o'er Caesar ere we die.
(AL, II, i, II. 457-61)
And even in the battle-field it was the thought of Cleopatra's embraces that made him fight as he reports to
Cleopatra:
I thought how those white arms would fold me in,
And strain me close, and melt me into love;
So pleased with that sweet image, I sprung forwards, ...
At the same time Cleopatra also resembles the heroines of the heroic tragedies a great deal. Like the beloveds
in heroic tragedies Cleopatra is warmly responsive to her lover's love: if Antony addresses her as " 'My brighter
Venus!' (AL III, i, l. 11) she addresses him as " 'O my greater Mars!" (AL III, i, l.ll; if Antony requests her,.
"Receive me,)
goddess' " (AL III, i, l. 16) she requests him:
Come to me, come, my soldier, to my arms!
You've been too long away from my embraces;
But when I have you fast, and all my own,
With broken murmurs and with amorous sighs
I'll say you were unkind, and punish you,
And mark you red with many an eager kiss.
(AL, III, i, ll. 5-10)
However, another fact that has to be taken in view is that Antony's chief interest in this play is ensuring that his
beloved is faithful to him rather than fighting and ranting:he seems to be more interested in arousing pity for
himself in people's hearts. The dramatist himself says in the 'Prologue'.
His hero, whom you wits his bully call,
Bates of his mettle, and scarce rants at all:
He's somewhat lewd; but a well-meaning mind;
Weeps much; fights little; but is wond'rous kind.
(Al, Prologue, 10-13)
When Antony appears before us for the first time, he is "walking with a disturbed motion" and announces that he
will keep his birthday anniversary with "double pomp of sadness" (AL I, i, 204). In his own eyes he is like a
meteor the fires of which have been spent and which has been "cast downward" (AL I, i, 206-08). Even Ventidius
finds his condition "wondrous mournful". The same impression is conveyed by his throwing himself down on his
shadow and asking himself:
Lie there, thou shadow of an emperor:
The place thou pressest on the mother earth
Is all thy empire now; now it contains thee:....
(AL I, i, 216-18)
134
Nay, his thinking is marked by morbidity and he is expecting his death in a few days as he says:
Some few days hence, and then 't will be too large,
when thou'rt contracted in thy narrow urn,
Shrunk to a few cold ashes.
(AL, I, i, 218-20)
There are several scenes in which Antony's sentiments find expression. One such scene is the scene in which
the tears of Ventidius make him relinquish his toughness, become soft towards this old soldier of his and say:
By Heaven, he weeps, poor good old man, he weeps!
The big round drop course one another down
The furrows of his cheeks. Stop'em , Ventidius,
Or I shall blush to death: they set my shame,
That caused 'em, full before me.
(AL I, i, 266-70)
Nay he himself starts weeping as he says:
Sure there's contagion in the tears of friends:
See, I have caught it too. Believe me, 'tis not
For my own griefs, but thine. Nay, father.
He becomes sentimental enough to call Ventidius "father". Another time the tears of Dollabella and Cleopatra
make him relent and change his judgement about his friend and beloved when he says:
Good Heaven, they weep at parting!
Must I weep too? That calls 'em innocent
I must not weep; and yet I must, to think
That I must not forgive.
(AL IV, i, 586-89)
On hearing of Cleopatra's death he becomes so sentimental that he resolves to die and leave the empire for
Caesar to own:
Then art thou innocent, my poor dear love?.....
I will not fight: there's no more work for war.
The business of my angry hours is done....
What should I fight for now? My Queen is dead....
For I'll convey my soul from Caesar's reach,
Any lay down life myself,
(AL V, i, 236-80)
That is the reason why All forLove should be regarded as a sentimentalized heroic tragedy. No doubt, some
critics have described as a heroic tragedy while some others have called it a sentimental tragedy. But in view of
the above given discussion the play deserves to be described as a sentimentalized heroic tragedy.
135
4. The Plot of All for Love

The incidents treated in All for Love have not been invented byJohn Dryden: they were first narrated by
Plutarch in his 'Life of Antony' included in his famous book Fifty Parallel Lives of Greece and Rome, and then
they were treated by William Shakespeare in his drama Antony and Cleopatra. Dryden himself admits that
fact when he writes in the Prologue: "[He] brings a tale which often has been told; / As sad as Dido's ; and
almost as old." so he is original not in inventing the tale but in modifying it so as to make it an embodiment of his
view of the story.
In this drama Dryden observes the rule of the three unities. Here we are told in the first Act that it is Antony's
birth-day aniversary and all the subsequent incidents included in the drama are the occurences of this very day.
Thus we have the unity of time in this drama. Since all the scenes in the drama are the scenes of Alexandria, we
have the unity of place here. The whole drama moves round the feeling of love between Antony and Cleopatra,
and after a few ups and downs the two are united in death, we have the unity of action too. On this ground, it can
be asserted that the plot of this drama, like those of the other neo-classical plays, has been designed in accordance
with the rule of unities.
What is of primary importance in this play is that the whole plot moves round Antonio and all the chief characters
try to pull him in one direction or the other with the result that he looks swinging like a pendulum. Ventidius and
Octavia try to pull him away from Cleopatra while Cleopatra and Alexas try to neutralize the efforts of the two
Romans. As a matter of fact, Antony's own heart has in it so much love for Cleopatra that sooner or later all the
efforts of Ventidius and Octavia end in nothing.
There are two see-saw movements in the play. Where the play opens Antonio is refraining from meeting
Cleopatra, in the second Act there is the restoration of the ties of love. Here ends the first sea-saw movement.
Then comes the scene in which Cleopatra shows warmth for Dollabella, that results in Antonio's charging
Cleopatra with infidelity and resolving to banish her from his company for ever, then comes Alexas' misreporting
to Antonio that Cleopatra has killed herself with the belief that Cleopatra was never faithless, and when Cleopatra
comes to him his belief is confirmed and the former love is restored the second time. Then follows Antonio's
death followed by Cleopatra's suicide with the hope of meeting her lover in the next world. This is the second
see-saw movement.
Antony's keeping away from Cleopatra after the battle of Actium has been reported by Serapion who says:
'Tis strange that Antony for some days past
Has not beheld the face of Cleopatra,
But here in Isis' temple lives retired,
And makes his heart a prey to black despair.
(AL I, i, 58-61)
This report brings to light the fact that Cleopatra's flight from Actium has brought about a crisis in the relations
between the two lovers and that it is Antonio who has been offended. the complaints that Antonio harbours
against Cleopatra come to light in the meeting that takes place between them and Antony says:
You called; my love obeyed the fatal summons:
This raised the Roman arms; the cause was yours.
I would have fought by land, where I was stronger;
You hindered it, yet when I fought at sea,
Forsook me fighting, and - Oh! stain to honour!
136
Oh, lasting shame! I knew not that I fled,

But fled to follow you.
(AL I, i, 306-12)
Cleopatra's expressing her helplessness and declaring that if she is forsaken she will die;
What is't for me, then,
A weak, forsaken woman, and a lover?Here let me breathe my last: envy me not
This minute in your arms; I'll die a pace,
As fast as e'er I can, and end your trouble.
(AL II, i, 419-23)
makes Antonio relent and embrace her saying, "My eyes, my soul, my all!" (AL II, i, 427).
Nay, he no longer harbours a desire to go to the battlefield, and when Ventidius asks him whether he will go or
not, he replies:
Faith, honour, virtue, all good things forbid
That I should go from her who sets my love
Above the price of kingdoms.
(AL II, i, 440-42)
Here we have reached the end of the one crisis in the love story and the first restoration of love takes place.
The second crisis begins when Cleopatra pretends to be in love with Dollabella at the suggestion of Alexas who
advises her to "try/to make [Antony] jealous" (AL IV, i, 70-71) while talking to Dollabella she makes him believe
that she is in love with him by making the following remarks:
(i)
(ii)
Of all your sex

I soonest could forgive you, if you should [displease me]
.....love may be expelled by other love,
As poisons are by poisons
on the basis of these utterances of hers ventidius tries to convince Antony that Cleopatra has shifted her love to
Dollabella. And then Antony declares to Cleopatra:
I can forgive
A foe, but not a mistress and a friend.
Treason is there in its most horrid shape
Where trust is greatest, and the soul resigned
Is stabbed by its own guards. i'll hear no more;
Hence from my sight forever.
(AL IV, i, 543-48)
Here the relations between Antony and Cleopatra have touched the lowest ebb as Antony seems to have lost all
warmth for Cleopatra. And it seems that the former love has become a thing of the past. It is Alexas' false
report that Cleopatra has died that revives Antony's love. The report runs thus:
She snatched her poniard,
And, ere we could prevent the fatal blow,
Plunged it within her breast, then turned to me:
'Go, bear my lord', said she, 'my last farewell,
And ask him if he yet suspect my faith.'
137
More she was saying, but death rushed betwixt.

She half pronounced your name with her last breath,
And buried half within her.
(AL, V, i, 228-35)
Antoy's rethinking on the issue begins with his questions: "'Then thou art innocent, my poor dear love?' "(AL V,
i, 236) and the upward movement reaches its highest point when Antony says to Cleopatra: " ' This one kiss
more worth/Than all I leave to Caesar'" (AL, V, i, 401-02) and dies. This is the stage of the complete restoration
of former love about which Antony said just before dying:
Ten years' love,
And not a moment lost, but all improved
To th' utmost joys: what ages have we lived!
(AL V, i, 391-93)
As a matter of fact John Dryden focuses his attention on the pendulum-like movements of Antonio: Ventidius
pulls him from Cleopatra towards Octavia, Cleopatra pulls him back, Ventidius makes another attempt to make
him a dutiful emperor and soldier but Alexas' disinformation makes him go back to Cleopatra. The play brings to
focus how strong the bonds of love are and how difficult it is to break them. Duties as a husband, affection for
children, attractions of power, war-like glory and the demands of honour are very strong forces but all of them
even when put together are too weak to counter the pulls of love.
The success of a plot depends to a considerable extent on the dramatist's selecting incidents for presentation on
the stage. If a dramatist wisely selects the incidents, his drama can become very moving. John Dryden has
included in All for Love a number of moving scenes. The scene in which Octavia and her daughters meet
Antonio is the most moving scene in the play. Here the wronged wife and her two daughters come to Antonio
and come to claim him. Octavia's words are very appealing:
...Your Octavia, your much injured wife
Though banished from your bed, driven from your house,
Inspite of Caesar's sister, still is yours.
'Tis true, I have a heart disdains your coldness,
And prompts me not to seek what you should offer;
But a wife's virtue still surmounts that pride:
I come to claim you as my own; to show
My duty first, to ask, nay beg, your kindness;
Your hand, my Lord; 'tis mine, and I will have it.
(AL III, i, 258-66)
And so is her asking her daughters to go to their father and bring him to her:
Go to him, children, go;
Kneel to him, take him by the hand, speak to him,
For you may speak and he may own you,too,
Without a blush; and so he cannot all
His children. Go, I say, and pull him to me,
And pull him to yourselves from that bad woman,
Yor Agrippina, hang upon his arms,
And you Antonia, clasp about his waist:
And he will shake you off, it we will dash you
Against that pavement, you must bear it, children,
For you are mine, and I was born to suffer.
(AL III, i, 351-60)
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The last part of the speech is absolutely disarming and even an iron-hearted father would feel melted to hear it.
Dryden's bringing Cleopatra and Octavia face to face and their justifying themselves is another wise decision of
his.
Cleopatra regards herself as superior to Octavia because she has, what she calls, charms, and says with pride:
If bounteous Nature, if indulgent Heaven
Have given me charms to please the bravest man,
Should I not thank 'em ? Should I be ashamed,
And not be proud? I am, that he has loved me;
And when I love not him, Heaven change this face
For one like that.
(AL III, i, 445-50)
Octavia is proud of the fact that she is "a modest wife" (AL III, i, 442) faithful to her husband. Octavia charges
Cleopatra with having caused Antony's ruin:
.....you have been his ruin.
Who made him cheap at Rome, but Cleopatra?
Who made him scorned abroad, but Cleopatra?
At Actium who betrayed him? Cleopatra.
Who made his children orphans, and poor me
A wretched widow? Only Cleopatra.
(AL IV, i, 452-57)
Cleopatra has equally appealing things to say:
.....she who loves him best is Cleopatra
If you have suffered, I have suffered more.
You bear the specious title of a wife
To gild your cause, and draw the pitying world
To favour it; the world contemns poor me;
For I have lost my honour, lost my fame,
And stained the glory of my royal house,
And all to bear the branded name of mistress
(AL III, i, 459-65)
Some critics hold that Octavia should not have brought face to face with Cleopatra because their coming face to
face makes them say unpleasant things to each other and the sense of decency is hurt. But the scene is not
without advantages: it enables the audience to see how much Cleopatra has deviated from the ethically acceptable
path. If the two women had not been brought face to face there would have been no foil to highlight Cleopatra's
offence as when she is with Antony, she tries to prove that she is faithful in her love and, hence she is virtuous.
But the fact remains that since even her falling in love with Antony is an ethical offence, her remaining faithful
to him is nothing but the perpetuation of that offence: it cannot be regarded as her being virtuous. No doubt, her
shifting her love to somebody else like Dollabella will be a wicked step but her not becoming even more wicked
does not vindicate her immoral love.
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5. Cleopatra
Dryden's Cleopatra is a matchless beauty not only in the eyes of Antony but also in the eyes of many others,
including Dollabella. Antony gives a very attractive description of hers when he says:
Her galley down the silver Cydnos rowed,
The tackling silk, the streamers waved with gold;
The gentle winds were lodged in purple sails:
Her nymphs, like Nereids, round her couch were placed,
Where she, another sea-born Venus, lay....
She lay, and leant her cheek upon her hand,
And cast a look so languishingly sweet
As if, secure of all beholders' hearts,
Neglecting she could take 'em. Boys like Cupids
Stood fanning with their painted wings the winds
That played about her face; but if she smiled,
A darting glory seemed to blaze abroad,
That men's desiring eyes were never wearied,
But hung upon the object.
.....she so charmed all hearts, that gazing crowds
Stood panting on the shore, and wanted breath
To give their welcome voice.
(AL III, i, 162-82)
The description makes it evident that in the first place, she is charming, and, in the second place, she presents
herself, with the help of her maids, servants and beautified galley in an impressive and charming manner. About
the historical Cleopatra a historian says that she was dark complexioned, but Dryden's Cleopatra is whitecomplexioned because through Antony he describes her arms as white when he makes Antony say to her: " 'I
thought how those white arms would fold me in,. .......' " (AL, III, i, 1)
Even Ventidius appreciates her beauty when he tells Octavia:
...she's so charming
Age buds at sight of her, and swells to youth;
The holy priests gaze on her when she smiles,
And with heaved hands, forgetting gravity,
They bless her wanton eyes; even I, who hate her,
With a malignant joy behold such beauty,
And while I curse, desire it.
(AL IV, i, 238-244)
Even though she has charms and knows that she has charms she tries to beautify herself still further, especially
when she goes to meet Antony. Even when Antony has died, and when she is going to commit suicide, she
makes her maids further beautify her with all the ensigns of her pomp and royalty so that she may sparkle "like
a goddess" and says to Charmion and Iras:
Why, 'tis to meet my love,
As when I saw him first, on Cyndnos' bank,
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All sparkling like a goddess; so adorned

I'll find him once again; my second spousals
Shall match my first in glory. Haste, haste both
And dress the bride of Antony.
(AL V, i, 458-63)
Cleopatra not only has feelings but also is vocal about them and expresses them. For example, she not only loves
Antony but also expresses her love and communicates it quite successfully. For example, when Antony asks her
to go away from his sight forever, she says:
I cannot go one moment from your sight,
And must I go forever?
My joys, my only joys, are centred here:
What place have I to go to?......
.....Oh, hear me, hear me,
With strictest justice, for I beg no favour,
And if I have offended you, then kill me,
But do not banish me.
(AL IV, i, 549-560)
She is different from Shakespeare's Viola who never told her love and like Patience on a monument sat smiling
at grief.
Thus, Cleopatra is different from Octavia, as she is not cold, and also from Fulvia, as she is not "uneasy". She is
responsive in her love: if Antony addresses her as his " 'brighter Venus' " she addreses him as her " ' greater
Mars' "; if he requests her, " ' Receive me, goddess' " she with equal warmth receives him saying:
Come to me, come, my soldier, to my arms!
You've been too long away from my embaraces;
But when I have you fast, and all my own,
With broken mumurs and with amorous sighs
I'll say you were unkind, and punish you,
And mark you red with many an eager kiss
(AL III, i, ll. 5-10)
For Ventidius she may be a "light, worthless woman!'" (All for Love I, i, 372), for Antony " 'she deserves/more
worlds than [he] can lose' " (All for Love I, i, 368-9). He regards her as his eyes, his soul his all when he says
he will not let her die:
Die! Rather let me perish! Loosened Nature
Leap from its hinges; sink the props of heaven,
And fall the skies to crush the nether world!
My eyes, my soul, my all !(AL II, i, 424-27)
And he declares to Ventidius that Cleopatra outweighs fortune, honour and fame when he says: "It outweights '
em all ' (AL II, i, 429) He describes her as " 'all that's excellent' " (AL II, i, 439). For him Cleopatra is more
valuable than the whole globe. He says to the goods:
Give, you gods,
Give to your boy, your Caesar,
This rattle of a globe to play with al,
This gewgaw world, and put him cheaply off:
I'll not be pleased with less than Cleopatra.
(AL II, i, 442-42)
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Cleopatra is not a good judge of character and her estimates of people turn out to be wrong. We can take several
examples to illustrate it. Since she choses to go to the battlefield of Actium, it is obvious she believed she would
be able to fight well. But she found herself too timid to stay in the battle-field and ran away from there. Her flight
has been reported by Ventidius in the following words:
What haste she made to hoist her purple sails!
And, to appear magnificent in flight,
Drew half our strength away.
(II, i, 313-15)
Secondly, she hoped her army to remain faithful to her and Antony but her hopes were belied when her soldiers
shifted their loyalty and joined Caesar's forces. The fact has been reported by Serapion in the following words:
In few, we saw their caps
On either side thrown up; th' Egyptian galleys,
Received like friends, passed through and fell behind
The Roman rear; and now they all come forward,
And ride within the port.
(AL V, i, 91-94)
If she had been a good judge of character she would have judged herself as well as her soldiers correctly.
However, she may have committed mistakes in understanding her fleet, she understands Antony very correctly:
She knows Antony loves her so intensely that he cannot outlive her and she fears that if Alexas tells Antony she
has died Antony will kill himself. The fact comes to light when Antony has stabbed himself and on seeing him
she exclaims:
My fears were prophets; I am come too late.
O that accursed Alexas!
(AL V, 357-58)
What she feared has come true! But the very fact that her fear that Antony would commit suicide on learning of
her death has come true signifies that she knows Antony thoroughly.
Cleopatra is not a person who will use only fair means to achieve her end. On the contrary, she is willing to adopt
even foul means to achieve her end. Shifting one's love from one person to another is regarded as the worst
offence in love, but Cleopatra pretends even to have shifted her love from Antony to Dollabella so that Antony
may feel jealous and may come back to her. She justifies her action on the ground that every woman who is in
love will use even the foulest means to achieve her end:
Ah what will not a woman do who loves!
What means will she refuse to keep that heart
Where all her joys are placed! 'T was I encouraged
'T was I blew up the fire that scorched his soul,
To make you jealous, and by that regain you.
(AL, IV, i, 513-17)
Here she is trying to justify herself by attributing her weakness to every woman in love. But a weakness is a
weakness. It does not become a strength even if it is universally possessed. And since she employs even the arts
of falsehood and cunning to achieve her ends she incurs the condemnation of Ventidius who identifies her with
cunning and arts of falsehood when he describes Alexas:
See Cleopatra stamped upon that face,
With all her cunning, all her arts of falsehood!
How she looks out through those dissembling eyes!
(AL V, i, 190-92)
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Even though she is a Queen, she is not free from womanly weaknesses: She is jealous and wants to possess
Antony exclusively. The fact comes to light when she says that she prefers Antony's dead body in her arms to
living Antony in Octavia's Arms:
We 're now alone, in secrecy and silence,
And is not this like lovers? I may kiss
These pale, cold lips; Octavia does not see me,
And oh, 'tis better far to have him thus
Than see him in her arms!
(AL V, i, 446-50)
Thus she is different from that beloved who likes to keep her lover happy even at the cost of her own life. We
become conscious of the fact when we contrast her with Shakespeare's Viola who goes to persuade Olivia to
marry Duke. Orsino because she knows Orsino will be happy as Olivia's husband, though she herself is in the
love with Orsino and if Orsino marries Olivia she (Viola) will not be able to marry the man of her liking.
Cleopatra does not refrain from deriving pleasure out of the fact that Antonio has deserted Octavia to come to
her bed and takes a dig at Octavia when she tells her:
......had you known
But half these charms, you had not lost his heart.
(AL III, i, 439-40)
She reminds me of what millamant says in congreve's drama The way of the World:
If there's delight in love 'tis when I see
that heart which others bleed for bleed for me
(The Way of the World III, i,339-40)
When Cleopatra is angry she can go to the extent of using abusive language and can fly at the person, who can
offended her, to beat him. For instance, she call Alexas "imposter, traitor, monster devil" (AL V, i, 36), "base
fawning wretch" (AL V, i, 110), and "slave" (AL V, i, 122), and tries to use violence against Alexas when she says:
Art thou there, traitor! - oh, let me go.
Oh, for a little breath, to vent my rage!
Give, give me way, and let me loose upon him.
(AL V, i, 17-19)
Her having been several persons' beloved has changed her mind-set so much that she has begun to regard
herself as a person who people can approach for love and she can accept some and refuse others. This becomes
evident from the way she is trying to prove that she is in love with only Antony:
How often have I wished some other Caesar,
Great as the first, and as the second young,
Would court my love, to be refused for you.
(AL II, i, 370-72)
A faithful wife would not like to be courted for love at all. A wish to be courted for love is sinful as a marriage
is a secrament and on getting married one foregoes the right to wish to be courted for love.Cleopatra does not
consider anything wrong in her often wishing to be courted for love by another Ceasar. As a matter of fact, she
has ceased to think like a wife. This feature of her character is noted by Octavia, and when Cleopatra boasts of
her charms and says: " '....had you known/but half these charms you had not lost his heart' " (AL III, i, 439-40),
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Octavia chides her for this kind of thinking and says:

Far be their knowledge from a Roman lady,
Far from a modest wife. Shame of our sex,
Dost thou not blush to own those black endearments
That make sin pleasing.
(AL III, i, 441-44)
When Cleopatra says to Antony:
You seem grieved
(And therein you are kind, That Ceasar first
Enjoyed my love, though you deserved it better:
I grieve for that, my Lord, much more than you,
For had I first been yours, it would have saved
My second choice; I never had been his,
And ne'er had been but yours. But Caesar first,
You say, possessed my love. Not so, my Lord:
He first possessed my person, you my love;
Caesar loved me, but I loved Antony.
If I endured him after, 't was because
I judged it due to the first name of man,
And, half constrained, I gave, as to a tyrant,
What he would take by force.
(AL II, i, 346-59)
She admits Caesar possessed her person not because she was in love with him but because he was in a position
to have her by force. No doubt, she gives a justification that will convince Antony. But what she does not
mention at all is the fact that as Ptolemy's widow she is expected to be faithful to Ptolemy's memory. That she
has not remained. A wife is expected to be faithful to the husband rather than to the lover, whether he is the first
lover or the second one. So even if she has always been in love with Antony and she can satisfy Antony with
that answer, she cannot satisfy the boy king whose armed ghost was seen by Serapion (AL I, i, 20-25). Nor can
this answer satisfy the long race of Ptolemies whom Serapion saw rising from their tombs (AL I, i, 20-25).
Now we come to the issue whether she is faithful to Antony. Plutarch's Cleopatra may be actually frail and
Shakespeare's Cleopatra may be suspected to be so but John Dryden's Cleopatra is Antony's faithful mistress.
When Dryden writes in his prolgue:
....a wife, and a mistress too;
Both (to be plain) too good for most of you:
The wife well-natured, and the mistress true.
(All for Love, Prologue ll.. 16-18)
he explicitly says that his cleopatra is absolutely faithful to Antony. Cleopratra is Ptolemy's widow and has been
Julius Caeser's mistress, yet she has loved and is still in love with none but Antony. By describing her as true in
the lines quoted above Dryden seems to be sweeping away all question-marks on the historical Cleopatra's
fidelity to the historical Antony.
A faithless beloved is only a fair-weather friend. One who remains a beloved even in one's bad days is a true
mistress. Cleopatra, as Alexas reports, dotes on Antony even when he has been defeated:
She dotes, Serapion, on this vanquished man,
And winds herself about his mighty ruins,....
(All for Love I, i, 76-77)
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If Cleopatra had not been faithful to Antony, she would have deserted Antony at his defeat at Actium and would
have shifted her loyalty to Caesar. One who remains faithful even to a vanquished man is definitely faithful.
Cleopatra is so intensely in love with Antonio that she becomes uneasy even by the thought of separation from
him. Once when she learns that Ventidius is taking him to the battlefield she is terribly upset and starts behaving
like a small girl going to be separated from her dear friend:
What shall I do, or whither I shall turn?
Ventidius has o'ercome, and he will go.
(AL II, i, 1-2)
This is weak passion that does not suit a mighty queen, but when one is in love one is only a lover rather than a
king or a queen. Nay, when she finds Antony has stabbed himself on being told she has died, she makes a
promise to him:
'T is now too late
To say I'm true: I'll prove it, and die with you.
(AL, V, 374-75)
And after his death she asks her maid-servants to adorn her so that she can meet Antony as gloriously as she
met him first:
Why, 'tis to meet my love,
As when I saw him first, on Cyndnos' bank,
All sparkling like a goddess; so adorned,
I' ll find him once again; my second spousals
Shall match my first in glory. Haste, haste both,
And dress the bride of Antony.
(AL, V, i, 458-63)
She calls herself "the bride of Antony" after Antony's death. If there had been anything lacking in her fidelity to
her lover Antony she would not have called herself "the bride of Antony" after his death. One has to pretend to
be a faithful beloved only so long as the lover is alive and present. Why should one pretend to be a faithful
beloved after the lover has died?
Cleopatra describes her love for Antony as a transcendent passion and a noble madness when she says:
....I have loved with such transcendent passion,
I soared at first quite out of reason's view,
And now am lost above it. No, I'm proud
'Tis thus;....
(AL II, i, 20-23)
She suffers much for this love, nay she dies for Antony. She is not wrong when she says to Octavia:
If you have suffered, I have suffered more.
You bear the specious title of a wife
To gild your cause, and draw the pitying world
To favour it; the world contemns poor me;
For I have lost my honour, lost my fame,
And stained the glory of my royal house,
And all to bear the branded name of mistress.
Thesre wants but life, and that too I would lose
For him I love.
(AL III, i, 459-67)
And a moment actually comes when she dies for love and has no regrets.
145
Somebody may say that Cleopatra resolves to die in order to escape humiliation at Caesar's hands as after
Antony's death there is nobody to prevent Caesar from taking her to Rome as a spectacle. They may quote the
following speech of Cleopatra in support of their view:
Yield me to Caesar's pride?
What! to be led in truimph through the streets,
A spectacle to base plebian eyes,
While some defected friend of Antony's,
Close in a corner, shakes his head and mutters
A secret curse on her who ruined him?
(AL V, i, 423-28)
But the fact remains that she loves Antony so much that she cannot live without him and dies because Antony
has died. It is one of her subsequent speeches that makes the fact clear:
My lord looks down concerned, and fears my stay,
Lest I should be surprised;
Keep him not waiting for his love too long.
You Charmion, bring my crown and richest jewels;
(Vain augury!) for him who now lies dead.
(AL V, i, 434-39)
Her words here make it evident that she dies because she does not want to keep Antony waiting for her in the
world after death. This implies that according to her Antony is waiting for her in the world after death and that
his existence has not come to its end. Her statement about the possibility of Caesar's leading her in triumph
simply shows that she is not blind to facts and knows what humiliation she may have to undergo in case she
chooses to live on.
Dryden gives a series of proofs to show that Cleopatra's love for Antony is true. One of them is that she rejects
Caesar's offer that she will get both Egypt and Syria if she deserts Antony and joins him (Caesar). On reading
Caesar's report Antony says:
See, see, Ventidius! Here he offers Egypt,
And joins all Syria to it as a present.
So, in requital, she forsake my fortunes,
And join her arms with his.
(AL, II, i, 397-400)
Cleopatra not only rejects this temptation but says she can do much more. She says:
I have refused a kingdom;
That's trifle:
For I could part with life, with anything
But only you.Oh let me die but with you!
(AL II, i, 402-05)
Her impassioned self-justification before Octavia that she loves Antony more than anybody else: Yet she who
loves him best is Cleopatra.
Is a very forceful plea in defence of her fidelity. In claiming that she loves Antony more than anybody else can,
she is not wrong. The only thing that binds her with Antony is love. And since she cannot tolerate him absence
it is obvious that she loves his very intensely. As a matter of fact, in other relations there are other binding factors
too, but the only thing that binds a lover with his beloved is love. A husband and his wife live together not only
because they love each other, but also because duty expects them to do so, religion wants them to live together,
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and the social rules expect them to live together. But so far as a lover and his beloved are concerned, the whole
world tries to keep them away from each other and if they refuse to be separated and sacrifice themselves at the
alter of love, they are genuine lovers.
But what Cleopatra does not pay attention to is the fact that her love for Antony is unethical as it is in violation
of the social rule that one has to remain faithful to one's husband. Since she is Ptolemy's widow she is not
expected to be faithless to Ptolemy. Since she flouts a social rule, the society punishes her for that with the result
that finally she is completely ruined. For her love for Antony she is described by Ventidius as a "light woman". In
our society, as Arundhati Roy says in her novel The God of Small Things there are rules to decide who is to be
loved and how much. One cannot love each and everybody in the same way. A fellow ruler is to be loved but not
in the way one's husband is to be loved.
Since her love for Antony is illegitimate and is in violation of the rules of the institution of marriage, it is not
acceptable to the society and becomes a cause of Antonio's ruin. Octavia is not wrong when she tells Cleopatra:
'you have been his ruin.
Who made him cheap at Rome, but Cleopatra?.....
Who made his children orphans, and poor me
A wretched widow? Only Cleopatra.
(AL III, i, 452-59)
Being the queen of Egypt, Cleopatra is expected to take it upon herself to protect the social institutions of her
country and to see to it that nobody in her country undermines them. But she herself violates the rules of the
institution of marriage and undermines this social institution. Thus she becomes a traitor to herself. So there is
nothing surprising if her own fleet betrays her and joins the navy of Caesar, as Serapion reports to her:
I saw
With Antony, your well-appointed fleet
Row out; and thrice he waved his hand on high
And thrice with cheerful cries they shouted back:
'Twas then false fortune, like fawning strumpet
About to leave the bankrupt prodigal.
With a dissembled smile would kiss at parting
And flatter to the last. The well-timed oars
Now dipped from every bank, now smoothly run
To meet the foe; and soon indeed they met
But not as foes.
(AL, V, i, 82-91)
Cleopatra is not wrong when she regards all this as god's doing, rather than something accidental, as she says:
This needed not, you gods
When I lost Antony your work was done;
'Tis but superfluous malice.
(AL V, i, 96-98)
She feels she is reaping the consequences of her needs. One is, no doubt, free to do what one likes, the
consequences which follow one's deeds cannot be avoided.
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6. Antony
John Dryden's Antony, the hero of All for Love, is different from Plutarch's as well as from Shakespeare's in
some respects as he himself states in his Prologue:
His hero, whom you wits his bully call,
Bates of his mettle, and scarce rants at all:
He's somewhat lewd; but a well-meaning mind;
Weeps much, fights little; but is wond'rous kind
In short a pattern, and companion fit,
For all the keeping Tonies, of the pit.
Plutarch's Antony is a matchless commander and Shakespare's Antony has Hercules in his arms. But Dryden's
Antony, in spite of being "somewhat lewd" is a well-meaning kind-hearted man who "weeps much".
Dryden also employees the direct method of characterization and makes Ventidius analyse Antony's character
in the following words:
Virtue's his path; but sometimes 'tis too narrow
For his vast soul, and then he starts out wide
And bounds into a vice that bears him far
From his first course, and plunges him in ills:
But when his danger makes him find his fault,
Quick to observe and full of sharp remorse,
He censures eagerly his own misdeads,
Judging himself will malice to himself,
And not forgiving what as man he did
Because his other parts are more than man.
All this amounts to saying that Antono is basically a virtuous man and commits ills unknowingly but the moment
he the detects his falut, he not only repents but also punishes himself.
Several virtues of Antony have been mentioned categorically in the play: he is the bravest of the soldiers, as
bounteous as nature and as pitiful as girls praying to God. It is Ventidius who mentions them when he says:
O Antony
Thou bravest soldier, and thou best of friends!
Bounteous as Nature; next to Nature's God!
Couldst thou but make new worlds, so wouldst
thou give 'em,
As bounty were thy being. Rough in battle
As the first Romans when they went to war;
Yet after victory, more pitiful
Than all their praying virgins left at home!
And when he falls in love with Cleopatra he remains true to her. It is Alexas who mentions this in his observation:
Would you could add to those more shining virtues
His truth to her who loves him.
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He is such a valiant soldier that one day he makes his fellow emperor Caesar's soldiers run away from the
battlefield to escape death and leaves five thousand Romans dead in the battlefield, as he reports:
We have dislodged their troops
They look on us at distance, and like curs
'scaped from the lion's paws, they bay far off,
And lick their wounds, and faintly threaten war.
Five thousand Romans with their faces upward
Lie breathless on the plain.
(AL III, i, 51-57)
It must have been on account of his virtues, capabilities and behaviour that in his prosperous days even kings
were willing to serve him as his slaves, as is evident from his report:
Hast thou not seen my morning chambers filled
With sceptred slaves who waited to salute me,
With eastern monarchs who forgot the sun
To worship my uprising? Menial kings
Ran coursing up and down my palace-yard,
Stood silent in my presence, watched my eyes,
And at my least command all started out
Like racers to the goal.
(AL III, i, 141-48)
He is not a man with a closed mind: when somebody gives a convincing argument in support of something that
he does not hold, he readily accepts that view-point. For example, when he tells Ventidius that Dollabella has
become his enemy now because when he went away he did not take leave of him, Ventidius gives an argument
to prove that Dollabella still loves him:
It argues that he loved you more than her,
Else he had stayed; but he perceived you jealous,
And would not grieve his friend: I know he loves you.
(AL III, i, 108-10)
At this Antony readily accepts Ventidius, opinion and says: " ' I should have seen him, then, ere now' "
(AL III, i, l.lll).
Antony is so self-respectful that he will not beg anything for him, nor will accept a thing if it has been for him.
The following exchange of remarks between him and his wife makes it evident:
Antony: I Fear, Octavia, you have begged my life.
Octavia: Begged it, my Lord?
Antony: Yes, begged it, my ambassadress,
Poorly and basely begged it of your brother.
Octavia: Poorly and basely I could never beg,
Nor could my brother grant.
Antony: Shall I, who to my kneeling slave could say
'Rise up, and be a king' , shall I fall down
And cry, 'Forgive me, Caesar'? Shall I set
A man, my equal, in the place of Jove,
As he could give me being? No; that word
'Forgive' would choke me up,
And die upon my tongue.
(AL III, i, 271-82)
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Antony has the gift of the gab: when he chooses he argues his viewpoint very well. For instance, when he argues
in order to prove that Cleopatra has ruined him he is very convincing:
When I beheld you first, it was in Egypt,
Ere Caesar saw your eyes. You gave me love,
And were too young to know it: that I settled
Your father in his throne was for your sake;
I left the acknowledgement for time to ripen
Caesar stept in, and with a greedy hand
Plucked the green fruit ere the first blush of red,
Yet cleaving to the bough.
(AL II, i, 262-69)
He chooses the incidents which support the point he is trying to bring home to Cleopatra: He has been in love
with her and has done much for her, but she has not been faithful to him and has caused his ruin. Ventidius
appreciates his arguments when he says: " ' Well pushed that last was home' " (AL , II, i, 98)
Antony is poetic in his speech quite often and employs images of various kinds to describe persons and situations.
For instance, he likens himself to a merchant whose vessel is sinking, Cleopatra to a swallow who has deserted
one benefactor and gone to another, and his whole life to a dream of love and friendship:
My whole life
Has been a golden dream of love and friendship.
But now I wake, I'm like a merchant roused
From soft repose to see his vessel sinking,
And all his wealth cast o'er. Ingrateful woman!
Who followed me but as the swallow summer,
Hatching her young one in my kindly beams,
Singing her flatteries to my morning wake;
But now my winter comes, she spreads her wings
And seeks the spring of Caesar.
(AL, V, i, 204-13)
When he describes himself to Cleopatra he uses the image of a man going away bag and baggage and says:
'Tis as with a man
Removing in a hurry, all packed up
But one dear jewel that his haste forgot,
And he, for that, return upon the spur:
So I come back for thee.
(AL V, i, 365-69)
He personifies death while describing the way Ventidius has died:
Is Death no more? He used him carelessly,
With a familiar kindness; ere he knocked,
Ran to the door and took him in his arms,
As who should say, 'Y'are welcome at all hours;
A friend need give no warning;
(AL V, i 338-42)
Another image that he employs to describe his condition is that of a meteor when he asks himself:
Why was I raised the meteor of the world
Hung in the skies, and blazing as I travelled,
150
Till all my fires were spent, and then cast downward

To be trod out by Caesar?
(AL I, i, 206-09)
Ventidius is right when he tells Antony that before he had fallen in love with Cleopatra he was so worthy that
even the Gods envied him:
....you, ere love misled your wandering eyes,
Were sure the chief and best of human race,
Framed in the very pride and boast of Nature,
So perfect that the gods who formed you wondered
At their own skill, and cried, 'A lucky hit
Has mended our design'. Their envy hindered,
Else you had been immortal, and a pattern,
When Heaven would work for ostentation sake,
To copy out again.
(AL I, i, 403-11)
He tends to develop very intimate relations with the persons he likes. For instance, when he had friendly relations
with Dollabella, they, as Antony reports, were very close to each other:
We were so closed within each other's breasts,
The rivets were not found that joined up first
That does not reach us yet: we were so mixed
As meeting streams, both to ourselves were lost;
We were one mass; we could not give or take
But from the same, for he was I, I he.
(AL, III, i, 11. 92-97)
But there is something unnatural with such a relationship as no two persons can have identical views on every
thing. A.N. white head draws attention to the fact of individual differences between people when he says: "We
are like the inhabitants of islands surrounded by an impassable sea where you are for ever you and I, I,". D.H.
Lawrence also refers to it when he says that the otherness of the other also has to be kept in mind. But the very
fact that people tend to like him very intimately (Ventidius not only serves him but also dies for him; Cleopatra is
not only in love with him but also dies at his death) evidences the fact that people regard him a very lovable
person.
Antonio is not a good judge of character. Though he frequently judges people yet he has to revise his views with
the same frequency. Once Caesar was his fellow emperor, but now he is his enemy and Antony is right when he
says:
The boy pursues my ruin, he'll no peace;
His malice is considerate in advantage;
Oh, he's the coolest murderer! So staunch,
He kill, and keep his temper
(AL III, i, 62-65)
He sends Dollabella to Cleopatra under the impression that the man is his friend and will break to her the news
of his departure in a soft manner, as he says: " 'Therefore, therefore'/ Thou, only thou art fit' " (AL IV, i, 17-18)
but Dollabella cheats him and tries to win Cleopatra for himself when he misreports Antony's message to her:
With fiery eyes and with contracted brows,
He coined his face in the severest stamp,
And fury shook his fabric like an earthquake:
He heaved for vent, and burst like bellowing Etna
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In sounds scarce human, 'Hence, away forever;

Let her begone, the blot of my renown,
And bane of all my hopes."
(AL IV, i, 160-66)
And he is not able to decide whether Cleopatra is true to him or false to him. Once he says
....Cleopatra's false; both false and faithless.
(AL IV, i, 467)
And a little later he says:
Good Heaven, they weep at parting!
Must I weep too? That calls 'em innocent.
(AL IV, i, 586-87)
Antony may not be wise in some other respects, he is wise enough to read the character of Ventidius correctly
....he loves me, truly loves me:
He never flattered me in any vice,
But awes me with his virtue. Even this minute
Methinks he has a right of chiding me.
(AL III, i, ll, 33-36)
Antony is a man of strong passions: if he is offended by somebody he can go to the extent of killing him, and if
he is in love with a person he can give his life for him/her. When he is keeping himself in seclusion after his
defeat at Actium, he is very close to committing suicide as is evident from what a gentleman tells Ventidius:
He eats not, drinks not, sleeps not, has no use
Of anything but thought;....
When he is in a state of passion he cannot exercise any restraint and says and does things for which he repents
later on. For example, when Ventidius calls him wasteful for his practice of giving kingdoms to Cleopatra, he is
offended so much that he calls Ventidius "an envious traitor" (AL, I, i, 378) but later on when he realizes his
mistake he tenders his apology in the following words:
"I did not think so;
I said it in my rage; prithee forgive me".
(AL, I, i, .397-98)
This implies that he does not always weigh what he says and does not restrain himself when he should.
The fatal flaw of Antony is that he falls in love with Cleopatra in violation of the rule of the institution of marriage
that he will remain faithful to his wife. His love for Cleopatra is so intense that he considers her to be more
valuable than several worlds as he says to Ventidius: " '[Cleopatra] deserves/More worlds than I can lose' " (All
for Love, I, i, 368-69). Another time he says that he loves her.
Beyond life, conquest, empire, all but honour;....
(AL, I, i, 423)
Love for Cleopatra has made Antony forget everything other than her. He himself admits that:
How I loved,
Witness, ye days and nights and all your hours
That danced away with down upon your feet,
As all your business were to count my passion.
One day passed by, and nothing saw but love;
Another came, and still 'twas only love;
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The suns were wearied out with looking on,

And I untired with loving.
I saw you every day and all the day.
(AL II, i, 282-90)
He is also conscious of the fact that his love made him neglect and, consequently, lose the world, as he says:
While within you arms I lay the world fell mouldering from my hands each hours,
And left me scarce a grasp; I thank your love for 't.
(AL II, i, 295-97)
The problem that worries him most is whether Cleopatra is faithful to him or not. Or rather what he fears most
is that Cleopatra is false to him. Once he says to her:
[I] Took you into my bosom, stained, by Caesar,
And not half mine.
(AL II, i, 276-77)
Another time he says to her:
O Cleopatra!
O Dollabella! How could you betray
This tender heart, which with an infant fondness
Lay lulled betwixt you bosoms, and there slept
Secure of injured faith?
(AL IV, i, 47-91)
A little later he describes her to Alexas:
Ingrateful woman!
Who followed me but as the swallow summer,
Hatching her young one in my kindly beams,
Singing her flatteries to my morning wake;
But now my winter comes, she spreads her wings,
And seeks the spring of Caesar.
(AL V, i, 208-13)
A few seconds before his death he says to her:
Say but thou art not false.
(AL V, i, 374)
And he does this even though Cleopatra is not his wife and even though he has been false to both Fulvia and
Octavia!
What Antonio turns his blind eye to is the fact that he is Octavia's husband and he is faithless to her. One's
marrying a lady makes it an imperative for one to remain faithful to her. By that logic Antony has no right to fall
in love with Cleopatra or seeking her love, let alone expecting her to be faithful to him. Ventidius, who is trying
to be Antonio's conscience-keeper is making an attempt to bring home this fact to him when he brings Octavia
and her children to him and asks, on finding him starting back:
What, is she poison to you? A disease?
Look on her, view her well, and those she brings:
Are they all strangers to your eyes? Has Nature
No secret call, no whisper they are yours?
(AL, III, i, 239-42)
153
Antony's is a partly split personality: love pulls him to Cleopatra and duty pulls him to Octavia. But love is
definitely stranger of the two with the result that he is attached to Cleopatra much more than to Octavia. That he
is being pulled in two different directions has been accepted by him when he tells Cleopatra:
I have a fool within me takes your part,
But honour stops my ears.
(AL IV, I, 561-62)
If the two pulls had been equal he might have been lost only fifty per cent on himself and would not have been
driven to a complete ruin. But since the pull of love is much stronger than that of duty or honour, his losing honour
and rushing to his ruin is quite fast. If one lets oneself be pulled towards what is undesirable and turns to the
desirable only off and on, one is definitely heading towards one's ruin. And this is what Antony does with the
result that he reaps its consequeces.
The moment he is told Cleopatra has died, he resolves not to fight any more and resolves to leave the empire for
Caesar to own, as his empire, and his power were his merchandise to buy Cleopatra's love. His telling Ventidius:
What should I fight for now? my queen is dead
I was but great for her; my power, my empire
Were but my merchandise to buy her love,
And conquered kings, my factors. Now she's dead,
Let Caesar take the world
An empty circle, since the jewel's gone
Which made it worth my strife; my being's nauseous,
For all the bribes of life are gone away.
(AL, V, i, 269-76)
signifies that he ranks Cleopatra above the empire and regards her as the only valuable thing in the world.
John Dryden tries to give the impression that is is Antonio's sense of honour, along with his grief at the reported
news of Cleopatra's death, that makes him attempt harakiri as he tells Ventidius:
Yes, I would be taken,
But as a Roman ought dead, my Ventidius;
For I'll convey my soul from Caesar's reach ,
And lay down life myself.
(AL V, i, 278-81)
But if we examine Antonio's mind we shall find that nothing other than love for Cleopatra makes him attempt
harakiri, as his own words
Since I have heard of Cleopatra's death,
My reason bears no rule upon my tongue,
But lets my thought break all at random out.
make it evident. As a matter of fact after he has learnt Cleopatra has died there is nothing in the world to catch
his attention.
Ventidius considers Antony's love for Cleopatra unjustifiable on the ground that when he fell in love with her he
was not young, but had reached his declining age as he tells him:
Yours....in your declining age,
When no more heat was left but what you forced,
When all the sap was needful for the trunk,
When it went down, then you constrained the course,
And robbed from Nature to supply desire;
154
In you, I would not use so harsh a word

But 'tis plain dotage.
(AL III, i, 192-98)
He means to say that a young man's folly is not as serious a folly as an old man's folly. If a man commits follies
even when he has attained old age, he is a real fool.
Antony's love for Cleopatra has offended even Romans and the soldiers who are ready to fight for him. We
learn this from Ventidius who tells Antony:
They said they would not fight for Cleopatra.
Why should they fight, indeed, to make her conquer,
And make you more a slave? To gain your kingdoms
Which for a kiss at your next midnight feast,
You'll sell to her?
(All for Love I, l, 359-63)
Ventidius holds Cleopatra responsible for his ruin when he says:
Oh, [Cleopatra] has decked his ruin with her love,
Let him in golden bands to gaudy slaughter,
And made perdition pleasing: she has left him
The blank of what he was.
(All for Love I, I, 170-173)
But the fact remains that he himself is responsible for it. If he is in love with Cleopatra, who but he is to blame?
One may say that if Cleopatra had not been there, there would have been none for him to fall in love with. But
that argument is erroneous because the weakness to fall in love outside marriage is his. There are people who
refuse to submit even when strong tempatations are there. For instance Valmiki's Ram refused to be tempted by
Supanakha when she fell in love with him. If Antony had been a firm hearted man he would have rejected every
temptation and would have remained true to his wife.
The fact of the matter is that since the global society has accepted marriage as an ideal institution, all the efforts
to undermine it are resented and discouraged by the whole society in both organised and unorgnaised ways. So
any extra-marital love-affair is taken by the society as a challenge and the fight between the society and the
individual often continues to the finish. In All for Love too Antonio's love for Cleopatra is being resented by the
global society the respesentatives of which in the drama are Caesar, Ventidius, the soldiers willing to fight for
Antony (but not until he ceases to be Cleopatra's lover), Serapion, Octavia and the like. Caesar must be look
upon as the head of the Roamn empire having been entrusted by his community to see to it, even with the help
of force, that ethical rules are not flouted. The situation has come to such a pass that. Antony is being supported
by Egyptians and one single town outside Egypt, while Ceasar has the rest of the world to support him, as is
evident from Ventidius' report:
...still you draw supplies from one poor town
And of Egyptians; he has all the world,
And at his back nations come pouring in
To fill the gaps you make.
(AL III, i, 75-79)
As the head of the Roman empire he is expected to make people honour the social institutions including the
institution of marriage. But instead of doing that he himself violates the rules of the institution of marriage. In
such a situation the society is bound to react and either make him change his ways or to remove him from the
scene altogether. Since by doing what is unbecoming of him he has behaved like a traitor to his position, a large
number of persons become traitors to him.
155
If we study just Antony' utterances we learn that it is Antony's infidelity to his wives that lies at the root of the
troubles he is facing. When he fell in love with Cleopatra and, thus, was false to Fulvia She started a war, as
Antony himself reports:
Fulvia, my wife, grew jealous,
As she indeed had reason; raised a war
In Italy, to call me back.
(AL II, i, 292-94)
When he left Octavia again for the embaraces of Cleopatra he became false to Octavia with the result that, as
he reports: " 'This raised the Roman arms; ..." (AL, II, i, 307). But instead of repenting over his errors of
commission and omission he persists in remaining in love with Cleopatra and continues remaining faithless to
Fulvia first and Octavia afterwards. That is the reason why his troubles go on increasing and crush him completely
when he turns to such errors of his as fighting at sea:
I would have fought by land, where I was stranger;
You hindered it, yet when I fought at sea,
Forsook me fighting
he makes it clear they too were caused by his illicit love affair with Cleopatra.
When Antony is charging her with giving herself to Caesar before giving her to him and says:
When I beheld you first, it was in Egypt,
Ere caesar saw your eyes. You gave me love,
And were too young to know it: that I settled
Your father in his throne was for your sake;
I left th' acknowledgement for time to ripen.
Caesar stept in, and with a greedy hand
Plucked the green fruit ere the first blush of red,
Yet cleaving to the bough
(AL, II, i, 262-69)
He has taken for granted that he has a right to make Cleopatra remain faithful to him. But Cleopatra is not his
wedded wife; she is Ptolemy's widow and if anybody has a right to expect her to be faithful to him it is this boy
king who has died but whose ghost, as Serapion reports, is now in arms. Secondly, Antonio himself has not been
faithful to Cleopatra: he was once Fulvia's husband, and now he is Octavia's husband. And he married Octavia
when he had started living with Cleopatra as her lover. So even if his love for Cleopatra has given him a right to
expect Cleopatra to remain faithful to him, he should have remained faithful to her. One's not remaining faithful
to the beloved and expecting her to be faithful to him is domination rather than love. No doubt Cleopatra does not
give such argument but these arguments are valid in this context.
Antony may be mighty enough to defeat Cassus, he may be mighty enough to spring forwards against Ceasar
and defeat him in one battle, but he with his unethical ways, is not mighty enough to fight almost the whole global
society represented by Caesar, Octavia, Ventidius, the Roman soldiers (who are loyal to him but want him to
cease to be in love with Cleopatra), Serapion and the supernatural forces which make the ghosts of the long race
of dead Ptolemies come out of their graves. What Dryden's play seems to embody is the view that the violation
of ethics offends not only human being, but also the supernatural powers and causes one's utter ruin.
156
Long-Answer Type Questions

1. In Antony we find a conflict between love and duty. Discuss.
2. Discuss Antony as a Tragic hero.
3. John Dryden's Cleopatra is a faithful mistress. Justify.
4. Discuss All for Love as a classical Tragedy.
5. All for Love is a sentimentalized heroic tragedy. Do you agree with this view? Give a reasoned answer.
6. One who has a friend like Ventidius must be really lucky. Discuss.
7. Write a note on the scene in which Antonio and Octavia are reconciled.
8. Comment on the scence in which there is an encounter between Octavia and Cleopatra.
9. Write a note on Dryden's use of blank verse in All for Love.
Short Answer Type Questions
1. What do you mean by blank verse? In what way is it different from heroic couplet?
2. What are three unities? Which of them have been observed in All for Love?
3. Discuss the reconciliation of Antony and Octavia.
4. What is the role of Alexas in All for Love?
M.A English (Previous)

Paper-II: Literature In English 1660-1798
Section B; Unit 5: Voltaires Candide
VOLTAIRES LIFE AND WORK
Voltaire was born in 1694 of sturdy middle class stock in Paris. His father
was a well-established notary. Educated by the Jesuits, at the celebrated Louis-leGrand College in his native city, he developed considerable skill as a boy in the art
of controversy. He also had deep-rooted enthusiasm for literature, which made him
view with distaste his fathers determination to have him practice law. Voltaires
actual name was Francois Marie Arouet. It was only as a writer that he adopted the
name of Voltaire. This, too, shows how deeply he had committed himself to the
literary world. However, to please his father, the elder Arouet, Francois as a young
man did go for a time to The Hague as a secretary to the Ambassador there. Back
in Paris as a law-clerk, young Arouet began to write satirical verse. He also started
writing his earliest works, the epic La Henriad and the tragedy Oedipus. A
lampoon against the Regent, however, earned him exile for a while. Soon
thereafter, he wrote another satire on the region of Louis XIV. This earned him
imprisonment in the Bastille for eleven months in 1717.
The reign of Louis XIV was rather inglorious in the history of France. It
ended with the kings death in 1715. The bigotry and somberness of his last years
alienated the devotion of the public. What followed was no better. The Regency of
the Duke of Orleans (1715-1723) was a period of reaction against the moral
ostentation of Louis XIVs court a period of licence and frivolity, even, some
would say, of libertinism. The Regency was replaced by a long span of the reign of
Louis XV (1715-1774). This new king showed little aptitude for and less interest in
ruling the country. The destinies of the nation were settled according to the whim
and caprice of a succession of his mistresses. The extravagance and expenditures
of the court were steadily runing the country. Louis XV was not unaware that his
successor would have to pay the penalty. After me, the deluge, he said
prophetically.
The eighteenth century during the region of Louis XV was a period
of neoclassicism, just as it was in England. The century retained the basic bias of
the seventeenth in favour of a rationalistic approach to life. It was equally
concerned with achieving clarity, simplicity, wit, elegance, perfection of form, and
it was equally didactic in its intentions. But in France (just as in England) one
important change did take place in the eighteenth century. The splendour and
absolutism of the Court had made the royal house and its retainers the focus of
interest in the seventeenth century literature. In the eighteenth century the audience
became instead the general reading public. Learning, science, philosophy, and wit
became the properties for the well-to-do citizen with the leisure to develop his taste
and knowledge. It was the time when a series of brilliant women made their homes
the centers of truly philosophic and literary conversation. In these salons writers
and cultivated readers met on an equal footing. The elegant ladies who were
queens over their coteries afforded real help, politically, financially and
intellectually, to writers. The general effect of these gatherings on literature was to
make it witty, polished, and agreeable. The sciences were deprived of technicality;
knowledge became lucid and impersonal.
The eighteenth century in France was the period when the admiration of
England and English literature developed almost into a mania. Voltair, who
acquired this name around the time his Oedipus was performed, in 1718,
discovered Shakespeare, the philosopher Locke and the Deists, and the poet Pope.
Voltair and some other contemporaries of his were powerfully influenced by their
visit to England. Rousseau was indebted to Locke, to Richardson and to many
other English writers. Many translations from the English were made, during this
period, into the French. The force of this Anglomania, so to say, was to augment
the growing restlessness in French political affairs, while half of France was living
in starvation and political oppression, England seemed to liberal Frenchman to be
holding aloft the beacon of liberty. The period of Louis XV was, therefore, a
period of contradictions. The Court continued its parade of splendour, but actually
was losing hold over the people. Outwardly life in Paris and Versailles was more
charming and attractive than ever. But the lower classes, of whom literature for a
while took little cognizance, were becoming tired of all this pretty gallantry and the
artifices which made vice appear graceful. The reign of Louis XVI (1774-1792)
and his queen Marie Antoinette saw the final dissolution of this world of charming
artificiality. The French Revolution of 1789, which Voltair, Rousseau, and Diderot
had unknowingly done much to prepare, was destined to alter the political life not
only of France, but the whole of the western world.
Unlike their predecessors in Neoclassicism, the leading writers of the
eighteenth century, instead of placing themselves under the sheltering favour of the
Court, became increasingly concerned over the issues of justice, equality, and the
rights of man. Their social idealism, indeed, brought them into conflict with the
government. We can recall here Voltaires being sent to prison more than once for
writing satires on political, social, and religious life of his time. The arguments in
the writings of Voltair and Rousseau were profoundly disruptive of the status quo.
Voltair illustrates the tendency more than any other writer of his age. Because of
his tone of bantering disillusionment he has often been charged of cynicism.
Perhaps not very justly. He penned almost a library of books with the sole purpose
of improving social conditions. He and his fellow writers fervently believed that
their literary labours could bring about a more decent life for posterity, and in that
faith alone they wrote. With almost religious reliance on the curative power of
reason, so characteristic of the neoclassical era, they were convinced that an
untiring criticism of social evils must cause a gradual improvement in society.
Some of these men actually believed that the exercise of reason would make
society perfect eventually.
Returning to the particular case of Voltaire, we find that for next seven years
after the performance of his Oedipus tragedy in 1718 at the Theatre Francais,
which received much applause, Voltaire was much petted and admired by the
Court for his witticism light pieces. It was a lucky catastrophe that changed the
whole course of his life. Without it, he might have been satisfied to be a minor
versifier for Court circles. It chanced, however, that because of a gibe he made at
the Opera at the expense of the stupid Chevalier de Rohan, he was beaten by the
Chevaliers lackeys. Enraged by the event, Voltaire challenged the noble man to a
duel, and for his insolence he was again sent to prison in the Bastille. To save
appearances for the Chevalier, Voltaire was released on his promise to leave for
England in 1726. At the age of thirty two, therefore, Voltaire found himself in
England. He had been a sincere admirer of England because of its achievements in
science and in political liberty. He had already mastered English while incarcerated
in the Bastille. By now he was fully equipped to make the most of his exile.
Indeed, Voltaire reveled in his exile in England. These three years of his life
proved to be the most formative years of his career as a writer. With Bolingbroke,
who at that time had the reputation of being a great philosopher, Voltaire already
had made some acquaintance. He now became an intimate friend of Bolingbroke.
The exile was also frequently to be seen at the homes of Walpole, Lord Hervey, the
Duke of Newcastle, and the Prince of Wales. He met Congreve, attended Newtons
funeral, visited Pope at Twickenham, and was elected a member of the great
English scientific body, the Royal Society. He saw performances of the plays of
Shakespeare and Dryden. He read Bacon and Locke. And he came to know the
English language well enough to think and write in it. Above all, he became
saturated with a devotion to that religious and political freedom which he saw
Englishmen enjoying. This made him resolve to be the champion of this freedom
in France. As Lord Morley has put it, He left France a poet, he returned to it a
sage. After his exile for three years he returned to France, and produced several
plays showing the influence of Shakespeare, notably Brutus (1730), Zaire (1732),
and The Death of Caesar (1732).
The chief fruit of Voltaires exile in England, however, was the publication
of his English Letters (Letters Anglaises) in 1734. These letters are also known as
The Philosophic Letters. As an earliest adventure into philosophy, the Letters
contains the germs of all his important ideas, later to be exploited in many volumes.
The Letters is also written in that gay, ironic style which is most associated with
Voltaires name. Here, in this work Voltaire makes a series of comparisons
between the tolerance and liberties which Englishmen knew and the arbitrary
oppression to which Frenchmen were subjected. The most important chapters of
the work that deserve attention are those on Parliament, on Commerce, on Vaccine,
on Locke, on Descartes and Newton, on Tragedy, on Comedy, and, a kind of
supplement, on The Pensees of Pascal. The work was published without
Voltaires name as author. It was condemned, as expected, by the government,
seized, and burned. Nevertheless, five editions of it were sold the year of its
appearance. The publisher was imprisoned in the Bastille. Voltaire thought it wise
to leave Paris for Cirey, where a fellow Newtonian, Mme de chatlet, invited him to
stay at her Chateu.
Later in the eighteenth century Condorcet wrote of the English Letters that it
was the work which must be considered the starting-point of a revolution; it began
to call into existence the taste for English philosophy of literature, to give us an
interest in the manners, politics, and the commercial knowledge of the English
people. It must be remembered that for Frenchmen an interest in the things
English mean an interest in achieving liberties comparable with theirs. Another
historian, Texte, finds The English Letters important in another respect. He dates
from it the commencement of that open campaign against the Christian religion
which was destined to occupy the whole of the century. He also finds that with
this work of Voltaire begins that new spirit critical, eager for reform,
combative and practical, which concerned itself rather with political and natural
science than with poetry and eloquence.
At Cirey, a kind of second exile for Voltair, under the sympathetic care of
his hostess, Mme de Chatlet, he wrote busily between 1734 and 1749. But living
away from his home in Paris he was by no means a recluse. He made a number of
flying visits to Paris. He also traveled in the company of her hostess to Brussels,
Lille, Luneville and other places. Of the many works of this period that Voltair
produced, one has been regarded almost universally as a blot upon his career. This
work is La Pucelle, which is a scurrilous mock-heroic poem ridiculing the legend
of Joan of Arc. His Mondain (1736) is a very witty poem defending a theory that
he never abandoned: that there is progress in human affairs when the latter are
viewed in perspective. However, Voltaire had to fled to Holland for a while
because of this work. He had to do it to escape the police. Alzire (1736) is a
tragedy laid in Peru, which was performed with great success. Another work of the
period, Mahomet, or Fanaticism (1740) is a philosophical tragedy which attacks
religion. He makes Mohammed typical of the founders of all religions, an imposter
and fanatic, who causes much evil in the world. The play became the source of
much unpleasantness to its author. When produced in Paris in 1742 it was
enthusiastically applauded. But Voltaires enemies lost no time in charging him

with infamous blasphemy. To avoid the wrath of the government Voltaire had to
quit Paris yet another time. He had the audacity to dedicate this piece to the Pope,
none the less, and the Pontiff, not lacking a sense of humour.
Another famous work that Voltair produced during this period is Merope
(1743), which has been acclaimed his most classical tragedy. It is based on a story
similar to that of Racines Andromache. At the instance of Richelieu, Voltaire also
wrote a comedy bellet for Court performance, named The Princess of Navarre (La
Princesse de Navarre) in 1745. In addition to other works, of a minor nature,
during this period Voltaire also wrote his Elements of Newtons Philosophy (1738),
and a treatise On the Nature of Fire (Sur la Nature du Feu). At this time, too, he
began his monumental work The Epoch of Louis XIV (Siecle de Louis XIV).
Voltaires celebrated correspondence with Frederick the Great, who at the
beginning accepted the role of a humble disciple, commenced in 1736. The two
came to admire each other genunily. Their meeting in 1740 was by all means
satisfying to both of them. During the ensuing decade Voltaire several times took
on the responsibility of diplomatic missions to Frederick from the French Court.
Each time Frederick urged Voltaire to remain as his guest, but he would not agree
to this request.
Touching upon Voltaires correspondence one discovers that there are in
existence some ten thousand of his letters. In fact, these are said to be not even half
of what he wrote. It seems most of the notable people in Europe at the time
corresponded with him. The list of personal friends, literary colleagues, fellow
philosophers, etc., is so large that it would require pages merely to mention the
names. Of course, the letters are well worth the reading at any time. They reveal
their author in all his charm, enthusiasm, and anger of which he was capable. Some
of his most hastily composed letters, interestingly, are among the best pieces of
prose. All of the letters and other writings he did at Cirey put together constitute a
valuable stock. One can see how the Cirey period of Voltaires life was one of
accomplishment, intellectual stimulation, and great annoyance. Mondain, as we
have noted, had sent him off in flight from the police; Mahomet had caused him to
leave Paris hastily because of the authorities; his election to the French Academy
in 1746 re-awakened the zeal of his enemies, and he had to flee Paris again.
Moreover, during these years Voltaire was the victim of unremitting health. Finally,
the greatest below he ever sustained terminated the days at Cirey: Mme de Chatlet
died in the late summer of 1749.
For nearly a year Voltaire tried his fortunes in Paris once more. He tried to
run his own theatre, and began to circulate, to the delight of the literary world, a
number of his Tales. Every one of these racily written stories has a purpose
moral, social, political, or religious. Of these, the best-known Tales have been
Badouc (1746), Memmon (1747), Zadig (1748), and Micromegas (1752). Zadiag,
crowded with incidents and conversations, illustrates the uncertainty of human
experiences. Micromegas has as its hero inhabitant of the star Sirius who travels
through our world, and proves that all values are merely relative.
Frederick, as maintained earlier, had been intent in his invitations to Voltaire
that the latter should stay at his Court (1750-1753).Facing all sorts of
disappointments in Paris or at Versailles, Voltaire at last procured the permission
of Louis XV to go to Prussia. He arrived in Berlin in July 1750. At first-Frederick
was delighted with his distinguished guest. He lodged him near his palace at
Potsdam. Voltaire, too, took great pleasure in his conversations with the king. He
gave Frederick the title of the Solomon of the North. Frederick made the mistake
of making an indiscrete remark about Voltaire. He is reported to have told his
physicist, La Mettrie, I shall need him [Voltaire] a year more at the most, one
squeezes the orange and then throws away the skin. La Mettrie did not fail to
report the remark to Voltaire. Meanwhile, Voltaire also wrote an attack on the
kings favorite Maupertiu, president of the Berlin Academy. All this led to the end
of their friendship, forcing Voltaire to leave Prussia. The matter did not end here.
When he was leaving Prussia, Voltaire was arrested and forced to give up a
poetical effusion of Fredericks which he was smuggling out of the country. His
intention was to present Frederick as the laughing-stock in the world of letters in
Europe. At the age of sixty, he was not welcome in any kingdom of the western
continent.
The most important work that Voltaire wrote while in Prussia is The Epoch
of Louis XIV (1751). It is a history of thought during one of the periods of great
intellectual enlightenment and almost equal intolerance. Beginning with a
description of the state of Europe before Louis XIV, he discusses the foreign
policies of the monarch as well as the monarchs ministers and their plans of
military operations. The first part of the book concludes with a picture of Europe.
The next chapters are devoted to the state of commerce, justice, the police, and
public finances. Then follows a discussion of science, painting, sculpture, and
music in the Europe of Louis XIVs time. One chapter contains Voltaires
judgements on all the great seventeenth-century writers. The work concludes with
a discourse on the condition of religious affairs during the reign of Louis XIV.
Here, the author expresses his disgust with narrow theological disputation. His
comments on the seventeenth-century religious fanaticism implies everywhere the
superiority of his own era. The importance of the work lies in its being the first
attempt at writing a history of civilization. Voltaires emphasis is that reason, not
religion, is the true guide to civilized values. But he also recognizes throughout,
the power of chance as often playing decisive role in the affairs of men and women.
Besides being the most finished historical work of its time, it has an added charm
of its authors witty, graceful, and direct style.
After saying goodbye to Germany, Voltaire went to Geneva. There he
bought a summer house, which he called Les Delices. There he also presented
plays at his own little theatre. But the Council of Geneva objected to them on
religious ground. Then Rousseau also attacked the performances. That compelled
him to shift his home just across the Swiss border on French soil. He bought the
estate of Fernex, which he spelled Ferney. This became his favourite residence. He
built a chateu and converted it into a kind of court where men of letters and great
noblemen came to pay their respect to the veteran of letters and to take part in his
endless theatricals. It is said that he often entertained as many as fifty guests at a
time. Luckily, his income now was large enough to afford his grand style of living.
Although over sixty when he started living at Ferney, it was here (1754 1778)
that he worked harder than ever. It was these last years of his life that saw the
production of some of his greatest works, notably the one book by which he is best
known to the world, Candide (1759). He wrote several plays, including one of his
best tragedies, Tancred (1760). He continued his historical work, produced two
more books. However, the crowning glory of this period were his philosophical
writings, which include The Essay on the Manners and the Spirit of Nations (1756),
The Treatise on Tolerance (1763), The Philosophic Dictionary (1764), and, of
course, Candide (1759). The Essay on the Manners and the Spirit of Nations is
sort of universal history. He shows here his contempt for the Dark Ages, but does
them some justice at the end when he finds religion acting as a civilizing force at
certain epochs. His description of Mohammadan culture in Spain, his account of
late medieval manners and commerce, his discussion of Renaissance art, and his
review of the reign of Louis XIII these are the high points of the book. The
unifying theme of the work is progress progress in the arts and sciences, and
progress in human well-being. Voltaires style in this work is at its most energetic.
His The Treatise on Tolerance will always remain a monument to the nobility of
Voltaires ideals. It was the product of a series of interventions on the part of
Voltaire in behalf of the politically maltreated. To Voltaire, tolerance is the
consequence of humanity. We are all formed of frailty and error; let us pardon
reciprocally each others folly. It is clear that the individual who persecutes a
man, his brother, because he is not of the same opinion, is a monster. These
remarks are made in the article on Tolerance in The Philosophic Dictionary, one of
his most characteristic work, containing a series of such articles arranged in
alphabetical order. Here, there are essays on Soul, Beauty, Glory, War, etc. Most
of the articles are attacks on Catholicism, particularly catholic dogma questions
of ritual, prerogatives of the clergy, etc. Orthodox catholic dogma he finds
irrational, and often immoral and inhuman. He is equally disdainful on the subjects
of miracles and visions. He always dismissed the possibility of supernatural

manifestations. The target of his attack everywhere is the monster of intolerance.
He shows how all religions have common beliefs; these alone are the credible, and
hence the valuable, portions of all religions.
Although Voltaire was no friend of the Revolution, The Philosophic
Dictionary became a kind revolutionaries guide. By the time it appeared,
Voltaires reputation had grown universal. No man of letters in Europe was more
vastly admired. At Ferney he would always be busy dictating twenty letters a day.
Of all the several dozen volumes of Voltaires work Candide (1759) still remains
the most favourite of his readers. One cannot think of any other book which
contains within the same number of pages so much devastating wit. It is rightly
called the worlds masterpiece of scepticism. At the same time, it is unfair to
accuse it of being a work of easy cynicism. Not only its never-failing laughter, but
also the moral earnestness of its conclusion, make such a charge look utterly
absurd. No doubt, it satirizes many things. And the chief object of ridicule is
philosophic optimism this is the best of all possible worlds, as Leibniz puts it.
A man who believed, as much as Voltaire did, in the need for social reforms could
hardly endorse any doctrine which encouraged satisfaction with the way things are.
The dogged optimism of Pangloss in Candide is painted as merely idiotic. Voltaire
also attacks in this work the follies of war, the injustices of religious persecution,
the stupidity of ambition, the avarice of men. He condemns, above all, all those
who expect to find great happiness in life, for such a search is in vain. The best
answer he can give to the quest for contentment is, Cultivate your garden. In the
end, those characters in Candide who are able to lose themselves in useful work,
such as is ever ready at hand, no matter what their earlier errors and misfortunes
have been, find a measure of peace.
VOLTAIRES SCEPTICISM:
The question whether one is sceptic or not relates to ones belief or dis-belief
in God. If you believe in God, you are not a sceptic. But if you say you dont know
if there is such an authority in the universe, you are called a sceptic. Voltaire
addresses this question in the Trait de metaphysique (The Treatise of Metaphysics)
which, fortunately, was not published in his life time. Otherwise, he would have
been sent to jail once again, this time perhaps for a much longer period than ever
before. Is there a god? And if so, what are his relations with man? This is a subject
to which Voltaire returned in his writings over and over again. While arguing
against atheism in his Dictionnaire Philosophique, Voltaire wrote that most of the
great ones of this earth live as if they were atheists. He adds that everyone who
has experience of this world knows that belief in god has not the slightest influence
on war and ambition, interests and pleasures.
We need not have any misgiving about the fact that Voltaire was not a man
obsessed with the idea of god. His references to the subject are comparatively few,
far fewer than to may other subjects in which he was more actively interested. Of
course, like any sensitive person, Voltaire could not help asking himself
unanswerable questions. However, he was far less interested in philosophic
abstractions than in the immediate need to destroy fanaticism and superstition, and
to bring about the reign of law and justice. Still, he did not escape the questions
and tried to answer them as best as he could. Also, there is very little formally
systematic about Voltaire
s presentation of his views. However, if he did not design
a system of philosophy, it was not because he was not capable of doing this. His
Trait de metaphysique shows this well enough. It was rather because he thought it
foolish to do so. Systems, as he once said, offend my reason. He also said, so
fat as systems are concerned, one must always reserve to oneself the right to laugh
in the morning at the ideas one had the previous day. In short, Voltaire
s methods
were scientific rather than technically philosophic. Also, there is nothing
monolithic about his thinking. It developed, and even changed in some important
respects. Thus, it is possible to say without qualification that Voltaire preferred
Racine to Corneille, or that he was against intolerance. But it is not possible to
make a categorical statement about his views on god.
On the subject of god, we need to remember that Voltaire never considered
it solely in terms of Christian polemics. For him, the problem of god was nothing if
not universal, because it existed long before Christianity, and, therefore, must
necessarily exist independently of this or that faith. Voltaire also did not make any
distinction between theist and deist. If we look into his writings, we find that
at first he tends to use the word theist, and later deist, but only for prudential
reasons, since churchmen had sought to discredit the word deist by using it
synonymously with atheist. Thus, in 1765 Voltaire wrote of a theist as a man
firmly convinced of the existence of a supreme being as good as he is powerful,
who has created all beings who perpetuates their species, who punishes crimes
without cruelty, and rewards virtuous actions with goodness. We find that
Voltaire tends to use interchangeably the words theism and deism, or theist
and deist. He also insisted that there are lot of people who would not share the
belief of theism or deism. In the Dictionnaire Philosophique, he says, In England,
like everywhere else, there have been and there still are many men who are atheists
on principle: for only young and inexperienced preachers, very ill-informed of
what happens in the world, maintain that there cannot be any atheists. The
implication is obvious, that in all probability Voltaire is also one of those who are
atheists on principle.
So far as deism (theism) is concerned, Voltaire explained that there were two
kinds of deists: 1. Those who think that god created the world without providing
10
men with a moral law; those deists, he considered, should be called only
philosophers. 2. Those who believed that god endowed men with a natural law;
these deists have a religion. He also makes it clear that he regards any belief
beyond these two forms of deism as an evil. From these definitions it seems that
Voltaire
s sympathies lay with the first kind of deism, obviously, since he himself
remained the leader and symbol of the philosophers. A further examination of the
issue confirms this conclusion. What does Voltaire man, for example, by natural
law? He does not seem to mean by it anything resembling human law,
continuously interpreted and modified by a higher power, which employs sanctions
and rewards. He seems to mean, broadly, an innate ethic implanted once and for all
by the creator, who then has no further power over it. In the ultimate analysis,
Voltaire does not seem to mean even this, for his historical work is based on the
notion of ethical relativism. As early as 1741 he echoed with approval Pascals
What is true on this side of the Pyrenees is false on the other.
By far the most carefully developed examination of this problem of the
existence of a god occurs in Voltaire
s Trait de metaphysique. He seems to have
reached his conclusion in this work from which he never departed later. Also, the
conclusion stated here is rather cool, devoid of enthusiasm, whereas the same
conclusion is later obscured by the passions of polemic and propaganda. His
conclusion in the Trait is: The opinion that there is a god presents difficulties; but
there are absurdities in the contrary opinion. This is, at the highest, to regard the
belief in god as a philosophic convenience (not to be confused with political
expediency), and it is the tiniest possible step away from atheism. In his play
Socrate Voltaire puts these words into the mouth of the philosopher: There is only
one god his nature is to be infinite; no being can share the infinite with him. Lift
your eyes to the celestial globes, turn them to the earth and the seas, everything
corresponds, each is made for the other; each being is intimately related to the
other things; everything forms part of the same design: therefore there is one
architect, one sole master, one sole preserver. A few years later, in the guise of a
preacher, Voltaire exclaims, What is this being? Does he exist in immensity? Is
space one of his attributes? Is he in a place or all places? May I be for ever
preserved from entering into these metaphysical subtleties? I should too much
abuse my feeble reason if I tried fully to understand the being, who, by his nature
and mine, must be incomprehensible to me?
Here, it seems, is the dilemma put forth from which Voltaire could
never manage to escape, because it is inescapable. As the idea of god is stripped
step by step of its traditional vestments, nothing finally remains to the theist except
an indefinable design, that is, a notion intrinsically contradictory and humanly
incomprehensible. Voltaire makes his position all the more clear, when, in the
Dictionnaire Philosophique, he explains, we merely drag ourselves from
11
supposition to supposition, from possibilities to possibilities. We arrive at a very

small number of certainties. Something exists, therefore there is something eternal,
for nothing is produced from nothing. This is a sure truth on which our minds rest.
Every construction which displays means and an end, announces an artisan;
therefore this universe, composed of mechanisms, of means, each of which has its
end, reveals a very powerful, very intelligent artisan. Here we have a probability
which approaches the greatest certitude; but is this supreme workman infinite? Is
he everywhere? Has he a place? How can we answer this question with our limited
intelligence and our feeble knowledge? Thus, as a man of reason Voltaire
expresses his scepticism. In a letter of 1737 to Frederick he concludes for
ontological reasons that the existence of a supreme being is a strong probability.
But he immediately adds that he himself does not believe that there is any proof of
the existence of this being. More than thirty years later, Voltaire tells with evident
sympathy the story of the Swiss captain who, before a battle, prays: O God, if
there is one, take pity on my soul if I have one.
Decidedly, Voltaire always believed that the existence of god cannot be
proved scientifically. In fact, he considered the very attempt to do so as absurd. As
he says in English in one of his earliest notebooks, God cannot be proved, nor
denied, by the mere force of our reason. Such examples are numerous, and they
could be multiplied indefinitely. Voltaire himself was aware of this fact, so he said
with ultimate frankness: For the rest, I think that it is always a very good thing to
maintain the doctrine of the existence of a god. Society needs this opinion. And
he goes on to quote his own famous line, the meaning of which, so often and so
needlessly debated, was thus established once and for all: If god did not exist, he
would have to be invented. The argument about god finally leads to the existence
or otherwise of mans free will. In a letter to Frederick, he argues that men possess
free will because there is a god, but he also insists that there is a god because we
have free will. Here again, he is not free from doubt. He asks Frederick why the
author of nature gave men the feeling that they are free if in fact they are not.
Confronted with the unlimited number of statements in the volumes of
Voltaire
s work one cannot but be arbitrary in putting an end to citations and arrive
at some conclusion about his ticklish view on the subject. Our conclusion would be,
even if tentative, as under: If by design he understood the adoption of a belief
having the nature of a law devised by men for their own governance, then Voltaire
seems convinced that men should be deists. Of course, such a conviction has
nothing to do with philosophy and theology: it belongs to the domain of political
science. In other words, if by deism be understood the recognition of any kind of
personal, finite or definable divinity, then Voltaire was not a deist. Finally, if by
deism be understood one of the following propositions: being is infinite, infinity is
inconceivable in human terms, it is therefore superhuman, and may for
12
convenience be called god; or alternatively, being is finite and must therefore have
a first cause beyond itself, and this first cause may for convenience be called god;
then on either of these assumptions Voltaire was a deist.
Even though the positions proposed above are deduced from the various
statements of Voltaire himself, they add up to nothing so far as his actual response
to the existence of god is concerned. For theoretical reasons, or for reasons of
expediency, he may work out a position in abstract philosophical terms, which
does not convey the shock of a plain statement of his being a sceptic or agnostic.
The fact of the matter is that he was a thorough rationalist, who would accept
nothing without its admission through the test of reason. Let us be straight about
his real position and say that like a true agnostic, he neither asserted nor denied the
existence of god because he found no rational evidence on either side. Hence he
neither affirmed nor denied the divinity, and remained, despite all kinds of pulls
and pressures on him, non-committ to any position so far as the question of god
was concerned. As for the followers of formalized religion, he had nothing but
contempt for these so-called believers, finding them fanatical without faith.
DEATH OF OPTIMISM:
In the age of Voltaire mans confidence in his destiny was at its highest
point. Optimism seemed a universal phenomenon. The belief in progress had
become almost instinctive. When man is convinced that everything is getting better
everyday, it is very much human to conclude that everything is for the best. This
idea had recently been powerfully sustained by Leibniz, who in his Theodicee
(1710) had given its most compact expression. Then, in his epigrammatic
expression in Essay on Man (1733) Pope had uttered it most lucidly and eloquently
Submit: in this, or any other sphere,
Secure to be as blest as thou canst bear:
Safe in the hand of one disposing Power,
Or in the natal, or the mortal hour.
All nature is but Art, unknown to thee;
All Chance, Direction, which thou canst not see;
All Discord, Harmony not understood;
All partial Evil, universal Good;
And, spite of Pride, erring Reasons spite,
One truth is clear, whatever is, is right.
In the midst of this euphoria of a world which regarded itself as the centre of
creation there occurred on the Feast of All Saints Day (November I) in 1755 an
event which indirectly changed mens thinking about their own place in nature.
The event was the Lisbon earthquake, which was a terrible catastrophe. It made
13
tremendous impression on the minds of many sensitive thinkers and writers. One
of these was Voltaire who had recently come to live on the outskirts of Geneva.
Voltaire got the news from Portugal and reacted to the calamity as
under: My dear sir, nature is very cruel. One would find it hard to
imagine how the laws of movement cause such frightful disasters in
the best of possible worlds. A hundred thousand ants, our fellows
crushed all at once in our ant-hill, and half of them perishing, no
doubt in unspeakable agony, beneath the wreckage from which they
cannot be drawn. Families ruined all over Europe, the fortunes of a
hundred businessmen, your compatriots, swallowed up in the ruins of
Lisbon. What a wretched gamble is the game of human life! What will
the preachers say, especially if the palace of the Inquisition is still
standing? I flatter myself that at least the reverend fathers inquisitors
have been crushed like the others. That ought to teach men not to
persecute each other, for while a few holy scoundrels burn a few
fanatics, the earth swallows up one and all.
As is clear from this, for Voltaire the Lisbon calamity was the last straw, not the
first cause, in the shaping of his ideas on god and men. He had already been
opposed, for a long time, to the ideas of Leibniz and Pope. He was in the process
of reaching his own conclusions about man and nature. In the year following the
one in which Popes Essay was published, Voltaire wrote his Trait de
metaphysique, where he concluded: It is just as absurd to say of God in this
conexion that God is just or unjust as to say God is blue or square. Voltaire also
soon completed his Metaphysique de Newton, which again was anti-Leibnizian by
implication. His intellectual activity reached a temporary culmination when
Voltaire replied a critic: Just show me why so many men slit each others
throats in the best of all possible worlds, and I shall be greatly obliged to you.
Combined with this intellectual anguish was Voltaire
s own experience with
the religious and political governors of people. Whatever he wrote provoked
protest and persecution. Even his eloquent hymn to liberty and friendship brought
trouble. The persecutions began yet again. To cap it all followed the Lisbon
disaster. In the intellectual and emotional situation in which Voltaire was going
through at this time, its effect on his outlook on life was decisive. In fact, evidence
suggests that from the time the disaster took place Voltaire
s mind remained for
ever haunted by the event and its cosmic and human implications. All this gets
expressed in his famous poem, Poeme sur le desastre de Lisbonne, where Voltaire
invites those who claim that all is for the best to consider Lisbon, ruined
indiscriminately: was she more vicious than London, than Paris, plunged in
pleasures? Lisbon is shattered, and Paris dances. Raising the pertinent question to
the general belief of the time that whatever happens is both necessary and good, he
14
rhetorically asks, What! would the entire universe have been worse without this
hellish abyss, without swallowing up Lisbon? Are you sure that the eternal cause
that makes all, knows all, created all, could not plunge us into this wretched world
without placing flaming volcanoes beneath our feet? Would you limit thus the
supreme power? Would you forbid it to show mercy? he goes on to insist on the
existence of evil. He examines the issue without reaching a solution.
Voltaire questions Pope who, piling up his epigrams, failed to notice that
optimism necessarily entails fatalism, a doctrine hardly less flattering to the
supreme being than to man. Voltaire may not be as good a poet as Pope, but he
reasons better. He decidedly understands more clearly the implications of the
philosophy he chooses to attack. Voltaire
s poem gained greater appreciation from
the subsequent generations in Europe than did the poem of Pope or the philosophy
of Leibniz. This poem makes Voltaire yet again a legislator of mankind. The stir
caused by his Lisbon poem was enormous. Comments and pamphlets poured out.
Theological, philosophical, and scientific volumes followed, including that of the
young Immanuel Kant. Reading this mountain of response one can see how the
particular event struck so many imaginations by the impetus that Voltaire
s poem
provided. Writers like Rousseau responded only emotionally to the poem, without
making any philosophic response to the poems argument. Rousseau holds men
responsible for their own misfortunes because the earthquake would not have
killed so many had they not gathered together in a big city. As for Voltaire himself,
the years that followed only increased his pessimism. Immediately after the
catastrophe he expressed in anguish that men do themselves more harm on their
little mle-hill than does nature. More men are slaughtered in our wars than are
swallowed up by earthquakes. As he grew old, his disgust with religion and
politics and with humanity in general became more and more bitter. Every time he
gave expression to this disgust, sad and sarcastic epithets and allusions studded his
sentences. Sarcastic expressions such as all for the best, the best of all possible
worlds, the world is certainly ugly enough, the earth is steeped in evil, moral
and physical became rather habitual with him. Obviously, the optimism was dead.
He found himself at great odds with the spirit of the age. He could say in all
bitterness, happy the man who can look with a tranquil eye on all the great events
in this best of all possible worlds.
To conclude, one can say that Voltaire ends up as a man greatly obsessed
and tormented by the spectacle of a humanity that suffered and was resigned to
suffering. As Theodore Besterman has rightly observed, But if he was obsessed,
he was also a genius, a creator: it was inevitable that this preoccupation should
work upon every level of his consciousness, develop, form, crystallize, take on an
independent life, and be born in the shape of a work of art: and so Candide was
written. If his poem on the Lisbon earthquake opened his tirade against optimism,
15
his Candide closed it with a sentence of death. If the Lisbon poem had stirred
thinking people to questioning the contemporary mood of optimism, Candide
converted them permanently to Voltairian creed of scepticism with its powerful
weapon of furious laughter. In the novel, he had substituted irony for argument.
His greatest work left no room for any doubt about the authors conviction that
belief in optimism was a mere straw to which humanity clung only to avoid
drowning in the sea of misfortunes. The only reference one has to draw from
Voltaire
s writings on the subject of optimism is that, in his view, all is not for the
best in the world; whatever is good does not make up for whatever is evil; the good
will not increase, nor will evil decrease, on their own; it is for humanity to haul
itself out of the slough of despondence; men must act; they must cultivate their
garden.
BACKGROUND TO CANDIDE:
Voltaire
s most famous (considered his greatest) work is a novel of ideas as
well as an autobiographical fiction. The writer has distilled into this short novel, in
a highly condensed form, his response to the eighteenth-century philosophical
background and the entire history of theological debate behind it. He has also
distilled simultaneously his personal history, including his experiments, his
enmities, his learning, his desires, his anguish. It is therefore imperative to
understand this intellectual background that prompted the creation of the book, for
otherwise it is most likely to be misunderstood. In a way, Voltaire
s novel can be
compared to Eliots The Waste Land, or Joyces Ulysses, in which the works
every episode, even every line, is dependent on corresponding episode or line in
earlier classics. As Eliots poem demands a knowledge of western thought as well
as eastern, so does Voltaire
s a knowledge of the theological debate about man and
god and the relation between the two. Besides, it demands a knowledge of
Voltaire
s own life, especially his running intellectual feud with his contemporaries
all over Europe. This work is, therefore, as complex to comprehend as The Waste
Land or Ulysses, even more. Let us, therefore, acquaint ourselves with the essential
intellectual and biographical background to Candide.
There may not be an ultimate answer to the existence and benevolence of
God, nor to the existence of evil in the world created by a benevolent God; but
mankind has also found it equally difficult to set aside these questions. These
questions were there in human consciousness much before the eighteenth century,
and even before the birth of Christianity. The religious myths, the stories about god
or gods, are meant to answer these very questions. Each story has tried to answer
these questions in the most satisfactory manner possible. The idea is to make man
accept his going hence even as his coming hither without raising any
inconvenient questions. The Christian myth of the fall of Satan, and the linked fall
16
of the human race, is, too, a narrative framed to answer the same questions. But
when we take recourse to reason that human mind is endowed with, even the
answers provided by the mythical tales become questionable. How did god,
omnipotent, omniscient, and good, shape man in such a way that he would fall
without Himself being responsible for the fall of his creation? If he had the making
of all things, including Satan, and knew when He framed him that immense evil
would result how can He be absolved of the charge of deliberate malice towards
His creatures? These questions have come up in every thoughtful Christians mind
ever since the birth of Christianity. These very questions constitute the core of the
Book of Job, in which man challenges Gods apparent injustice most directly and
audaciously.
The conventional response to the problem of evil is to assert freedom of will
in the human species created by God. The contention is that God made Satan as
well as Adam, capable to stand as well as to fall. And if they fall, the fault is of the
creatures, not of their Creator. But a belief in original sin requires a complementary
belief, Christs role as redeemer, atoning for their sins. A classic expression of this
view is Miltons Paradise Lost. It is perfectly in consonance with the view
expressed in Saint Augustines City of God. In the later seventeenth and early
eighteenth century the neoclassical age another doctrine came to be heard,
called variously as deism, rational Christianity, or natural religion. This
doctrine had close links with philosophical optimism and systematic idealism.
Although differently expressed in each of these formulations, the new assumption
which lay behind all of them consisted essentially of a tendency not to conform to
the idea of the fall of man. In terms of theology, it resembled modern Unitarianism;
in terms of its social application, it remained highly conservative. The new
doctrine aimed at a secular, social ethic which could be defended by reason,
without taking recourse to any supernatural revelation. Thus, the myth would
become secular and universal. The doctrine got easy sanction, without much
resistance from the church. Perhaps the new mood in philosophy drew tacit support
from the forces of new psychology and physics represented by John Locke and
Isaac Newton. The way for optimism had also been cleared partly by the great war
of sects that followed the Reformation. With fifty sects, all swearing by the Bible,
all interpreting it differently, and all denouncing one another as heretical, a
civilized man could be excused for doubting if any of them knew a safe way to
salvation and if none of them knew, why bother? Under such circumstances, the
separation of ethics from its previous reliance on theology seems to have appeared
a thoroughly prudent and conservative step.
Thus, we find in the eighteenth-century Europe increasing tendency to doubt
mans fallen condition and to question the absolute need of supernatural revelation
or inspired faith. In a familiar analogy, God is now a remote clock-maker; the
17
natural world is his masterpiece; and man best fulfils the divine purpose by
accepting the role assigned to him. He should not act as judge of social forms, or
seek individual salvation. Such a philosophy of social optimism and rational faith
inevitably raised afresh the old subject of evil. If the universal order was divinely
designed, with an overriding concern for the welfare of the society or universe, one
had to be sure it was not disorderly. But everyday experience showed that there
was disorder. There were wars, diseases, calamities, misery, and injustice. What to
think of the designer then? It is this central question with which Voltaire
s Candide
is concerned. In fact, much of Voltaire
s intellectual life remained exercised by this
overwhelming question. Almost all the classic positions in the immoral debate over
the origins of evil are represented in this short novel. For a proper understanding of
the book, therefore, in terms of its counterpointed ideas, we need to know
chronologically these various classic positions and their respective exponents. Here
are those positions in the historical order:
1. THE MACHINESS were a sect of heretic Christians, of Near-Eastern origin,
with deep pre-Christian roots. This sect flourished between third to fifth century
A.D. They divided the universe into two, with one half governed by God, the
other by the Devil. Thus, the problem of the origin of evil was solved, because
evil had always been there just as God has been.
2. SAINT AUGUATINE, whose City of God was completed in 426 A.D., is
viewed in Voltaire
s book as the representative of orthodox Catholic Christianity.
In his view, Gods creation of the universe was entirely good, but owing to a
spontaneous act of Satans will evil entered in it. God can and will destroy Satan
someday. Meanwhile, man with the aid of Christ and His church is to struggle in
the dubious battle with the forces of evil or darkness, and to earn, as a result of
his good or evil service, salvation or damnation, heaven or hell.
3. BLAISE PASCAL, whose Pensees were first published in 1670, eight years
after his death, saw the presence of evil in the world as an evidence of mans
flawed nature. Being faulty, limited, corrupt, man is unable to perceive Gods
justice. He must therefore believe in an afterlife, where justice will be done and
the nature of Gods justice on earth will be understood. Hence evil is a matter of
mans flawed perception, and therefore his own creation.
4. PIERRE BAYLE in his Dictionnare historique et critique (1697) argued for
religious toleration by showing disagreement among theologians. He shows how
the question of the origin of evil is unable to receive consensus. So he endorsed
the Manichees.
18
5. GOTTFRIED WILHELM VON LEIBNIZ published his Theodicee in 1710,

describing the world as organized in a series of ascending unities of which the
highest was God. This system, created by the most benevolent mind, must be the
best of all possible systems. Within the system, all events are linked by a chain of
cause and effect. What looks to our limited view like evil and injustice will be
found to cause greater compensating goods, once the grand system is revealed.
When Leibniz died in 1716, his disciple Christian Wolf (1679 1754) did much
to popularize his masters ideas.
6. ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER, THIRD EARL OF SHAFTESBURY, whose
Characteristics of Man, Manners, Opinions, and Societies (1711), discounted all
metaphysical and supernatural dogmas, but also dismissed the cold and selfish
pursuit of interest inculcated by Hobbes and Locke. He elaborated a system of
virtue founded on natural principles and dedicated to benevolence. Suspicious of
religious enthusiasts, he invoked an earnest but somewhat vague optimism
regarding the power of man to derive a moral sense from his natural instincts.
He saw human nature as naturally good and naturally attuned to God. Therefore,
for him the world is governed, ordered, or regulated for the best by a designing
principle or mind necessarily good and permanent.
7. BERNARD MANDEVILLE published in 1704 and 1715 a Fable of the Bees in
rough, witty doggerel verse. In the second edition he added a prose commentary,
attacking Shaftsburys doctrine of the Moral sense, arguing instead that man is
inherently vicious and selfish, and that most virtues are simply well-disguised
and publicly-approved vices.
8. HENRY ST. JOHN VISCOUNT BOLINBROKE was an English grandee and
statesman who during the 1720s, after his return from exile in France,
philosophized in the manner of Shaftsbury, somewhat toughened by reading
Mandeville. He is best known for his influence on Popes Essay on Man, much of
which was written in consultation with him. Too scepticle to raise a system, he
believed sensible men could reach all the truth they needed by studying natural
religion without the help of the clergy. They would thus arrive at the religious
view which all sensible men share (total scepticism) and which they are too
sensible to admit.
9. ALEXANDER POPE, in his poem Essay on Man (1733-34), said the duty of man
was to submit because whatever is is right and everything which seems like
partial evil is really universal good. In asking that things be differently
arranged, man reveals himself a creature of madness, pride, and impiety. In his
view, given mans necessary degrees of blindness and weakness, things in
general are quite as good as they can be.
19
10. JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU addressed his Letter on Providence to Voltaire

(August 18, 1756) in response to the latters poem on the Lisbon earthquake.
Rousseau argued that God was not to blame for natural disasters, or for the
presence of evil in the world. Man has brought many misfortunes on himself by
crowding into cities when he should have been living naturally and safely in the
country. Providence, in his view, works, not for the benefit for any individual, but
through general laws to which we must reverentially submit.
11. THE MARQUIS DE SADE appears too late in the history to influence Voltaire.
Most of his work was published in the 1790s. But there is, in his thought, one
clear terminus of the argument over evil. He accepts the two fundamental dogmas
of his day, that evil exists in the world and that God is all powerful. But he draws
the unwelcome conclusion, that God is malignant and brutish, the way to serve
him is to imitate him by being as natural, as cruel, and as vicious as possible.
VOLTAIRES RESPONSE
To the debate on the origin of evil that we have briefly summed up here
Voltaire responded actively, with great involvement. His very first reaction to the
dogma, well, everything is well, is: I beg of you, gentlemen, explain for me this
phrase, all is well, I dont understand it. He asks searching questions: Does it
mean, everything is arranged, everything is ordered, according to the laws of
moving bodies? I understand, I agree. Or do you mean by it that everyone is well
off, that he has the means of living well, that nobody suffers? You know how false
that is. Is it your idea that the lamentable calamities which afflict the earth are
good, in relation to God, and please him? I dont believe this horrible idea, nor do
you.
Going into the source of this Christian dogma of believing that all is well,
Voltaire goes back to Plato. He shows how Plato designed to allow God the
freedom of creating five worlds. Platos reason for doing so was that there are only
five regular bodies in geometry. It does not sound very reasonable or logical to
Voltaire. He questions, But why restrict divine power in this way? Why not allow
him the sphere, which is even more regular, and even the cone, the pyramid with
various faces, the cylinder, and so on? According to Plato, God chooses the best
of possible worlds. As Voltaire observes, The concept has been embraced by
various Christian philosophers, though it seems repugnant to the doctrine of
original sin. He then takes on Leibniz who, in his Theodicee, endorses Plato. He
points out various contradictions in the philosophic system of Leibniz, which
accepts both the idea of the original sin as well as the idea of the best of the worlds.
Voltaire had no patience with any such falsification of the facts of life. He was too
much committed to fact and reason to accept any assertion contrary to his measures:
20
What! To be driven out of a delightful garden where one could have

lived for ever if one hadnt eaten an apple! What! To give birth in
anguish to miserable and sinful children, who will suffer everything
themselves and make everyone suffer! What! To experience every
sickness, feel every grief, die in anguish, and then in recompense to be
roasted for eternity! This fate is really the best thing possible? Its not
too good for us; and how can it be good for God?
The passage shows Voltaires shock and anger at such arguments as he finds in
Plato and Leibniz. To say the least, he finds the whole system flimsy, which cannot
stand the test of reason and reality. Hence his angry observation on Leibniz:
Leibniz soused there was nothing to be said in reply [to the questions raised in the
above-cited passage]; and so he made big fat book in which he confused himself.
Voltaire is most disturbed by those who deny the existence of evil in this
world. To him, this amounts to closing ones eyes to what is standing right before
you, and standing in all its ugly forms. Of all lies, this he finds utterly unpalatable:
A denial that evil exists: it can be made in jest, by a Lucullus in good health, who
is eating a fine dinner with his friends and his mistress in the hall of Apollo; but let
him stick his head out of the window, hell see miserable people; let him catch a
fever, hell be miserable himself. Expressing his disinclination to quote out of
context, for its a quickly job at best, for one leaves out what precedes and follows
ones chosen passages and thus lies exposed to a thousand complaints; with these
caustious remarks he cites Lactanius, father of church, who in Chapter XIII of his
treatise On the Wrath of God makes Epicurus talk in this fashion:
Either God wants to remove evil from the world and cannot; or he can
and does not want to; or he cannot and does not want to, either one; or
else, finally, he wants to and can. If he wants to and cannot, that is
impotence, which is contrary to the nature of God; if he can and does
not want to, that is malice, which is equally contrary to his nature; if
he neither wants to nor can, that is malice and impotence at the same
time; if he wants to and can (and this is the only one of the alternative
that is consistent with all the attributes of God), then where does all
the evil of the world come from?
Voltaire is very much one with Epicurus, having the same questions to raise
whenever he finds anyone defending or explaining the presence of evil in the world.
He finds the position of God indefensible on the subject of evil and is therefore
unable to commit himself in clear terms to the religious faith of Christianity in any
of its numerous hues. He dismisses the answer given by Lactantius. In Voltaires
view, to say that God wishes the evil but that he has given us the wisdom to
acquire good is only to put up an absurd answer, for it supposes that God could
give wisdom only by producing evil; and thus, what a pleasant wisdom we have!
21
Voltaire also ridicules the Basilides who, after the Platonists, pretended in
the early phase of the church that God had allotted the making of our world to his
latest angles and that they, not being very skilful, made things as we see them. In
our authors view, this theological fable also crumbles to dust before the terrible
objection that it is not in the nature of an omnipotent, omniscient Deity to have a
world built by architects who dont know their trade. Voltaire is equally
unconvinced by the explanation embodied in the Greek story of Pandora. The box
in which all the evils are hidden, and at the bottom of which rests hope, is a
charming allegory, says Voltaire, by this Pandora was made by Vulcan only to
be revenged on Prometheus, who had formed a man from clay. In his all-out
challenge to world theologians, Voltaire finds that even the Indian attempt to
answer for the presence of evil in the world has not been successful. He narrates
the Indian fable which offers an explanation for the existence of evil on earth. It
says that God, having created man, gave him a drug to keep him healthy for ever;
the man loaded the drink on his donkey, the donkey got thirsty, the serpent told
him of a spring and while he was drinking, the serpent took the drug for himself.
Voltaire finds the Serians no better in their answer to the riddle of the evil. They
imagined, he tells us, that when man and woman were created in the fourth heaven,
they decided to eat a cake instead of the ambrosia which was the natural diet. The
ambrosia they could exhale through their pores; but after eating the cake, they had
to go to the toilet. Man and woman together asked an angle where the facilities
were. They were directed to reach this tiny planet of earth. Hence, thats why ever
since, our world has been what it is.
Thus covering quickly the ancient answers to the problem of evil, Voltaire
addresses his immediate predecessors who tried to offer even more ingenious
explanations to the problem. First, he takes up Lord Bolingbroke, whose genius he
acknowledges, who gave the celebrated Pope his idea for all is well. Considering
Bolingbroke, Shaftsbury and Pope of the same view, Voltaire contends, their all is
well means nothing but that all is directed by unchangeable law. Who does not
know that? You teach us nothing when you tell us, what every little child knows,
that flies are born to be eaten by spiders, spiders by swallows, swallows by shrikes,
shrikes by eagles, eagles to be killed by men, men to kill one another and to be
eaten by worms and then by devils at least a thousand of them for every one who
meets another fate. Here, Voltaires question is pertinent. He says that the kind of
order that is pictured of this world, by these thinkers, is mechanical, for it is all
the consequence of unalterable physical principles. If men were insentient beings,
he says, there would be nothing to say to this physics. But the question is, he asks,
are there not sensible evils, and if there are, where they come from. Citing Pope
from his Fourth Epistl, There are no evils; if there are private evils, they compose
the universal good, Voltaire observes, This implies a remarkable definition of
22
private, including the stone, the gout, all the crimes, all the sufferings of mankind,
death and damnation. Voltaire sees a good deal of illogicality in this view. He
finds that most apologists of Christian theology put the fall of man as plaster on all
these individual maladies we encounter in life. In his view, Shaftsbury and
Bolingbroke did at least dare attack directly the original sin, Pope didnt even talk
about it. The individual differences notwithstanding, they do agree to a common
system which, in Voltaires view, undermines the very foundations of the
Christian religion, and explains nothing at all.
What is disturbing to Voltaire is the acceptance of the system of several
theologians who cheerfully accept contradictions. He may grant to the
desperately sick [to] eat whatever they want. He can see through their pretension
when they declare that the system is consoling, such as Popes, that God
Sees with equal eye, as God of all,
A hero perish, or a sparrow fall;
Atoms or systems into ruins hurled,
And now a bubble burst, and now a world.
Against such consolation Voltaire only asks for the miserable little animal
[Shastesburys description of man] to be given the right to explain humbly and to
seek, as he exclaims, why these eternal laws are not made for the well-being of
each individual. For Voltaire, an obvious conclusion from such a system as
Bolingbroke and his associates have offered is that God is nothing but a potent,
malicious king, who never worries if his designs mean death for four or five
hundred thousand of his subjects, and poverty and tears for the rest, as long as they
gratify him. To his rational mind, this system is far from consoling; rather, it is a
doctrine of despair for those who embrace it. To Voltaire and all others like him,
the question of good and evil remains an insoluble chaos. For all those like him
who seek in good faith for an answer, it remains a riddle that causes continuous
anguish. It is a joke only for those who debate over it, and are no better than slave
labourers who play with their chains. He spares none of those that follow the
man-made fiction of religious faith: As for thoughtless people, they are like fish
carried from a river to a tank; they dont suspect that they are there only to be eaten
next Friday. Just so, we too know nothing at all, by our unaided powers, of the
cause of our destiny.
Concluding his responses to the debate about evil, Voltaire proposes that we
should put, at the end of almost all these chapters of metaphysics, the two letters
that Roman judges used when they couldnt understand a case: NL, non liquet, its
not clear. Thus, in uncertain words, Voltaire affirms his scepticism or agnosticism.
He neither denies nor affirms God and his order. He only finds that all its
explanations or apologies are unconvincing to a man of reason.
23
THE STORY OF CANDIDE
Candide remains the most popular of Voltaires work. It is a masterful satire

on the vices and follies of men. Everything which permeates and controls the lives
of men is made the object of satire. Subjects, such as, romance, science,
philosophy, religion, and government are ridiculed for failing to satisfy the
searching demands of reason. As a general commentary on the affairs of men
Candide remains as fresh as ever, never sounding dated. The story of the novel
runs as under:
Candide is the name of the novels central character, conventionally called
the hero. He was born in Westphalia. He is the illegitimate son of the sister of
Baron Thunder-ten-Tronckh. He is attached to a tutor named Dr Pangloss, who is a
devout follower of Leibniz. Dr Pangloss had taught Candide metaphysicotheologo-cosmolonigology, assuring him that the world in which they are living is
the best of all possible worlds. One day, the Barons daughter, named Cunegonde,
kisses Candide behind a screen. The love between the two could not be tolerated.
The boy Candide is expelled from the barons castle when found in innocent love
making with the Barons daughter. He is seized by two men, bound, and forced
into military service for the king of Bulgaria.
Candide manages to escape from the army and reaches Holland, where he is
succored by an intelligent and noble-hearted Anabaptist. Here Candide comes upon
his old teacher, Dr Pangloss. He was now covered with scabs, his nose half eatenaway. He gives Candide the news that Cunegonde and all other members of
Barons family have been murdered by the invading Bulgarian army, although in
the process he had to lose one of his eyes and one of his ears. Considering the
gravity of the dangerous disease, this loss is not considered much. All along,
Pangloss keeps insisting, despite all that has happened to him and to the family of
Baron and to Candide, that this is the best of all possible worlds.
The good Anabaptist takes them both on a voyage to Lisbon. During the
journey Anabaptist loses his life while trying to save the life of a brutal sailor on
the sea. The ship by which they were traveling is wrecked and all on board drown
except the brutal sailor, Candide and Pangloss. The boy Candide and his
philosopher teacher, Pangloss, arrive in Lisbon just in time for a great earthquake
which causes general ruin. After the natural calamity Pangloss tries to prove that
all their misfortunes are actually blessings, for which the philosopher and his pupil
are both handed over to the Inquisition as heretics. As a punishment, Pangloss is
hanged, and Candide only whipped, being only a companion, that too a minor, of
the philosopher. Other unfortunates at Lisbon are burned at the stake for their
errors. Candide escapes such a severe punishment because an old woman comes to
her rescue. She leads him to a secret house, where, to his tremendous surprise, he
finds his Cunegonde. She was not killed after all. His philosopher teache did not
24
have correct information on his heart-beat. When the Bulgarian army invaded,
Barons family was murdered. Only this girl was taken away by a Bulgarian
captain, who sold her to a Jew. The Jew brought her to Portugal, where her person
is shared between Candide and the Grand Inquisitor. She was present at the autoda-fe when Candide was whipped. It was her servent who has now brought
Candide to her home. At this juncture the Jew enters the scene. seeing Cunegonde
and Candide together, he flies into a jealous rage, attacks Candide, and in the
encounter gets killed. Meanwhile, the Grand Inquisitor also arrives, and Candide
kills him too.
Now, Candide, Cunegonde and the old woman escape to Cadiz, where
Candide enlists in the army going to Paraguay. They all cross the ocean. Enroute,
the old woman narrates her story, which proves that she, once a Princess, and the
daughter of a Pope, has seen much wore misfortunes than those experienced by
Candide and Cunegonde. At Buenos Aires the Governor has designs on
Cunegonde. Since the constabulary arrives from Europe to arrest the murderer of
Grand Inquisitor, Candide is forced to flee, leaving Cunegonde behind. He goes to
Paraguay with his faithful negro valet, Cacambo, to fight for the Jesuits. There he
finds that the Commandent is none other than his boyhood friend, Canegondes
brother, another of Barons family alive. They are deeply moved at seeing each
other until Candide announces his intention to marry Cunegonde. Outraged at the
insult that a plebian like Candide should dare aspire so high as to marry a Barons
daughter, the Jesuit attacks Candide, who kills the Jesuit in self-defence. Now,
Candide, our hero reflects sadly that for a peace-loving young man he had to kill
an astonishing number of men. Cacambo helps him to escape in the garb of the
dead Jesuit.
Now, Candide and Cacambo fall into the hands of savages, who are about to
eat them until it is proved that Candide is not a Jesuit. They now visit the
wonderful country of El Dorado, where the pebbles on the road are precious gems.
There they are significantly entertained in a land where there exist no priests,
monks, nor Churches or prisons, no court of justice for none of these is needed.
But no beauties of the land nor peace and comfort of the place can make Candide
forget his Cunegonde. He greatly yearns for her, and departs from this land of
felicity, laden with treasures. In Dutch Guiana he and Cacambo witness the misery
of Negro slaves. Cacambo, it is decided, is to go off alone to Buenos Aires to
rescue Cunegonde, while Candide makes for Venice, where they have planned to
meet all again. But Candide is cheated of a good portion of his fortune by the
treachery of a Dutch captain.
Finally, Candide sets for Europe again in the company of one Martin, an
impoverished philosopher whose beliefs are exactly opposite to those of Pangloss.
Martin is a complete pessimist. He is convinced that evil is the ruling principle in
25
the world. They land in France and go to Paris. Here they attend the Comedie
Francaise, the famous theatre, and listen to the criticisms of the audience. Candide
next vists a gambling house run by a Marchioness, who seduces him. The Abbe
who is conducting Candide around Paris, annoyed that he hasnt been able to
appropriate any of the young mans treasure, has him arrested on a trumped-up
charge, and then gets him off for a large fee. Paris, for Candide, has turned out to
be a city of monkeys who behave like tigers.
Now Candide and Martin coast by England, and then make for Venice by
way of the Mediterranean. There Candide finds a girl, once a servent of the
Barons, who is now living as a prostitute. Her current lover is a friar who loathes
his calling into which he was forced by his parents. They visit a Venetian senator
who despises all art and literature, although he has a large collection of both.
Milton is his special hate. Candide next dines at an inn with six deposed monarchs.
Cacambo at last turns up with the information that Cunegonde, no longer beautiful,
is in Constantinople. They set out at once for this ancient city of Byzantine now
called Constantinople. On the banks of the Propontis they see two galley-slaves
who turn out to be Pangloss and Cunegondes brother, both still alive as if by
miracle. Both explain how their lives were saved by chance. Candide ransoms
them. They now trace Cunegonde and the old woman, and ransom them too.
Cunegonde is now ugly and wrinkled, no longer the beauty she once was when
Candide fell in love with her. However, Candide is still ready to marry her because
of his old promise. But her brother, the Barons son, still objects to the proposal on
the grounds of rank. They therefore arrange secretly to send the Barons son back
to the Jesuits in Rome. That accomplished, Candide has nothing left of his money
now except just enough to buy a little farm.
Cunegonde grows uglier and more unbearable everyday. One day they meet
an old farmer who is living in great contentment with his family. The secret of his
peace seems to be that he works hard and never troubles his head over the worlds
problems or metaphysical questions. Thus, it is in work that his family has found
salvation. Candide, now joined by the friar and the former prostitute, as also by
Cunegonde, Cacambo, Martin and the old woman, all take the cue from the farmer.
They start applying themselves to the tasks proposed by their little farm. Despite
individual shortcomings, each discovers redeeming traits by persevering in his or
her chosen work. Thus in cultivating their farm they find happiness at last.
MORAL OF THE STORY
An obvious moral of Voltaires novel, Candide, is that the human wishes are
a vain pursuit, which involve mankind into all sorts of follies and vices and crimes,
and that the only salvation is in simple pastoral life of peace and contentment. Here,
one can see the familiar eighteenth-century theme of the Vanity of Human
26
Wishes, as well as the familiar remedy of rural life as model of peace. Voltaire
may have had serious differences with Pope on the question of metaphysic or
theology, his model of peace is not different from the one Pope offers in his Ode
on Solitude:
Happy the man, whose wish and care
A few paternal acres bound,
Content to breathe his native air
In his own ground.
Whose herds with milk, whose fields with bread,
Whose flocks supply him with attire,
Whose trees in summer yield him shade,
In winter fire.
Blest, who can unconcerndly find
Hours, days, and years slide soft away,
In health of body, peace of mind,
Quiet by day,
Sound sleep by might; study and ease,
Together mixt; sweet recreation:
And innocence, which most does please
With meditation.
Thus let me live, unseen, unknown,
Thus unlamented let me die,
Steal from the world, and not a stone
Tell where I lie.
IMPORTANCE OF VOLTAIRE
A few years before his death a statue of Voltaire was erected in Paris, the
city of his great triumphs as also of his greatest frustrations. Moved by a great
desire to see Paris again, his native city, the old Voltaire left Ferney in 1778 and
came to the metropolis. Louis XVI was on the throne of France at the time. Many
reforms had been instituted, certain liberal forces had come to power. Voltaires
play Irene, a tragedy, was being performed at the Theatre Francaise. The moment
seemed propitious for a visit. And the visit proved an endless triumph. Every
distinguished person in town, Frenchman or foreigner, hurried to see the patriarch
at his lodgings. At the Academy he was elected Director, and outlined a plan for a
new Dictionary, for which he undertook to write the letter A. Then, he attended the
theatre to see his own play performed. An actor entered his box and placed a
wreath of laurel on his head. During the intermission Voltaires bust was placed
upon the stage and crowned by all the actors in turn, while the audience cheered.
The joy of this triumphant visit to Paris was too much for the feeble old man, and
27
within a few weeks he died it is said from an excess of emotion. In 1791, the
Revolutionists transferred his ashes to the Pantheon.
Voltaires shortcomings are apparent. Though quick and sharp, his mind was
not very profound. As an historian, he was not careful of his facts. As a
philosopher, he was rather impatient to be logical. As a theologian, he was
sceptical of all religions. He had, in fact, a downright prejudice against them all. In
political speculation he was limited. Perhaps it would have surprised him, even
shocked him, to learn that his writings were to be regarded by the French
Revolutionists in 1789 as having done much to prepare the way for the revolution.
He may not have intended a revolution, but his ideas did inspire one of the greatest
revolutions in the European history. He was not a political thinker like Rousseau to
offer a consistent and coherent philosophy. For him, political reform, not political
revolution, was needed in France. Also, for him, reform only meant largely the
extension of private rights.
In the field of literature, Voltaire was decidedly the leading figure in the
entire Europe. No other writer in the eighteenth century was able to show such a
versatility as he did. He was an untiring playwright, novelist, short-story writer,
literary critic, historian, and populariser of science and philosophy. In all of these
departments, he achieved the highest rank of his day. The incomparable ease and
wit of his style has made him readable in philosophy and history, science and
metaphysics when profounder writers have been ignored. His instant humour
removes the sting of his bitterness as a satirist. His stories still interest the readers
because of these same qualities and the pace of events. Voltaires prose exhibits
the critical spirit so native to France in all its attractiveness and racy intelligence.
What has kept Voltaire alive, above all, is the spirit of his writings. It is this spirit
which has left the deepest mark on the generations of readers. Crush the infamous
thing was his watchword. And the most infamous things for him were superstition
and intolerance, both fostered more by religions than by any other social institution.
The more than seventy volumes of his writings were aimed at, above all, freedom
of thought. It was a life-long war he fought, and fought almost single-handedly.
And it was this very spirit of freedom which forsook the foundations of the old
dilapidated religio-political structure, and led to the famous French Revolution. His
fundamental faith has been popularly summarized in his attributed remark to his
fellow-philosopher Helvetius: I entirely disapprove of your opinions and will
fight to the death for your right to express them. It may be perhaps too much to
agree with Egon Friedells tribute to Voltaire: If our world today consists of no
more than two-fifth villains and three eighth idiots, we have largely Voltaire to
thank for it. But it is decidedly not too much to say that no one contributed more
generously than Voltaire toward the emancipation of the human spirit from the
barriers of authority and ignorance. For a generation his figure dominated Europe,
28
and his restless mind kept Europe alert to every issue of independence and bigotry
that crossed his horizon.
IS CANDIDE SERIOUS OR COMIC?
In literary works which tend to be deliberately unconventional it is at times

perplexing to be certain of the mode intended by the author. One such classic case
has been of Joycess Ulyssis which for a long time was considered by even the topranking critics as a serious book. It was only after the author himself revealed his
intention and explained its mock-heroic mode that the critics were able to
appreciate its comedy. Another case of a similar sort has been that of
Hemingways The Sun Also Rises. The major critics like Philip Young and Carlos
Baker misunderstood the novels tone, took it seriously, and pronounced that it was
the prose counterpart of Eliots The Wasteland, which it is not. Candide has also
been subjected to antithetical interpretations, viewed by some a serious book, by
others a comic book. Quite often, the problem arises when we subject every
literary work to the rigid classification of genres as drawn up by Aristotle and
Horace. All literary works would not, cannot, subscribe to the norms of different
genres laid down by the classicists. Some literary works are composed in deliberate
defiance of the classical theory of genres. Voltaires Candide, too, is such a work.
Therefore, we must put aside the classical eyeglasses, and look at the work without
those eyelashes. We know how Voltaire defied creeds and conventions because
they become dogmas and enslave mankind. He always pleaded for the freedom of
the writer as well as of the man in general. Let us, therefore, consider the case of
Candide in terms of its own tone and tenor, not in those prescribed by the classical
authority.
The Journal Encyclopedique, as late as 1959, that is after almost two
hundred years of its publication, reviewed Candide in highly ambiguous terms,
which has been characteristic of most critical pieces of the work down to the
present day. For its being typical, the review article certainly merits our immediate
attention. A significant paragraph of the article reads as under:
How to pass judgment on this novel? Those who have been amused by it
will be furious at a serious criticism, those who have read it with critical eye
will consider our levity a crime. The partisans of Leibniz, far from
considering it a refutation of optimism, will consider it a joke from one end
to the other, a joke which may be good for a laugh but proves nothing; the
opponents of Leibniz will maintain that the refutation is complete, because
Leibnizs system, being nothing but a fable, can only be attacked effectively
by another fable. Those who seek in fiction only a portrayal of the manners
and customs of the age will find its touches too licentious and too
monotonous. In short, it is a freak of wit which, in order to please a wide
29
public, needs a bit of decency and some more circumspection. We wish the
author had spoken more respectfully concerning religions and the clergy,
and that he had not made use of the miserable story of Paraguay, which as it
appears here contributes nothing new or amusing
Thus, the author of this critical piece seems to assume that if the conte were
intended to refute Leibniz, its success seems doubtful. And even if it were an
effective refutation, it did not qualify to be a work of art because it is full of
indecencies and exaggeration. In general, the critical review gives the impression
that Candide can neither be taken seriously nor dismissed lightly. Decidedly, it is
an equivocal or ambiguous judgment.
One explanation of the novels ambiguity has come forth from I.O. Wade. In
his view, Voltaire found present in his period this same peculiar ambiguity noted
by the Journal Encyclopedique in its review. At the time he was writing the conte,
he commented again and again that Paris which signs and dances had abandoned
its frivolous air for the serious air of the English . His attitude towards this
situation is not the important thing, however, the authors attitude never is, in a
work of art. What is really significant is that the conte has absorbed the ambiguity
of its time and of its author. Candide is the product of those monkeys performing
monkey-business, but also of the bears debating and prattling about serious
things. And it is difficult to know which is the real, authentic Candide. Another
critical review, in the Correspondence Litteraitre, was still less favourable than the
one in the Journal. Renouncing any attempt to treat the work seriously, Grimm
insisted that the only way to handle Voltaires novel was to take it lightly. He
considered the second half of the novel superior to the first half, condemned the
chapter on Paris, denied the work every serious literary and philosophic quality.
However, he did find the novels gaiety praiseworthy:
Gaiety is one of the rarest qualities to be found among wits. It is a long time
since we read anything joyous in literature; M. de Voltaire has just
delighted us with a little novel called Candide, or Optimism, translated
from the German of Dr Ralph. There is no need to judge this performance by
high standards; it would never stand up to serious criticism. There is in
Candide neither arrangement nor plan nor wisdom nor any of those happy
strokes which one sometimes finds in English novels of the same sort;
instead, you will find it in plenty of things in bad taste, low touches, smut
and filth deprived of that discreet veil which renders them supportable; but
gaiety and facility never abandon M. de Voltaire, who banishes from his
more frivolous as from his most carefully worked writings that air of
pretension which spoils everything. The fine touches and gay sallies which
he gives off at every moment makes the reading of Candide a very amusing
experience.
30
Thus, Grimm finds the novel what Voltaire often called it, a jest.
But there are other critics, most notably Mme.de Stael, who take a position
very opposite of Grimms. She willingly acknowledges that the book abounds in
laughter, but considers it in no way a plaisanterie as its laughter contains
something inhumanly diabolical. She concedes that Candide was basically directed
against Leibniz, but emphasizes that it was aimed against the basic assumptions
that preoccupy mankind, especially philosophical propositions which elevate the
spirit of man. Nothing could be more serious:
Voltaire had so clear a sense of the influence which metaphysical systems
exert on the direction of our thinking, that he composed Candide to combat
Leibniz. He took a curious attitude of hostility toward final causes, optimism,
free will, and in short against man; and he created Candide, that work of
diabolic gaiety. For it seems to have been written by a creature of a nature
wholly different from our own, indifferent to our lot, rejoicing in our
sufferings, and laughing like a demon or an ape at the misery of this human
race with which he has nothing in common.
This sort of criticism, as well as the preceding, are highly conventional in that
they only express beliefs which are conventional, and express them in a language
which again is conventional. Both ways, there is a clear tendency to evade the stark
reality of life, which, in Voltaire, is used as a bedrock for exposing the falsities of
both the conventional beliefs and attitudes as well as conventional vocabulary and
expression.
Still another critical opinion comes from Linguet, who notes the dual
character of Voltaires novel; that is the glee with which Voltaire destroys the
philosophy of optimism by graphically describing the tragic miseries of humanity.
In the opinion of Linguet,
Candide offers us the saddest of themes disguised under the merriest of
jokes, the joking being of that philosophic variety which is peculiar to M.de
Voltaire, and which, I repeat, seems like the equipment of an excellent
comedian. He makes the alls well system, upheld by so many philosophers,
look completely ridiculous, and cracks a thousand jests even as he holds
before our eyes every instant of the miseries of society and portrays them
with a very energetic pencil.
Without any prejudice one can fairly assert that these four critical opinions on
Candide, all of which are fundamentally based on the ambiguous assumptions, are
widely divergent and represent the cardinal points of all the Candide criticism. The
obvious fact about Voltaires novel is that the double quality of gaiety and
seriousness is its principal characteristic feature. It is apparent at every turn
throughput the conte. But the deep ambiguity that lies behind this duality is not
simple as the duality itself. As Wade has observed, when the reader is ready to
31
revolt in horror, a sudden reflection, a quick turn in events, an unexpected quip, or

the mere insertion of a remark brings him back to normal. When he is inclined to
levity, an incident, an observation, or an injustice brings him back to consider the
deadly earnest attack which is being made on all aspects of life.
On the face of it, Candide may look confusion worse confounded. Actually,
it is only the confusion of a universe which is clearly and distinctly controlled.
Whatever happens in the novel may look terribly and devastatingly irrational. But
once the event has been sifted through the writers imagination, it gets ordered by
the keenest kind of criticism into a created form which is not different from the
form of life itself. Candide embraces, as has been acknowledged by several
sensitive critics, everything that had occurred in its age, the eighteenth century. It
is astounding in its comprehensiveness, and quite as remarkable in other aspects. It
is for this very reason its comprehensiveness that every judgment of Candide is
invariably partial, one-sided, vague, even contradictory. It is, in fact, Voltaires
view of man and of life that poses a problem when we come to judge his characters
or the novels world. For his view being based on the essentiality of contradiction
both in the nature of man as well as life, the partial or one-sided judgment fails to
comprehend the radically different representation of reality. In Voltaires view,
man is neither optimist nor pessimist, rebellious nor submissive, free nor enslaved,
real nor unreal. He must make a reality of these necessary contradictions. In the
terminology of Derrida, the trouble with these critical judgment is their thinking
through binaries one is optimist or pessimist, either rebellious or submissive.
Well, in real life one can be both as well as neither. There are contradictions in
man as well as life. Neither is shaped after an abstract idea.
There have been sweeping judgments on the novel and most dismissive
comments, characterizing it as full of filth, most impious and pernicious,
obscene and abominable, etc, etc. But to understand that Voltaires novel is at
the same time a revolt and a submission, an attack and a defence, a joy and a
suffering, a destruction and a creation requires more than ordinary insight, patience,
and serenity. There is, indeed, the temptation to discuss it as only one thing, as too
simple, too superficial. What is actually troublesome in Candide is not its
simplicity, but its duplicity. To quote Wade once again, Candide is always
deceptively two. Its unremitting ambiguity leads inevitably to a puzzling
clandestinity, and the reader, beset with difficulties in forming a well-considered
opinion, settles for trite commonplaces. The work actually encourages him in this.
Let us take as an example the oft-repeated remark that Voltaire attacked Leibniz.
Though true, the statement adds nothing to the comprehension of Candides reality.
However, as has now been recognized by critics, Voltaire satirized, not Leibniz,
but Leibnizean terminology. In fact, the truth of the matter is that Voltaire, like his
age, needed to integrate Descartes, Pascal, Leibniz, Spinoza, Locke, and Newton
32
so that a philosophy of enlightenment could be created. What we can say safely in

the context of Candide is that Voltaire definitely aimed his attack, not against
Leibniz or Pope, but against a system of philosophy to which Leibniz, Pope, and
many others had contributed, which came to be called optimism. Since the writer
himself entitled his work Candide or Optimism, it is not easy to deny that he
directed his satire at this way of looking at life.
At the same time, it has to be admitted that Voltaires attitude towards
optimism is difficult to trace because of the ambiguity of his position. He was
congenitally opposed to any attitude which despairingly asserted that tout est
mal, chiefly because such a standpoint also limited human effort. What seems
most convincing about Candide is its balancing of good and evil. There is in the
novel a compensatory quality. In fact, it is common to all his works, and, in fact,
common to the eighteenth century in general. The compensatory quality is that
good is counterbalanced by evil. In its inner substance, therefore, Candide is not
wholly optimistic, or pessimistic, or sceptical, or cynical. It is all of these things at
the same time. Another thing we must also remember about Candide is that though
it attacks, and attacks many things, it does not ultimately destroy them. The reason
for this is not far to see: life is full of miseries, but it is also not without pleasures.
It may be true that few people would like to relive life on earth, but it is also true
that few would voluntarily renounce it. And Voltaire was certainly not one to
abdicate.
Candide as a Parable
As H.N. Brailsford has rightly observed, Candide ranks in its own way with
Don Quixote and Faust, and the reason is that, like the other two, it is a parable of
an aspect of the human plight. It is a pilgrims progress. The only difference is that
Voltaires pilgrim can find no meaning in life nor establish any relationship with
the transcendent. We can see that Candide has a clear literary ancestory. And so
has its hero. He is adapted from the hero of the picaresque novel of adventure, who
could so conveniently represent the post-Renaissance displaced individual engaged
on some purposeful journey. More immediately, Candide can be said to be Voltaire
himself, who was a social outcast like the picaresque hero, had been beaten and
snubbed, trembled like a philosopher, and had been frequently on the move. Also,
like Don Quixote or Christian or Faust, he is a symbol of an essential part of
human nature which never loses its original innocence and always goes on
expecting that good will be done to it rather than evil. And again, Candide is the
outsider, a fatherless bastard whose cosy sense of belonging to a coherent society
and a comprehensible universe is a childhood illusion. This illusion is soon to be
shattered at the onset of puberty.
33
Cunegonde is at first Eve who tempts Candide. As a result, he is driven out

of the early paradise by the irate master of his little world. Then Cunegonde
becomes the symbol of lost happiness (or paradise lost) which will be recovered in
the future (paradise regained). But gradually it is made clear to the reader that the
world has no pattern, that all human communities are in a state of flux and strife,
and that the best Candide can do is to reconstitute the battered Westphalian society
of his childhood as a refugee colony on the borders of barbarism. To strengthen the
novels claim to a parable, Voltaire adds to the story of Candide more parallel
stories, giving his journey a universal character. Thus, the novels structure also
becomes much more complex and much better balanced than that of the other
contes. The novel does not confine itself to just one story. He interweaves several
different stories, which are linked and knotted and contrasted in an almost musical
way. As Dorothy McGhee has pointed out, Candide depicts a series of oscillations
between Candides mental path of optimism and the level of reality to which
he is always being brought back by disaster. Actually, there is much more to it than
this. Besides the up-and-down movement, there are complexities in the linear
movement. The stories of Candide, Cunegonde and La Vieille [the old women]
follow each other like three variations on the same theme. Of course, each of these
stories is slightly more preposterous than the previous one and with an increasing
urbanity of tone as the events become more shocking.
The Popes daughter, whose exquisite breeding has remained unaffected by
the excision of a buttock, gives her account while the scene of action is shifting
from Europe to America. In the new world, the figure is repeated once again with a
final flourish in the Jesuit story, which leads into the El Dorado episode. It acts as
an interlude of calm. It comes in chapter XVII, almost exactly in the middle of the
novel. Candide is now as far away as he ever will be from Europe and from the
realities of ordinary life. Also since the beatific vision can only be a fleeting
experience, he begins on his long return journey, picking up the threads in the
reverse order. The second half of Candide is, however, different from the first in
two important ways. Now, Candide is no longer an underdog; he has acquired
money and he sees the world from a new angle, he has also lost his initial freshness,
his innocence. Now, Martin has replaced Pangloss as the companion of Candide.
The accumulated experience of horror has added a permanent sob to the gaiety of
the music. In a small measure, the hero has mastered life. Now the terrible
accidents do not happen so often to him. But it is a hollow achievement since it
leaves him freer to meditate over the sufferings of others. Artistically, the second
half of the book may sound weaker, for the very reason that the hero has become
only a spectator. But it is psychologically true in the sense that adulthood involves
awareness of general evil.
34
There are also other aspects of the musical dance of characters, which make
the parables pattern all the more refined. Each gets killed once or twice but bobs
up again with welcome inconsequentiality. The novelist shows the strength of
mans unconquerable soul by making Pangloss and the Baron step out of the galley
and begin at once behaving with characteristic foolishness, as if they had never
been hanged, stabbed or beaten. He also balances the horror of evil by never
leaving the hero in solitude for very long. Candide is always in a group of two or
more, and he is always shown assuming solidarity until it is proved illusory. A
small group of people, like the hero himself, is shown to be decent and wellmeaning. Of course, the larger number of people are selfish and stupid. However,
the implication is that all, good as well as bad, are involved in evil in more or less
the same way. In this respect, Candide is both fiercely critical of human nature and
curiously, tolerant. The Grand Inquisitor, the brutal sailor, and the levanti patron
are carried along on the same inevitable melody as Maitre Jacques or Martin.
The novels parallel with music can be carried further. Candide is written in
such a way that the reader is made to perform it mentally at a certain speed.
Voltaire has written in the familiar style of the eighteenth century, which is marked
by allegro vivace (quick and lively). Its essential features are an overall rhythm, a
euphemistically noble vocabulary and an ability always to imply more than is
actually stated. But Voltaire goes beyond the familiar style of his age and uses
repetition and recapitulation very effectively to produce a constant impression of
the welter of chance events. It is remarkable that in such a short work as Candide
Voltaire should be able to create a vision of the teeming multifariousness of
incomprehensible necessity. His elliptical expressions are more frequent than those
to be found in the prose of his contemporaries. Through these expressions he jerks
the reader again and again into awareness of a metaphysical perspective behind his
apparently innocent recital of events. Each important character is given his or her
motif which sounds at appropriate intervals. For example, Candides simplicity,
Panglosss silliness, Cunegondes sensibility and Cacambos good sense. As
Weightman has remarked, the mixture of rapidity, irony, allusion, ellipsis,
merciless satire of human nature and affectionate understanding of the human
plight produces an unmistakable, singing, heartrending lilt, of which only Voltaire
is capable in prose.
It is said to be one of the mysteries of literary composition that while
Voltaires poem on Lisbon earthquake is so flat and unpoetical, his Candide in
prose is so rich and deeply moving. The reason that is held responsible for the
latters richness is that there is in this work a philosophical ambiguity in addition to
the contrast between vitality and awareness of evil. To quote Weightman again,
Candide throbs from end to end with a paradoxical quality which might be
described as a despairing hope or a relentless charity, and which comes from
35
seeing the worst steadily, without either capitulating to it or sentimentalizing its

impact. Although, as Delattre says, no great writer more often wrote below his
best than Voltaire did, in this short tale he managed to hold fundamental opposites
in suspense and so produced, from the heart of a century that wished to deny evil,
an allegorical prose poem about evil, which is still perfectly apt, exactly two
hundred years later. Thus, this prose poem, through its subtlety of style and
structure, converts all characters and incidents into representative ones. The entire
journey of the hero, along with other parallel and subsidiary journeys, becomes
representative of every mans journey through life, from innocence to experience,
from ignorance to awareness, from pleasure to pain, from hope to despair, etc. Like
Hemingways The old Man and the Sea, a still shorter work, Candide becomes a
parable of life. Both are prose poems, short but sweet, stories of loss, of
encountering evil, and yet stories of gain of awareness, of keeping spirit alive even
through the losing battle of life.
THEME OF CANDIDE
Someone significantly remarked, Pascal tormented Voltaire, as Montaigue

had tormented Pascal. At first glance, the epigram seems to bristle with problems.
While Pascal was born thirty-one years after the death of Montaigue, Voltaire was
born thirty-two years after the death of Pascal. How and why did these Frenchmen
torment one another from beyond the grave? One has to understand the epigram in
terms of mental or philosophical torture. For to a remarkable degree, all the three
were preoccupied with a single problem, that is, the relation between faith and
reason, which is in effect the question of original sin. This problem remained a
preoccupation of philosophers in the Christian world right from the advent of
Renaissance, if not before. This had been the controversy between Erasmus and
Luther, between Calvinists and Armenians, between Jansenists and Jesuits.
Voltaire followed Montaigue and Pascal, in remaining preoccupied with the
perennial theme. More than in any other work of Voltaire, Candide is concerned
deeply with the problem of faith and reason. But before we see how Voltaire
handles it in his famous novel, we need to know the background to which he is
responding in his work. We did trace the essentials of this history earlier. But here
we need to focus a little more, even at the risk of some repetition, on certain
aspects of the problem.
As the problem appears in the intellectual history of France, we may go back
to the seventeenth century that preceded Voltaires own age. With an exceptional
vigour and with the greatest clarity of presentation the problem makes its first
appearance in that century in Pascals thoughts (Pensees). Pascals contention is
that reason is powerless and incapable of certainty by its own efforts, and that it
can arrive at the truth only by means of an unconditional surrender to faith.
36
Pursuing his philosophy of common sense Voltaire concedes very little to

Pascals method of hypothetical solutions. The riddle of theodicy remains alive for
Voltaire also, since he looks upon the existence of God as a strictly demonstrable
truth. The proposition: I exist; therefore a necessary and eternal being exists, has
not lost its force for Voltaire. But if this riddle of theodicy remains unresolved,
then how can anyone escape Pascals conclusion that the coils of this knot lead us
back to the abyss of faith? The philosophic solution of optimism to the riddle, as
offered by Leibniz and Shaftsbury, was always rejected by Voltaire. In fact, he did
not consider optimism as a philosophical doctrine. For him it was something on a
par with mythical phantasies and romances. In his view, those who maintain that
all is well with the world are mere charltans. His argument is that man must accept
the existence of evil. He should not add to the horrors of life the absurd bigotry of
denying the horrors of the evil. Since on the problem of the origin of evil Voltaire
deprived himself of all the weapons against scepticism, henceforth he finds himself
caught up in the whirlpool of scepticism, a sort of no-exit room. He tries to
embrace various solutions, but he rejects them all.
Schopenhauer often made reference to Voltaires Candide. He always used it
as his most powerful weapon against optimism. But in the philosophic sense,
Voltaire was neither a pessimist nor an optimist. His position on the problem of
evil cannot be considered the upshot of a sound doctrine. It does not pretend to be
more than a mere expression of the transient mood in which he contemplates man
and the world. Of course, this mood is rich enough to be capable of all nuances.
And Voltaire loves to indulge in the play of different nuances. In his youth Voltaire
knew no pessimistic moments. At that time he advocated a purely hedonistic
philosophy whose justification consisted in the maximum enjoyment of all the
pleasures of life. To pursue any other wisdom seemed to him as different as it was
useless: True wisdom lies in knowing how to flee sadness in the arms of
pleasure. Later on, however, as a result of the earthquake in Lisbon, Voltaire
expressly retracted his glorification of pleasure. The axiom All is well was
absolutely rejected as a doctrine. In his view, during this period, it is only a self
deception to close our eyes to the evils which everywhere confront us. All that can
be done is to turn our eyes to the future hoping it will bring the solution of the
riddle which now looks insoluble: Some day all will be well, is our hope; all is
well today, is illusion. Here, Voltaire seems to accept a compromise both in the
theoretical and in the ethical sphere. Moral evil, too, is undeniable but its
justification consists in the fact that it is invisible to human nature as it is. For if it
was not for our weakness, life would have been condemned to stagnation. After all,
our strongest impulses arise from our appetites and passions. If ethically
considered, these impulses arise from our shortcomings.
37
In Candide, too, in which Voltaire pours out all his contempt for optimism,
he does not deviate from his basic attitude: if all is not well, all is tolerable. As
he puts it, Would you destroy this pretty statue because it is not composed entirely
of gold or diamonds? His position in this novel, too, is quite clear: We cannot
eradicate evil and therefore we cannot avoid evil. Therefore, we should let the
physical and moral worlds take their course and so adjust ourselves that we can
keep up a constant struggle against these worlds; because from this very struggle
arises that happiness of which man alone is capable. The novel, no doubt, deals
with the theme of reason and faith. But the metaphysical problem is handled
through a seemingly funny story, which is turned into a fable to embody the moral
theme. To serve his special purpose (of dealing with metaphysical or theological
problem through the medium of fiction) Voltaire devised a new form which has
come to be called Conte. As a literary term it needs to be understood, for otherwise
Candide remains inexplicable as a fictional narrative. Hence, first the term Conte.
A Conte, as a formal term, is an account of an anecdote or adventure,
marvelous or otherwise. It is narrated for the purpose of amusement. A Conte can
be what in English is called a shorty story, but it can also be a very short parable, a
fable, or a novelette. Candide is a Conte as it is designed to be a parable or fable,
and is as short as a novelette. As they grow longer, more substantial in their social
renderings, and more serious in their moral tonality, Contes tend to be called
nouvelles, as nouvelles, by heightening these qualities still further, turn into
romans. Contes are the lightest, slightest, and least pretentious of prose narratives.
At the beginning of his career, when he was committed to the noble genres of
epic and tragedy, Voltaire himself despised these trivialities of fiction. But in the
course of his philosophic argument he always took recourse to illustrative
anecdotes and sketched dramatic vignettes. While living at Cirey in the deep
country with Madame du Chatlet (1734-45), he often entertained the household
and their visitors with comic stories and one-man sketches. Thus, gradually, he
came to realise that serious thoughts could be mixed with the funny business. And
so was born the special Voltairean form of the Conte which, in familiar words,
floats like a butterfly and stings like a bee.
That Candide is an attack on optimism, as it prevailed in the eighteenth
century, is a widely accepted critical opinion. But whether it also seriously
explores the antagonism of faith and reason has been a debatable issue all along. It
is well known, however, that Voltaire was greatly exercised by the problem of evil
and the existence of God. How could God have willed evil since Voltaire, like any
decent person, fount it intolerable? Yet evil existed, and God must be good. But
how could a good God etc. It seems evidenced from his biography that he
composed Candide at a time when his awareness of evil was at its most violent and
his vitality at its strongest. The novel or Conte combines, therefore, the horror of
38
evil and the jest for life. While the former is rooted in the consciousness, the latter
springs from instinct. The two are not only equally matched, but the contrast
between them informs every character and every incident, every conversation and
every episode, imparting the work a unique vibration of tragicomedy. The moral in
the fable of Candide seems to be that there is no rational (to be provided by reason)
solution to the problem of evil, and that even when we think we have no faith (in
God or goodness) we go on living and do not wish to lose life.
If we go into the moral behind the fable, it becomes clear that Candide is a
transposition of its authors inner debate. We begin to see then that his rapid jokes
are valid against the more elaborate explanations of evil. They are genuine
caricatures. At the same, we need not be sentimental about the ending of the novel.
It does not necessarily mean what Morize misconstrues, when he spells out the
books message as
The world is in shambles, blood flows, Jesuits and Molinists rage, innocents
are slaughtered and dupes exploited, but there are in the world delicious
asylums, where life remains possible, joyous, and sweet: let us cultivate our
garden.
This is too rosy a conclusion to fit into the tone and tenor of Voltaires work. It
suggests an ability to shut out the spectacle of the world which Voltaire never
possessed. It does not really correspond to the tone of dogged persistence in the
final chapter of Candide. There seems no evidence in the novel, and very little in
Voltaires life, that he had such a strong belief in the value of activity. He did, of
course, believe in mans need for activity and he himself showed an urge to be
active. But these can always be independent of any conviction of value. It seems
more plausible to say that his feverish busyness was perhaps the only relief he
could find for his acute awareness of evil. No doubt, Voltaire borrowed the image
of the garden from Epicurus. But he does not display any trace of Epicurean
serenity or moderation.
On the contrary, there seems ample-evidence of the dark side of Voltaires
mind or thought coming out so clearly in Candide. As Andre Delattre has
observed, It is only when, in Candide, he accepts certain perspectives of Pascals
it is only when he ceases to strain against a dark and healthy pessimism, and ceases
to hold open the empty sack of his optimism, that he finally creates, after his
sixtieth year, his real masterpiece. This seems to be a more convincing pointer to
the quality of Candide. The novel is not a straight attack on religious faith and a
plea for reason. No doubt, it is an attack on certain beliefs and attitudes, on a
certain way of life, on a certain philosophy about man and God and their
relationship. But, at the same time, it cannot be said that it is utterly devoid of all
forms of faith. Nor can we say with certainty that it is an advocacy for reason, and
reason alone. Candide is decidedly a work in which an unappeasable sense of the
39
mystery and horror of life is accompanied, at every step, by an instinctive animal

resilience. Thus, negative and positive are juxtaposed with no satisfactory
ratiocinative bridge between them. Voltaire is not without a faith here. He does
have one. But it is not a political faith, nor an easily definable religious faith. It is
the kind of faith that keeps the severed fractions of a worm still wriggling, or
produces laughter at a funeral. In this sense, Voltaires humanism is a very basic
and simple characteristic, exceptional only in that it has at its service an
extraordinary intelligence and wit.
We can say, in a way Candide is not an intellectual work. What we have
instead is an intellectual bewilderment acting as the driving force of the work. It is
felt, not as a philosophy or system, but as a strong emotion. The chronological
irregularity in the novels composition can be viewed as an evidence of its having
sprung from a level well below the novelists ever active, normal consciousness.
One can surmise that in this novel a deeper self of the author found an outlet,
which does not get expressed everyday. Among Voltaires Contes it is the only one
which shows an overall pattern, a major theme worked out with a variety of
incidental effects, a full complement of significant characters and an almost
constant felicity of style. And yet, when all this is said, there remains
encompassing the entire work, its every aspect, a sense of ambiguity, leaving the
world as well as man an appalling mystery with incorrigible intertwining of good
and evil.
PLOT OF CANDIDE
Considering in terms of the conventional principles of three unites,

Voltaires novel, Candide, defies all of them without any exception. The story
opens at one place, ends at another far removed by sea. The characters are almost
travelers who move across land and sea, through different countries and on
different continents. The continents of Europe and America are covered touching
in between several countries and numerous towns. A quick look at the trail would
show how the hero, Candide, travels from Westphalia to Bulgaria to Lisbon to
Cadiz to Paraguay to Buenos Aires to Eldorado to Venice to Bordeaux to Paris to
Portmouth to Venice and finally to Constantinople. Thus, these travels, mostly by
sea, take the hero from France to Bulgaria to Portugal to Holland to England to
South America to Italy and finally to Greece. No English novel of the eighteenth
century would be that footloose. Although the novels by Defoe and Fielding are
episodic, they still show a sense of structure. Of course, in Defoes novels, unities
are as much of a casualty as they are in the novels of Voltaire. However, Defoe
binds together the various episodes spread over far off places by giving his
narrative the form of biography. Robinson Crusoe as well as Moll Flanders travel
to different countries, but the interest of the reader remains highly focused on the
40
protagonist. Here, in Candide there is no such focus provided by any single

character. Although Candide is common to most incidents at different places in
different countries and continents, the novel cannot be considered the biography of
its hero. The hero, at best, remains just one of the figures that occupy the centre
stage; he is one among four or five who provide different threads for the novels
fabric. Thus, in terms of the principle of the unity of place, it is much more diffuse
than Robinson Crusoe or Moll Flanders.
Considering the unity of time, Candidas case is as bad as in the case of the
unity of place. The novel begins when the hero and his girl, Candide and
Cunegonde, are adolescents. When the novel ends, they have not only grown quite
aged, they have even lost their looks. The girl has become ugly. The boy now man
looks horrible. Pangloss, the third important character looks ugliest of all. They
have undergone a sea change so far as their bodily healths are concerned. The very
fact that they have to travel by sea to different countries, in an age (eighteenth
century) when there were no steam-boats or motor-engines, the time span would
spread over many, many years, which it is. Over twenty five years time lapses
between the beginning and ending of Robinson Csusoe and much more between
the opening and ending of Moll Flauders, but Defoes novels are held together by
strong links of the central character. Time is of no consequence; we remain
interested and highly curious as to what would happen next to the protagonist.
Since growth in itself is the subject matter of the two novels, we do not mind the
time span. We are absorbed in the fortunes of a single character. Here, in the case
of Candide, it cannot be said that Candides growth is at the center of the novel. In
fact, as will be discussed later, characters in Voltaire are not meant to grow. They
are there to serve a different purpose altogether.
The third unity, that of action, is all the more problematic, for the various
incidents, rather episodes, do not grow out of each other. Put together, they do not
really constitute what Aristotle calls sequence. They do not form the chain of
Aristotles concept, in which incidents are linked by the principle of causality. It is
the cause-and-effect sequence that binds them together, in fact, links them into a
chain, where each single incident has its definite place and is irreplaceable. Here,
in Candide, incidents hang loose. They do not make a chain. They do not follow
the logic of cause and effect. They can be reshuffled into different positions. Hence,
in the Aristotelian terms, its plot is truly episodic, which, in the Greek theorists
view, is the worst. What is worse about Candide is its violation of the law of
probability. Aristotle insisted that whatever happens in a literary work must sound
plausible, as natural as things happen in real life. Here, in Candide, lot of things
happen to our utter surprise. Characters disappear and reappear, get killed and then
found surviving, get lost at one place, are found at author. Then explanations are
offered for their surprise reappearance, which are highly unconvincing. For
41
example, in the Venetian galley which carries Candide and Cacamho to

Constantinople, Candide finds Pangloss and Cunegondes brother among the
galley slaves. Panglosss explanation for having been alive is that he had
miraculously escaped from his hanging in Lisbon because the bungling hangman
had not been able to tie a proper knot. Similarly, Cunegondes brother narrates an
equally impossible story as to how he had survived the wound which Candide had
thought fatal. Such escapes are very common in the novel. Almost every character
faces extinction, murder or hanging, and every character is later found alive with
an impossible story of miraculous escape.
There are most unnatural things that happen in the novel, even absurd, if
viewed from the viewpoint of realism or naturalism. For instance, the two girls,
when Candide and Cacamho spy while camped on the border of the Biglug
territory. The two girls serve a story function in discovering the travelers and
complaining of them to the Biglugs. But why have they taken monkeys as lovers?
Why, when Candide sees them, are they running away from their lovers in such
evident distress that Candide shoots the monkeys? Voltaire may be satirizing the
behaviour of women, who (it was traditional to say) like to be chased but not
caught. But why have they taken monkeys as lovers in the first place? The
monkeys are shown leaping about the girls and snap at their buttocks, but that
could be play as well as foreplay. There are several other equally unwarranted and
unadjusted scenes or situations in Candide. To mention only two more, there is that
incident of the six deposed kings, and then the kingdom of Eldorado in South
America, which closely resembles Mores Kingdom of Utopia, also in South
America. One is left wondering at the kinds of things that one is served in the
narrations of these two incidents. Above all, the novels hero is one of the novels
improbabilities. He is indestructible. Like one of those toy soldiers with a lead
weight in his round foot, he pops upright no matter how many times he is knocked
down. Moreover, he remains utterly static in the course of the narrative. From the
jungles of Brazil to the boulevards of Paris, the canals of Venice, and the mosques
of Constantinople, whether opulent or beggarly, he remains the same modest trim
little figure, unmarked and untouched. The little family he gathers round him at the
farm outside Constantinople consists of derelicts of one sort or another.
Despite all these faults of plotting or structuring, however, Candide has
been almost unanimously considered Voltaires masterpiece. The reason is that it
has to be considered on its own terms, not on the terms of Aristotle laid down for
tragedy or epic. Voltaires novel is not a work of realistic fiction. It is not a novel
of morals and manners, nor is it a novel of adventure. The closest in form to
Candide are works like Swifts Gulivers Travels and Dickenss Hard Times. The
common feature of all the three are; One, they are deliberate satires on
contemporary philosophies, social or metaphysical ; two, they have some sort of
42
stories, but their primary interest is neither incident nor character; three, their
satirical purpose requires the use of fantasy, making both characters and incidents
not only funny but grotesque. Hence, we cannot apply to these works the principle
of three unities. Here, the unity is to be found in the moral purpose, not in the fable
of incidents and characters. The structure raised in these works, or the pattern
woven, is not through a chain of incidents or interrelations of characters, but
through the attitudes and beliefs which are the target of satirical attack. Characters
and incidents are used in these works only as means; they are not ends in
themselves. They only represent each an attitude or a belief of the system of
philosophy under attack. Hence the characters as well as incidents tend to acquire
symbolic or allegorical significance. Our pleasure in reading about these incidents
and characters lies not in their being life-like, but in their being fantastic, unlike the
real persons and incidents. Our pleasure lies in recognising the absurdity of the
idea, attitude or belief being ridiculed, not in taking them as imitations of real
people and incidents. The fantastic exaggerations act in such a work only like the
flash or search-light under which hidden thief is brought into focus. Without much
fantastic exaggerations we are likely to miss what is wrong with the object of satire.
Once we view Candide from this angle, view it as a satire on the eighteenth
century philosophy of God is in Heaven and alls well the world, then all
characters and incidents get illuminated to illustrate that philosophy under the
critical search light of the satirist. Everything then falls into a pattern, and we not
only see the spectacle of the motley figures, but we also get to see what actually
they stand for.
CHARACTERISATION AND CHARCATERS
It is often alleged that for all their beauties Voltaires Contes (Stories) are
deficient in characterization. In one sense, it is true, because Voltaire never
pretended to present portrait galleries as Chaucer did, or as Dickens did. He was
not like the English novelists from Henry Fielding to George Ehiot who
represented contemporary social scene through a set of characters. They depicted
these characters in terms of their physionomical, social, cultural and professional
traits with their individual as well as class idiosyncracies. Nor does Voltaire
pretend to draw portrait of any lady or gentleman as Henry James did. His purpose,
as made clear earlier, is, like Swift, that of a satirist, and it is in accordance with his
requirements as satirist that he has to create or invent characters as well as
incidents. In fact, quite often, they may not be characters properly speaking, and
may only be symbolic or allegorical figures. Thus, we cannot, and should not,
apply the same norm of characterization to different books with different purposes.
It is therefore not correct to make a general observation that all his Contes are
43
deficient in characterization. We must make distinction between one and another

piece, and examine each case in the light of the individual purpose of the story or
the novel.
The observation cited above is, therefore, to be termed rather hasty, and the
verdict rather simplified. First of all, it is necessary to distinguish between story
and story, say LIngenu, which is to all intents and purposes a novel, and one like
Zadig, which is strictly a Conte philosophique. Voltaire was far too fine a
craftsman to use the same method of characterization in all kinds of work. For
example, science fiction written in the spirit of a novelette would be intolerable. It
is true, and it could not be otherwise, that in the Conte philosophique the
personages are not closely described or characterized, though the description of
Cunegonde, in Candide, as rosy, fresh, plump, appetizing is pretty graphic. What
is more relevant is that all the personages, and not merely the principal ones,
display themselves in action, which cannot be stigmatized as a deficiency. We may
not know the colour of Candides eyes, but we do know that his soul could be
read on his face, and as we could hardly know his soul more intimately, the
face can be supplied to each readers taste.
Voltaires tales, such as Candide, are read for pleasure. But their greater
merit or significance lies in the ideas they embody. Any discussion, therefore, of
his characterization or characters should not be detached from their express
purpose. The discussion must point to the role they have played, and are meant to
play, in changing mans ideas about their place in the nation, the world, and the
universe. Since Voltaires subject in the work is a system of beliefs and the social
order of his time, the stress in his narrative naturally falls on the representation of
those ideas and beliefs, not on the characters as such, or for their own sake. Here is
an example which will illustrate the essentials of his method of characterization:
The Baroness, who weighed in the neighborhood of three hundred and fifty
pounds, was greatly respected for that reason, and did the honours of the
house with a dignity which rendered her even more imposing. Her daughter
Cunegonde, aged seventeen, was a ruddy-checked girl, fresh, plump, and
desirable. The Barons son seemed in every way worthy of his father. The
tutor Pangloss was the oracle of the household, and little Candide listened to
his lectures with all the good faith of his age and character.
Here, in this short paragraph of just seven lines, Voltaire hurriedly touches upon
five characters, each one of whom is disposed of with one or two strokes of the
brush. But every stroke is sufficient to define, not describe, a character. The
weighty Baroness, the ruddy-checked Cunegonde, the Barons son worthy of his
father, the oracular Pangloss, and the little Candide, all stand defined with one
stroke of the master artists brush. We do not wish to know more about their
character; our only curiosity is to know what happens to them in future.
44
That Voltaires mode in Candide is satirical (there hardly can be satire

without humour) becomes very clear in the opening paragraphs of the novel. Read,
for instance, the following:
One day while Cunegonde was walking near the castle in the little woods
that they called a park, she saw Dr Panlgoss in the underbrush; he was
giving a lesson in experimental physics to her mothers maid, a very
attractive and obedient brunette. As miss Cunegonde had a natural bent for
the sciences, she watched breathlessly the repeated experiments which were
going on; she saw clearly the doctors sufficient reason, observed both cause
and effect, and returned to the house in a distracted and pensive frame of
mind, yearning for knowledge and dreaming that she might be the sufficient
reason of young Candide who might also be hers.
As she was returning to the castle, she met Candide, and blushed; Candide
blushed too. She greeted him in a faltering tone of voice; and Candide talked
to her without knowing what he was saying. Next day, as everyone was
rising from the dining table, Cunegonde and Candide found themselves
behind a screen; Cunegonde dropped her handkerchief, Candide picked it
up; she held his hand quite innocently, he kissed her hand quite innocently
with remarkable vivacity, grace, and emotion; their lips met, their eyes lit
up, their knees trembled, their hands wandered. The Baron of Thunder-TenTronckh passed by the screen, taking note of this cause and this effect, drove
Candide out of the castle by kicking him rigorously on the backside.
Cunegonde fainted; as soon as she recovered, the Baroness slapped her face;
and everything was confusion in the most beautiful and agreeable of all
possible castles.
Here, the satire is unmistakable. We know where the arrow of satire goes.
Pangloss, the oracle of the household, who gave instructions in metaphysico
theologico cosmoloonigology, who proved admirably that there cannot possibly
be an effect without a cause and that in this best of all possible worlds the Barons
castle was the most beautiful of all castles and his Baroness the best of all possible
Baronesses. The repetition of the key words and phrases of Panglosss philosophy
of the world actually that of Leibniz whom Panglos represents as a discipline in
a situation of an innocents seduction by the oracular instructor creates a mockheroic effect. The sting of satire could not be sharper than this. The ridicule of the
philosophy comes from its utter collapse in an encounter with concrete reality of
life. Here, the juxtaposition of abstract philosophy and concrete life, of innocence
and experience, of youth and age, of Eve and Satan, and then of Eve and Adam, all
work very well in the passage to create a strong impact of the writers satirical
intent. There is also the juxtaposition of the sensual ecstasy of lovers on the one
hand and on the other the subsequent pain of being kicked out of the paradise.
45
The two passages make clear the writers method, showing how
characterization in the conventional sense will remain subsidiary to what the
characters do, and they do only to represent one or another attitude or belief of the
age that the author wishes to ridicule only to underline its inadequacy in the face of
real life-challenges. However, the characters are not entirely deficient in appearing
real flesh-and-blood figures. Through rapid sketches as well as through quick
actions the characters do come to life. They do not remain wooden as characters in
allegory are. Candide and Cunegonde, Pangloss and Martin, even Baron and
Baroness, all come alive in their respective roles. Thus, however deeply Voltaire
may be obsessed with his satirical agenda, he does not weaken the surface
narrative to the extent that the reader would lose interest in the story line. As a
story of certain individuals placed in the concrete social context of the eighteenth
century Europe, Candide still remains a very interesting story which one enjoys
even without knowing much of the philosophic background to the work. Of course
one enjoys the work more if one were conversant with what Voltaire was reacting
against. Some of the characters do stick in our memory. Candide and Cunegonde,
Pangloss and Martin, and several others are made memorable by the touches of
Voltaires art.
CANDIDE AS CHARACTER
Candide rightly opens with the introduction of the hero, Candide. He is a young
man as when nature had bestowed the perfection of gentle manners. His features
admirably expressed his soul. He combined an honest mind with great
simplicity of heart. The narrator then comments that it was for this reason (for his
qualities of honest mind and simple heart) that they called him Candide. He is
suspected to be an illegitienate son of the Barons sister, by a respectable, honest
gentleman of the neighbourhood, when she had refused to marry because he could
prove only seventy one quarterings. He is called little Candide who listened to
his [Panglosss] lectures with all good faith of his age and character. He and the
Barons daughter, Cunegonde, fall in love with each other. But they are soon
discovered by the girls father, who kicks Candide out of his castle, making him
homeless and no better than a beggar. While outdoor he is drafted for Bulgarian
army, which he deserts during the war against Abares. In the company of one
James and Pangloss (rediscovered), he reaches Lisbon. He faces a shipwreck in
which James gets drowned, but himself along with Pangloss swims to shore just
when the city is being shaken by an earthquake. As we see, from the start Candide
is destined to face man-made misfortunes as well as natural calamities. All come
rushing upon him. And he quietly, patiently, without any grumbling or grouse just
goes on, seeking shelter wherever he finds it, befriending anyone and everyone that
46
falls to his lot. Obviously, he is true to his name. He is candide, good to all, bad to
none, not even to those who have wronged him. Since the earthquake is considered
the result of mans wickedness, both Pangloss and Candide are made accused by
the authorities of Lisbon. Pangloss gets hanging, Candide whipping.
While sheltered by an old woman Candide meets, in utter surprise, his
heartbeat, Cunegonde. He had been told by Pangloss that she was dead. When her
oppressors, the Jew and the Inquisitor, come to see her, Candide kills them. In the
world of Candide, killing a foe, real or perceived, is no crime or sin. The characters
do not carry bad conscience on that count. Here, Candide is not different from
Hamlet, whom Voltaire criticizes for killing Polonius and his own friends. Now the
lovers flee to Cadiz. Here, robbery take place. In despair, he sails to Paraguay,
along with his girl and the old woman. Now in Spain, the governor of Buenos
Aires develops fancy for Cunegonde, so he accuses Candide of robbery to get rid
of him. He flees with his servant Cacamho, leaving behind his beloved and the old
woman. As usual, he meets them later in Constantinople, where he finally settles
on a farm. He meets in between many more misfortunes. His final settlement on a
farm, with his beloved and the old woman and his servant, is a sort of utopian
solution. Its peace and quiet contrasts the unrest and violence of other places. The
utopian resolution may also be a case of irony with a straight face. When the novel
does not spare all other concepts of the type, how can one believe that its ending is
not ironic?
Those who accuse Voltaire of cynicism or pessimism should consider the
fact that all his major characters in Candide Candide, Cunegonde, Pangloss,
Cacamho, the old woman are good characters by any standard. They do face
calamities natural as well as man-made but they do not grow bitter, they do not
lose faith in life, they do not lose faith in goodness. Candide remains a model of
sweetness, of innocence. He and Cunegonde are very much like Adam and Eve.
The difference is that they have fallen among robbers and murderers. They had
their paradise in the beginning. They lose it. But they also regain it in the form of
the farm near Constantinople. He is not heroic. He is not a warrior. He is all
Candide. Things are done to him, because he is living in a corrupt and violent
world.
VOLTAIRES STYLE
Early commentators of Voltaire remained interested only in his religious

viewshis humanitarian principles, his neo-classical tragedies and his encyclopedic
histories. His lightverse and his Contes (stories) by which he is best known today,
they completely ignored. They said almost nothing about his literary style. Perhaps
they took it for granted. In any case they did not attach much importance to it.
Oliver Goldsmith, for instance, was one of the enthusiastic admirers of Voltaire,
47
but his tribute to him, in the Citizen of the world, says nothing of his wit, irony, and
narrative concision. It was only during the Victorian era that attention began to be
paid to this aspect of his writings. John Morleys Voltaire (1872) proved one of the
most successful ventures in this respect. Since his radical and unconventional
views were either to be ignored or at least turned down for the genteel Victorians,
the critics of the period like Morley chose to focus on the literary aspects of his
work. Morleys appreciation of Voltaires prose elegance and its social influence
remain even today, after more than a century, of great value to the Voltaire reader.
In Morleys view, Voltaire may not have had the loftier endowments of the
highest poetic conception, shuttle speculative penetration, or triumphant scientific
power, he did posses a superb combination of wide and sincere curiosity, an
intelligence of vigorous and exact receptivity, a native inclination to candour and
justice, and a preeminent mastery over a wide range in the art of expression.
Literature being concerned to impose form, to diffuse the light by which common
men are able to see the great host of ideas and facts that do not shine in the
lightness of their own atmosphere, it is clear what striking gifts Voltaire had in this
respect. In Morleys view, Voltaires style is like a translucent stream of purest
mountain water, moving with swift and animated flow under flashing sunbeams.
As a detractor of Voltaire said, Voltaire is the very first man to be a spiteful
censure, was in fact a truly honourable distinction.
The secret of Voltaires style is actually incommunicable. No spectrum
analysis can decompose its enchanting ray. However, some of the external qualities
of this striking style can surely be detected. We can seize its dazzling simplicity, its
almost primitive closeness to the letter, its sharpness and precision, above all, its
admirable brevity. We see that no writer ever used so few words to produce such
pregnant effects, which can only be adequately presented in colour or in the
combinations of musical sound. Note, for instance, the following:
They floated some leagues between banks sometimes flowery, sometimes
sandy, now steep, now level. The river widened steadily; finally it
disappeared into a chasm of frightful rocks that rose high into the heavens.
The two travelers had the audacity to float with current into the chasm. The
river, narrowly confined, drove them onward with horrible speed and a
fearful roar. After twenty four hours, they saw day-light once more; but their
cause was smashed on the snags. They had to drag themselves from rock to
rock for an entire league; at last they emerged to an immense horizon, ringed
with remote mountains. The countryside was tended for pleasure as well as
profit; everywhere the useful was joined to agreeable. The roads were
covered, or rather decorated, carrying men and women of singular beauty,
and drawn by great red sheep which were faster than the finest horses of
Andalusia, Tetuan and Mequinez.
48
Reading this prose, one can surely say that no other writer seems to have known
better the true limitations of the material in which he worked, or the scope of
possibilities of his art. Voltaires Alexandrines, his witty stories, his mock-heroic,
his exposition of Newton, his histories, his dialectic, all bear the same mark, the
same natural, precise, and condensed mode of expression, as we see in the passage
cited here.
At first, there seems something paradoxical in praising the brevity of an
author whose works are to be counted by scores of volumes. But this is no real
objection. A writer may be insufferably prolix in the limits of a single volumes.
Style, to the sure, is independent of quantity. No study of this outward ease and
swift compendiousness of speech, as we saw in the passage cited here, can teach us
the secret that lies beneath it in Voltaire. His eye and hand never erred in hitting
the exact mark of appropriateness in every order of prose or verse. Perhaps no such
vision for the befitting in expression has ever existed. He can be said to be the most
trenchant writer in the world, yet we may not find a sentence of strained emphasis
or overwrought antithesis. We can also say that he is perhaps the wittiest, and yet
we may not find not a line of bad buffoonery. We can see how this intense sense of
the appropriate had by nature and cultivation become such a fixed condition of
Voltaires mind that it shows spontaneousness and without an effort in his work.
No one can be said to be more free from the ostentatious correctness of the literary
precision. Also, nobody can be credited with preserving so much purity and so
much dignity of language with so little formality of demeanour. See, for example,
the following:
One day it occurred to me to enter a mosque; no one was there but an old
imam and a very attractive young worshipper who was saying her prayers.
Her bosom was completely bare; and between her two breasts she has a
lovely bouquet of tulips, roses, anemones, buttercups, hyacinths, and
primroses. She dropped her bouquet, I picked it up, and returned it to her
with most respectful attentions. I was so long getting it back in place that the
imam grew angry, and seeing that I was a Christian, he called the guard.
They took me before the Cadi, who sentenced me to receive a hundred
blows with a cane on the soles of my feet, and to be sent to galleys. I was
chained to the same galley and precisely the same bench as my lord the
Baron. There were in this galley four young fellows from Marseilles, five
Neapolitan priests and two Cofu monks, who assured us that these things
happen every day. My lord the Baron asserted that asserted that he had
suffered a greater injustice than I; I, on the other hand, proposed hat it was
much more permissible to replace a bouquet in a bosom than to be found
naked with an ichoglan. We were arguing the point continually, and getting
49
twenty lashes a day with bullwhip, when the chain of events within this
universe brought you to our galley, and you ransomed us.
One would notice here the absence of that intensely elaborated kind of simplicity
in which the Victorians, even the best of then, expressed the final outcome of their
thoughts. They invariably qualified their propositions. It forced them to follow
truth slowly along paths steep and devious. Voltaire does not use any of those
focalizing words and turns of composition, which shows that to him thought was
much less complex than to the Victorians. In the English language, only in Swift
do we find some of these stylistic virtues which abound in Voltaire. But Swift at
times can be truculent and brutally gross, both in thought and expression, which
Voltaire is not. What always attracted Voltaire in Racine and Boileau, he tells us,
was that they said what they intended to say, and that their thoughts have never
cost anything to the harmony or the purity of the language. Voltaire ranged over far
wider ground than these two French writers ever attempted to do, and trod in many
slippery places. And yet, Voltaire is entitled to the same praise as that which he
gave to them.
Style, as Morley defines it, can never be anything but the reflex of ideas and
habits of mind. And since the ideas and habits of mind of Voltaire were bold and
forthright so is his prose. Each word and sentence of his bears the stamp of that
mind and spirit which shook France into a new society. It is, decidedly, not the
prose of the conformist; it is the prose of the radical reformist. The spark of his
revolutionary spirit comes out very clearly. The following passage illustrates not
merely the spark but also the simplicity, the naivet, as its deceptive garb; the
smooth and simple surface covering the questioning intelligence is the way of
Voltaires prose:
It is true, said Pangloss, that you saw me hanged; in the normal
course of things, I should have been burned, but you recall that a
cloudburst occurred just as they were about to roast me. So much
rain fell that they despaired of lighting the fire; thus I was hanged,
for lack of anything better to do with me. A surgeon bought my
body, carried me off to his house, and dissected me. First he made
a cross-shaped incision in me, from the navel to the clavicle. No
one could have been worse hanged than I was. In fact, the
executioner of the high ceremonials of the Holy Inquisition, who
was a subdeacon, burned people marvelously well, but he was not
in the way of hanging them. The rope was wet, and tightened badly;
it caught on a knot; in short, I was still breathing. The cross-shaped
incision made me scream so loudly that the surgeon fell over
backwards; he thought he was dissecting the devil, fled in an agony
of fear, and fled downstairs in his flight. His wife ran in, at the
50
noise, from a nearby room; she found me stretched out on the table
with my cross-shaped incision, was even more frightened than her
husband, fled, and fell over him. When they had recovered a little,
I heard her say to him: My dear, what were you thinking of, trying
to dissect a heretic? Dont you know those people are always
possessed of the devil? Im going to have a priest and have him
exorcised.
Here, several aspects of Voltaires style come to the fore. The rapid narrative, the
simple and straight sentences, the straight-face satire, the sting-in-the-tail irony, the
precise phrase, the clean prose, all combine to make a wonderful reading. And yet,
the sting in the tail does not spoil the surface charm of the comic mode in which
the incident is narrated.
A word about Voltaires vocabulary will be in place here. His vocabulary is
more copious than that of any of his non-technical contemporaries. This enabled
him to avoid much of circumlocution so often found in French prose. Equally
admirable is his choice of words. He had a precise apprehension of the right word
needed to convey a meaning or a feeling. He also had a unique ear for the word
which was not only right but sounded right, too. The resulting style was so flexible
that it could be adapted to various purposes. For instance, in argumentative works,
Voltaire
s aim was to arrest the attention, to underline, to emphasize. He achieved
this, so far as the vocabulary is concerned, by the tactical placing of a technical, a
difficult or even merely an unexpected word. The stories (Contes), such as
Candide, on the other hand, were intended to persuade with a smile. Their aim was
to carry the reader along on the even flow of the narrative, rapid, smooth, the
events producing the emotive power, never interrupting the rhythm, however
extraordinary they might be in themselves. Here Voltaire never relaxes his pressure
on the accelerator, and seldom touches the brakes. Many other devices are used.
There is an almost metrical succession and alternation of long and short sentences.
This can be particularly noticed in the choice of names, as in the hammering effect
obtained by the gutturals in Thunder-ten-tronckh, Candide, Cunegonde, Cacambo,
Prococurante; and the liquid polysyllables of Formosante, Amazan, Gangarides,
Cimmeriens in the Princess de Babylone.
NARRATIVE TECHNIQUE IN CANDIDE:
Voltaire belongs to the period of the enlightenment and shares many

strategies of style and technique the writers of the period used. One of these
strategies was the stylistic level of the realistic texts which served the propaganda
purposes of the period. During the eighteenth century the strategy becomes
increasingly aggressive and polemical. Voltaire emerged as a master of this game.
Whatever goes on in the story, say of Candide, we are told only in a general way.
51
The purpose is much rather to insinuate certain ideas, which constitute the core of
the narrative. For achieving his polemical purpose, Voltaire, like his
contemporaries, always uses the device of coupling the opposites or dissimilar, as
though they were forms of human endeavour on the same plane and to be judged
from the same viewpoint. Voltaire deprives the activity, say religion, which he
wants to attack, of its essential character and presents it as something absurd or
ridiculous. It is a technique which sophists and propagandists of all times have
employed with success. Voltaire is, of course, a master of this technique. In such a
case, he would emphasize a purely external detail which is intrinsically absurd and
comic. What comes out is not really the true nature of that object, say religion or
optimism, but the external aspect of its ceremonial. Note, for instance, the
following:
Finally, while the two kings in their respective camps celebrated the
victory Candide undertook to do his reasoning of cause and effect
somewhere else. Passing by mounds of the dead and dying, he came
to a nearby village which had been burnt to the ground. It was an
Abare village, which the Bulgars had burned, in strict accordance
with the laws of war. Here old men, stunned from beatings, watched
the last agonies of their butchered wives, who still clutched their
infants to their bleeding breasts; there, disemboweled girls, who had
first satisfied the natural needs of various heroes, breathed their last;
others, half-scorched in the flames, begged for their death stroke.
Scattered brains and severed limbs littered the ground.
Here, we see Voltaire
s use of a favourite propaganda device, often used rather
crudely and maliciously. It might be called the searchlight device. It consists in
over-illuminating one small part of an extensive complex, while everything else
which might explain, derive, and possibly counterbalance the thing emphasized is
left in the dark. And yet everything is falsified, for truth requires the whole truth
and the proper interrelation of its elements. We see here how the searchlight is
focused on the tiny village and the picture is magnified through catalogueing of
horrific details. Even more than the calamity of war the object of satire is the
cause-and-effect reasoning represented by Candide, for there is no such rationale
available behind the butchery and savagery committed in this village. The device
proves highly effective. It serves the purpose of Voltaire the moralist and
propagandist.
No doubt, the searchlight technique, which over-illuminates the ridiculous,
the absurd, or the repulsive in ones opponent, had been in use long before Voltaire.
But his way of handling it is peculiarly his own. Especially his own is his tempo.
His rapid, keen summary of the development, his quick shifting of scenes, his
surprisingly sudden confronting of things which are not usually seen togetherin
52
all this he comes close to being unique and incompatible. Surely, it is in this tempo
that a good part of his wit resides. Note, for instance, the tempo of the following:
As soon as my companions could walk, we were herded off to
Moscow. In the division of booty, I fell to a boyar who made me
work in his garden, and gave me twenty whiplashes a day; but when
he was broken on the wheel after about two years, with thirty other
boyars, over some little court intrigue, I seized the occasion; I ran
away; I crossed all Russia; I was for a long time a chambermaid in
Riga, then at Rostock, Wismar, Leipzig, Cassel, Utrecht, Leyden,
The Hague, Rotterdam; I grew old in misery and shame, having
only half a backside and remembering always that I was the
daughter of a Pope. A hundred times I wanted to kill myself, but
always I loved life more. This ridiculous weakness is perhaps one of
our worst instincts; is anything more stupid than choosing to carry a
burden that really one wants to cast on the ground? To hold
existence in horror, and yet to cling to it? To fondle the serpent
which devours us till it has eaten out our heart?
In the countries through which I have been forced to wander, in
the tavern where I have had to work, I have seen a vast number of
people who hated their existence; but I never saw more than a dozen
who deliberately put an end to their own misery: three negroes, four
Englishmen, four Genevans, and a German professor named
Robeck. My last post was as servant to the jew Don Issachar; he
attached me to your service, my lovely one; and I attached myself to
your destiny, till I have become more concerned with your fate than
with my own. I would not even have mentioned my own
misfortunes, if you had not irked me a bit, and if it werent the
custom, on shipboard, to pass the time with stories. In a word, my
lady, I have had some experience of the world, I know it; why not
try this diversion? Ask every passenger on this ship to tell you his
story, and if you find a single one who has not often cursed the day
of his birth, who has not often told himself that he is the most
miserable of men, then you may throw me overboard head first.
Here is the old womans story, told swiftly, largely mentioning the places where
she has been all over Europe, covering a long life of wandering, with only one or
two generalizations about life and man, making thereby her story a story, in fact,
of the whole of mankind. A large part of the storys charm lies in its tempo. If it
were drawn out longer, it would lose its freshness and become trite. And the tempo
determines the wit of the piece too. We can observe here the presence of pleasing
53
classical clarity, which is present in every word, in every phrase, in every rhythmic
movement.
Quite closely linked to the rapidity of tempo, but more generally in use as a
propaganda device, is the technique of reducing all problems to extreme
simplification. In fact, in Voltaire, even the rapidity of tempo is made to serve the
purpose of simplification. Voltaire achieves this simplification by reducing the
problem to an antithesis. Then the antithesis is exhibited in a giddy, swift, highspirited narrative in which black and white, theory and practice, etc., are set in
clear and simple opposition. We can consider here an example from Candide,
where there is an attack made on the metaphysical optimism of Leibnizs idea of
the best of all possible worlds. In chapter 8 of Candide, Cunegonde, who was lost
and has been found again, begins her narration of the adventures she has
undergone since Candides expulsion from her fathers castle:
I was in my bed, in a deep sleep, when it pleased Heaven to send the
Bulgarians into our fair castle of Thunder-ten-tronckh; they cut my
fathers throat and my brothers, and chopped my mother to pieces.
A huge Bulgarian, six feet tall, observing that I had fainted at the
sight, began to rape me; that brought me to, I recovered
consciousness, I screamed, I struggled, I bit, I scratched, I tried to
eat out the big Bulgarians eyes, not knowing that everything that
was happening in my fathers castle was perfectly customary: the
brute gave me a knife-thrust in my left side, of which I still bear
scar. Alas! I hope that I shall see it, said the simple Candide.
You shall see it, said Cunegonde; but let us go on. Go on,
said Candide.
These horrifying happenings appear comic because they come hammering down
with almost slapstick speed and because they are represented as willed by God and
everywhere prevalent which is in comic juxtaposition to their dreadfulness and to
the aims of their victims. On top of all this comes the erotic quip at the end.
Antithetical simplification of the problem and its reduction to anecdotal
dimensions, together with dizzing speed of tempo, prevail throughout the novel.
Voltaire also assumes as a demonstrated premise that any individual in his
personal history may encounter any destiny which is in accordance with the laws
of nature, regardless of the possibility of a connection between destiny and
character. He quite often amuses himself by putting together causal chains in
which he explains only the factors which are phenomena of nature. He purposely
omits anything to do with morals or the history of the individuals concerned. An
example to this effect can be cited from the fourth chapeter of Candide, where
Pangloss discusses the origin of his syphilis:
54
you know Paquette, our august Baronesss pretty attendant; in

her arms I tasted the joys of Paradise which produced the infernal
tortures which you see devouring me; she was infected with them;
perhaps she has died of them. Paquette had received the gift from a
most learned Franciscan, who himself had gone back to the source;
for he had got it from an old countess, who had received it from a
cavalry captain, who owed it to a marquis, who had it from a page,
who had received it from a Jesuit, who, as a novice, had received it
in the direct line from the companion of Christopher Columbus.
Such an account regards only natural causes. As for the moral plane, it merely lays
a satirical emphasis on the moves of the clergy (including their homosexuality). At
the same time, it merrily whisks out of sight and suppresses all details of the
personal histories of the individuals concerned. Such an account insinuates a very
specific conception of the concatenation of events. In this conception there is room
neither for the individuals responsibility for acts he commits in obedience to his
natural instincts nor for anything else in his particular nature which leads to
particular acts. It is not often that Voltaire goes as far as he does in this instance
and in Candide in general. But he is always inclined to simplify. And his
simplification is handled in such a manner that the role of the sole standard of
judgement is assigned to sound, practical common sense. Voltaire despised
everything historical and spiritual, and valued only the enlightened reason. He and
his heroes set out to rid human society of everything that impeded the progress of
reason.
Voltaire arranges reality so that he can use it for his purposes. Realism in his
fiction is never for its own sake. There is, of course, vivid and colourful everyday
reality in his novels. But it is incomplete, consciously simplified, and hence
nonchalant and superficial. As for the stylistic level, a lowering of mans position
is implied in the attitude of the Enlightenment. The taste of the age does not favour
the sublime. In its intermediate level the erotic and sentimental style coincides
with Voltaire
s style in propaganda. In both instances the people introduced are no
sublime heroes detached from the context of everyday life but individuals
embedded in circumstances which are usually intermediate, on which they are
dependent, and in which they are enmeshed materially and even spiritually. In
Voltaire, the realistic elements, however colourful and amusing they may be,
remain mere froth. The pleasantness and frothiness of the realism is present only to
serve the ends of Enlightenment ideology. In Voltaire this technique is developed
into such an art that he is able to use even the creatural premonitions of his own
decrepitude and death as material for an amiably jocular introduction to a popular
philosophical disquisition. Even with such subjects as old age and its decrepit body
Voltaire remains witty and pleasing. For his moral and satirical purposes he
55
arranges realism artfully. A certain seriousness in all this cannot be avoided.

Voltaire after all takes his ideas seriously. However, in contrast to classicism, there
occurs now a mixing of styles. It does not, however, go very far or very deep,
either in its everyday realism or its seriousness. It only continues the aesthetic
tradition of classicism inasmuch as its realism always remains pleasant. Tragic and
creatural penetrations are avoided.
BOOKS FOR FURTHER READING

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Norman Torrey. The Spirit of Voltaire. New York, 1938.

W.H. Barber. Voltaire: Candide. London, 1960.
Dorothy McGhee. Voltaires Narrative Devices. Wisconsin, 1933.
Theodore Besterman. Voltaire. Oxford, 1969.
_________________. Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth century.
Oxford, 1969.
QUESTION BANK
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Discuss Voltaire in relation to the Neo-classical View of the World.

Discuss Voltaire as a neo-classical satirist.
Examine Voltaires case as a pessimist or misanthropist.
Examine the narrative technique Voltaire uses in Candide.
Discuss Candide as a moral-fable.
Write a note on Voltaires method of characterization and the character of
Candides hero.
7. Discuss the plot-structure of Candide.
8. Who among the European thinkers are the target of Voltaires attack in
Candide.

Paper-II
Section C & D

ROHTAK 124 001

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ROHTAK 124 001
Contents
Unit 6
DENIEL DEFOE
Moll Flanders
Unit 7
HENRY FIELDING
Tom Jones
Unit 8
JOSEPH ADDISON
Female Orators, Aim of the Spectator
Sir Roger in Church, Meditation in the Abbey
The Scope of Satire
125
Unit 9
ROUSSEAUS
Confessions
181
5
36
M.A. (Previous)
Max. Marks : 100

Time : 3 Hours
PAPER-II
Note:
Students will be required to attempt five questions in all. Question 1 will be compulsory. This question shall
be framed to test students' comprehension of the texts prescribed for Close Study. There will be one question
on each of the Units in all the four Sections. The students will be required to attempt four questions (in
about 200 words each) one from each section.
The other four questions will be based on the texts for Close Study with internal choice i.e. one question
with internal choice on each of the nine units. The students will be required to attempt One question from
each of the Four unit.
Section C & D
Unit 6 Deniel Defoe

Moll Flanders
Unit 7 Henry Fielding
Tom Jones
Unit 8 Joseph Addison
Female Orators, Aim of the Spectator
Sir Roger in Church, Meditation in the Abbey
The Scope of Satire
Unit 9 Rousseaus
Confessions
Course: M.A. (Previous) English

Paper Two: English Literature 1660-1798
Section C: Unit 6: Defoes Moll Flanders
DEFOE AND HIS TIMES
No other writer of the eighteen century had a life as full of adventures as

did Defoe. He was born in 1660, the year of the Restoration. His father was a
dissenting tallow-chandler of London named James Foe. Daniel added the
genteel De to the family name when he was forty year old, making it Defoe.
Daniel Defoe rebelled with The Duke of Manmouth in 1685, but escaped
without punishment. He had married in 1684, and had prospered for some years
by trading in hosiery. His export was ruined by war in 1692. He was haunted by
the prospect of prison for defaulting in debts. He learned the trick of quiet
disappearance and practiced it often whenever the legal danger threatened. After
his profession as merchant was ruined with no prospect of recovery, he adopted
the profession of writing. Practically all of his writing was done after he was
thirty-five years of age. It was only in his sixtieth year that he got fame with the
publication of Robinson Crusoe.
Any career as political writer is fraught with dangers. Defoe, as a
dissenter, a writer for hire, and an ironist, seems usually to have been in danger.
He began as a satirical political poet. When he first collected his works in 1703,
he had composed several poems on political themes in satirical mode. His best
known and popular poem was True-Born Englishman(1701). It defended
William III against the prejudices of such subjects as disliked the Kings Dutch
origin or Dutch advisers.
He begins the poem briskly:
Where-ever God erected a House of Prayer,
The Devil always builds a Chapel there:
And twill be found on Examination,
The latter has the largest congregation.
Defoe concludes this poem in a rugged fashion natural to a bourgois:
Fame of Families is all a Cheat,
`Tis personal Virtue only makes us Great.
Defoe published an epic-size satirical attack in twelve books on divine
right in 1706. It was called Jure Divino. But poetry was not really his fortune. It
was in prose that he made a mark. Even when he used metre and rhyme, it was
prose which remained his trade. His critical writings were also prose pamphlets.
As a dissenter he early engaged, at times rather equivocally, in the arguments
over occasional conformity. In his Enquiry into the Occasional Conformity of
Dissenters(1698) he speaks of such fellow dissenters as thus conformed, these
are Patriots indeed, that will dawn their Souls to save Country. Defoe himself
claims that in 1701, he entered the House of Commons, guarded with about
sixteen gentlemen of quality, and presented the Speaker with Legions

Memorial to The House of Commons. The presentation said, Englishmen are
no more to be slaves to Parliaments than to a King. Our name is LEGION, and
we are many. The pamphlet succeeded in its aims. But its author had no such
luck the next year. His Shortest Way with the Dissenters(1702), conceived as a
playful ironic attack on the extreme High Church people, backfired. He
offended both dissenters and churchmen, and his arrest was ordered by the
government. After successfully hiding for over four months he was arrested,
tried, and condemned to pay a heavy fine as also to stand in the pillory three
times. A sentence of such severity was no less a thunderbolt in the age of Defoe.
In those days, more than one sinner died from the attack of missiles hurled by
people at pillory heads. But Defoes cleverness was equal to the occasion. He
collected his friends to rally about him at the pillory to escape the missiles. He
had also composed a poem for the occasion, Hymn to the Pillory, which sold
well during his exposure at the pillory. Also, when he walked down from the
Pillory, from his wooden punishment, the crowed treated him, as was
complained by a Tory journalist, as if he had been a Cicero that had made an
excellent oration in it. Later, returned to Newgate for an indeterminate
sentence, Defoe was unable to pay the heavy amount of fine that had been
imposed along with the pillory. He became bankrupt with no prospect of release
from the prison. Late in 1703, however, his fine was paid by the Crown (rather
unexpectedly); and, bound over to good behavior, he was released. Good
behavior, of course, meant becoming the man Friday of Robert Harley, a rising
politician, who soon was to become the secretary of State, and finally a Tory
Prime Minster.
During the first decade of the eighteenth century, Defoes fortune took a
turn for the better. He made progress through journalism and pamphleteering.
His contributions included writings for The Union with Scotland(1707), the
Whig cause and English trade. He did all this through his journal, A Review of
the Affairs of France(1704-1713). Defoe wrote its nine volumes single handed,
even though he was quite often out of London to distant places, such as
Scotland, where he was serving as confidential agent of the government.
Although The Review had not much in common with the periodical essay of The
Tatler, its moralizing and amusing sections captioned as Advice from the
Scandalous Club were among the formative influences of The Tatler. When
Harly and the Tories came into power in 1710 the influences of the Whig
Review declined. So Defoe started writing for the Tories a new trade journal
called Mercator, or Commerce Retrieved(1713-1714).
Defoe, after 1715, became connected with various papers and periodicals,
more prominent of which include Mercurius Politicus(1716-1720), The Daily
Post(1719-1725), Applebees Weekly Journal(1720-1726), and Dormers NewsLetter(1716-1718). They mark, with one exception, Defoes principal periods
and places of journalism. The exception is not without significance. In 1717 he
was, as a reputed Tory, planted by The Whig ministry on the staff of the ToryJacobite Weekly Journal; or, Saturdays Post, published by National Mist. His
task as a spy was to moderate the fury of this journalistic storm-center. He did
succeed until 1724. More than once he was writing for both Whig and Tory
journals at the same time. Immediately after the publication of Robinson Crusoe
in 1719, Defoe began to write for Applebees Journal, doing stories about Jack
Sheppard and other criminals, which led him into the genre of criminal
biography.
Most of Defoes louger works were, in one way or another related to his
journalistic writings or to his love of projects. But for the success of Robinson
Crusoe, Defoe would not have written his other novels. The first part of
Robinson Crusoe was, in fact, a fictional grafting upon the story of Alexander
Silkirk, who had lived alone on the island of Juan Fernandez from 1704 to
1709,and whose return to England in 1711 had led to the publication of many
narratives of his adventures. Defoes masterpiece was widely acclaimed at once.
When four editions came out within four months, he followed it with a second
volume of Further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, which proved unworthy of
the first. In 1720,a moralizing treatise was added as a third volume, and was
titled Serious Reflections of Robinson Crusoe. This again proved a failure.
Only the original first part continues to be considered a masterpiece of Defoe as
a novelist. The novel proved more than a middle class masterpiece. Although
sprawling in structure and careless in detail, it gave expression to an epic theme
of its age the poem of the average man to preserve life and organize an
economy in face of exceptional odds on earth. One can imagine how a writer
today would focus on the horrors of isolation and the loneliness of Crusoe. But
for Defoe, these are not worth his worry. His mind, as always, focused on the
God-given power of sinful man to win through, and on the human ingenuity that
embellishes the effort.
The initial success of Robinson Crusoe led rapidly to Defoes writing of
other long narratives, and with an unbelievable speed. Within twelve weeks in
the summer of 1720 he published his historical romance The Memories of a
Cavalier, his Captain Singleton, which was also a voyage story in which feature
a number of pirates. Also came out during the same period his Serious
Reflections of Crusoe. Following these in 1722 came out Defoes longer works
including Moll Flanders, Due Preparations for the Plague, Religious Courtship,
A Journal of the Plague Year, and Colonel Jacque. In 1724 appeared his
Roxana; and in 1728, Captain George Carleton; in 1729, his Robert Drurys
Journal. Defoes last work was Complete English Gentleman, which was
incomplete at the time of his death; it was published in 1890. Not all these
works are entirely his; nor are all these works of equal merit.
Obviously, Defoe was an untiring man if letters. Also, his art was largely
unlearned. He wrote rapidly, and seldom revised. He always succeeded because
of his gift for ingenious episode and specific detail. A large part of details in his
Journal of the Plague year are so graphic that they read like the actual
memories of an eye-witness rather than the account of an author who was only
five year old when the Plague ravaged London in 1665. The bellman walking in
front of the dead cart at night, ringing his bell and calling, Bringing out your
dead! are too horrifying realities to forget, similarly, the pitiful strangers
agony and excess of sorrow, who, muffled up in a brown cloak, comes to
the great pit to see the body of someone dear to him buried is described in such
specific details that the horror of it all comes upon us in full intensity. For sheer
grimness this books has been considered Defoes masterpiece. The other books
of his are no less grim and graphic in their depiction of stark reality. All his
stories are, as Defoe himself said, full of speaking sights.
Defoes gift of narrative, though never in doubt, had late flowering. He
was nearly sixty when his first novel, Robinson Crusoe appeared. He had been
known to his contemporaries as a journalist and pamphleteer long before he
overtly took to fiction writing. His verse satire in English, The True-Born
Englishman had brought him fame much earlier in 1701. It was perhaps the
most influential verse satire in English after Drydens Absalom and Achitophel.
It was a defense of William III against those who thought that it was intolerable
for a Dutch King to govern true-born Englishmen. Defoe retorted to say that
there was no such thing:
We have been Europes sink, the jakes where she
Voids all her offal outcast progeny.
He was, of course, not a great poet like Dryden or Pope. But his raw vigour was
undeniable. It is evidenced in every line he wrote. Note, for instance, the
following:
But English gratitude is always such
To hate the hand which doth oblige too much,
Most so is evidenced in the opening lines:
Wherever God erects a house of prayer
The devil always builds a chapel there:
And twill be found upon examination,
That latter has the largest congregation.
Defoe knew his limitations as a poet full well. He wrote poetry, whenever he
did, because that, since Dryden, was the most favoured mode of polemic. His
real aim was not literary laurels, but immediate effect. So in his preface to this
poem he anticipated the critics in a comic manner. He said, Without being
taken for a conjuror, I may venture to foretell, that I shall be cavilled at about
my mean style, rough verse, and incorrect language, things I indeed might have
taken more care in. But the book is printed; and though I see some faults, it is
too late to mend them.
Defoe could be cavalier because his main audience cared little for such
niceties. They were, for sure, not cultivated patrons to whom so much of earlier
literature had been addressed. They were plain middle-class folk, who now
represented an important new force in the reading public of the eighteenth

century. This new class of readers were strongly asserting their independence,
cultural as well as political. They felt, and Defoe agreed, that
Fate has but small distinction set
Bewtixt the counter and the coronet,
And that the tastes of those who served behind the counter must also be served.
So, if the great Augustans, Swift and Pope, sneered at him as an outsider,
Defoe cared little for their highbrow posture. He had the truculent self-reliance
of the trading class to which he belonged. He could, in fact, be called more of a
literary tradesman than an artist. His career was as much devoted to business
and politics as to literature. Like a true tradesman, he produced some four
hundred separate works as well as a vast number of journalistic pieces,
including the whole of his thrice-weekly newspaper, The Review, which ran for
nine years from 1704 to 1713. Today, it is his fictional works which interest us
most, although Defoe himself was never greatly interested in it. His own literary
preference was for something more factual; such as, political, economic, social
and moral improvement of his countrymen. His fiction was favour he did to the
taste of the reading public. He had learnt as editor of The Review that his readers
often needed to he wheedled into the knowledge of the world, and to carry
out his honest cheat and bring people to read with delight. So he made an
important journalistic innovation. It is for the reasons of delightful reading that
he had added to his paper a lighter section, which dealt humorously with various
aspects of social life of the day. The innovation was very successful. It is this
aspect of his regular professional writing of journalism which finally led to the
creation of his novels.
But, undoubtedly, he was a professional writer, who was always prepared
to supply whatever the reading public(or market) demanded. Pope might attack
him for his being a writer of the Grub Street. He might include him among the
Dunces of that street. But for Defoe, Grub Street was an application of
commercial principle to the manufacture of literary goods. As he wrote in a
letter signed Anti-Pope published in the popular Applebees Journal in 1725:
Writing, you know, Mr. Applebee, is become a very considerable Branch of
the English Commerce. The Booksellers are the Master Manufacturers of
Employers. The several Writers, Authors, Copiers, Sub-writers, and all other
Operators with pen and ink are the workmen employed by the said Master
Manufacturers. Defoe was true to his understanding of his proper role, then, in
writing fiction, whatever his personal inclinations.
Defoe was also true to himself in imposing on whatever he wrote so
much of his own personality and outlook that it became something quite
different from that the English readers had seen before in the realm of English
prose. He almost accidentally created a form of prose narrative, which if it was
not quite the novel in the sense in which we have been using it since the
nineteenth century, or after Henry Fielding, undoubtedly led to the rise of the
English novel. In the eighteenth century, in any case before Fielding, prose
narrative was regarded as a sub-literary form. Defoe created this sub-literary
form in an improved form, making it responsive to the greatly enlarged reading
public, so that it became a new form altogether, so new that it came to be called
by a new name novel. A sub-literary figure that Defoe himself was, he created
the foundational novel in English independent of patronage as well as the
critical standard of the literati.
Thus, when the novel really emerged in the early years of the eighteenth
century, it did so from a man to whom art and literary theory meant nothing. It
emerged from a man who was not a gentleman but a tradesman dealing in
commodities. In a sense, the relation that Defoe has with the artist is that of the
forger. But what he actually forged were, not works of art, but transcripts of
actual experience. By any standard, Defoe was one of the most remarkable men
who ever lived. Yet while it will be absurd to maintain that his genius had not
received its due, it has been quite common among critics to offer some sort of
apologetic praise for him. The class bias and the original opinion of his
contemporaries like Swift and Pope have continued to view him and his
significance in less glorious terms than has been his due. The fact of the matter
is that Defoe was the prototype of a kind of Englishman increasingly prominent
during the eighteenth century and reaching its apotheosis in the nineteenth. The
said kind is the man from the lower classes, whose orientation was essentially
practical and whose success in life was intimately connected with his Puritan
beliefs and personal responsibilities. Without benefit of a university, Defoe was
a man of wide learning, speaking half a dozen languages, and reading seven.
His interests and activities were many. His curiosity was endless. This new type
of Englishman, whom Defoe represented, was self-reliant, energetic, and
thoroughly practical. Thus, while Pope belonged to a tradition which was dying,
low tradition of political and privileged patronage, Defoe belonged to an
emerging tradition of independent, ordinary man of genius who has to practice
his profession of writing for personal fulfillment.
During the eighteenth century, the middle-class writers like Defoe, felt
secure in the outcome of the successful revolution by the middle classes. They
took stock of the new world, which was controlled by the middle classes in
collaboration with the old landed aristocracy. They were sure that with
Newtonian science and Lockes philosophy they will be able to completely
submit the world to their will and for their use. They gathered tremendous
confidence in themselves and harboured hopes for a glorious future. Free from
the medieval uncertainties and the seventeenth century incoherence, they could
find order in nature and impose one on individual as well as society. This, by
and large was the world view Defoe derived from the environment in which he
grew up as a writer. The central concern of the age was the study of mankind.
Defoes novels are among the first and most outstanding examples of
such a study. They are informed, all of them, by the same impulse which made
possible the scientific advances and the new prose associated with the Royal
Society. The aim of the society was to make English language incubate a close,
naked, natural way of speaking; positive expressions, clean senses; a native
easiness; bringing all things as near the Mathematical plainness as they can; and
preferring the language of Artisans, Countrymen and Merchants before that of
Wits, or scholars. It was this impulse which was to lead a man like Boswell in
his Journal to examine and record with utter honesty motives and reactions of
his day-to-day experience. This spirit of curiosity, of desire to see things as they
are, is the drawing force behind the prose fiction of the eighteenth century. But
when we see it in the background of the bourgeois revolution, we should not
oversimplify it.
For example, it is not enough to describe Defoe simply as a bourgeois.
No doubt, he is a bourgeois. But he is also more than a bourgeois. The truth
about Defoe as well as his work is much more complex than the label of
bourgeois would admit. We can see this complexity in Defoes Robinson
Crusoe. In one sense, the novel is in praise of the bourgeois virtues of
individualism and private enterprise. But in another sense, it celebrates the
necessity of social living. It also reflects mans struggle to conquer nature. The
hard fact is that while Defoes novels could only have arisen out of the social
milieu of the eighteenth century, his strength as a writer arises from his inability
to feel the power of the code of his class as glibly as he mentally accepted it.
His real strong point as a writer lies in his ability to extricate himself from the
conventional Puritan morality. Also, his artistic merit squarely resides in his
concentration on the surface texture of life. But his limitation is that he has no
other values than those of his class to fall back upon. It is for this very reason
that his books are ultimately without pattern. Mere presentation of surface life
cannot constitute pattern. Such a fiction would always lack the benefit of a point
of view, which gives the fictional tale a pattern and a view. Defoes vitality
does, of course, capture our imagination. And energy has its own charm and
power.
DEFOE AND THE ENGLISH NOVEL
Although the Elizabethan short novels and Bunyans spiritual allegories

in prose were earlier sources that made possible the growth of the English
novel, it was Defoe who for the first time provided a complete prototype of the
novel. It is in his works, not in those of Bunyan or the Elizabethan writers, that
we have a strong sense of realism so much associated with the genre of the
novel. It is again in his works that we find life-like stories of men and women
very much like us, and these stories are narrated as a sequence of incidents
which form a unified whole. Thus, Defoes realism of action, character, and
language is what makes him the first significant writer of the novel, whose
contribution to the growth of the English novel can never be ignored.
Defoes most important innovation in fiction was his unprecedentedly

complete social realism. There is no doubt that it directly comes from his
practice of journalism. Leslie Stephen has aptly described how Defoes early
pamphlet, A True Relation of the Apparition of Mrs. Veal, the next day after her
death to one Mrs. Bargrave at Canterbury, the 8th of September 1705, contains
all the hallmarks of Defoes later narrative style including manufacturing of
corroborative evidence and the deflection of attention from the weak links in
the chain of evidence. The critic thought that it was a work of fiction, but it has
since been discovered that Defoe was merely reporting a popular news item of
the day in his own characteristic manner. He was to use precisely the same
technique when he came to write fiction. Even in Defoes fiction we are never
quite sure how much is pure fiction and how much pure fact. Robinson Crusoe
itself was widely believed to be an authentic account of an actual person at the
time of its publication. Even now it is not very certain as to what extent Defoes
works, such as The Memoirs of a Cavalier and the Carleton Memoirs are fiction
or actualities.
The relation of Defoes longer narratives to the tradition of the English
novel has been widely debated. He has been considered to follow the picaresque
tradition. There has been a difference of opinion about the precise label these
works should carry; whether they should be called picaresque or rogue
biography. The eighteenth century conceived the picaresque in the style of
Rene LeSages masterpiece, Gil Blas(1715-1735). In this convention, the prose
narrative was to have biographical pattern and episodic structure. The
protagonist of the novel was to survive by his wits as he went from one social
stratum to another, or from one professional class to another, giving rise to
various and different episodes. The objective of such a life journey of the
protagonist was to give an expose or satire of the diversified social scene at the
time. This convention was common in the eighteenth century novels. It can be
seen operating in Sarah Fieldings David Sample(1744-53), Francis Coventrys
Pompey The Little(1751), Charles Johnstons Chrysal(1760-65), Smolletts
Adventures of an Atom, and many more such masterpieces. Fielding follows this
convention in his novels such as Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones. What is most
important in this tradition is the central concern with the critique of
contemporary society.
But so far as conscious social expose or criticism is concerned Defoe
seems to be completely deficient in even his best novels like Robinson Crusoe
and Moll Flanders. His tradition, it is insisted by many critics, are clearly those
of biography, voyage literature, and the moral treatise. He produced various
examples of each of these types separately, and amalgamated them all in his
best accomplished longer narratives like Robinson Crusoe and Moll Flanders.
The tone of his narration is invariably of moralizing rather than of satirizing.
But Defoe has much in common with the spontaneous, unsophisticated methods
of narration, which remained far more fundamental to the novel in the

eighteenth century (and even later) than the temporary fashions that shaped the
English novel ten years or more after his death. For instance, Defoe lacks power
over domestic emotions, which were to be the stock in trade of the
sentimentalists like Richardson and others of his school. But he is gifted with
more basic qualities fundamental to the author of prose narratives. Defoe
remains outstanding among his contemporaries so far as the power to create an
illusion of reality is concerned. His grasp of contemporary reality far more
strong than that of any of his colleagues on the eighteenth century. So are his
literary tricks more effective than those of any other in creating an authentic
impression of that reality.
Critics like Arnold Kettle have a different opinion on the subject of
Defoes relation to the picaresque tradition in the eighteenth century English
novel. In his view Defoes novels belong to this tradition, although it is nor
adequate to describe them as picaresque. By the time of Defoe, says Kettle,
consciousness, and therefore the art, of the feudal outcasts had undergone the
profoundest changes. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, in his view,
the picaro was no longer outcast and therefore no longer a picaro. He might not
have become a complete bourgeois, but he had begun to participate in a society
in which the bourgeois had become powerful force. He had begun to share the
standards and values of this society. What actually places Defoe in the
picaresque tradition is actually his anti-romantic and anti-feudal realism. In
other words, it is his concern with the feel and texture of real life.
Defoe is not as strong in the moral pattern of his novel as are, for
instance, Richardson and Fielding. Not that he is not mindful of the moral status
of his characters. But they do lack the kind of concern which infuses and shapes
the characters of a moral fable. He is careful to point out the moral. He is
insistent also in his claim to be instructing the reader. But his insistence is found
to be not so genuine as he claims it to be. Interestingly, Defoe says in the
preface to Moll Flanders, for instance, that the discriminating reader will be
more pleased with the moral than the fable. In point of face, his morals are as
ambiguous as those of Moll herself who repents her sins every few pages with
perfect sincerity and precious little consequence. This is indeed the very delight
of the novel. The female protagonist is superbly real and alive. Her moral
limitations are paralleled so precisely by the sensibility of the author himself. If
Defoe had seen Moll from any other angle, or viewpoint, its present vitality
would not have been achieved.
All of Defoes novels are first-person narrations, in which the central
character, called hero or protagonist, himself/herself narrates his/her own life
story. Its advantage is that the novelist can easily convince the reader that the
story is authentic, in which the novelist has no role to play, and the character is
telling all the incidents, the thoughts and emotions, experienced by him/her. But
it has its limitations also. One of the limitation of the first-person narrative
10
technique is that the entire effect of the novel depends solely on the quality of
conscious the narrator has. What I fails to perceive cannot be supplied by the
author for whom there is left no room in the scheme of the narrative. As for the
reader, he has to put in extra effort to ascertain the associated implications of
incidents of his own.
The supreme quality of Defoes fiction is its sense of solidity, which, in
fact, is his greatest contribution to the English novel. The rise of the English
novel owes in this regard much more to Defoe than to any of his
contemporaries. He shows in his novels mastery of vital verisimilitude. No
doubt, it is painstaking, but it is very powerful in its effect on the readers
willing suspension of disbelief. Fiction before Defoe, in whatever form it
existed, was never nearer truth as it comes now in his creations. What we have
in his novels is the surface truth of the average readers view of life. No novelist
before, and even after, Defoe took so much pains to convince the reader of this
truth. One very strong reason for this effort is the mind-set of Defoes audience
or readers. The Puritans of the early eighteenth century generally assumed that
fiction, since it was an illusion, must be false, not true. It goes to Defoes credit
as an artist that he succeeded in overcoming this prejudice on the part of the
puritan readers.
No doubt, Defoes realism is so overwhelming that it leaves little room
for any moral pattern. He cared much more for life than pattern, the latter
being more of an imposition, squeezing the whole reality into a straight-jacket.
In other words, vitality and morality, even intelligibility, do not quite sit
comfortably with each other. Decidedly, Defoe opted for reality, and sacrificed
morality or pattern. No wonder, then, that the best things in his books are the
descriptions of actions, of people engaged in activities. For instance, Moll
Flanders comparing three estimates ranging from 13.13s to 13.14s for a
confinement. Similarly, Colonel Jack deciding what clothes he shall buy with
the money he has stolen. Not less effective illusion of reality Robinson Crusoemaking of his pot and oven. These and much other moments in Defoes novels
are unforgettable. To have a feel of Defoes realism, we can go over the
following set of lines from Moll Flanders:
I confess I was moved to pity him when I spoke it, for he turned
pale as death, and stood mute as one thunderstruck and once or
twice I thought he would have fainted: in short, it put him in a fit
something like an apolex; he trembled, a sweat or dew ran off his
face, and yet he was cold as a clod, so that I was forced to run and
fetch something for him to keep life in him. When he recovered of
that, he grew sick and vomited, and in a little after was put to bed,
and the next morning was, as he had been indeed all night, in a
violent fever.
This is a typical example of Defoes method. Sheer verisimilitude is achieved
by a continuous insistence on detail, the moment to moment account concerning
11
the event of the persons reaction to the hurt he has received from Molls
tongue, as he says, accumulates like brick upon brick to erect a tall structure, an
image, a scene, which gets graphically registered on the readers mind not easy
to dispel. The rhythm of the prose is the ordinary rhythm of speech. We get the
flavor of the spoken words as we do while standing by such an event. The
description, done in a deliberately inarticulate manner, comes live owing to the
naturalness of the tone and tenor of the narrator.
Defoes main aim as novelist, clearly seen in this small example as well
as in the long narrative, is to keep as close as possible to the consciousness of
the author as he/she struggles to make the situation clear to himself/herself as
well as to us the readers. Nothing but an exclusive pursuit of this aim could
have brought about much a powerful effect as his narratives do. His style obeys
more fully than that of any other the purpose of language as Locke defined it:
to convey knowledge of things. Defoe always focuses his description in the
elementary or primary qualities of objects as Locke saw them: especially
solidity, extension, and number. He offers them also in simple language. His
prose contains a high percentage of words of Anglo-Saxon origin, which he
shares with Bunyan before him. At times, his sentences are, no doubt, long and
rambling, but he makes even that a part of his naturalness and authenticity. The
absence of long pauses within the sentence imparts to his style an urgency and
immediacy. At the same times, his units of meaning are so small, and their
relatedness so clear that the prose remains in lucid simplicity.
Defoe, no doubt, was exposed to all the influences which were making
the seventeenth century prose more prosaic. For instance, his exposure to the
Lockean conception of language, to the Royal Societys commandments, and to
the plain unadorned style of later seventeenth century preaching, which attained
its effect by repetition rather than by imagery or structural elaboration. But the
effect of Defoes prose does not depend merely on its style; there is behind it
Defoes powerful pressure compelling as to pay attention to the matter. He
makes every relevant detail of an occurrence or happening explicit. As a result,
the accumulated details, like a pile of evidences or witnesses, carry the force of
an argument. Thus, it is not merely the prose style that creates an illusion of
reality and authenticity; it is equally enforced by the method of technique of
narrative.
Also, it will be too simplistic to say that Defoes stark or naked realism or
naturalness was unmindful of or was wholly blind to the symbolic aspect of the
narrators experience, be it Crusoe or Moll. In his preface to the Serious
Reflections Defoe hints that the story is an allegory of his own life. Although
this assertion is primarily or principally may be an after thought to defend
himself against the critical charge that Robinson Crusoe was mere fiction or
concoction, his plea is not without an aspect of truth in it. Defoe tries to identify
himself with all the protagonists, and most fully with Robinson Crusoe. In a
way, Defoes own life, like that of Crusoe was one of solitary and heroic
12
achievement against great odds. In a highly eloquent chapter, Of Solitude,

which opens the Serious Reflections, Defoe converts Crusoes island existence
into an image of the perpetual aloneness of man which springs from his basic
egocentricity. It seems to me, goes the narrative, that life in general is, or
ought to be, but one universal act of solitude. Everything revolves in our minds
by innumerable circular motions all centering in ourselves we love, we hate,
we covet, we enjoy, all in privacy and solitude.
Thus, it clearly emerges from the various narratives of Defoes creation
that their surface naturalism, an embodiment of material reality, is not quite
stark; it does carry within it, beneath the concrete surface, the spiritual content
as well of the same material reality. For instance, although Robinson Crusoe is
considered one of the myths of modern civilization, celebrating the material
triumphs of its society and the strength of rational will to conquer the
environment, it also prefigures at the same time some of the spiritual loneliness
and social alienation which this civilization has brought with it. This lonliness is
also, indeed, a reflection of the force which did much to build the modern
civilization; that is Puritan individualism. The Puritans saw the activities of the
world as a distraction from mans real purpose of life, which was the pursuit of
salvation. Thus purpose demands than mans conscience should constantly
scrutinize the signs of his probable destiny in the divine scheme of redemption
and damnation. So Defoe makes Crusoe write in his Serious Reflection: It is
the souls being entangled by outward object that interrupts its contemplation of
divine objects. He concludes that the business is to get a retired soul, which
can be done anywhere: so I can affirm that I enjoy much more solitude in the
middle of the greatest collection of mankind in the world, I mean, at London,
while I am writing this than ever I could say I enjoyed in eight and twenty years
confinement to a desolate island. Thus, such a subject matter cannot be
contained within the iron jacket of stark realism; it requires perforce a certain
softness in the surface to sink below the iron sheet. In other words, there is a
dimension to Defoes prose which is in addition to the two dimensional picture
of realism.
We must not, at any rate, underestimate Defoes dissenting background.
He may not have been as serious as Bunyan, he is not without some of the
qualities Bunyan stood for. He may not convince us that considerations of piety
are really the controlling factors in his stories, but they are decidedly there,
which by their very presence impart to Defoes novels a real moral dimension.
Indirectly, Puritanism was also partly responsible for the literary realism of
Daniel Defoe. He did share its hatred of fiction. As he himself states in Serious
Reflections: this supplying a story by invention is certainly a most scandalous
crime, and yet very little regarded in that part. It is a sort of lying that makes a
great hole in the heart, at which by degree a habit of lying enters in. Pressure of
circumstances led him to write novels. But one feels that, with a curious
13
obliquity, he resolved to make his lies as much like truth as possible so that his
scandalous crime would escape detection.
To conclude, it can be said that Defoe was, from first to last, a preacher or
editorial commentator. For instance, he presents Crusoe disobedient to parents
and to the God who had placed him in the scale of being. As a consequence of
sin in leaving his proper station, Crusoe is thereafter to feel frequently that he
was the most miserable wretch that even was born. Similarly, in Moll
Flanders, Defoe glides easily and briefly into editorial comments on the
advantages of a founding asylum. Also, in A Journal of the Plague Year, written
when a recurrence of the Plague was feared in London, takes time to argue the
inhumanity of so vital a matter as quarantine. His voyage stories are meant to
expose the unfair trading practices of low foreigners, who to make matters
worse in his Puritanic view are Catholics as well as foreigners. His historical
romances at times reflect the ideas of the good old cause of the sixteen forties
(the Commonwealth Period or The Reign of Puritans). His geographical and
historical details come from his journalistic reading. In fact, it is this reading,
together with his shrewd observation of contemporary life, that gave his fiction
both the rich variety and the vivid detail. The vitality and fecundity of genius
shown by Defoe after he was sixty years old remain as astounding as are the
earlier wily arts of the ablest journalist and pamphleteer of his time.
His contribution to the rise of the English novel remains singularly
conspicuous. His realism, his narrative, his variety of incidents, all reflecting the
life of the middle class rising to rule the political and cultural life of the country,
provided a solid foundation on which the English novel arose to replace the
dominance of highbrow literary genres of epic and tragedy, even comedy and
satire.
STORY AND THE ME:
In the early phase of the English novel in the eighteenth century, the
authors tended to give long titles to their fictional narratives. These long titles
read almost like an advertisement or a leaflet for the new work, high-lighting all
the points the author thought would be of interest to the reader of his time. The
complete original title of Daniel Defoes novel Moll Flanders, as it came out in
1722, was as follows: The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the famous Moll
Flanders, &C., Who was Born in Newgate, and during a life of continud
Variety for Threescore Years, besides her Childhood, was Twelve Year a
Whore, five times a Wife (Whereof once to her own Brother), Twelve Year a
Thief, Eight Year a transported Felon in Virginia, at last grew Rich, livd
Honest, and died a Penitent. Written from her own MEMORANDUMS. As the
title so clearly suggests, the heroine or protagonist or central character, of the
14
novel is perhaps one of the worlds best-known picaroon (the female of picaro).
Like the story of Defoes first novel, Robinson Crusoe, Moll Flanders also is so
convincingly written, with such an elaborately minute details of intimate
information, that the reader feels it must be a true account of the entire life of
Moll.
The story of the novel Moll Flanders is an interesting one. It begins with
the very childhood of Moll, the central female character in the novel. When
Moll was only eighteen-month old, her mother was transported to America,
called at that time the colonies, as a felon. The girl child was left all alone
with no family or friends to care for her. For sometimes, Moll was befriended
by a band of gypsies, but later they, too, deserted her in Colechester. There, the
child became the charge of the parish. She soon became there a favourite of the
wife and daughters of the mayor of Colechester. As such, she received special
treatment, and great attention and flattery. At the age of fourteen Moll was once
again left without a home. When her indulgent instructress died, she was taken
in service by a kindly woman of means. She also enjoyed those days the
privilege of receiving instruction along with the daughters of the family. In
everything other than wealth Moll was superior to all the daughters of the
family. During this very period, she fell prey to the oldest son of the family to
whom she lost her virtue. She eventually became his mistress, though it
continued to be a secret for some time. Meanwhile, the youngest son in the
family Robin, got attracted to her. He soon made a proposal of marriage to her.
She accepted the offer and married him. But as ill luck would have it, Robin,
her husband, died after five years of their marriage. Left alone, she soon
afterwards married a spendthrift draper, who in no time squandered all her
savings, finally finding himself behind the bars. In the meantime, Moll took
lodgings at the Mint. Passing as a widow, she started calling herself Mrs.
Flanders.
Moll seemed fated to marry a number of times. Leaving her second
husband to his own destiny in prison, she ventured in matrimony the third time.
Her new husband was a sea captain, with whom she sailed to the Virginia
colony (one of the British colonies in America). There, she discovered to her
great embarrassment that the man to whom she was now married was no other
than her own half-brother. After eight years of residence in Virginia, moll
returned to England to take up her residence at the town of Bath. While leaving
at Bath, she became acquainted with a gentleman whose wife was demented.
Moll found an opportunity to get close to the gentleman when he was taken ill,
and seriously at that. She nursed him with devotion all through his serious
illness. Soon as he recovered, he groomed her into his mistress. She happily
accepted her status. After a while, she found herself with a child. She made
arrangements for her lying-in, and sent the child to a nurse, and joined her
companion as a single woman. Now, they started living together. During the six
years they lived together without marriage, Moll gave birth to three children.
15
The gentleman, after six years, regretted his indiscretion in keeping her with
him without marriage, and left her. Wiser as she had become through long
experience she had had with gentlemen, she had saved enough money during
these six years to support herself in such an eventuality.
By now Moll had forgotten the morals of her age. She had come to see
how a single woman had to fend for herself. In social terms, this had also made
her smarter than common woman of her day. Naturally, for a woman in the
situation in which she found herself placed after having been used (even
exploited) by several men, it would not be surprising that she should start
flirting with men of her own will. Now, she grew ambitious also, and aspired to
become a woman of means. As luck would have it, she met at this stage a lanker
with whom she carried on a mild flirtation. However, finding a better
alternative, she left him to marry an Irishman named Jemmy E., supposedly a
very wealthy gentleman of Lancashire. Moll had cleverly made him believe that
she was a woman of means. After marriage, she discovered to her shock that her
husband was, in fact, without means. He was, as a matter of fact, penniless. He
had only played on her precisely the same trick she had used on him. In a way,
here is an instance of tit far tat. Such instances were very common in the
English comedy from Jonson to Dryden in what can be called the comedy of
intrigue.
Both being similar in their approach to life and to themselves, relying
largely on trick rather than truth, they remained a congenial couple for
sometime. But after they had exposed themselves to each other thoroughly,
there was no ground left for them to continue living together. As a matter of
fact, now they had no face to encounter each other. Hence they decided to
separate. Jemmy had nothing to fall back upon except his old occupation of
highway-robbery, which he soon resumed. As for Moll, she, too, had nothing
much left to fall back upon, except that she could to the city and wait for
another victim or match. Hence she returned to the city. As earlier, after Jemmy
had left her, she again discovered that she was to be mother of a child once
again. Lying-in at the house of a midwife, Moll delivered a healthy boy who
was immediately boarded out.
For sometime now Moll had been receiving letters from her admirer, the
bank clerk. Having no better offers in hand at the moment, she decided to oblige
the bank clerk. They met at an inn, and were soon married there. On the day
after the ceremony of marriage, she met her Lancashire husband, the
highwayman, in the courtyard of the inn. There, she was able to save this man
from arrest. Moll would not have any truck with this man beyond the measure
of mercy she showed him in his escape from arrest. She would rather go with
her new husband, the bank clerk. And so she did. For five years thereafter, until
the bank clerk died, they lived a happy life as a couple. After her husbands
death, she sold all her property and took lodgings. Perhaps pinched by the
hardships she was facing at the moment, having two children to support at the
16
age of forty eight with no charms of youth and no other assistance at hand from
a friend or philanthropist, she felt prompted to steal a bundle from an
apothecary shop. Encouraged by her first success, she then stole a necklace
from a pretty little girl on her way home from dancing school.
Thus, Moll embarked upon a twelve-year period of seeking her
subsistence from stealing. Sometimes, for doing her daring acts of stealing she
even disguised herself as man. During this very period, she came across a
gentleman at Bartholomew Fair, which resulted in an affair, and which they
continued for quite sometime. After several years of practice in the profession
of stealing, Moll then became the richest thief in all of England, which was not
a small distinction for a woman in those times when woman hardly enjoyed any
privilege in the man-dominated society. Her favourite disguise as a thief was
that of a female beggar. She did the role and the business very successfully.
Finally, she was seize one day while trying to steal two pieces of silk brocade
and was sent to Newgate prison. In Newgate, to her surprise, Moll found her
former husband, Jemmy the highwayman. He was living there in more
gentlemanly quarters than the lower-class criminals. It was only after some
subterfuge that Moll made herself known to him. It was through her sorrow for
his condition that Moll started to think about her own life. It was then that she
started feeling first remorse and then the glimmerings of repentance.
In this new penitent frame of mind Moll managed to get her own and
Jemmys sentence commuted to transportation. With whatever money and
goods she had left in the care of Mother Midnight, Moll managed to purchase
her freedom as soon as they reached Virginia. Because of his higher social
status Jemmy was free to opt for transportation, but not Moll who had low
social position. Left to himself Jemmy would have opted for hanging which he
considered the more gentlemanly course of action, but Moll dissuaded him
from it. Once in the colony (Virginia state of present-day America), hoping for
some inheritance from her mother Moll set about making discreet enquiries
about her previous husband (step-brother), but managed instead to secure a most
tender encounter with her own son whose father was her step-brother she had
married by mistake. When she met her son, he was incharge of the property left
by his grandmother to his mother, that is Moll. He ensured that Moll, her
mother, received the entire revenue from the property bequeathed to her by her
mother.
Receiving handsome revenue from the inherited property Moll and
Jemmy established a small plantation further down the river in Carolina. Owing
to Molls hard work and the proceeds (income) sent to her by her son, the
couple gradually became very rich. After having worked out the time of their
respective transportation sentences, they returned, in their old age, to live the
remainder of their lives in prosperity and in freedom in their native land of
England. And thus ended the fortunes and misfortunes of the famous Moll
Flanders.
17
THEME:
One of the major themes of Moll Flanders is the confusion of morals;

which, in fact, reflects the confusion of the age of Defoe. As Juliet Mitchell has
put it, The first decades after the removal of king James in 1688 were in certain
senses the most revolutionary in English history. This was the period of
bourgeois revolution transcendent, of individualism and capitalism let loose, of
the transition from the religion based ethics of feudalism to the secular ethics of
capitalism, of traditional controls removed, of the enclosure movement run
rampant. Right and wrong were to be negotiated. The Divine Right of Kings
became the Divine Right of Providence. Property became King. Thus, the
period was of utter moral confusion. It was also a period of unusual social,
economic and moral mobility. It became a time of great uncertainty when
different legal and moral codes clashed each claiming universal validity. Even
the values in this period were up for garbbing; they were not self evident.
All this confusion of values in the early eighteenth century England gets
reflected in Defoes Moll Flanders. A major theme in the novel is, undoubtedly,
the juxta-position of contradictory moral values. For instance, Moll is both
heroine and villain, fair and foul, business woman and thief, wife and prostitute.
As Arnold Kettle has aptly observed,
Moll speaks as though she were not implicated in the common
lot of criminals. She doesnt think of herself as a criminal. When
she learns what other criminals in Newgate think of her she is
morally outraged. Occasionally, for a moment, like Joyce Carys
Sara, she catches sight of herself in some mirror and sees herself,
surprised. And she does think of herself as a gentlewoman .
The underlying tension which gives Moll Flanders its
vitality as a work of art can be expressed by a contradiction which
is at once simple and complicated. Moll is immoral, shallow,
hypocritical, heartless, a bad woman: yet Moll is marvelous. Defoe
might almost (though he wouldnt have dreamt of it) have subtitled
his book A Pure Woman.
Molls splendourher resilience and courage and generosityis
inseparable from her badness. The fair and the foul are not isolable
qualities to be abstracted and totted up in a reckoning balancing
one against the other. The relationship is far more interesting.
Defoes novel, Moll Flanders, has its own share of greatness; it displays
contradictory social and psychic elements which, when perceived in terms of
deep structure, achieve a unity. What remains highly interesting about the novel,
however, is its historical aspect. It reflects, as emphasized earlier, the moral
confusion of its age. We see here, as we see in the age, that the clear-cut
oppositions of crime and conduct, morality and immorality have not yet
separated themselves out. As E.P.Thompson, discussing this period, has
18
observed, property and privileged status of the propertied were assuming,

every year, a greater weight in the scales of justice until justice itself was seen
as no more than outworks and defences of property and of its attendant status.
In his socially significant novel, Moll Flanders, Defoe presents the early
eighteenth century England as a society without traditional God and without
traditional law. Moll, in this society, represents the new woman of capitalism.
She has a mother and is good at discovering surrogate mothers. Significantly,
her paternity is never mentioned. The moral confusion of the novel informs all
its aspects; plot, character, and point of view are all marked by a certain lack of
serious order or design. The purported moral does not quite tally with the plot of
the novel. Defoe says in his preface to the novel that there is not a wicked
action in any part of it, but is first or last rendered unhappy. But this is not
borne out by the facts of the fiction stated in the novel. Moll, for instance, does
not have to disgorge her ill-gotten gains, and they are the basis of her final
prosperity. Such seemingly contradictory elements in the novel may be more
than many. But that is precisely the matter of the novel, and the message, which
squarely concern the age, not the individual. Moll not only represents the age,
she is actually the age. She squarely and wholly reflects the capitalist order of
crass material pursuit where nothing succeeds like success, and all your crimes
can be deposited in a corner provided you have managed to become, somehow,
anyhow, a man (or a woman) of means. Property brings you all the privileges,
including moral as well as social status, in a society where tradition stands
shaken and the values no longer flow from religion.
What is all important is that you should be (or become) a gentleman or a
gentlewoman. Moll is always saying that she doesnt mind marrying a
tradesman but he must be able to cut the figure of a gentleman. The conception
of a gentleman in Defoes time was meant to be a man of dash, bravado and
infinite leisure. The concept was a reformulation by a new middle-class society
of the person it conceived to be its ancestor in the dominant class of the
previous feudal epoch. In fact, the contemporary reality of the dominant middleclass was very different from that of the feudal times. Jemmy, Molls
Lancashire husband, sums up the predicament of this shift. Too much of a
gentleman to turn his hand to a days work, he likes to spend his time hunting in
the forest of America.:
The case was plain; he was bred a gentleman, and by
consequences was not only unacquainted, but indolent, and when
he did settle, would much rather go out into the woods with his
gun, which they call there hunting, and which is the ordinary work
of the Indians .
As with the madam (Moll) who is both lady and prostitute, the irony is that
Jemmys gentlemanly habits are likewise those of the lowest possible social
group the American Indians. Thus, top and bottom meet in a society which is
still trying to find its way to make its middle group seem uppermost. The
19
actual life of the new dominant middle-class man is best embodied in Molls
reflections on the father of her first lover and her first husband. This man leaves
the family affair of his sons unsuitable marriage to his wife because he is too
busy: as to the father, he was a man in a hurry of public affairs and getting
money, seldom at home, thoughtful of the main chance, but left all these things
to his wife. The new gentleman-tradesman that was to represent the dominant
social class of this stage of capitalism, Defoe call an amphibians creature, a
land-water thing. The ideological concept of the gentleman is inherited from
the watery feudal past, but it has to adapt to the totally new social conditions of
middle-class land.
Prostitution and theft, which Moll has to adopt as professions, in this new
society are what you do if you cannot get successfully married in one case, and
have no capital in the other. Wife and prostitute, thief and capitalist can be one
and the same person at different points of time. It is this lack of separation, this
easy oscillation that is distinctive of Defoes society. Prostitution and theft stand
to marriage and investment as their necessary other side. Moll shares thieving or
investment with the men of her society; The need for marriage and prostitution
for immediate economic reasons are particularly hers as a woman. Here, Defoe,
like other writers of his age, offers in Moll Flanders a treatise on the meaning of
new forms of contractual marriage. For both men and woman of his age, love
and looks may be considered, but marriage essentially remains an economic
undertaking. Moll is a heroine because, unlike the majority of her sex, she does
not let men get the better of her at a bargain:
The case was altered with me: I had money in my pocket . I had
been tricked once by that cheat called love, but the game was
over; I was resolved now to be married or nothing, and to be
well married or not at all.
Defoe believed that woman should be educated and allowed to carry on
business as men did. In this respect he was a liberal spokesman for the claims
for sexual equality that were being made from the middle of seventeenth
century until his own day. But he was also correct in perceiving that for woman
marriage was the passage to the desired state of middle-class security. Moll is
an expression of Defoes particular type of feminism. His view is that whoever
had the energy to fight for it had a right to an equal bargain. Defoe presents
Moll as a woman who is like a man in her economic ambitions and hence her
independence. But Defoes realism means that Moll knows that her economic
aspiration as a woman can only be achieved through marriage. Moll shows a
keen sense of the gender difference when she says,
I had no adviser and above all, I hade nobody to whom I
could in confidence commit the secret of my circumstances
to, and could depend upon for their secrecy and fidelity: and I
found by experience, that to be friendless is the worst condition,
next to being in want, that a woman can be reduced to: I say a
20
woman, because tis evident men can be their own directors, and
know how to work themselves and of difficulties and into business
better than woman.
Thus, the novel gives a keen representation to the key issues of its time. The
major themes of the changing social values, including the change from
feudalism to capitalism and the status of woman, are woven into the single story
of Moll. As such, it is a novel of great social significance.
MOLL FLANDERS AS A SOCIAL DOCUMENT
Reacting to the general critical approach to the novel in terms of its

various aspects, such as plot and character, form and content, etc., Henry James
remarked, A novel is a living thing, all one and continuous, and in proportion
as it lives will it be found, I think, that in each of the parts there is something of
the other parts. This is, of course, well said. Not even the critics who split apart
the body of the novel in their critical dissections would disagree with the great
American novelist. At the same time, it is impossible to evaluate literature in the
abstract, or merely in terms of its wholeness. A book, as Arnold Kettle says,
is neither produced nor read in vacuum and the very word value involves
right away criteria which are not just literary; Literature is a part of life and can
be judged only in its relevance to life. Life is not static but moving and
changing. Thus we have to see both literature and ourselves in history, not as
abstract entities. Thus, a novel, more than a poem, conveys contemporary life,
and on a larger scale, and conveys it not simply as reflection, but as an
organized or patterned piece, making sense of what life is about.
More than any other novelist of his age, Defoe shows a sense of solidity
in his novels. Fiction was never nearer truth than in his novels. No other
novelist ever took greater pains than him to convince the reader of this truth. His
novel are marked by an anti-romantic and anti-feudal realism, which show his
deep commitment to the reality around him, the reality of social life as it existed
in the early eighteenth century. Strictly adhering to the surface reality seen and
observed by him during his long career as a journalist, Defoe wrote novels
which give us a comprehensive view of English society of his age. And in that
sense, they can legitimately be called social documents. Some of these novels,
in fact, most of them, are based on actual personages and their actual
experiences known to the novelist in person. He had seen and known, read and
heard, these prototypes and their life histories. This lends greater authenticity to
his novels as social documents.
Of all Defoes novels, Moll Flanders decidedly gives representation to
much wider scale of contemporary social reality than any other. The novelist
uses Moll as a medium or a mirror for expressing and reflecting or dramatizing
of the conflicts and confusions over values that took place in the England of
Defoes days. As Juliet Mitchell has observed, the novel endures as a profound
consideration of the creation of social values and of the relationship of the
21
individual to society. When Defoe took up writing of this novel, he had gathered
a very wide knowledge and experience of the society of his time. As a
convinced dissenter, he had written widely about the politics, practice and
spiritual meaning of religion. He had been editing his own magazine, The
Review, in which he had been debating and discussing such subjects as marital
problems, elections, stock-jobbing, bankruptcy, bribery, atheism, free-thinking,
astrology, thieves, pick-pockets, comets, indecent literature, education, dreams
and aspirations, sea-monsters, quack-doctors, the rights of women and
journalism itself. Also, Defoe was not merely an observer but also a tradesman
and speculator. He was deeply involved in the practical issues of his day. Some
of his enterprises brought him to bankruptcy and imprisonment very much the
same experiences we find reflected in Moll Flanders.
In fighting for property and the spoils of power, the society Defoe has
presented in the novel has not yet submitted to a stable code of rules. We can
recognize it as a familiar period of commercial capitalism when the system of
justice itself is struggling to establish. Perhaps at this level, the poise and
serenity of Augustan prose and poetry, the search for order in Dr. Johnsons
dictionary, were more the aspirations than the reality for men who otherwise felt
rootless and unsure. Defoe portrays Moll as a woman of ebullience with the
determination to look only to her future. Moll is the new small-time capitalist in
the making. She is the pilgrim progressing to what, as sharp-witted child and
clear-headed woman, she rightly takes to be the capitalist definition of a
gentlewoman the wife of a prosperous businessman or a self-made woman in
her own right.
More than any other aspect of eighteenth century English society Defoe
focuses in the forefront the criminal side of that. Moll Flanders, for sure, is a
novel about criminal subcultures. One very pertinent question the novel raises
is: Is Moll really a criminal, or is she, through ill luck and the conditions in
which she is born and brought up, caught up in circumstances which compel her
to become a criminal? The question of Molls criminality is surrounded by the
confusion of values in the society of the time itself. It is a topsy-turvy society in
which the punishment was often conspicuously more brutal than the offence. It
is creditable for Defoe that even while creating in Moll Flanders an actual
picture of contemporary society he is able to make it a novel with a larger
universal message.
There is enough evidence to prove that Defoe based his portrait of Moll
on an actual person or persons whom he had known and encountered first hand
in real life. Both personally and in his capacity as a journalist, Defoe was
familiar with Newgate prison and its inmates. During larger part of 1721 he
regularly was visiting a close friend of his. In the same prison during the same
period there was a woman prisoner named Moll King. She was one of the
aliases of Mary Godson, who was a notorious thief and convict. Defoe used to
meet Moll, who must have recounted the adventures of her friend Callico
22
Sarah, a thief and a whore with a varied life-history of her own. As Gerald
Howson says, It seems likely that Defoe sought [Moll King] out when she was
under sentence of death, as a suitable subject for a criminal pamphlet. After
her reprieve, the pamphlet grew into the novel, the first of its kind in English.
However, even though Defoe picks up his heroine from an actual figure of his
time, his interest is not an individual. He converts her into a type. Not only that.
He relates her to the social milieu. He given the conditions obtaining at the time
in English society, so many Molls would emerge, and so would emerge other
criminals and crimes which are so realistically and convincingly drawn up in
Defoes novel. Hence, the emphasis in his novel is the social scene, not the
individual case study of a female criminal.
Defoe in Moll Flanders is writing from a time in which Moll as wife and
Moll as prostitute, Moll as small capitalist and Moll as thief are quite logically
the same person. In a society that valued a persons life less than a teaspoon, the
worth of the unborn foetus came into its own. A woman such as Molls mother
could escape hanging if she pleaded pregnancy. In a society in which many of
its most powerful members wanted a rising working population, obviously the
only possible relationship that could be considered sacrosanct was between the
mother and her unborn child for adoption. A woman saved from hanging on
account of pregnancy would be executed when her child was six months old.
One can see here clearly how the needs of the rich determined the fate of the
poor. And how the economic structure of the society determined the structure of
morality. We cannot overlook the fact that the English society of the time was
one that was sexually lax, and that placed small value on life, certainly the life
of the poor.
In these circumstances, before the new moral codes about property had
become sufficiently established to seem wholly natural, writers, thinkers and
intellectuals, such as Defoe, whether consciously or otherwise, had to fall back
for some sure ground onto those social crimes that are so basic to all societies
that they are always felt to be sins against nature. For instance, a certain type of
murder and incest have always been viewed unnatural. As E. P. Thompson has
remarked, Political life in England in the 1720s had something of the sick
quality of a banana republic. But even in this society marked by energetic
corruption certain things had to be viewed too much. For instance, it is
decidedly a measure of human desperation that, confronted with mob lynchings
and the Newgate hangings, abortion came to seem the only unnatural murder.
Also, it is again a measure of human desperation that faced with what was in all
probability a new level in the exploitation of sexuality, incest with a half-brother
seemed the only utterly impossible sexual offence.
Moll then is a criminal and plebian heroine. The two seem much the same
thing in the society in which she is born and brought up, exploited and
empowered. She is a heroine because she has the courage to be successful. She
23
has the ability to know what she wants and the necessary courage to go and get
it. In the context of her social milieu, for any woman success must have meant
to become bourgeois and prosperous. As Juliet Mitchell has said, Capitalism
in England had developed at this stage into a situation where there was an urban
middle class and a growing urban plebian class -- it had not yet developed an
industrial working class with a consciousness of itself as a class. Anyone in
their right mind who did not want to remain a plebian, which might easily mean
being hanged as a criminal, can only have aspired to be bourgeois. No wonder
then Moll, and her alike, Jemmy and his like, all are engaged in making money
by hook or by crook so that they can be accepted as respectable members, or
gentlemen and gentlewomen, in the society which does not fix premium on any
other ability or effort except the one to acquire property.
Defoes strength as a novelist lies in giving us in Moll Flanders a realistic
document of its times and yet make it an atemporal narrative of universal
appeal. No doubt, its realism is so solid and specific that the universal appeal
remains buried under the concrete layer of contingent details, like the spirit
inside the body. The beauty of his art is that despite the concrete surface, the
spirit comes through the moment one interacts with the surface. Rosseau
considered Defoes hero, Robinson Crusoe, a man in his essence. Colridge
elaborated the feelings of the Romantics when he remarked, He who makes me
forget my specific class, character and circumstances, raises me into universal
man. Now that is Defoes excellence. You become a man while you read.
Virginia Wolf became a woman, or rather, in her feminism, a person, when she
was re-reading Moll Flanders and saw the streets of London through Defoes
eyes. Here again, Juliet Mitchell makes a remarkable observation on the English
society and how Moll is really a representative of that society and is hence
universal in her appeal:
If, as seems to be the case, Moll, in her courage and determination ,
speaks to the type of urge to do well for ourselves that has been at
the heart of the ideology of our society for three hundred years,
there she will appear universal to us. Moll is an incarnation of
capitalist woman at that moment when the societys ideologists are
torn between an awareness that all is new and an effort to make all
permanent and changeless. The treatment of marriage and
prostitution illustrates this.
In terms of Marxist sociology, then, Molls universality lies in her being a
product as well as a representative of the spirit of a society whose only, and
principal, value is understood to be to do well as an individual in terms of
making money and acquiring property therewith. Another level of universality
which we should not lose sight of is that in the various situations which she
encounters, her response to most of these situations also speaks of her humanity.
She may have been debased and corrupted as a human, but her humanity is not
24
dead altogether. She shows her feelings and thoughts appropriate to a normal
well-meaning human in any society at any time.
One of the revolutionary ideologies of Puritanism that went hand in hand
with capitalism was that all people were equal in the eyes of the Lord, which
also included the equality of man and woman. Moll Flanders illustrates this
ideology. But it also shows the social reality which was already very different.
As the historian Christopher Hill reflects the doctrine had it that all men were
equal but some were more equal than others. In the spirit of this doctrine, men
were certainly more equal than women: he for the market only, she for the
market through him. Moll, too, is capitalist woman at this heroic moment, just
as Crusoe is a capitalist man in Marxs view, at its heroic moment. Of course,
this is not the only reason, as asserted earlier, which makes the novel seem to be
about something more generally human than early eighteenth century England.
In his novel, Moll Flanders, Defoe dramatizes the problem that a new type of
society is faced with in establishing its continuity with the old and how it has to
be done. In order that the particular aspects of this new society depicted or
dramatized in the novel may seem universal the novelist has to show, as Defoe
does, the spirit of the age that drives in general populace and also as to how that
spirit transcends this particular society to embrace a larger phenomenon of
which this particular society is only a stage. It is easier for a historian to draw
such general inferences and study such larger currents. But for a novelist to
achieve the same feat is a much more complex and difficult task. He has to do it
through particular characters and incidents by involving them in a common
story of the central character. He achieves it, as does Defoe very successfully in
Moll Flanders, by showing an urge or emotion common to various character of
different age groups and by showing them in people at very different and distant
places (located as far apart as London and Virginia).
The particular genius of Defoe is that he clearly faces the fact that the
conditions of his time are specific. It also shows up in his struggle to make them
universal in a peculiarly appropriate manner. He does not struggle for it, for
sure, in the manner in which, say, Swift, does, by transferring his contemporary
responses to a timeless realm of allegory. What Defoe does is to locate his story
in an earlier time, implying thereby that his own times are only, in fact, what the
previous times have been. He makes an assertion in this dramatic fashion, just
as Shakespeare did in his plays by dramatizing stories of earlier historical
periods, that human nature is immutable. But, ironically, it is a mark of Defoes
ability that he only partially succeeds, decidedly deliberately, in this distancing
of the story. It seems not many people realize that Moll Flanders, published in
1722, is in this sense an historical novel with its very last words reading
written in the year 1683. The reason for this back dating of his novels story
must have also been to disguise the identity of his characters and events. This
also, for sure, alerts us to something else. The author must also be trying to
protect himself against any adverse reaction or response from any individual or
25
an institution or a section of society in which he was living. Whatever be the

case, the fact remains that the pre-dating does not delude the reader about the
time the novel depicts in the life of the society in England. He may technically
evade responsibility about the identity of his characters and their actions, their
thoughts and feelings, the reader without any misgiving, responds to them as a
picture of the eighteenth century England.
If we match Defoes dating of his novel, and hence of the story narrated
in it, with the portrayal of its protagonist, Moll Flanders, it comes to have a
different, if unintentional meaning. It suggests a notion of development. Unlike
the Pilgrim in Bunyans The Pilgrim Progress, where Christian is a full-grown
man, Moll grows in the novel from her childhood, where she was only six
month old, to her old age, when she is past sixty years. Incidentally, the
tradition of the growing hero or heroine, first laid down by Defoe, becomes a
major tradition in the English novel. In this sense, Moll Flanders is structured
around the growth of Moll, What happens to her as a mature woman; in fact,
who she is as a woman depends on the conditions of her infancy, her childhood,
and her adolescence. The child, thus, becomes mother to the woman. As with a
concept of social history, an idea of development is a sine qua non of a concept
of the history of the individual. Both individuals and societies, in this concept,
develop in accordance with the conditions surrounding them. Of course,
conditions are always created by nature as well as man. Hence, the development
of an individual or a society cannot be separated from the conditions which
govern or determine that development.
Defoes partial and emergent sense of history does not, then, locate his
fiction in any timeless void. Even Robinson Crusoe on his lonely island is not
like Swifts Houyhnhnms on theirs: he has come over from a specific place on a
specific date and is going back to a specific place at a specific time. Even more
so is this the case with Moll Flanders, Defoes historical sense of time and
character looks forward, relating character to time past, and time past to time
present. It is, for sure, a notion of development. And in being this it was
peculiarly at one with a notion, which is central to capitalist ideology itself.
Capitalism sees its own universal features, as observed by Juliet Mitchell, in
this very quality of growth and development. It is not a type of society that
finds, as some do, its rationale in stability, but in expansion and growth. Defoe
had a keen sense of change, which decidedly helped him in creating a new and
appropriate universal myth. Defoes realism, for which he is famous, is a very
special type of realism, which explains how the novelist is able to create balance
between the specific or particular historical character of his work and his ability
to universalize it. His realism is analogous to the social realism that came out of
the socialist world of Eastern Europe in the 1920s. in brief, the socialist realism
was an attempt in art to portray man as new, socialist man who is
simultaneously the image of the truth of all men. Moll and Crusoe are to
bourgeois capitalism what paintings of workers in socialism were to the
26
immediate post-revolutionary Soviet Union. This, too, was the case of the
historically specific struggling to be universal.
In the context of Defoes realism, responsible for his concern with
contemporary social reality, we should not forget the role played by the
picaresque tradition. Even though the tradition made for a lack of pattern or
design it did demonstrate that the novel must draw in vitality from a concern
with the actual life of the people. It made impossible any serious attempt to
move back to the pastoral and courtly traditions of the early romances. And here
lies the significance of novels like Moll Flanders and Robinson Crusoe, which
constitute the foundation of the English novel and its realism. After the
modernist movement in the 1920s we have come to look in a novel for a
controlling intelligence, which Defoes novels cannot lay claim to. The English
criticism of the novel after James has come to distrust an undifferentiated
vitality as criterion enough of a novels worth. It has come to see the
amorphous, sprawling tendencies of the earlier English novels as an unfortunate
influence on later novelists. We must stand on guard against this too narrow an
approach to the novel, which by its very definition is known for its vast canvas
rather than narrow focus. The strength of the novel form has been its innate
realism. If it does not address contemporary reality, directly or indirectly,
magically or fabulously, inwardly or outwardly, socially or spiritually, it does
not really qualify to be called by that name. Whatever be the later developments
and whatever be the subsequent innovations in the technique of the novel, its
foundation, as it was laid down by novels like Moll Flanders can never be
ignored. Novels of this type give a more satisfying, and certainly more
interesting, account of the age than do the historical or journalistic reporting of
the same life. Defoes novel, though seemingly the story of an individual,
embraces within its fold the entire domestic and social life of the early
eighteenth century England. The five husbands that Moll takes, the several
affairs she gets involved into, the numerous individuals and families she
encounters, the various social and religious, judicial and political institutions
she has to deal with, all create cumulatively a whole panorama of the society of
Defoes time, and the whole comes alive as Defoe deflects not from the graphic
details of persons and events related to Molls life. Undoubtedly, Moll Flanders
is a social document of the early eighteenth century English life & much more
reliable at that than any history, precisely because it is not meant to be a history,
and is meant instead to be an account of an individuals life, who narrates it
herself.
DEFOES REALISM
The fact that the titles of most eighteenth-century novels carry the word
history, or history-like mention of the title-characters destiny such as The
Fortunes and Misfortunes of the Famous Moll Flanders shows how eager the
novelists of the age were to convince the reader that their fictions were true
27
stories. Not only that they insisted on making novels histories of the lives of
their main characters, they gave extended or detailed titles as a sort of lifesketch of the protagonist. See how the title of Defoes Moll Flanders reads:
The FORTUNES and MISFORTUNES of the FAMOUS MOLL
FLANDERS, & C.
Who was Born in NEWGATE, and during a Life of continud Variety for
Threescore Years, besides her Childhood, was Twelve Year a Whore,
five times a Wife (whereof once to her own Brother) Twelve Year a
Thief, Eight Year a Transported Felon in Virginia, at last grew Rich, livd
Honest, and died a Penitent. Written from her own Memorandums.
This show Defoes keenness to convince the reader that Moll life story is of a
real person, who lived at a known place, during a known period, did known
things, and ended as expected. He is compelled to be so keen because the new
genre of the novel was readily associated then with entertainment, amusement,
and escape, rather than with serious art. But Defoes insistence on its being a
true history of Moll Flanders is fraught with an opposite danger. We tend to take
the novel seriously in the wrong way, that is, as a document or case history, as a
confession, a true story, a history of a life and its times. We have to stay away
from both these dangers of taking novel or fiction as either mere entertainment
or true history. As a matter of fact, the novel is neither, and yet it is both.
As Aristotle described, poetry (by which is meant literature) combines
within its fold both history as well as philosophy. Thus, novel is history since it
narrates specific actions and utterances of specific characters giving details of
time and place of those actions and utterances. Since the characters drawn and
the actions described are similar to those we come across in real life, it is but
natural that we tend to believe them not as a made-up tale but as true story of a
historical personage. Novel is also philosophy because it gives us general
thruths about men and women and all that happens to them. Of course, the
truths given are specific; they are described in a manner that both characters and
incidents seem true to entire humanity. In other words, the novel gives general
or universal truths through particular and specific characters. Daniel Defoe, our
present concern, excels in surface or social realism. As Wilson Follett has
observed in the context of Defoes novel, everything in the story is true except
the whole of it. And mark how difficult Defoe makes it to question even that
whole.
Let us first be clear about what realism means in literature, and then see
how far Defoe measures upto the accepted standards of realism. Further, we
shall see which type of the various realisms he practiced in his novels,
Fundamentally, realism in literature is the portrayal of life with fidelity. Thus, it
does not idealize life. It does not render it as beautiful when it is not, or present
it in any other guise than its own. Nor does realism, as a rule, represent the
supranormal or transcendental; it restricts itself to what can be seen and felt, not
reaching out for the unknown or unseen. Hence the writings of the mystic and
28
the visionary belong to a rather special category which might be called superreality. We tend to think of realism, on the whole, in terms of the everyday, the
normal, the pragmatic. More plainly, it suggests jackets off, sleeves rolled up, a
no nonsense approach. Defoes novels belong to this category, being down to
earth, close to everyday life, very well within the experience of the common
man.
The use of the term real or realistic implies that there are things unreal or
unrealistic. These things are, that is, fantastic, improbable, fanciful, belonging,
not to the world we experience in everyday life, but to the world we imagine, or
dream, or believe. In the ultimate analysis, realism, as a literary term, is only
about as clear and bendable a word as its opposite, romanticism. In the last are
hundred years or so there have emerged a large number of theories about
realism, and about what is to be regarded as realistic. We wish to suggest that a
work of literature is marked by verisimilitude, or that in some way it possesses
that kind of authenticity which we generally take to be an essential quality in a
work of literature, however fantastic or improbable (in some cases) it might be,
or seems to be. The issue of realism has been especially confused by the fact
that in the nineteenth century there came up a conscious movement in literature
and literary theory which was subsequently labeled realism. A set of French
writers were responsible for this movement. It started sometime in the 1830s
and had gathered momentum by 1850s. During the latter part of the nineteenth
century realism became a dominant trend in European literature, including the
English, as well as the American.
One of the earliest instances of the use of the term le reabsine is found
in the Mercure francais du XIXe siccle (1826). In this reference, it points to a
view or doctrine which states that realism is a copy of nature. It reveals to us the
literature of truth. Realism rejects Classicism, because it depicts types, not real
individuals. It also rejects Romanticism, because it represents not reality but
things unreal, fantastic, unusual, improbable, etc. As is commonly
distinguished, while the literature of realism is the literature of daylight, that
of romanticism is the literature of twilight. From the doctrine of realism, it is
clear that the realist writer is expected to concern himself with the here and
now, the everyday events, with his own surroundings, and with the social and
political issues and problems of contemporary life. The anti-Romantic
movements in Germany, for instance, focussed their attention on the lot of the
common people and the need to present life with all its wants. The realist
attitude to the subject-matter of life can be clearly seen in the works of French
novelists like Flaubert, Zola, and Balzac, the American novelists like Howells,
Norris, Dreiser and London, or in the English novelists like Dickens and
Thackeray, Hardy and George Eliot.
The realist novelists paid particular attention to precise documentation, to
getting the facts right. They continued in the later nineteenth century, in many
ways, and in a more intensive and conscious fashion, what Balzac had initiated
29
years before in his La Comedie Humaine (The Human Comedy). Balzac treated
man (and analysed character) as a zoologist might. He expressed the intention of
following Buffons work on zoology in order to write a natural history of man.
His approach to his characters was quite scientific, where each individual was to
be treated as a case for close examination in terms of growth, taking into
consideration the factors of heredity and environment. Zola and Maupassant
also expounded and practiced scientific realism. Further development of realism
took a turn towards inward reality and came to be called psychological
realism. Henry James is considered one of the best examples of this form of
realism.
However, Defoe came much before these developments took place. He
was, infact, the first novelist in English. Perhaps he became a novelist in spite of
himself. His intention was to write reports of criminals and the like, of the cases
that interested him. Even when he chose to invent, he tried to narrate events
very much like a reporter, a journalist. But he had certain advantages which
went into making of him a novelist. For instance, he had a keen eye for details.
He also had great fascination with material things and with the social behaviour
of people. He was also deeply rooted in the English middle class. All these
advantages, or virtues, combined to make his fiction historically significant and
intrinsically interesting. His limitation was that his imaginative understanding of
human nature and behaviour was rather weak. For example, Moll Flanders talks
with an authentic liveliness. She tells her story with an exactitude that compels
acceptance. But she lives only as a figure in a social scene. She does not emerge
as a fully-developed, doing-and-suffering human being. Similarly, even
Robinson Crusoe does not really absorb his frightening experiences. His long
years of living alone on a remote island does not bring about any social, moral,
or psychological change in him. In Defoe, the character of Crusoe is used only
as a vehicle for the persuasive recording of an attempt to impose on the alien
world of nature the familiar world of English middleclass civilization. No
doubt, we respond with excitement to such a scene as Crusoes first discovery
of the naked human footprint on the supposedly uninhabited island, it is the
nature of the situation, not its meaning in terms of the action as a whole, that
interests us.
We need to remember here that Defoe was highly deficient both in his
creative imagination as well as in his sense of structure. At the same time, it
cannot be denied that he did have his own kind of imagination, the ability to lie
like the truth. Defoes fiction shows with great clarity the way in which the
rising English novel was connected with the habits of mind and literary needs of
the rising middle classes. His depiction of the middle-class mentality is
decidedly remarkable. It is photographic. The camera eye of the narrator,
Crusoe or Flauders, moves from place to place, person to person, event to event,
utterance to utterance. But also like the camera eye, the narrator does not move
behind the surface, inside the mind of the character, into the regions where the
30
how and why of events and utterances can be answered. No wonder then that
Defoe produced the hard-surfaced narratives, never leaving any scope for other
layers behind them. Hence no symbol or allegory finds any place to reside under
the surface. Only the sights and sounds are captured, but captured in their true
colours and notes.
The characters and events, too, are everyday sort of persons and their
everyday sort of pursuits. Nothing unusual or uncommon comes to our notice,
either about the men and women we meet in the factorial world of Defoes
novels, or about the affairs these men and women are involved in. Everybody
and everything is found as we come across in everyday life. The sense of the
familiar, the feeling of facing things and persons in the manner of what often
was thought but never so well expressed is an important part of realism. And
this sense or feeling is the strongest in the novels of Defoe. Moll and her
husbands, those who come into contact with her, for reasons fair or foul, for
sharing her vices or for catching her for those very vices, all sound such a
familiar stuff that one forgets whether one is reading through a fictional
narrative or is moving through the actual world in which one is living. The
obliteration of the line between reality and its representation, between life and
literature, fact and fiction, only confirms the masterly hold of Defoe on the
mechanics of realism.
Verisimilitude or details of people and places, events and utterances, is
said to be the soul of the realistic fiction. And of this Defoe is a great master,
fact by fact, piece by piece, minute by minute, like laying a brick upon brick, he
builds up the fictional structure, the house of fiction, as James calls it. Nothing
is allowed to deflect or detract the camera eye, the narrators focus on concrete
reality. We do not have time do reflect upon the fast moving narrative, nor does
the narrator himself look for such a luxury. See for example, the following
passage from Moll Flanders:
I went off from the shop, as if driven along by the throng, and mingling
myself with the crowd, went out at the other door of the exchange, so got
away before they missed their lace, and because I would not be followed,
I called a coach and shut myself up in it. I had scarce shut the coach doors
up, but I saw the milliners maid and five or six more come running out
into the street, and crying out as if they were frighted. They did not cry
stop thief! because nobody ran away, but I could hear the word
robbed, and lace, two or three times and saw the wench wringing her
hands, and run staring to and again, like one scared. The coachman that
had taken me up was getting up into the box, but was not quite up so that
the horses had not begun to move; so that I was terrible uneasy, and I
took the packet of lace and laid it ready to have dropped it out at the flap
of the coach, which opens before, just behind the coachman; but to my
great satisfaction, in less than a minute the coach began to move, that is to
say, as soon as the coachman had got up and spoken to his horses; so he
31
drove away without any interruption, and I brought off my purchase,

which was worth near twenty pounds.
Here is a whole passage having nothing but sights and sounds. Moll steals laces,
moves through the throng, catches a coach, watches the women and men
moving, some of them crying, taking precaution in case caught or likely to be
caught. Finally, feeling secure in the speeding coach, calls her thefts purchases
and calculates their value to be twenty pounds. In the hands of a different writer,
such as James, it could be a tempting occasion for what passes in the mind and
heart of the character, what fears and apprehensions, what motivations and
manipulations, what aspirations and hopes, visit her at such a time, in such a
situation. Speculation could have gone on unending, removing us far away from
the actual scene of action, taking us into the realm of conscience and
consciousness, converting actions into issues of moral and values, confronting
us with difficult choices of judging the conduct of the character in question. So
forth and so on. But no such abstractions and speculations are allowed to have
any entry into the concrete world of happenings, where the only freedom
granted to us is to see and hear the sights and sounds brought under the focus of
the camera eye.
If eye and ear are the strengths of Depoes narrative, his realism, they are
also his weaknesses. The psychological defects of Moll Flanders are less
obevious to the eye. The chief character in the novel is not seen objectively by
Defoe as a character in the round. Like other characters, she is at times
indistinguishable from her author. It is actually the autobiographical form of the
novel which makes it difficult for him not to identify himself with the heroine. It
also makes it difficult for his picture of her to have any depth. We are never
given the benefit of knowing what other characters think of her. We are allowed
to see her only through her own eyes. We also tend to feel suspicious of Defoes
manner with which nearly all other characters are shown treating her with
adoration, whereas she is shown to be less than completely honest with one and
all. If we try to look into this aspect, and ask whether she or her author is aware
of her duplicity, we discover that Defoe has not told us enough of the relevant
facts for an opinion to be formed. It seems that Defoe did not ask such questions
himself, or imagined that readers would raise them. Molls moral and emotional
life, it seems, were not within his terms of reference. He does, of course, keep
us informed, as no other novelist does, of Molls holdings in cash and personal
effects. He does not seem mindful of her emotional development, or of her real
character.
As is apparent from the narrative, Defoe does not seem to consider of
much consequence Molls personal relationships. For example, we are told very
little about most of her children or her lovers. Perhaps, she has a dozen or so of
each, but it is difficult to be certain, because such matters are treated cursorily.
She is shown suitably motherly when united with her son, Humphry, in
Virginia. But how about the remaining seven children who are not reported dead
32
either? The only possible answer seems to be that all these items get mentioned
merely for the sake of realism. Beyond this Defoe does not give them any
thought. Nor does he require us to give them any more thought. We are
certainly not required to draw an uncomfortable conclusion about Molls
motherhood. We are required to conveniently forget then after their mention;
their being there has served the purpose of making the story look realistic. We
must forget them as she, the mother, does, or their creator, the author, does. No
doubt, everything that we are told sounds real, but none has any existence
thereafter. For convincing the reader of the reality of the story is for Defoe not
only the means, but the end. There is no developing personality in Moll to be
observed, no moral or psychological pattern to be pursued. Defoe is only too
intent on getting away with reality of his characters, but not intent at all on
getting into them.
PLOT OF MOLL FLANDERS
As has just been discussed, Defoes forte (strong point) is his ability to
brilliantly describe an episode. He creates events and characters and sets them
firmly in their backgrounds. In this particular respect, his narrative is much in
advance of anything that fiction had seen. In fact, in many ways, it has not been
surpassed by any one after him. But in the larger units of composition, his
shaping imagination is much less in evidence. The novel as a literary form could
be considered established only when realistic narrative was organized into a
plot. It came to have unity only when, retaining Defoes life-likeness, it also
evolved a genuine unity of development; when the novelists eye came to be
focused on characters and their relationships as essential elements of the
continuity of the novel, considering them not just incidental in furthering the
verisimilitude of the actions described; and when all these things were related to
a unifying theme, a controlling intention. With all this added to the stark
narrative of Defoe was born the plot of the novel, which comes into being with
Fielding. Defoe had only begun the process, it was completed by Richardson
and Fielding.
Plot in a literary work, especially the novel, has been variously defined as
plan, design, scheme or pattern of events. It means the organization of incidents
and characters in such a way as to induce curiosity and suspense in the reader.
The earliest, and perhaps the best, definition of plot was given by Aristotle, who
calls it an imitation of an action, as well as an arrangement of incidents,
having a beginning, a middle, and an end, with each part linked with the other,
constituting, finally, an organic whole. He calls episodic plot the worst, because
in it the incidents follow one another without probable or necessary sequence.
He also distinguishes between simple and complex plots. In the plot called
simple, the change of fortune occurs without peripeteia (reversal of fortune)
and without anagnorisis (recognition), whereas in the plot called complex the
change takes place through one or the other or the both of these devices. A
33
novel, whatever else it is or is not, is at any rate a story. Two questions

automatically arise while reading a novel: (i) Is the story, as story, fresh,
interesting, and worth the telling; (ii) And this being settled, is it effectively and
artistically told? In other words, with the common reader, it is demanded that
the story in its own way will be interesting; with the critical reader, it is
demanded that the story is skillfully put together. The second requirement
relates to plot. On careful examination of all the details of a novel it should not
reveal any gaps or inconsistencies, that its parts should not lack balance and
proportion, that its incidents should not appear to evolve from one another or
from its data without a feeling of in evitability.
In dealing with plot-structure of a novel or narrative fiction, we may
roughly distinguish between two kinds of work ; namely, the novel of loose
plot and the novel of organic plot; or the novel of episodic plot and the wellmade novel. In the first case , the story would generally consist of a number of
detached episodes or incidents, having hardly any necessary or logical
connection with one another. In this case, the unity of the narrative would
depend, not on the mechanics of the action, but upon the person of the
protagonist who, as the central figure or the nucleus, binds together the
otherwise scattered incidents and characters. Such a novel is ,in fact, rather a
history of the miscellaneous adventures which befall an individual in the course
of life than the plot of a regular and connected epopoeia, where every step
brings us a point nearer to the final catastrophe. Thus, even when a work of
this type may be full of interesting individual episodes, it can be said to have
little in the nature of a comprehensive general design, in the evolution of which
each detail plays a part, quite distinct and vital. Defoes Moll Flanders, as well
as Robinson Crusoe, belongs to this category. Other novels of the type would
include Fieldings Joseph Andrews, Thackreys Vanity Fair, and Dickenss The
Pickwick Papers. All these works have loose and incoherent plots, lacking the
organic wholeness.
Ever since E.M Forster and Virgima Woolf praised it. Moll Flanders has
been generally accepted as the best of Defoes novels. It is decidedly richer in
feeling than Robinson Crusoe. It is full of Defoes best-written episodes. Its
heroine is perhaps Defoes most successful piece of portraiture. The theme of
Moll Flanders is also more interesting than that of Robinson Crusoe. A
womans struggle against the social and gender injustice, against economic and
legal odds, is decidedly more interesting than a mans survival on a lonely
island. Even though rambling and, at times, even confused, the novels plot is
based on a pattern of personal relationships which is finally rounded out with a
degree of unity by the restoration of Moll to her husband and her son, and a
final curtain closing on a peaceful old age of penetence and prosperity.
Compared to Defoes other novels, Moll Flanders shows more conscious
craftsmanship. Also, its orientation to the social and emotional world brings it
much closer to the novel form. Its account of Molls first seduction and the
34
several subsequent episodes with the Lancashire husband combine vivid

reporting with a command of character and emotion which foreshadow the later
triumphs of the novel form.
Defoes central defect is a lack of serious order or design. We can see it
manifested, not only in the development of the story, but also in the moral and
psychological aspect of Moll Flanders. Whatever narrative unity there emerges
comes from the fact that it is Moll Flanders herself who is the chief character
throughout. But even this gets lost by a somewhat indiscriminating attempt to
tell all that happened in a busy and eventful life, so that the movement of the
novel remains very episodic. The moral disunity of the novel is perhaps even
more striking. The purported moral does not seem to tally with the plot. Defoe
declares in his preface to the novel, there is not a wicked action in any part of
it, but is first or last rendered unhappy. But in actuality, Moll does not have to
disgorge her ill-gotten gains, which becomes the basis of her final prosperity.
Even if Defoe had avoided this contradiction, the quality of his moral would
mean little more than telling the reader that he should look to his silver and be
on his guard against pickpockets. The actual moral which emerges is even
worse: If honesty, the story seems to suggest, will not maintain you genteely
without your being driven to ply your needle, then crime may prove more
rewarding. As for the spiritual accounts, you can always settle them later on.
This crassly material nature of Defoes outlook on life is well demonstrated by
the moral reformation scene, which occurs when Moll brings home to her
husband all the wealth from the mothers plantation. The book is indeed an
example of mercantile morality that Defoe has apparently neglected to measure.
This has encouraged several critics to regard the whole moral aspect of the book
ironically. But that one does, for sure, against Defoes own intention.
CHARACTER OF MOLL FLANDERS
Even though we tend naturally to read Moll Flanders as a novel of social

realism, as a picture of the early eighteenth century England, or as a sociological
novel dealing with the making of a criminal as the emphasis throughout seems
to fall on the effect of environment on character, an equally important aspect of
the novel is the central character on whom the entire spectrum is unfolded. It
cannot be denied that the novels principal interest is the character of its
protagonist, Moll Flanders, who is also the narrator of the novels story, which
is her own life story from childhood to old age. The novel reads like a long
confession by a woman who during her own life has gone through all the dark
streets of her society and has experienced the worst-kinds of human specimen.
Moll exists completely in the round. Defoes conception of her character is so
perfect that her personality is completely brought before the reader. Moll
Flanders is, for sure, the first instance, not merely in the English novel, but in
the English literature as a whole, when an individual character is so thoroughly
delineated with hardly any aspect, even the most intimate or private, left out of
35
the portrait. Despite Henry Jamess title, The Portrait of a Lady, the novel
reveals largely one side of Isabels personality, although the novels volume is
much larger than that of Moll Flanders. Also, even in terms of social content,
Defoes novel gives the reader much more about the eighteenth century England
(and its American colony) than does Jamess novel about the nineteenth century
America (and Europe). In fact, Jamess speculative style takes us far away from
the social milieu, whereas Defoes practical prose keeps us grounded in society.
One reason why Moll Flanders is a much more convincing character in
fiction than any other is her being drawn upon an actual woman Defoe had
intimately known and heard about in real life. During the period Defoe wrote
his novel, there is evidence to show that he was visiting the Newgate prison
rather regularly where, besides a friend of his, he used to meet one Moll King, a
notorious thief and convict. Apart from acquainting Defoe with her own story
she may have recounted the adventures of her friend Callico Sarah, a thief and
whore with a full and varied life-history of her own. Callico was contraband
silk and may have suggested to Defoe the name Flanders. The name Flanders
refers to a Flemish lace which, too, was usually a contraband. At one time or
another, both Moll King and Callico Sarah worked for and were finally
impeached by the notorious gangster, Jonathan Wild. This gangster was not an
ordinary member of plebian England, but a professional criminal and leader of a
genuine subculture.
Moll King may have worked for Jonathan Wild and thus been part of a
gang. However, even though Defoe used her as a model for his Moll Flanders,
he did not do it to document criminality. On the contrary, he did it to document
Molls humble background. No doubt, at times, Moll Flanders, like her original
Moll King, is a professional thief, working, despite her disliking, with other
thieves. And yet Defoe does not lay any emphasis on any professional aspect of
her work. Moll does steal, and even prostitutes her body. But she does it for one
reason, and one only; she is poor, and is forced to seek her subsistence through
whatever means available to her. We cannot ignore the fact that as a single
woman, orphan form childhood, daughter of a mother imprisoned for stealing,
Moll, in the society in which she is living, has no other options available to us.
Wheresoever she may get work, the male members of the family as well as
others living around, view her only as an easy target for sex, for use and throw.
Moll herself cries for economic security for a safe and noble life: Give
me not poverty, lest I steal. But no such securities are available in the society
in which she is living. It is grim poverty which drives her to her criminal life:
the prospect of my own starving hardened my heart. She always wanted to
live a respectable life, a settled life, a life of virtue and dignity. But it was
always denied her by the hypocritical and callous capitalist society: I wanted to
be placed in a settled state of living, and had I happened to meet with a sober,
good husband, I should have been as true a wife to him as virtue itself could
have formed. If I had been otherwise, the vice came in always at the door of
36
necessity, not at the door of inclination. Granted that Defoe took his model for
Molls character lives of two or more women working for Jonathan Wild, he did
not at the same time develop his story into a portrait of a genuine criminal
underworld. As E. P. Thompsons work, Whigs and Hunters, illustrates, for
most people in Defoes time the line between a criminal class and all plebian
England was a hard one to draw. Moll Flanders is both criminal and plebian
heroine. It is not so much that the combination is plausible as that the distinction
is not.
Defoe wrote at a time when Moll as wife and Moll as prostitute, Moll as
small capitalist and Moll as thief are quite logically the same person. In all
probability, Moll is essentially an average good woman, but she is caught up in
the web of necessity in relatively bad acts. In fact, she is damned by her birth,
by the circumstances of being a child whose father is not known, and whose
mother is in prison where the child is born, and whom the mother leaves when
the child is only six month old. Had she born in different circumstances, in the
family of a married couple well settled and prospering in society, she would not
have been what she is forced to become. In a decade that introduced death
penalty for the theft of a handkerchief or a sapling, good and bad, fair and foul,
are not contradictions whose ultimate unity it takes a genius to perceive, but
bedfellows whose proximity only subsequent historians have managed to miss.
This proximity can be clearly seen illustrated as it is played out in Molls
life in the novel. When she is only eight year old, Moll tells her foster mother
that she does not want to go out in service (a clear case of child labour). A large
number of wealthy visitors stand by as, in reply to her foster mothers teasing,
Moll insists that what she wants to be in this life is a gentlewoman. In friendly
mockery she becomes known as the little gentlewoman:
Now all this while my good nurse, Mrs. Mayoress, and all the rest
of them did not understand me at all, for they meant one sort of
thing by the word gentlewoman, and I meant quite another; for,
alas! all I understand by being a gentlewoman was to be able to
work for myself, and get enough to keep me without that terrible
bugbear going to service, whereas they meant to live great, rich and
high, and I know not what.
Well, after Mrs. Mayoress was gone, her two daughters
came in and they called for the gentlewoman too, and they talked a
long while to me, and I answered them in my innocent way; but
always, of they asked me whether I resolved to be a gentlewoman.
I answered Yes. At last one of them asked me what a gentlewoman
was? That puzzled me much; but, however, I explained myself
negatively, that it was one that did not go to service, to do
housework. They were pleased to be familiar with me, and liked
my little prattle to them, which, it seems, was agreeable enough to
them, and they gave me money too.
37
As for my money, I gave it all to my mistress-nurse, as I

called her, and told her she should have all I got for myself when I
was a gentlewoman, as well as now. By this and some other of my
talk, my old tutoress began to understand me about what I meant
by being a gentlewoman, and that I understand by it no more than
to be able to get my bread by my own work: and at last she asked
me whether it was not so.
I told her, Yes, and insisted on it, that to do so was to be a
gentlewoman: for, says I, there is such a one, naming a woman
that mended lace and washed the ladies laced heads: she, says I,
is a gentlewoman, and they call her madam.
Poor child, says my good old nurse, you may soon be such
a gentlewoman as that, for she is a person of ill fame, and has had
two or three bastards.
Obviously, in Molls tumultuous society, a gentlewoman is a member of the
leisured gentry, or a prostitute: both ends of the social scale meet and are still,
today, exemplified by the title madam. Juliet Mitchells observation here is
undoubtedly very perceptive. Both are indeed called madam. Later, in the
mid-nineteenth century, the kind of crimes Moll commits came to be considered
eternally sinful and her penitence as a state of grace. Despite his best intentions
perhaps Defoe, in Moll Flanders, could not make Molls crimes sinful, or her
repentance more full of grace than that produced by a full belley. Moll has to
steal because she is poor, and leads a moral life because she is prosperous. Her
social crimes against property have not yet been, at this stage of capitalism,
internalized by men to have become so much a part of their unconscious
thinking that they seem equivalent to religious sin.
This point can perhaps be better grasped if we look at those
situations in the novel in which Molls actions look contemptuous to us.
Obviously, Defoe meant those scenes to convey that feeling to us, his own
feeling for Molls actions, which is that of contempt. At least, incest and murder
seem to be the instances which arouse the emotion of contempt for the doer.
Molls incestuous marriage with her half-brother is one such instance. Its
seriousness can be understood in Molls reaction to the proposed marriage with
Robin, which incident foresees the incestuous marriage to follow. Robin is the
younger brother of her first lover. She is taken ill at the prospect of what seems
to her quite an unnatural marriage. After she has recovered from illness and has
consented to marry Robin and has, in fact, been married for some years, she
shows her guilt conscience in having entered into an unnatural or incestuous
marriage: I never was in bed with my husband, but I wished my self in the
arms of his brothers in short, I committed adultery and incest with him every
day in my desires, which without doubt was effectually criminal. Later in
Virginia, when she finds she has unknowingly married her own half-brother, her
revulsion to the act is total. Her brother husband, after mad rages, declines into a
38
state of presenile dementia which is, in some sense, Defoes unconscious

metaphor for the mans corrupt and unnatural marital state. On the other hand,
Moll cannot even entertain the idea of concealment:
I was now the most unhappy of all women in the world. Oh! Had
the story never been told me, all had been well; it had been no
crime to have lain with my husband since I had known nothing
of it. [However] I was but too sure of the fact, I lived therefore in
open avowed incest and whoredom, and all under the appearance
of an honest wife; and though I was not much touched with the
crime of it, yet the action had something in it shocking to nature,
and made my husband as he thought himself, even nauseous to
me.
indeed I mortally hated him as a husband, and it was
impossible to remove that reveted aversion I had to him. At the
same time, it being an unlawful, incestuous living, added to that
aversion, and everything added to make cohabiting with him the
most nauseous thing to me in the world: and I think verily it was
came to such a height, that I could almost as willingly have
embraced a dog as have let him offer anything of that kind to me,
for which reason I could not bear the thoughts of coming between
the sheets with him.
All this coming from Moll shows how she has inherited in toto all the values of
the society, or more precisely, the families, for whom she has been working. It
may be her ambition to become a gentlewoman, to have a small business of her
own, to have a husband of her own, and, above all, to be called a madam. All
these ideas have come to her in the form of ruling passions of the society of
which she is a part, and any defiance of which would amount to committing a
crime, even a sin. Her sense of crime and sin at the very idea of incest, and her
abhorrence at the action she has committed of that nature, both are imbibed
from the social milieu in which she has been living as a disgraced or discredited
member. Despite the fact that she has been a victim of that society right from
the start, demeaning her humanity, compelling her to what she, along with them,
considers crimes, Moll does not seem to develop the consciousness of a rebel.
On the contrary, she is still carrying her puritan conscience intact, which keeps
making her regret and repent the wrong actions she thinks she has committed.
Her scale of value judgment is the same as theirs.
The strength of Molls character lies in the fact that thrown as she is all
alone into a world of men, quite a few of them are no less than sharks, she keeps
struggling to survive on the terms that have been dictated by men. She does not
commit suicide. She does not remain content with the servants life. She keeps
trying to find a suitable husband, although repeatedly she hits upon a wrong
one. She also keeps trying to make money enough to survive in the society in
which money is the God that all worship. Strangely though, she knows that
39
money both secures life and at the same time endangers it, and yet money alone
is the goal all work to achieve. Here is a key passage in the novel which depicts
the dilemma of a person like Moll in a society where money and property
determine all value to live by:
And now I found myself in great distress; what little I had in the
world was all in money, except as before, a little plate, some linen,
and my cloths; and for my household stuff, I had little or none, for
I had lived always in lodgings; but I had not one friend in the world
with whom to trust that little I had, or to direct me how to dispose
of it, and this perplexed me night and day. I thought of the bank
and of the other companies in London, but I had no friend to
commit the management of it to, and to keep and carry about with
me bank bills, tallies, orders, and such things, I looked upon it as
unsafe; they if they were lost, my money was lost, and then I was
undone; and, on the other hand, I might be robbed and perhaps
murdered in a strange place for them. This perplexed me strangely,
and what to do I knew not.
Thus, here in combined is a subtle narrative technique an exposition of Molls
foreground character as well as a reflection of the background social milieu, the
two coming out simultaneously through the monologue of Moll Flanders.
Reading Moll Flanders, one is automatically reminded of Pamela. Both
the novels belong to the same age. Defoes comes first, Richardsons later. The
latter may be in response to the former. But it is strange that while Richardsons
gives to his novel the subtitle Virtue Rewarded, Defoes, without giving any
such subtitle, shows how vice is rewarded. As in the last paragraph of the novel,
Moll the character narrator tells us, Thus all these difficulties were made
easy, and we lived together with greatest kindness and comfort imaginable. We
are now grown old: I am come back to England, being almost seventy years of
age, my husband sixty-eight we are both of us in good heart and health. In
Richardson, the reward is marriage to Pamelas master. Here, in Defoe, it is in
terms of marital joy of togetherness in a house and estate of their own. The true
picture of the age, including its morality, lies somewhere between the two.
Another reminder about Moll is Chaucers Wife of Bath. It cannot be a
coincidence that Defoe also shows Moll having five husbands, just as the Wife
of Bath has in Chaucer, and both are not averse to the prospect of the sixth.
Also, it is again not a coincidence that Defoe makes Bath one of the places of
residence for Moll where also she finds a husband, and the two live together.
These literary affinities one need to be aware of, and of such connections which
show the factor of intertextuality illustrated as to how texts are dependent
upon each other, or are drawn upon each other.
Moll Flanders is a complex character, not a flat one. She has many sides
to her personality. She can be compassionate as well as callous, nave as well as
40
cunning, intrigued as well as intriguer. She becomes mistress as well as wife,

pauper as well as propertied, friend as well as foe, jailbird as well as free holder.
Thus, she goes through a wide variety of experience, encounters large number
of people, stumbles on all kinds of misfortunes, finally gets to taste the fortunes
of a comfortable life. Mother of legitimate and illegitimate children mistress of
legitimate and illegitimate goods, wedded to legitimate and illegitimate
husbands, Moll has such a variety of experience that one could consider her
representing in large part the entire society of her time. In terms of experience,
she becomes large; she contains multitudes.
Besides, Moll is also a growing character. She grows from a child of six
months into a woman of seventy. But that is only biological growth. She grows
morally and spiritually, intellectually and psychologically. She begins as an
innocent child. She grows into a woman of experience. She leads a criminal life,
undergoes punishments and finally grows into a moderate person. She also leads
a sinful life and finally ends up as a repenting puritan. She goes from man to
man like an ever changing chameleon. But at the end she settles with an
understanding husband who gives her joy of life. Her growth as a fictional
character is phenomenal. No other character experiences so much, and
assimilates so much, and changes so much, as does Moll Flanders.
Besides being the heroine, or the central and chief character in the novel
Moll is also the narrator of her own life, which is the story of the novel. In fact,
she is the author of her own life, writing in all earnest the entire span of her life.
Defoe poses to be only an editor, doing some agreeable changes in the authors
text. What he has done, in his own words, is to put it into a dress fit to be seen,
and to make it speak language fit to be read. He claims to have improved the
language of the female criminal from her slang idiom to standard English
idiom. But he has also done another thing, as he claims in the Preface to the
novel: There is an agreeable turn artfully given them [abundance of delightful
incidents] in the relating, that naturally instructs the reader, either one way or
other. Defoes homage to the age of sentimentality, in any case the age of
instruction, is to make the story of Moll an example of a bad woman from
whose life people must draw a lesson. In this attempt the editor Defoe has done
the editing of leaving out certain incidents of Molls life, and choosing only
those for inclusion which would not do much offence to the readers morality:
What is left tis hoped will not offend the chastest reader or the modest hearer;
and as the best use made even of the worst story, the moral tis hoped will keep
the reader serious even where the story might incline him to be otherwise.
Labeling Moll wicked, changing her to a repenting or penitent puritan would
obviously distort the true story of Moll Flanders. At the same time, Defoe
makes Moll claim that she is making abreast of all her secret sins and crimes,
withholding nothing. The two positions do not really agree with each other. The
latter is perhaps more credible. The former Defoe has to say only to please the
41
contemporary taste, even if it was highly hypocritical. Whatever be the case,

one thing is certain: Moll will remain a memorable figure in fiction.
DEFOES PROSE STYLE
Style can be defined as the characteristic manner of expression in prose or

poetry; in other words, how a certain writer says things is his style of writing.
An evaluation as well as description of a writers style involves an examination
of his choice of words, his figures of speech, the rhetorical devices, the syntax,
etc. Style defies complete analysis because it is the tone and voice of the writer
himself; as peculiar to himself as his laugh, his walk, his handwriting, his
expressions on face, etc. As the French writer, Buffon, put it, style is the man.
However, styles have been roughly classified according to literary periods,
literary movements, literary purposes, etc., and these classifications have been
useful. For instance, according to periods, we characterize style as
Metaphysical, Augustan, Georgian, etc; according to movements, we
characterize style as, Renaissance, neo-classical, romantic, Victorian, etc;
according to purpose, we characterize style as emotional, expository, decorative,
ornamental, scientific, etc; according to individual authors, we characterize style
as Chaucerian, Miltonic, Spenserian, Jamesian, etc; according to level or
decorum, we characterize style as high, middle, and low. So, there are various
ways to approach the subject of style, and all have been useful approaches.
Defoe inherited his prose style from the seventeenth-century prose
writers, such as Bunyan, who in turn had followed the prose of the Bible. This
style of prose writing is called homely or plain. In Defoes Augustan age, there
was also in vogue the elegant style, practiced by writers like Addison, in which
the attempt is to write like a gentleman, to improve, refine, and elevate the
common usage. On the other hand, a simple, homely, direct style continued to
be practiced by writers like Defoe, who were far removed from the court, the
world of the gentlemen. A problem with high or elegant style is that it soon
becomes artificial. In its attempt to refine what is common, it gets removed from
the very spring of language and becomes ultimately, a dry diction sprung from
books rather than streets and shops. Court by itself is the place where artificially
imposed mannerism of life travels into the world of letters also. The plain and
homely style was the gift of the Puritans, who came to power during the middle
years of the seventeenth century. The influence of the Prayer books, which they
imposed, was in keeping with the Puritan tradition, which was opposed to an
ornate and fanciful style, like that of the Elizabethans called euphuistic, and
preferred the unaffected plainness and simplicity of the Apostles speech.
Strong support to the plain style came from the scientists during the
seventeenth century. This century saw a marked growth in the scientific
curiosity and the scientific attitude of mind. The Royal Society, founded in
1660, aimed at encouraging plain and simple and clear style of writing. Its main
instruction to the members was, In all reports of experiments to be brought into
42
the Society, the matter of fact shall be barely stated, without any prefaces,
apologies or rhetorical flourishes . As Thomas Spratt, the historian of the
Royal Society, explained, There has been constant resolution to reject all
amplifications, digressions and swellings of style, to return back to the primitive
purity and shortness, when men delivered so many things almost in an equal
number of words. They have exacted from all their members a close, naked,
natural way of speaking, positive expressions, clear senses, a native easiness,
bringing all things as near the Mathematical planiness as they can, and
preferring the language of artisans, countrymen and merchants before that of
wits and scholars. At the end of the seventeenth century a plain, easy style had
become normal in English writing. The various influences we have noted
combined to produce this effect.
The tradition of plain, natural English continued in the eighteenth century
with the work of the essayists, Addison and Steele, who were the authors of The
Spectator, and in the writings of Defoe and Swift. But while the essayists aimed
at elegance, the novelists went after the vigour of the spoken language. Defoe,
who was a prolific journalist and wrote many other books in addition to his
famous Moll Flanders and Robinson Crusoe, came near to writing that language
of the artisan and the merchant that the Royal Society wished to see. Addison
was rather more refined and genteel. Though his writing is natural and easy,
there is always a touch of the scholar in it. Defoe, along with Swift, remains a
powerful exponent of the plain style. Note how this style works:
My true name is so well known in the records or registers at Newgate,
and in the Old Bailey, and there are some things of such consequence still
depending there, relating to my particular conduct, that it is not to be
expected I should set my name or the account of my family to this work;
perhaps, after my death, it may be better known; at present it would not
be proper, no, not though a general pardon should be issued, even without
exceptions and reserve of persons or crimes.
It is enough to tell you, that as some of my worst comrades, who
are out of the way of doing me harm (having gone out of the world by the
steps and the string, as I often expected to go), knew me by the name of
Moll Flanders, so you may give me leave to speak of myself under that
name till I dare own who I have been, as well as who I am.
I have been told that in one of our neighbour nation, whether it be
in France or where else I know not, they have an order from the king, that
when any criminal is condemned, either to die, or to the galleys, or to be
transported, if they leave any children, as such are generally unprovided
for, by the poverty or forfeiture of their parents, so they are immediately
taken into the care of the Government, and put into an hospital called the
House of Orphans, where they are bred up, clothed, fed, taught, and when
fit to go out, are placed out to trades or to services, so as to be well able to
provide for themselves by an honest, industrious behaviour.
43
No doubt, here the language is plain, but not so the syntax. Like a Miltonic
sentence, or Johnsonian, the sentence and the paragraph end together; they are
the same length. Nor is the character-narrator an unselfconscious speaker; Moll
as narrator speaks with a certain measure of self-consciousness and with a
certain measure of authority. In other words, she is more literary, in her own
way, than Robinson Crusoe, who does not show any sign of speaking as a selfconscious narrator. Defoes style, thus, is not free from the influence of his age.
The sentence tends to be periodic, although not carrying the conscious, or too
much articulated, see-saw balancing typical of Johnsons prose. However, the
narrative of Moll Flanders is, decidedly, in the plain style of early eighteenthcentury expository prose with continuous colloquial overtones. As David
Daiches has remarked, A keen look at homo sapiens in the Augustan Age,
especially when the look was directed by a disappointed or frustrated man, was
not likely to yield a vision of disinterested rationality producing an ideal
civilization. And if the man who looked was also a master of irony [such as
Swift or Defoe was], a political pamphleteer of genius, possessor of an
imagination both brilliant and better, and of a narrative and expository style
characterized by clarity, cogency, and an eloquent plainness, then something
new could be expected.
Putting together Swift and Defoe poses a problem: whereas in Swift
bitterness uses brilliance as its tool, in Defoe bitterness is subdued to brilliance
of imagination. Defoes style obeys, more fully than ever before, the purpose of
language redefined by Locke: to convey knowledge of things. He
concentrates his description on the primary qualities of objects as Locke saw
them: especially solidity, extension, and number. Defoe gives them in the
Anglo-Saxon origin than that of any other writer of his age. No doubt, his
sentences are often very long and rambling. But somehow he succeeds in
making this a part of his air of authenticity. The lack of strong pauses within the
sentence gives his style an urgent, immediate, and breathless quality. At the
same time, his units of meaning remain small. Also, their relatedness is made so
clear by frequent repetition and recapitulation, that he nevertheless gives the
impression of perfectly simple lucidity. Note, for instance, the following:
I had another adventure, which puts this matter out of doubt, and which
may be an instruction for posterity in the case of a pickpocket. My good
old governess, to give a short touch at her history, though she had left off
the trade, was, as I may say, born a pickpocket, and, as I understood
afterwards, had never been taken but once, when she was so grossly
detected, that she was convicted and ordered to be transported; but being
a woman of a rare tongue, and withal having money in her pocket, she
found means, the ship putting into Ireland for provisions, to get on shore
there, where she lived and practiced her old trade for some years; when
falling into another sort of bad company, she turned midwife and
procuress, and played a hundred pranks there, which she gave me a little
44
history of in confidence between us as we grew more intimate; and it was

to this wicked creature that I owed all the art and dexterity I arrived to, in
which there were few that ever went beyond me, or that practiced so long
without any misfortune.
No doubt, the sentences are long, but not loose; they are full of qualifiers, but
are not cumbersome. The diction remains simple, and so remains the syntax,
despite the qualifiers. The tone is authentic, the voice familiar, the irony mild.
All in all, it reads homely and plain.
Defoe was one of those eighteenth century writers who, exposed to
various influences of the age, were making prose more prosaic. This had been
going on, as stated earlier, since the seventeenth century, especially since
Dryden. Some of these influences included, the Lockian conception of
language, the Royal Societys wish for a language which would help it scientific
and technological objectives by keeping close to the speech of the artisans,
countrymen, and merchants, the plain unadorned style of later seventeenthcentury preaching which obtained its effects by repetition rather than by
imagery or structural elaboration. Most important of all was Defoes twenty
year long period of journalism which taught him the lesson that it was not
possible to be too explicit for the audience of honest meaning ignorant
persons, which he kept continually in mind. As a result, Defoes natural prose
style became not only an admirable vehicle of narrative, but also came much
closer to the vernacular of the common person than that of any other writer of
his times. Thus, it admirably adapted itself to the tongue of Moll Flanders,
Robinson Crusoe, and other character-narrators. We cannot, of course, call
Defoe a stylist in the sense we call Addison or Johnson, but we have to consider
him a conscious artist who knew what he was aiming at, who had the necessary
tools at his command to achieve his target, and who made his prose a furnished
product, capable of conveying with a great degree of effectiveness, the meaning
of the matter as well as the manner of the narrator. Both tone and voice come
clear through the vernacular of the speaker.
36
HENRY FIELDING
Tom Jones
Henry Fielding : Tom Jones
37
Unit-7
1. Writer and His Age
A. Life of the Novelist
Henny Fielding, the greatest novelist of the eighteenth century, was born on the 22nd of April, 1707, at Sharpham
Park, Glastonbury. He was the eldest son of General Edward Fielding; his mother, Sarah was the daughter of Sir
Henry Gould, a judge. Fielding was educated at Eton, and by the time he left the college in 1725, he was well
grounded in Greek and Latin. In 1728 he left England to study law at the University of Leyden but paucity of
funds drove him back to London, struggling to make a living as a writer.
For about ten years before he took up the novel, between 1728 and 1737, Fielding wrote some 25 plays. During
his London theatre days he devoted all his time to the stage, as playwright and manager. In fact, Fielding was the
only writer whose career shows the two major literary developments of the eighteenth century the decline of
the drama and the rise of the novel. As regards his dramatic career, Fielding worked close to the popular theatre.
As he was intent upon eking out a living, Fielding fell in with the trends of current drama which was declining. He
had an early success with Tom Thumb: a Tragedy (1730). Certainly Fieldings experience as a playwright stood
him in great stead. As Hudson remarks : this long training in drama had taught him many valuable lessons in the
art of construction. Thus he started with a preliminary preparation in technique.
Fielding married Charlotte Cradock in 1734. The years immediately following the marriage was the creative
period. He wrote one comedy, The Miser (1737) which was based on Moliere. His two plays of political satire
(Pasquin, 1736 and The Historical Register for 1736, 1737) became the cause of the Licensing Act of 1737.
And with that ended Fieldings theatrical career.
Fielding was now a comfortable young man of 30, well educated and happily married with a secure financial
status. He entered the Middle Temple and resumed the study of law; in 1740 he was called to the Bar; his
observations of law, justice, crime and punishment, and practitioners of law led to a large number of satirical
passages in his novels. From 1739 to 1741, Fielding published three issues a week of The Champion, a periodical
written in the tradition of the Spectator essays. From 1741 until his death in 1754, Fielding devoted himself to the
practice and the enforcement of the law (as a justice of peace) and to the writing of political trealises and fiction
and non-fiction.
Fieldings solid contribution to the English novel is well-known. He is deservedly called the greatest novelist of
his period. In 1742 came his first novel, Joseph Andrews, most witty book with a large number of comic
episodes. The novel was written as a satirical rejoinder to Richardsons Pamela, or, Virtue Rewarded (1740).
During 1743 he brought out three volumes of Miscellanies which includes the powerful satirical romance,
Jonathan Wild the Great. In 1748 an important development occurred in Fieldings life when he was appointed
a Justice of Peace for West-minister and for Middlesex. This august position enabled him to show serious
concern at the social abuses and judicial corruption of the times. These concerns are reflected in quite few of his
essays.
In 1749 appeared his masterpiece, The History of Tom Jones, a Foundling. It has, like Joseph Andrews,
picaresque elements. The theme of journey occupies the large part of action. Charlottle, Fieldings wife, who
38
died in 1745, is immortalized as Sophia Western, the heroine, in Tom Jones. His last novel Amelia (1751)
embodies Fieldings own grim experience of social hardships in the metropolis; it is certainly a gloomy book.
Fieldings health continued to deteriorate, and, in 1754 he left London for a farm at Ealing. But this change made
no difference. His physician advised him to shift to a warmer climate. Fielding left London for Portugal in June
1754. The diary he kept during his voyage was published posthumously under the title, The Journal of a
Voyage. It is one of the most enjoyable travel books ever written. Again. change of place for climate could not
improve his health and he died on the 8th of October in 1754, at the age of 47.
B. Fieldings Age : The Rise of the Novel

The English novel, as we now think of it, emerged in the early Eighteenth century. In fact, the eighteenth century
is an important epoch as both the theory as well as practice of the novel begins here. The Periodical essay and
the novel are the two outstanding contributions of the age of prose and reason. Although Addisonss Spectator,
a peculiar product of the environment prevailing at that time, was born with the Eighteen century and died with
it, the novel survived, and since then it has been growing from strength to strength.
After Daniel Defoe (1660-1731) there was little doubt that the English novel had been born. His best known
works are Robinson Crusoe (1719) and Moll Flanders (1722). But Hudson does not class these works as
novels. As the critic says His tales are so far removed from normal life and character, they deal so largely with
strange adventure and crime, and the picaresque element in them is so strong, that, speaking strictly, it would
seem that they should be classed rather as romances than as novels. In point of fact, when we refer to the rise
of the English novel in Fieldings age we mean the novel which breaks with the medieval romances and shows
affinity with what Hudson calls a novel of contemporary social and domestic life. And such a novel Samuel
Richardson (1689-1761) offered us in Pamela (1740). Hudson even assigns him the title of the father of the
modern novel As Water Allen also remarked the first great flowering of the English novel began in 1740, with
Richardsons Pamela And the critic adds that of the four great novelists of the century, Richardson and
Fielding are the greatest. The rise of the novel in the Eighteenth century is deservedly associated with Richardson
and Fielding.
Most of the English fiction before the Eighteen century had been either romantic as that of More, Sidney, Lodge,
and Greene, or didactic as that of More and Lyly; there is a slight element of realism in the picaresque work of
Nash. French Heroic Romance was what Hudson calls a strange compound of sham chivalry, sham pastoralism,
pseudohistory, and the extravagant gallantry of a sophisticated society. Romance was based on social laws of
feudal society; it followed what Kettle calls the social rigidity and intellectual conservatism of the feudal order.
Hence Romance was the non-realistic, aristocratic literature of feudalism. It was non-realistic in the sense
that it provided escape from the hard realities of life; it transported the reader to a world different, idealized,
nicer than their own. Its themes were chivalry, sensational adventure and idealized love. Besides, one of the
important elements of romance is didacticism. Gallant men and charming women embodied the feudal idea of
chivalry. Medieval romance shows a tendency towards showing static ethical code. It shows life as a battle
between Good and Evil.
The Eighteenth century fiction shows a break with the feudalism and a sure tendency towards realism. The rise
of the English novel in the Eighteenth century was the result of the reaction against the medieval romance and
its courtly descendants of the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. The rising middle class reacted against
the feudal social and ethical ideas. As David Daiches says that the novel was in a large measure the product of
the middle class, appealing to middle-class ideals and sensibilities.
39
C. Reasons for the Rise of the Novel in the 18th Century

Reasons for the rise of the novel in the eighteenth century are social, political and literary. The first and the
foremost social reason was the rise of the middle class. The unprecedented rise in profits provided leisure and
comforts to this class. This new rich class had its own taste and predilections. The literary works were written
for the higher classes. They demanded literature closer to their sensibilities; it must cater to their needs ; it must
delineate their aspirations. The rising middle class could not identify itself with the higher classes and found the
works written for them as escapist. So a new kind of work which could express the new ideals of the eighteenth
century was needed. They could not be satisfied with what a critic calls the exaggerated romances of impossible
heroes and the picaresque stories of intrigue and villainy which had interested the upper classes. They were no
more interested in knights or kings; they wanted something closer to their heart; they wanted heroes with whom
they could identify.
In the second place, the popularity of the novel in the eighteenth century, like that of the periodical essay which
immediately preceded it, was the result of the democratic movement in the era. The Glorious Revolution of 1689
brought in the era of Parliament and ushered in the new democratic spirit. Now the reading public included
people from the upper class and the common masses. As the democratic movement brought the common people
in the centre, new form of literature which could offer a consistent view was needed. And this new form was
the novel. The prior forms like romance and tragedy could not fulfil this purpose; they were closer to the
aristocratic ways of life. Their themes were escapist and idealistic, and characters were kings and princes.
According to Hudson, even Defoe who repudiated romantic conventions, held aloof from the ordinary social
world, merely substituting adventurers and criminals for princes and Arcadian shepherds. Richardson, Fielding,
Sterne, and Smollett told stories of everyday life. Fielding called this new literary genre the comic prose epic.
Richardson, in his novels, carried on the ethical traditions established by Addison and Steele. He did an admirable
job in the purification of society and manners. In his very first novel, Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded (1740), he
introduces a ladys maid as the heroine, and strikes a democratic note. The novel became a sensational success.
Thirdly, the novel of the eighteen century was free from restraints, rules and limitations of classicism. In the epic
and drama, it was impossible to break with the authority of anitquity. In the novel that authority could be dispensed
with. In fact, no authority existed in the novel. Of course, Fielding wrote a preface to Joseph Andrews (1742)
in which he discusses technical questions from a classical standpoint. He has also written a prefatory note to
every Book in Tom Jones (1749). His preface to the former may be called his solid contribution to the technique
of fiction but in a limited sense. Here he refers to the classical epic theory but uses it in the reverse and calls his
novel a comic epic poem in prose. In fact, he uses only the form and that too not fully. His main purpose is to
give a panoramic view of the eighteenth century society; for that epic theory was used as a convenient device.
And prefatory notes to Tom Jones parade only Fieldings wide learning rather than a basis for the novelistic
theory.
Tom Jones can be read and enjoyed by just ignoring these notes. In the eighteenth century no theory of the novel
was available; the novel offered a fresh field and the novelists were free to work independently and freely. It
enabled them to display their genius and lay the foundation of a durable tradition of novel writing.
The decline of drama is yet another factor that contributed to the rise of the novel in the Eighteenth century. Ifor
Evans calls it a dreary period as far as dramatic authorship is concerned. As the critic says, the licensing act
passed in 1737 cut at the very heart of drama. Besides, the audience of the Eighteenth century lacked taste
and discernment of the earlier audiences. So it lost its influence as a literary form. The reading public wanted
to be diverted and amused in another way. They wanted new pastures which were made available in the story
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which was closer to their environment, and appealed to their sensiblities. The rise of the novel made it possible
for them.
Finally, the rise of the novel offered a wider scope and a comprehensive view of social reality than drama. It
offered a comic view of life, a view closer to life. Realism was its hall-mark. The new novel of the eighteenth
century took up for analysis and scrutiny such issues as marriage, love, family, and society. Eighteenth century
introduced real issues of society and treated them with a seriousness hitherto unknown.
Love, marriage and sex are treated according to new assumptions. They are based on such considerations as
morality, ethics, sentiments and commitment. The novel of the Eighteenth century shows not only man but also
woman, the new woman who was becoming aware of her status in society. The novel in the century, thus, offers
a comprehensive view of society. Especially Fielding in his novels presents people as they are. His characters
such as Lady Booby, Tom Jones, and Blifil are, to use Dr Johnsons words, the genuine progeny of common
humanity, such as the world will always supply, and observation will always find.
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2. Fieldings Novels
As we have seen in the biographical note, Fielding began as a dramatist; he wrote quite a number of plays. he
also wrote non-fiction. Here we are concerned with Fielding as a novelist. As we are to take up Tom Jones
(1749), his second novel, for a detailed discussion, here, we may give a brief story line of his other novels.
Jospeh Andrews, published in 1747, was begun as a parody of Samuel Richardsons Pamela. Joseph, the hero
of the book, is shown as the brother of Pamela Andrews, the heroine in Richardsons Pamela. He is a footman
in the London house of Lady Booby. This beautiful and rich but a lascivious widow tries to assail the virtue of
Joseph. Joseph has read his sisters letters; he vows to follow her example of virtue. Joseph is also coveted by
Mrs. Slipslop who is ladys maid of honour. Lady Boobys design on his chastity are frustrated. However, he
becomes the vicitim of her ire. Like his sister, he becomes the victim of a plot and is readily dismissed from
service. He resolves to take to the road and return to his sweetheart, Fanny. In showing Lady Boobys
enticements Fielding is satirizing the hypocrisy of the upper society. Now when Joseph takes to the road, the
book assumes the greater scope of comedy. On the highway, Joseph is robbed by thieves and left naked and
bleeding in a ditch. Now Fielding has an opportunity to describe with irony the behaviour of the passengers of a
stage- coach. It is shown that only the poor took pity on Joseph in distress. He is carried to the nearby inn where
he meets his old schoolmaster, Parson Abraham Adams. The interest now shifts from handsome Joseph to the
quixotic curate. He is a comically absent minded and gullible curate from the Sir Thomas Boobys country seat.
Now onwards Adams becomes the central character. This character shows the influence of Spanish writer
Cervantes on Fielding. But Fielding individualizes him by making Adams a genuine representative of Christian
piety. Adams embodies goodness, charity, learning, and fellow-feeling. Adams is returning to bring the sermons.
Now Adams and Joseph encounter many adventures, and face many embarrasments and exploitations; they
also encounter many fights in the wayside inns.
The loosely constructed story moves forward. Now the plot becomes complex and reaches the climax. In the
end, all the important characters, such as Lady Booby, Parson Adams, Joseph Andrews, Fanny, Mrs Slipslop are
seen together at lady Boobys country-seat. Lady Booby continues her war of malice against Joseph. She tries
to prevent the marriage of Jospeh and his boyhood sweet heart, Fanny Adams. Now a sinister discovery reveals
that Joseph and Fanny are brother and sister. This complication is removed by the device of discovery. Joseph
has a strawberry mark on his shoulder. It is discovered that Joseph is the son of Mr Wilson, a wealthy man of
high status. Thus his true identity is reavealed and he is restored to his father from whom he had been stolen
away by the gypsies many years ago. Squire Booby has meanwhile married Pamela (Josephs sister), and she
has been conducting herself with modesty and prudence. Now all complications are removed and Jospeh is
married to Fanny. In the end Parson Adams too is not forgotten; he is rewarded for his simple christianity; he
acquires a living valued at 130 pounds a year. The novel thus ends happily.
The Life of Jonathan Wild the Great (1743)

Jonathan Wild is a satirical novel by Fielding. It was published in 1743; it is a part of his Miscellanies. It gives
a fictional version of the life of an infamous criminal. It contains a veiled attack on Fieldings old enemy, Sir
Robert Walpole. So it is written in the shape of savagely caustic attack. The book rests on the thesis that the
Prime Minister can embody the qualities of the great criminal.
Titus Oates baptized Wild which shows his early tendency towards underhand behaviour. Wild goes to work for
Snap, who is a warden of a sponging house. It is a place where arrested debtors are trained before being
imprisioned. So Wild is tutored in the art of extortion and exploitation. Ultimately he becomes a chief of a gang
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of thieves and criminals. As a parasitical chief he takes the lions share of the profits out of the loot. He
safeguards himself by turning over to the law any subordinates who challenge him or question his leadership.
Wild marries Laetitia Snap who is the daughter of his former employer. Laetitia is hypocritical. Now he concentrates
on ruining jeweller Heartfree who is his virtuous former school fellow. Wild first robs him and then gets him
imprisoned for bankruptcy. This is not the end.
He demeans himself further. This time he directs his villainy against Mrs Heartfree. He tricks her to flee the
country. Then he contrives to prove that Heartfree has murdered his wife. But the jeweller is ultimately rescued
and Wild is exposed. Wild is hanged; thus a hero and great man meets his end.
Jonathan Wild is not about character development, but about general moral principles. As Arnold Kettle
holds The force of Jonathan Wild comes from Fieldings social vision which is what puts life into the great
passages of the book. Fieldings criticism covers not the count but the whole genteel tradition. It is a satire on
Tories and Whigs; it hits at the whole party system itself; the corruption at the official level is brought to light.
More than most it exposes the horrors of the criminals and debtors in jail. Kettle sums up Here there is more
than a precise sordidness, more than a determination to leave no horror unspoken. Fielding analyses the great
in these words: Mankind are first properly to be considered under two grand divisions those that use their own
hands, and those who employ the hands of others. But despite all its power and its extraordinary insight
Jonathan Wild is not a great novel. It is a politically committed novel. Characterization is weak. Heartfree who
is the chief representative of good never comes to life. Only once in his soliloquy he moves us but everywhere
else he is doicle and unimpressive. He accepts things passively. When he tells that What we seek in this world
is vanity we are not impressed. We cannot take him as hero; what he represents is only surface life. The
picture of women too is discouraging. Women are shown on the mercy of men, merely their tools. On the whole
Jonathan Wild falls short of greatness for its weak characterization, limited vision of society, and Fieldings own
commitment. But certainly it is a readable book because the story is gripping.
Amelia (1751)
Amelia, Fieldings last novel, was his most ambitious. It deals with the tribulations of married life. It portrays a
full and serious picture of corruptions in society and its various institutions. As its title indicates, the interest
centres in the character of a woman. Walter Allen calls it a domestic novel. Amelia Booth is a virtuous and
charming woman. She is an embodiment of goodness, devotion and resourcefulness. William Booth, who is her
husband, is also attractive young man from the army. But now he is out of employment. She marries him against
the wishes of her mother. He is an errant husband, and is a slave to his habit of gambling. Amelia is cheated by
her sister who disinherits her from her rightful inheritance. She is even wronged by her husbands treacherous
friends. But she triumphs over the odds. There is less of humour in the development of the plot. It centres more
on the pathetic situation of the Booths. In the process, Amelia is shown as a victim and William as a shiftless
husband. The story is brought closer to life when we are shown that Amelia refuses her children tarts for supper,
and denies herself half a pint of white wine to give relief to her gloomy spirits. On the contrary, William squanders
money in a gambling den. William is always faithful to his wife no matter sometimes he falls a victim to temptations.
Amelia shows great sincerity and steadfastness as a wife and mother. She frustrates all treacherous advances
of her husbands friends and proves herself stronger than her husband. She is generous enought to forgive her
husband for his lapses. Dr Johnson rightly calls her the most charming heroine of all romance. Although she
forgives William for his infidelity, their life becomes more miserable when William is imprisoned for debt. This
situation is the result of his gambling rounds that lead him into heavy debt. But this miserable predicament is
alleviated by a happy discovery that she is the rightful inheritor of her mothers property. It is revealed that her
sister forged her mothers will. So lawfully she is the rightful heiress to her mothers property. William too is
released from jail. The Booths happily retire to the country. The sound and the fury calm down. Now they retire
to a life of comforts and calm.
Colonel Jamess one-sided love for Amelia is an absorbing episode in the novel. He even tries to remove William
from his way. Thus Colonel makes their family life a real hell. A noble lord with the help of Mrs Wilson also has
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designs on Mrs Booth. These episodes make the plot of the novel complex and the heroine intense. They also
arouse suspicion in William Booth which add to the conflict in his relationship with Amelia. Amelia is a person of
strong virtues. She faces all odds. She emerges as a person of integrity as she rebukes both Colonel James and
the lecherous lord. This makes her a noble lady.
The real strength of the novel lies in its conclusion. Both, William and Amelia, husband and wife, emerge as
better human beings. Life is a compromise. You cannot continue tearing each others life for ever. William
writes a letter to Amelia confessing. He even begs her forgiveness when she visits him in the jail after receiving
the letter. She is also generous enough to forgive him. She embodies real Christian virtues.Dr Harrisons arrival
resolves the issue. He bails out William. Amelia gets possession of her mothers property. Dr Harrison gets
Murph, the lawyer, who tried to deprive Amelia of her due, arrested. Every complication is resolved and William
Booth and Amelia, in the end, heave a sigh of relief. As we know they retire to the country and to a life of calm
and peace.
Tom Jones : Plot Summary

Mr Allworthy is a rich and benevolent gentleman and a childless widower. He lives in retirement in Somersetshire
alongwith his sister Miss Bridget Allworthy. After his return from London where he had gone on business,
Allworthy finds a baby in his bed the same night. So the novel begins with the mysterious discovery of an infant
in Mr Allworthys bed. It causes great commotion in the house. Ultimately the gentleman decides to become the
babys guardian and gives him shelter and full protection. Now the mystery of the foundlings parentage remains
unresolved. But there must be somebody who placed the baby in Mr Allworthys bed. Suspicion falls on one
Jenny Jones. Mrs Deborah Wilkins, the squires housekeeper, reveals that Jenny Jones, who has been attending
upon Miss Bridget, was in violent fit of illness; Jenny is thus supposed to have delivered the child. While
questioned by the squire, she confesses that she gave birth to the bastard. But despite hard inquiries she refuses
to disclose the name of her partner in the sin. Squire admonishes her and asks her to leave the neighbour. Now
the Squire names the foundling Tom Jones, who is the hero of the book. After the departure of Jenny the squire
summons Partridge who is the local school master and whom Jenny had served for some time. He is suspected
to be the father of the foundling. He is reprimanded and deprived of his annuity by the Squire. Partridges wife
who appeared as witness against her husband dies, and Partridge leaves the county. Meanwhile Miss Bridget
marries Captain Blifil; eight months after their marriage, she gives birth to a baby, Master Blifil. The Squire has
already become the foundlings guardian; now he decides that Master Blifil, his nephew, and Tom Jones, the
foundling, will be brought up under the same roof. And they grow up sharing Mr Allworthys affections and
care. Meanwhile Captain Blifil dies of apoplexy.
Tom Jones wins Mr Allworthys affections and the Squire becomes quite fond of him. Both Tom and Blifil are
educated by Thwackum and Squire, the philosopher. They are narrow embodiments of so many Eighteenth
century theory mongers. Both are diagonally opposed to each other. Both are hypocritical. Blifil is their true
discipline. The means spirited Blifil is supported by these pseudo-theorists in his designs against Tom. Blifil
leaves no opportunity of degrading Tom and win the favours of Bridget. He is always in search of an opportunity
to tarnish Toms image and degrade him in the eyes of Mr Allworthy, but Tom remains a favourite of both.
However his misadventures with Black George and his daughter Molly Seagrim prove too costly. Tom and
Black George are involved in a poaching incident in the neighbouring estate belonging to an ill-tempered country
squire. Tom takes the blame on himself and thus saves George. Besides he helps Georges family in many other
ways. Later on, Blifil and his two tutors use this act of Tom as a proof to tarnish his image and turn Squire
Allworthy against him.
Here Toms relation with Molly Seagrim need a comment. He has an affair with Molly who is a voluptuous and
lusty woman. Tom is genuinely interested in her and has physical relations with her. Circumstances bring him
closer to Sophia Western, daughter of Squire Western. Both fall in love with each other. Molly declares that she
is pregnant. Tom honestly owns the responsibility. At the same time, he knows that Sophias father will never
44
agree to their marriage, as he is a penniless bastard. Squire Western wants her to marry Blifil. A chance
discovery of Squire in Mollys bed absolves Tom of his responsibility towards Molly but the damage has been
done. Blifil, Thwackum and Square have succeeded in tarnishing Toms image and poisoning Mr Allworthys
ears. Thus betrayed by the unscrupulous and jealous Blifil, Tom is turned away by Mr Allworthy and he takes to
the road, penniless and lost and lonely. Meanwhile when Sophia is pressed very hard to marry Blifil whom she
detests, she runs away from her fathers home. She is accompanied by her maid, Mrs Honour; she is on her way
to London to have a shelter their in a relatives house. Now both are on the road but separately. Thus the first
movement of the action closes.
Toms adventures on the road and at the Upton Inn form the second movement of the plot. Tom wants to join the
army. He wants to take help of the recruits and volunteers. But he picks a quarrel with Ensign Northerton who
enjoyed a bawdy jest at the expense of Sophia. He also meets Partridge who is supposed to be his father.
Partridge denies that charge. However, he offers to accompany him. Tom shows an act of chivalry by saving the
Man of the Hill who is attacked by two ruffians and is at the verge of being robbed. He saves Mrs Waters from
the violent and unscrupulous Ensign Northerton. He conducts her safely to the Upton Inn. The road and the
Upton Inn are the two situations which enabled Fielding to offer a realistic view of the then ways of the world,
and also to portay characters. At the inn, Mrs Waters allures and seduces Tom. Sophia accidently reaches the
inn; when she discovers that Tom is involved with Mrs Waters, she leaves the inn. Squire Western, who also
reaches there in search of his daughter, misses her by a fraction of time. As he is lured by a fine hunting day, he
postpones his chase. Tom finds a pocket book belonging to Sophia, and follows her to London in order to return
it. With this closes the second part the plot.
The third and the last part of the novel is set in London what Eliot called the Unreal City. Fielding hits at the
vanity and hypocricies of the town-dwellers. Now all major characters arrive here. Squire Western has already
arrived; Mr Allworthy has arrived, in search of his nephew. Sophia is under the protection of Lady Bellaston in
London. In London, Tom and Partridge share lodgings with Mrs Miller. Mrs Millers daughter is pregnant and is
under the threat of rejection by her lover, Nightingale. Tom now shows his goodness. He prevails upton Nightingale
to marry Nancy and thus saves Mrs Millers family from ignominy. Thinking that Lady Bellaston alone can help
him meet Sophia, he falls a victim to her advances, and allows himself to be seduced by her. She is a lusty lady.
Tom proposes marriage to Lady Bellaston as a tactical exercise which works wonders and the lady terminates
her affair with him. But she cannot leave him alone, she tries to procure Sophia for her friend Lord Fellamar. She
even persuades him to rape her. Sophia has discovered Toms relation with Lady Bellaston; so she turns her
back on him. Sophia is luckily saved by the timely arrival of her father who now takes her under his protection.
Lady Bellaston has not yet forgotten Tom and Sophia. She uses Toms letter of proposal to instigate the young
lady against her sweetheart whose fate is not on his side. She even invents a plot to get Tom abducted by a press
gang. His miseries do not end. Tom is forced into a duel and apparently kills Mr Fitzpatrick. Lady Bellaston,
furious at being deceived by Tom, and Lord Fellamar angry at being rejected by Sophia, plan for Toms ruin. The
supposed death of his rival lands him in jail. Fortunately the wounded man does not die. Tom is released from the
jail. These amorous intrigues add to the complexity of the plot.
Now the time is ripe for the denouement. The comic epic concludes with revelation and recognition. It is
revealed that Mrs Waters is Jenny Jones; Tom is given the shock of having committed incest. Mr Fitzpatrick is
said to be out of danger. Besides he confesses that he provoked Tom for a duel. So Tom is absolved of the
charge of murder. Squares death bed letter and Mr Millers testimony to the innate goodness and generosity of
Tom reconciles him to his guardian, Mr Allworthy. Blifils villainy too is unmasked. He makes a sincere confession
of his treachery. Jenny reveals that Tom is the illegitimate son of Bridget and Summer. Latter was a former
resident of Mr Allworthys estate. So Tom is absolved of the sin of incest and turns out to be Mr Allworthys
proper heir. Sophia too shows magnanimity and forgives Tom for his infidelities; since Tom turns out to be Mr
Allworthys heir; Squire Western poses no opposition to his union with Sophia. Tom and Sophia are married.
There is a kind of poetic justice in the punishment of Blifil. He turns Methodist in order to marry a rich widow.
In the true comic spirit, all complications are resolved and the hero and the heroine are happily united forever.
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3. Tom Jones: Detailed Critical Summary

BOOK-I
Introduction
We note that the first chapter to each Book in the novel is a critical essay. In the very opening chapter, Fielding
discusses his aims and objectives as a novelist. He may even hit at the critical endeavour of other critics and take
them to task. In fact, it is the novelists heart to heart talk with the reader. Even within the narrative, sometimes,
he establishes intimacy with the reader. Certainly these introductory chapters show Fieldings large learning and
scholarship. These chapters are a helping device for the reader. He comes to know the real intention of the
author as well as is able to form his own opinion about the development of events in the book.
In the very beginning, Fielding compares a novelist to the keeper of an eating house and the stuff served on the
table to a bill of fare. A menu is provided by the host; similarly, here the novelist informs the reader what he
should expect in the novel. The novel offers a sumptuous dish of human nature. Human nature alone is the most
extensive and intensive subject in the world. The reader may consider it a common subject, but such an objection
is not valid. It is not an easy task to represent human nature. Only a writer blessed with learning, taste, and wit,
that, is a natural genuis with cultivated skill alone can present human nature honestly. A writer with inferior wit
cannot perform this duty. So the comparison is apt; only an author with true genius like a cook with genius of
preparing a dish alone can present true human nature.
CHAPTER II-XIII
Summary
Squire Allworthy, a middle-aged widower, owns the largest estates in Somersetshire. He is a venerable looking,
agreeable and pleasant man. He is said to be the favourite of nature and fortune. From nature Mr Allworthy
derived an agreeable person, a sound contitution, a sane understanding, and a benevolent heart, from fortune
he was decreed to the inheritance of one of the largest estates in the country. Now that he is an issueless
widower and his wife having died five years before the beginning of this history, he lives with his sister Miss
Bridget Allworthy. She is a spinster past the age of thirty. She is commended by her associates for her qualities
rather than her beauty. She is a prude, and holds that personal charms in a woman are snares.
As the novel begins, Mr Allworthy has just returned from London. He has been away from his estate and was
detained for three months attending to an important business. We see him preparing for bed, and after having
spent some time on his knees a custom which he never broke on any account he discovers an infant
sleeping in his bed. Mr Allworthy is highly surprised. He immediately rings for his housekeeper, Mrs Deborah
Wilkins. Mrs Deborah expresses her genuine Christian spirit when she suggests that the infant may be wrapped
up and placed at the church wardens door. If the baby survives, all right; if not, she says we have discharged
our duty in taking proper care of it; and it is ......better for such creatures to die in innocence. But generosity
takes hold of Mr Allworthy and he declines to approve of Mrs Deborahs suggestion.
Next Morning at breakfast, Allworthy summons Mrs Deborah to bring the child and offers it to his sister as a
present. Miss Allworthy shows no surprise. Rather, she express her oneness with her brothers decision of
extending care and protection to the child. She has all praise for her brothers charitable approach. Now search
to find out who the mother of the child begins. Mrs Deborahs suspicion falls on Jenny Jones. Though not
beautiful, Jenny Jones is an intelligent woman. A local school master named Partridge instructs her in Latin.
Jenny has often been to Mr Allworthys house. Besides she has nursed Miss Bridget through a violent malady.
46
Mr Allworthy summons her to answer the charge of having delivered the bastard. While addressing Jenny, he is
stern but compassionate. He is concerned more about her moral well being than about punishment. He, instead
of admonishing her, exhorts her to lead a virtuous life. He earnestly persuades her to reveal the name of the
father of the child so that he may be apprehended and punished. Jenny refuses to reveal the name though she
says that the name of childs father will come to light someday. She also tells that at present the man is out of his
reach. She is asked to leave the neighbourhood. To the great surprise of Mrs Deborah, Miss Bridget approves of
her brothers decision. She even defends Jenny taking her to be a victim of a depraved man.
Squire Allworthy is known for his hospitality. He was always surrounded by men of merit. One such man was
Dr Blifil. Miss Bridget is drawn towards him, but Dr Blifil was already married. The doctor has a brother, a
retired army captain, who is still a bachelor. Dr Blifil persuades his brother to rise to the occasion. Besides, Mr
Allworthy has no heir. He is lured by the Squires property. So the captain courts Miss Bridget. He pursues her.
After only seeming resistance she accepts his proposal. Mr Allworthy too makes no objection. He happily
accepts the captain a match for his sister.
But the captain is made of baser stuff. His marriage with Miss Bridget was based not on love but his interest in
the estate of Allworthy. Soon after the wedding, the captain shows his contempt for his brother. Nor can Dr Blifil
inform Mr Allworthy of the real nature of his brother because he himself is their march-maker. The doctor is
forced to leave the country. Heart broken, he returns to London where he dies soon afterwards.
Commentary
In Book I, which is largely introductory, Fielding sets the plot in motion. A few of the main characters too are
introduced. These are Mr Allworthy, his sister, Miss Bridget, her waiting gentlewoman, Mrs Deborah Wilkins;
others are Jenny Jones, Dr Blifil, Captain Blifil, and, of course, the infant Tom Jones, who is the hero in the book.
Here Tom has been introduced as a foundling infant. We have very little to say about him. Fielding himself does
not comment much on his parentage. It is done for the sake of propriety.
Mr Allworthy is, of course, the major character. He is shown as the favourite of nature and fotune. Above all,
he is extra kind to the infant foundling. Mrs Deborah suggests that child be placed at the church wardens door.
But he does not agree. He immediately orders that the child must be looked after properly. Besides, he lets Tom
share the shelter with Blifil, his nephew. Instead of punishing Jenny for here immoral act, he advises her to
follow morality and mend her ways. He simply asks her to leave the neighbourhood. He uses polite language. He
is polite and generous to his sister as well.
Even the two brothers, Dr Blifil and captain Blifil, though minor characters, are introduced to project Mr Allworthys
better aspects. When the captains courtship matures and Miss Bridget is won over he does not object to their
marriage. Rather he feels pleased that his sister will be happy.
Besides, the opening of the novel is very dramatic. Fieldings training as a dramatist has great deal of bearing on
the episodes. The structure of the novel depends on the swift development of the episodes, the character
contrast and the panoramic description of the neighbourhood. Here the action is swift.
BOOK II
Introduction
This introductory chapter deals with Fieldings treatment of time in the novel. He also informs the reader that the
novel is entitled a history. Again it is not a regular history of a person or events. It is a history in a special
sense. It is not a life, nor apology for a life. But this history is concerned with the events of great significance.
In other words, it records events not incidents. To fulfil this purpose many years may be passed over in silence.
The time may drag on. But if there is happening of special note or crucial urgency, it will be treated at length.
In the concluding part of the chapter, Fielding provides the reader with clues pertaining to the structure of the
novel. At the same time he asserts that he is an innovator in English fiction. Thus, in this chapter, Fielding takes
47
the reader into confidence and also wants him to be obedient and accepting. He thinks that rapport between
them is a precondition.
CHAPTER II-IX
Summary
Eight months after her marriage with Captain Blifil, Mrs Bridget Blifil is blessed with a son, though prematurely.
Squire Allworthy announces that the two children will be brought up together. Although Mrs Blifil knows that her
husband will not digest such a suggestion, and as she loves her brother, she readily agrees. Mr Blifil argues with
Mr Allworthy on the topic. He quotes from the Bible to convince him that the bastard must be kept apart. But as
Mr Allworthy is as well read in the scriptures as the hyperbolic captain, he refutes his argument and silences
him.
Now a considerable portion of Book II is devoted to Mrs Deborahs efforts to find out who is the father of the
foundling, and the consequent action. Partly to please her mistress or to satisfy her curiosity she has been
pursuing her search to find out as to who is the father of little Tommy. She is now more than sure that she has
been able to discover the true father of the infant. This time the axe falls on Partridge, the local schoolmaster.
Partridge is said to be the best-natured person. This schoolmaster of sociable and lively nature is welcome in
every house of the neighbourhood. He is hated by none, but unfortunately he has a nagging wife. They have
been married for the past nine years. Their home, if at all it is a home, has been a battlefield.
After Jennys departure, an uneasy peace prevails in the Partridge family. But this happy situation does not
endure for long. One day she gets information that Jenny has given birth to a bastard. Since Jenny left them
about nine months before, she immediately concluded that Partridge must be the father. The moment she reaches
home, she attacks her husband violently.
When Mr Allworthy comes to know about Partridges involvement with Jenny and his fatherhood of the foundling,
he is shocked. But he would not believe without investigation. Partridge is immediately summoned. Mrs Partridge
appears as a witness against her husband. She confirms that her husband is guilty. Partridge, however, protests
and pleads himself innocent. He unwillingly, and just to quiet his wife, confesses. He adds that just for the peace
of his wife he would have been willing to swear to anything. Partridge begs that Jenny may be sent for to prove
him not guilty. Mr Allworthy agrees and asks to spot Jenny. But attempt to locate her failed. Partridge was
consequently found guilty; he was deprived of the annuity. Besides he lost his job. Now they are miserable. Mrs
Partridge succumbs to the attack of smallpox and Partridge leaves the county to try his luck elsewhere.
Book I also gives an account of Captain Blifils self-centredness, his mercenary ends and motives and above all,
his relation with his wife. He always preoccupies with the base thought that like Partridge Tommy must also be
dismissed from the shire or at least must be defamed. He is also indifferent to his wife.
The family discord forces the captain to escape into thoughts concerning the disposal and arrangement of the
estate of Mr Allworthy when it falls to his ownership. He is so lost in his utopian plans and designs that he may
not survive to fulfil them. Just at the very instant when his heart was exulting in meditations on the happiness
which would accrue to him by Mr Allworthy d death died of an apoplexy.
The death of the captain affected his wife immoderately. She fell into a fit and was confined to bed for a month.
A splendid epitaph was erected over his grave. It described him as tender and loving husband and a dutiful and
virtuous Christian gentleman.
Commentary
Book II, like Book I, serves as a prologue to the novel proper. The reader is still being introduced to certain
situations and informed about happenings. Structurally and thematically, three narrative threads are important.
These are the married life and then the death of captain Blifil; the family life of Partridge, his wifes death and
his leaving the country, and alongside is covered the false track of little Tommys father; and the theme of
Christian charity.
48
One of the themes in the novel is family. Here, in Book II, two family lives are artistically juxtaposed. Partridge
is on the lower side. He and his wife are leading a life of sound and fury. But Partridge does not wear a mask.
He is what he is. Their quarrels soon become public. His wife appears as a witness against her husband
publically. It is like a street fight. On the contrary, Blifil and Mrs Blifil lead a life of hypocrisy, self centredness,
and cruelty to each other. But they never make their wretchedness public. They are wearing a mask. Of course,
she is not as nagging as Mrs Partidge is but she can never agree on anything with her husband.
In the first Book, we were introduced to the foundling alongwith other major and minor characters. Here we are
introduced to the infant Blifil. In the earlier Book we are given Jennys history. Here it is extended further. In
Book I, she confessed that she was the mother of the infant child but refused to reveal the name of the childs
father. Here she is related to Partridge who is pleaded guilty and partner of Jenny in the sin. It is because of her
presence in house of the Partridge the she is associated with Partridge. This relationship is an important aspect
of the structure of the novel. Jenny and Partridge play important roles in the plot.
The narrative touches the theme of Christian charity. This serious theme is developed mainly through the discussions
of Captain Blifil and Mr Allworthy. They embody tenets of Christian virtues in their own way. Blifil is the
professed Christian whereas Allworthy is the acting Christian. For Mr Allworthy charity means generosity and
benevolence towards the poor and the miserable; for Blifil charity is a concept which emodies a high opinion of
mankind.
BOOK -III
Introduction
In the first chapter of this Book, Fielding reiterates that in the course of the novel large spaces of time will be
passed over if during these spans nothing happened worthly of being recorded in the chronicle of this kind.
This will help the reader, says Fielding, to pause, meditate, and make his own conjectures and guesses. Long
narration of no avail will deprive the reader of pleasure and profit. Fielding considers the reader intelligent
enough to fill the spaces of time himself. For instance, the reader can guess what happens after the death of
Captain Blifil, he may brood over Mr Allworthy turning to religion and philosophy for solace to bear the shock of
the death of her husband; he may guess over Mrs Bridgets changing mood, changing her attire accordingly, and
recovering her former serenity.
These are only two instances and many more may be found; the reader may even contemplate over more
common occurrences of no special note. More information may be collected about Mr Allworthy from daily and
weekly historians.
The novelist is here indicating that economy is very essential in a narrative of this kind. Fielding would very well
elaborate all these occurrences but he informs the reader that they will strike as redundant and superfluous as
far as the plot construction is concerned. He suggests that they need only to be guessed at rather than dwelled
on. It means Fielding is a votary of economy of expression. He wants to be precise and exact; for that he takes
the reader into confidence.
CHAPTERS II-X
Twelve years pass between Tommy Jones birth and now. At present he is fourteen. All agree in Mr Allworthys
family that the lad is certainly born to be hanged. Such a devastating opinion of near ones is the result of his
tendency towards wickedness and evil. He has been convicted of three petty thefts. Besides, his contrast with
Master Blifil makes his misconduct all the more obvious, nay glaring. Everyone has a word of praise for Master
Blifil. He is taken as a model of sobriety and pleasantness.
Black George, Mr Allworthys gamekeeper, seems to be Toms only companion. One day both were on a
hunting expedition; they move a brood of partridges near the border of Mr Allworthys manor. The birds fly over
the boundary line. They pursue the game; one of the birds is shot down. By chance the owner of the manor
49
happened to be near. He hears the report of the gun; he tries to spot the transgressors and Tom is apprehended.
Black George had hidden himself behind a thicket and thus escaped discovery. Tom appears before Mr Allworthy
who is confirming the report to punish or acquit the guilty. It is insisted that there were two people because two
shots had been heard. But Tom denies that anyone was with him. Despite a terrible beating from Thwackum,
one of his tutors, Tom sticks to his earlier statement that he was alone. Allworthy is now convinced that the lad
has unjustly been wronged. To make amends he gives Tom a little house as a present.
Mr Allworthy has assigned the duty of educating Tom and Belifil to Thwackum and Square. Thwackum has
improved himself by study In morals he was a professed Platonist, and in religion he inclined to be an
Aristotelian. On the other hand, Square is a specialist in the classics; he held human nature to be the perfection
of all virtue, and that vice is a deviation from our nature, in the same manner that deformity of body is. Their
dispute concerning morality and religion is a perpetual debate. Besides, they never agree.
One day when they were debating hotly whether honour can exist independently of religion, their discussion is
interrupted by appearance of Master Blifil with a bleeding nose. Again Tom was responsible for that violent act.
Actually Master Blifil had called Tom a beggarly bastard. Now he makes the secret of Toms being with
Black George in the shooting expedition public.
Now Thwackum and Square unanimously recommend that Tom must be punished severely. But Mr Allworthy
having been impressed with Toms invincible fidelity does not agree with them. He prefers it to the religion of
Thwackum and the virture of Square. But he is displeased with Black George and dismisses him. Blifil cringes
before his teachers and shows great respect, and remembers their precepts; he uses all occasions to praise them
to Mr Allworthy. On the contrary, Tom not only shows aversion to their teaching, but also laughs at the duo.
Thwackum and Square have been casting covetous eyes at the widow Blifil. To win over the lady, they adopt the
shorter route; they favour her son at the expense of the foundling. But the widow has no intention of marrying
again. But she having the common feminine frailty of flattery, lets them carry on with their efforts. Besides, they
are unaware of her dislike for Master Blifil. They interpret her kindness to Tom as her tactical exercise to ruin
him. However, her preference for Tom arouses Allworthys sympathy for Blifil.
During four years that have passed since Mr Allworthy expelled Black George, the gamekeeper, Tom has been
helping the wretched family. He even sells his little horse and a Bible, which were Allworthys gifts to him, to
help them. Allworthy is so much overcome by Toms kindness towards the family that he was about to reemploy
him when Blifil accuses that George was guilty of poaching hares on Mr Westerns estate. Hence Mr Allworthy
drops the idea of rehiring Black George.
However, Tom succeeds in winning the favour of Squire Western. Western is the landowner on whose property
occurred the original partridge incident in which Tom was accused of shooting and encroachment. In order to
help his friend, the gamekeeper, he decides to apply to Mr Western. Also, he approaches Sophia, Squire Westerns
beautiful daughter, hoping to help Black George and his family.
Commentary
Book III, which covers more time than any other book in the novel, deals with the span of time and compares
and contrasts Square and Thwackum. They hardly need any comments.
BOOK -IV
Introduction
This Book begins with Fieldings assertion that truth is fundamental to this history. This distinguishes his novel
from the idle romances available. But to enliven the readers spirit and to refresh him, he has taken the opportunies
of embellishing his narrative. One such occasion is the introduction of the heroine. For that he prepares the
reader. As a preliminary introduction at the entrance of the charming Sophia Western, the author says, We have
thought proper to prepare the mind of the reader for her reception, by filling it with every pleasing image we can
50
draw from the face of nature. He refers to the prior practice of introducing the hero in drama by a flourish of
drums and lively music. Even while the Lord Mayor of London in formal appearances is welcome with great
pomp and show. So the novelist says that he is following these precedents and introduces the heroine with the
utmost solemnity in our power, with an elevation of style, and all other circumstances proper to raise the veneration
of our reader.
CHAPTER II-XIV
Sophia Western is a charmig girl of eighteen. She is an embodiment of sweetness, innocence, pleasantness. She
represents the natural gentility proper to her womanhood. All her actions are spontaneously characterized by
generosity and decorum. She is free from the acquired habits of what is called the polite circle. She has been
the playmate of Tom and Blifil ever since five years age when Tom presented a singing bird to her. The creature
was the delight of her heart. While playing together Blifil, out of malice, sets the bird free. Tom tries to recapture
Sophias pet at a great physical risk.
From now onwards Sophias love for Tom increases and she has developed an aversion for Blifil. She has been
absent from the county for three years; she was away to her aunt who had taken the responsibility of her
education; she has returned recently. Now Sophia and Tom meet very frequently because Tom has become a
great favourite of her father and hunts with him. Now Tom wants to take advantage of this intimacy. He pleads
Black Georges case to her. Sophia promises to do what she can; she also asks for a favour. She requests him
to take care of her father during the hunt. He assures her not to worry at all and promises all care for the Squire.
Squire Western loves his daughter very dearly. He never refuses any of her request; her request is granted and
Black George is employed as Westerns gamekeeper. Except Blifil, Square and Thwackum, the trio, all people in
the neighbourhood are full of praise for Tom for helping George.
Whereas Sophias love for Tom is enhancing, he has his reservations. There are two reason for his hesitation;
one, he is aware of the social and financial gap between them; two, he believes that he is in love with Molly
Seagrim, the daughter of Black George. This attractive girl has seduced Tom; being a perfect actress she has
convinced the hero that it is he who has seduced her. He holds himselfs responsible for her happiness or
misery.
To help Molly, Sophia sends her some discarded finery. Her father notes some alteration in the shape of Mollys
body. To hide this she attends the church in silken sack presented by Sophia. Molly becomes an object of ridicule
for the whole congregation; her fancy dress also arouses the envy of her equals. After the service she is
physically attacked, and an epic fight follows in the churchyard. Fielding describes it in his finest mock-heroic
manner. Molly defends herself heroically. Tom arrives and rescuses her. He gives her his coat to cover herself
and takes her home, and saves her from further shame.
Mollys miseries do not end here. In the broil she had unfortunately injured a travelling fiddler. On his complaint,
Mr Allworthy summons Molly. When the Squire notices Mollys condition for the first time, he asks her to name
the person responsible for her condition. At that time Tom was dining at the Westerns. When Parson Supple,
Westerns curate, breaks the news, Tom immediately rises from the table and begs leave. His sudden departure
makes Squire Western suspect that Tom is the father of Mollys unborn child.
Tom reaches home well in time. Tom goes to Mr Allworthy and confesses that he is the father of her unborn
child. Molly is asked to leave, but Mr Allworthy is offended with Toms conduct. However, he takes a lenient
view because Tom has repented of his sins. Thwackum offers his lectures on morality and virtue, whereas
Square comments that Tom has been kind to Black George only to ruin his daughter. Mr Allworthy simply
ignores them.
Now we turn to Sophia. Toms admission of his guilt with Molly hurts her. She decides to avoid him as much as
possible. She plans to go to her aunt. However, Mr Western presses him to ride with her to the hunt, and she
agrees. During the hunt her horse bolts; immediately Tom rushes to protect her. She is not hurt but Tom breaks
51
his arm. The hunting party returns and Tom is confined to bed. Mr Western is often in Toms sick room. This act
of natural gallantry wins Tom great admiration. Certainly it made a deep impression on her heart. Toms act of
fondling and kissing of Sophias muff shows his love for her. Sophia is under the ravages of love for Tom though
it is still an undercurrent.
Commentary
By introducing Squire Western, his charming daughter Sophia, and Sophias maid, Mrs Honour, Fielding completes
the cast of important characters who matter most in the plot. Mrs Honour and Molly will soon be dropped. In this
book our concern is more with the Squire and Sophia, the heroine.
Sophia is introduced in the mock-heroic style. Her appearance reminds us of the conventions practised by the
classical poets in their epics. In the second chapter of this book, the novelist perpares the reader to receive her:
Hushed be every ruder breath .... the lovely sophia comes! Here she is treated with all solemnity and in
elevated style. Fielding, thus, raises the veneration of our readers, and uses sublime language.
As everywhere, Fielding uses character contrast as a method of characterization. Sophia versus Molly and Mrs
Honour, Tom versus Blifil, Square versus Thwackum, and Squire Western versus Mr Allworthy make the book
a deep study in human nature. Vice of Molly is juxtaposed with the virtue of Sophia; Tom gallantry is set against
Blifils villainy. Both the squires are pleasantly contrasted. Mr Westerns variousness is set against the sameness
of Mr Allworthy.
BOOK-V
Introduction
In the introductory chapter, Fielding explains the necessity of the chapters, and suggests that if the reader finds
them dull or interesting he may pass on to chapter II of every book where the novel proper begins. But he
suggests that in order to appreciate the history and to make genuine responses, he must consider these initial
essays. No doubt, they serve as key to the history.
The chapter shows Fieldings, is critical acumen. Here he takes up the function and nature of critic and the
function contrast in an artistic work. Fieldings, like other major writers of the eighteenth century, such as
Pope, Addison and Swift, and in the following century such as Shelley and Keats, had not much praise for the
critics. Fielding is of the conviction that every work of art is governed by its own laws of organic growth.
Fielding compares the critics to a judges law clerk whose job is to copy out the rules handed him by the bench.
But the clerk, with the passage of time, as Fielding adds, begins giving the laws himself. He calls the critics men
of shallow capacities who commit grave error of mistaking form for substance. He calls them impostors, and
says that time and ignorance has lent them their dubious authority to the critic.
In the concluding part of the prefatory chapter he says that like the English Pantomine these essays have both
the serious as well as the comic purpose; thus he emphasizes the need to consider these essay type introductory
chapters to each book of the novel.
CHAPTER II-XII
Summary
During his illness, Tom is confined to Squire Westerns house. Every day Mr Allworthy visits him , and argues
with him over his undesirable conduct. Thwackum and Square, during their visits, do not forget to offer the
advice. Thwackum asks Tom to repent and lead a new life; and Square preaches indifference to pain. He
elaborates how pain is a transitory emotion which needs to be treated with contempt. Blifil visits him very rarely
lest he should be contaminated and lose his sobriety. Most of the time Sophia is with him playing the music at the
harpsichord. Both are aware of the growing love between them. But Tom once again is reminded of the social
gulf between them. Besides, he knows that her father who is his admirer is a practical man and would see his
52
daughter married to the wealthiest man in the world. Mr Allworthy too will react to any deceit Tom may invent
in gaining Sophia. Also he is committed to Molly. So he resolves to forget Sophia and be faithful to Molly.
Meanwhile Mrs Honour tells Tom of Sophias love of the muff he has kissed. Sophia, she tells, never wants to
part company with the lively object. Sophia even managed to save it from the fire that Mr Western had flung
into. Tom now cannot resist his love. But how he can manage Molly. He thinks of giving her a house and
financial help. He goes to herto argue and bring her round. When Tom extends his offer, Molly calls her a
faithless lover and bursts into tears. Her attitude changes when Tom discovers the philosopher Square in
Mollys room. Overcome with happiness, he leaves while admonishing Square to be kind to her.
Tom is still in to be or not to be situation. He is chased by the thought that he might be the father of Mollys
child. Mollys eldest sister, however, makes a revelation which solves his puzzle. She reveals that Will Barnes
first seduced Molly, and may be Will is the father of her unborn child. Now one day while walking in the orchard
of Mr Westerns estate, Tom makes a confession of his love. Sophia is moved with emotion and withdraws
hastly to her house.
About the same time, Squire Allworthy is down with fever and it soon becomes serious. The physician fears that
the gentleman may even expire. He calls the family and servants to his bedside so that he may make the terms
of his will known. Meanwhile he does not forget to preface his legacy with a long sermon on death. The heart of
the matter of the discourse is how one should greet the Messenger of Death. Now he states some of the terms
of the will. The lions share goes to Blifil. As the heated argument between the two tutors follows, Blifil comes
with the information that a lawyer has brought the news that his mother, Mrs Blifil, has died while returning
home. But Toms anger turns to joy when he learns that Mr Allworthys health has shown signs of improvement.
He drinks, laughs, and sings. Blifil asks him how he can show such behaviour in view of the recent news of Mrs
Blifils death, his mother. Immediately, Tom apologizes, and even invents an excuse that Mr Allworthys recovery
had made him so happy that it cancelled all other thought. But Blifil cannot feel defeated. He passes a derogatory
remark to Toms birth, and a scuffle ensues.
After this unpleasant incident, Tom leaves and goes to fields for solace.He is lost in sad thoughts when Molly
happens to be there. They retire into a comfortable nearby thicket. They are surprised by Blifil and Thwackum.
Molly quits and Tom is found sitting comfortably. When Thwackum asks the persons name who he could be
with him and Tom refuses to reveal, again, stiff fight takes place in which Blifil is laid sprawling. Situation is
saved by the timely appearance of Squire Western, Sophia, her aunt and Parson Supple. Mr Western rushes to
Toms help. Sophia faints when she sees Toms blood. Now everybody attends to her. The party excluding Blifil
and Thwackum leaves for Mr Westerns place.
Commentary
Toms convalescence at Squire Westerns house serves as a touchstone to test characters. It shows that basic
traits in human nature never change. Thwackum, Square and Blifil will remain what they are. The situation
brings Tom and Sophia closer. It offers Tom the time gap to contemplate. It shows his conflicting nature as well.
Toms sincerity towards Molly is established. One of the most complicated problem of relation between Tom and
Molly is solved. He goes to her house with all sincerity to convince her. Spotting of the philosopher Square in her
closet frees Tom of all pricks of conscience. Now he is free to devote himself entirely to Sophia. Also we come
to know about the real nature of Square. He exposes his hypocrisy.
Similarly Mr Allworthys illness and his making the will public bring the real nature of many a character to light.
It is only Tom who loves Mr Allworthy without any selfishness. He is the happiest one when it is revealed that
Mr Allworthy has improved.
We are introduced to the lawyer who brings the news of Mrs Blifils death en route for home. Later on he
becomes a key figure to solve the riddle of Toms parentage. This person is known as lawyer Dowling. He
brings together the different threads of the plot. He will always be in a hurry and will always arrive when
needed.
53
The scuffles between Tom and Blifil at two places gives us a peep into Blifils evil nature. He will use every
occasion to remind Tom of his base birth. Besides, he will always be helped by the evil forces such as Thwackum
and Square, but he will always be defeated. Tom maintains his integrity and is heroic and chivalrous.
BOOK -VI
Introduction
In the introductory chapter of this Book, Fielding concentrates on the subject of love. He says that during their
discoveries certain philosophers have concluded that there is no such emotion as love. Similarly, as Fielding adds,
they are incapable of tracing either divinity or anything virtuous or good, or lovely, or loving, very fairly, honesty,
and logically concludes that no such thing exists in the whole creation. Fielding holds that every human being
has kindness and benevolence as basic to his nature. And this he terms as love. He is of the opinion that love
may be enhanced by amorous desire but may very well exits with it. Love is not shaken either by age or by
sickness; besides, gratitude and esteem are its solid basis. No one can deny the existence of the passion of
love. He suggests the reader that if he believes in the existence of love he may derive happiness out of this
history; if he does not , he is wasting his time.
CHAPTERS II-XII
Mrs Western, Sophias aunt is a worldly-wise woman. She is a perfect mistress of manners, customs, ceremonies
and fashions. She is specialized in the subject of love. No other interest of hers has diverted her from the
pursuit of love. But she herself has never been obliged by any person extending this emotion. The reason is
assigned to her masculine appearance. Ever since her arrival, she has been observing Sophia closely. Especially
after the fight scene in the field she decided and informed Mr Western that Sophia is in love. Western is in fury
as he cannot imagine that she can fall in love without seeking his permission. Mrs Western loves her brother and
her niece very dearly. Mr Western thinks that his sister has rightly observed that Sophia loves Blifil. He has
already considered the possibilities of this alliance. This could join the two estates. He immediately decides to
propose the match to Mr. Allworthy. Mrs. Western is more than ready to assist him.
Mr Western invites Mr Allworthy, Tom and Blifil to dinner. Sophia suspects that her aunt might have noticed her
growing love for Tom. Therefore she shows more favour to Blifil, and ignores Tom. Mr Western concludes that
Sophia is in love with Blifil. He is happy over the development. As soon as dinner is over, he takes Mr Allworthy
aside and proposes the match. As Mr Allworthy always wished this alliance, he is more than willing. However,
he suggests that Blifils assent is necessary.
Back home, Mr Allworthy asks Blifil about the proposal, and is surprised to learn that he is not in love with
Sophia. However he agrees to be guided by the squire. Next morning the gentleman conveys a confirmatory
information to Mr Western. Now Mrs Western enters Sophias closet to inform her about the happy developments
but Sophia thinks that it is about her alliance with Tom. But when she learns that it is Blifil and not Tom, she
inadvertently lets slip her love for Tom. Mrs Western cannot digest the idea of contaminating her family with this
alliance with a bastard. However, she agrees to keep Sophias secret on the condition that she will be civil to
Blifil and accept her as a lover. Mrs Honour who was spying through the keyhole rushes in and requests Sophia
not to marry Blifil.
Next afternoon Mr Allworthy and Blifil arrive. Sophia receives Blifil with posed civilty. The interview lasted for
a few minutes. She was all along conversing with downcast looks. Blifil took it as modesty, and assumed that she
favoured him. He cannot think of Tom as his rival. Besides, he cannot read Sophias mind because he is blinded
by the prospects of gaining her fortune. After the party has left, Mr Western enters Sophias closet, he proclaims
his love and promises her clothes and jewels. Sophia in tears begs her father not to force her. She tells him that
she hates Blifil. Western is furious. He warns her, either she must marry Blifil or she will be disinherited. In the
hall he comes across Tom. He tells him about the development and asks him to go to Sophia and convince
her.
54
A poignant scene follows. Tom requests Sophia not to marry Blifil; she assures that she will not do it, if it is within
her power. Mrs Western informs her brother that Sophia loves Tom and not Blifil. The Squire is highly grieved;
his fury returns; he storms into Sophias room and challenges Tom to fight. Concluding that Western is not ready
to listen to anything, Tom quits. Next day Western informs Mr Allworthy about the whole development. For his
satisfaction Mr Allworthy investigates. Blifil testifies against Tom and describes the fight which took place
between him, Thwackum and Tom. Thwackum confirms it. Mr Allworthy decides that Tom must be expelled
from the house. The sentence is announced after dinner. Mr Allworthy gives him a paper which is actually bank
note for 500. Tom is told to quit immediately. He accepts Mr Allworthys verdict meekly. Once out of the house
Tom is full of grief. In despair he rends his clothes, and throws away his articles including the papers containing
pounds. Black George happens to be there. He picks up the papers; he keeps the amount as well as the secret.
However, Tom takes Georges arrival as fortune; he decides to deliver a letter to Sophia through him.
Sophia is confined to her room, a prison. Mrs. Honour has been charged by Mr Western not to let anybody in her
room and meet her. Paper, pen and ink are to be kept away lest she should be able to write a letter to Tom or
anybody else. Despite all these instructions, Mrs Honour delivers the letter that black George brings to Sophia.
After reading the letter she becomes the saddest creature on earth. Ecstasy of grief makes her most miserable.
As Tom is homeless and penniless, Sophia sends him sixteen guineas, the only money she had.
Commentary
This book is of crucial importance as far as the structure of the novel is concerned. One of the burdens is that the
story must move on; in the main it is the story of love between Sophia and Tom; since an obstacle has come in
the way, Blifil has emerged as an antagonist. Besides, it is too early to close the issue. So the hero must be
removed from the scene. Very soon the heroine too will move away from the dangerous house. Moreover, the
book is written in the picaresque tradition. As such it must offer a panoramic view of the then society. We have
enough of the neighborhood of Mr Allworthys shire. The scene must change. So we will be made to follow the
hero and his journey will offer a scenario in the tradition of a realistic history.
BOOK-VII
Introduction
In the introductory chapter of this Book, Fielding explains the imitative nature of art. He refers to the common
tendency of comparing human life to a drama Fielding refers to Aristotle who called art an imitation of life.
Sometimes, he says, imitation of life is so genuine that it is mistaken for the real thing. As the act of Black
Georges theft of Toms money has not been elaborated or commented upon, Fielding takes it up here. He equals
it with anything on the stage. He guesses as to how the audience should react to this incident. Of course, a few
will condemn Georges act; some will conclude that the author should have shown some punishment for his
betrayal. There may be people who will just ignore it and take it as it happens. Fieldings not giving any significance
shows that he is dealing with real human nature. Black George, as his position is, cannot resist from the allurement
of money. Not that he is a thief or is insincere to Tom. He takes Toms letter to Sophia and brings the money that
she has spared for Tom. So Fielding cannot condemn Black George , as he says that a man with a generous
heart will never condemn another.
CHAPTERS II- XV
Next morning Mr Allworthy sends Tom his belongings. Besides, he receives an unpleasant letter from Blifil who
asks him to quit the area immediately. Helpless, Tom resolves to set out for Bristol. The same day, Mrs Western
raises the subject of Sophias marriage, she scoffs at the very idea of romantic love; marriage, according to her,
is based on calculation and conveniences. But Sophia cannot be persuaded to accept her opinion; she states that
she will not marry the man she hates. She refuses to marry Blifil. Mr Western, who happens to be listening
outside the door, storms into the room and swears that she must bow to his dictates. Mr Western and his sister
quarrel over the management of Sophias marriage. Mrs Western threatens to leave.The Squire speaks against
55
Sophia, his late wife and his sister and tells that women have been his misfortune. When Sophia reminds her
father that if my aunt had died yesterday, I am convinced she would have left you her whole fortunes, Mr
Western calms down. He requests his sister not to leave, and they reconcile. Now both agree that Sophia must
marry Blifil. Mr Allworthy is made to believe that Sophia is eager to marry Blifil.
Their plan is overheard by Mrs Honour. She goes to Sophia immediately and acquaints her with every detail.
Sophia first decides to end her life then resolves to run away from home and go to a female relative in London.
Honour tells her that there is nothing to worry, and agrees to accompany her mistress. While alone, she is divided
and even considers the idea of informing Mr Western. But her argument with maid of Mrs Western settles the
matter. When the Squires sister asks Mrs Honour to pack and quit, she promises Sophia to meet her at certain
place near her house at midnight. Just to divert the attention of her father she consents to obey him. The squire
is happy, forgives her , and gives 100 Pounds so that she may buy some trinkets.
Tom has hired a guide to take him to Bristol, but the fellow is ignorant of the route. Both are lost and take shelter
in an inn. A company of soldiers arrives. They are marching to crush a revolt in the North. Patriotic feelings grip
Toms imagination. Next day he marches with the soldiers. His manners impress the officer and he is invited to
join the officers mess. When Tom proposes Sophias name during the after dinner toasts, a member of the
group named Ensign Northerton makes an absurd remark at her expense. That man had once seen her with her
aunt and could describe her. Tom was engaged in a scuffle with the drunken Ensign. The latter hurls a bottle of
wine at him. Tom falls and remains motionless. Northerton is taken into custody. When Tom is a bit better, during
the night, he purchases as word from the company sergeant. He treads out of his bed in search of Northerton to
settle his score. Tom is fired at by the guards. The shot is missed but Northerton has already escaped by bribing
the landlady. Tom is now left to the care of landlady and the company of soldiers marches off.
Commentary
The book widens the scope of action of the novel. Tom is on the road now. Like Joseph Andrews it becomes an
epic of the road. Tom is penniless and must seek his fortune elsewhere. Sophia too has resolved to leave her
fathers home because she cannot agree to marry the person she detests. She emerges as a woman of independent
thinking, she takes a bold decision. She will never marry Blifil. Honour emerges as a faithful maid servant. She
stands for practical wisdom, she makes Sophia aware of the terror of the road. Through Sophia -Mr Western
tangle we come to know about a family situation. The children at that time were supposed to pay utmost respect
to their parents. A girls revolt, especially regarding her marriage, was inconceivable. If Sophia had not planned
to run away, she could have been tied with Blifil. The audience could very well realize the extent of her revulsion
against Blifil. She was ready to brave the dangers of the road but could not accept Blifil as her partner. Sophias
decision to quit her home is a dramatic event which extends the action further.
The book offers good characterization. Blifil is an archetype of evil. He is revengeful, lusty and greedy; he can
never give happiness to anybody but himself. He can hoodwink both the squires. Like father like son. Squire
Western is a typical rural squire. But he is a caring father who wants his daughter to be married to the richest
man in the world but he is insensitive to the emotional needs of his daughter. His sister is his pale copy. Similarly
Squire Allworthy is all worthy but he can easily be misled.
BOOK-VIII
Introduction
This introductory chapter is on marvellous versus real in fiction. Fielding is of the conviction that every writer
must never cross the bounds of possibility. What he means is that what is possible is true and believable. He
advocates Horace, who advises to use supernatural only sparingly. He adds that even ghosts should be introduced
cautiously. According to him man is the highest subject. Similarly, he says that the author must observe the
rule of probability, the delineation of both good and evil should be kept within the bounds of possibility and
probability. Like all eighteenth century writers, Fielding is of the conviction that action should remain within the
56
compass of human nature. Besides, it must be consistent with the character delineated. What he means is that
every action must be in-character. Fielding concludes that if the writer observes the rules of possibility and
probability honestly he will be able to win the faith of his reader.
CHAPTERS II-XV
Summary
The landlady visits Tom in his room. She chides him for his scuffle with the soldier. When Tom mentions Sophias
name she calms down. Sophia has been a guest. She also tells that she has been to Mr Allworthys estate and
has taken him on her lap for more than once. Tom becomes poetic in praise of the Squire. Somebody knocks at
the door, and she leaves. An argument ensues between Tom and his physician who visits him to treat his wound,
leaves never to return. Tom is awaiting his usual dinner, while the local barber saves him. The barber is a strange
fellow; he is full of oddities; his conversation is mixed with some quoting from Latin. Tom invites him to share a
bottle of wine with him. This barber is known by the name of Little Benjamin. Tom relates his history up to the
present moment. Now Little Benjamin reveals his identy. He is none other then Partridge, the village Latin
schoolmaster and who is supposed to be the father of Tom. He tells him he is not his father. He tries to persuade
Tom to return to Mr Allworthy so that he (Partridge) may be amply rewarded. He now accompanies Tom and
on their way to Gloucester, reach an inn, The Bell. Here Tom meets Mr Dowling who is accompanied by another
lawyer. The latter tells the landlady about Toms mad pursuits at Mr Allworthys. He reacts sharply and Tom is
glad to part company with the lady and quit the place.
As the evening deepens into night and the road is dangerous, Partridge begs Tom to return to the inn but Tom
does not heed and treads on. Both reach the foot of a steep hill. Partridge fears that there must be a ghost. They
see a glimmering light in a cottage. They arrive to find an old woman in the cottage. She refuses to admit them
into the cottage. She tells that her master, The Man of the Hill, has ordered not to admit anybody. Meanwhile
they hear the sound of scuffle outside. Armed with a sword Tom goes out and finds two ruffians attacking the
old man. He rescues the old man who invites Tom into the house. Tom is curious about the past history of his
host, and the latter now settles down to relate his story.
The Man of the Hill tells that when he was young man of promise he went to the University where he was
addicted to gambling and liquor. He bade farewell to the academic world and went to London. Their, the gambler,
Watson, introduced him to the underworld of the city. His father rescued him and he returned to his home. For
four years he devoted himself to his study. His physician advised him change of climate. The Man of the Hill
goes to Bath where he meets Watson, the old gambler. Watson is now miserable. The Man of the Hill tries in
vain to rehabilitate him. Duke of Monmouths revolt inspires the Man of the Hill to join his faction. Watson also
accompanies him. Both fight on behalf of the Duke against the King at the battle of Sedgemore. Watson betrays
his friend to the Kings forces. The Man of the Hill, however, manages to escape. After wandering in Europe, he
came to that area. Now he keeps himself aloof and has devoted himself to the study of religion.
Tom, however, suggests that all mankind is not corrupt. But the Man of the Hill is not convinced; he considers all
mankind depraved.
Commentary
This book reveals the character of Partriage who is know as Little Benjamin, the barber. He reminds us of
Sancho Panza in Cervantes Don Quinote. Little Benjamin is the former schoolmaster Partridge who had
instructed Jenny Jones and who was humiliated by his wife and punished for the sin he had not committed. He
reveals his identity and tells Tom that he is not his father. One of the mysteries is revealed; Toms partentage is
still a mystery.
The Man of the Hill episode is considered to be a digression. No doubt it has nothing to do with the main
structure of the novel. His history is an isolated episode. It does not further the plot but as far as the theme of the
novel is concerned, it is its integral part. Fielding compares and contrasts city and village life. The Man of the Hill
57
was corrupted by the city dwellers. The town had influenced him in the reverse. He represents the moral and
social ideas. He has retreated to the country because he found London, Europe and wherever he went nothing
but darkness. But Fielding does not approve of his negative approach. Patriage has better reasons to detest the
world; even Tom is one who has suffered most. But they are men of the world. Toms comment that one of two
bad men cannot make us conclude that the world is wretched. Society and men who live in it are to be helped,
served and loved .
BOOK-IX
Introduction
Fiedling here highlights the uses of these introductory chapters. More than most, he says, they help the reader to
distinguish the true from the false in this kind of history. These chapters save the author from the imitation of
those who are utterly incapable of any degree of reflection, and whose learning is not equal to my easy. He tells
that the hack writers have forced their talent on the reader. This is why Fielding has called his novel history
and not romance. Next Fielding proceeds to elobrate qualifications of the historians. These are genius, learning,
conversation and sensibility.
CHAPTER II-VII
Summary
The Man of the Hill finishes his tale while the dawn is breaking. Tom and he go out for a walk; they hear fearful
screams of a woman calling for help. Tom immediately leaps to her help, and rescues a woman who is halfnaked. The ruffian is no other than Ensign Northerton, Toms old adversary. In a moment the fight is over. Tom
ties Ensings hands, but he makes his escape because Tom forgot to bind his feet. Tom leads the lady to Upton,
a town in the area so that she may have some clothes. They go to an inn. The landlady suspects them. A comical
fight takes place; only Partridges arrival saves the situation. The fight ends when the ladies arrive; the company
of soldiers also arrives. It is the same company that Tom had volunteered for. Now the lady Tom rescued turns
out to be the wife of Captain Waters. The landlady apologizes for her treatment. Peace is restored between
them. After drinking to each others health, all are in good mood.
Mrs Waters falls in love with Tom. She uses her charms to fascinate him. After Tom has his food to his fill he
notices her. Now he thinks of satisfying his physical appetite. He forgets his loyalty to Sophia. Mrs Waters
succeeds in seducing the hero. Meanwhile, during a conversation the sergeant reveals that the Captain and the
lady are not man and wife, leagally. Her past life is also brought to light. She is accompaning the captain up to a
point; then she will go to Bath. She is having an affair with Ensign Northerton. She was to wait for him at
Worcester until his divisions return. They plan to go to Hereford together. Enroute Northerton attacks Mrs
Waters to obtain her valuables, but well in time Tom rescues her.
Commentary
The Upton episode which begins in this Book and concludes with Book X happens in the middle of the novel.
Book IX begins with the comic action. Toms fundamental good nature is projected through his readiness to
save a woman is distress. The action slows down when the Man of the Hill narrates his own history. It has been
introduced to give relief to the reader; he is given breathing time during the action.
The narrative of the Man of the Hill is not an irrelevant inclusion. It is related with the theme. One of the themes
is existential problem. What kind of world is it. Is it worth living? The Man of the Hill offers one point of view
which is one of withrawal. He finds the world too wretched to live in. Especially the city life is castigated at. He
has withdrawn from the corrupting city life. But Tom offers just the opposite view. He suggests that one or two
bad people cannot make us conclude that the whole world is corrupt.
Tom-Mrs Waters affairs again establishes that Tom is not a seducer; he is seduced. It is the woman, and that too
a voluptous woman, who entagles him. Mrs Waters uses all charms to fascinate him. Besides Fielding refers to
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sexual urge as appetite or hunger. In case of Tom it is only a momentary affair. He is frustrated and has no
hope of winning over the circumstance. Sophia is unattainable. So his affairs with Mrs Waters are to be taken as
physical without involement or sincerity. In the next Book she is referred to as a wench.
For full details the reader will have to wait till Book X which elaborates and concludes the Upton happenings.
BOOK-X
Introduction
In the opening chapter, Fielding cautions the reader not to make hasty judgement on the structure of the novel.
Sometimes even an insignificant incident contributes to the overall design of the novel. Parts are to be assessed
with the whole. Sometimes characters such as landladies, maids, etc act alike under the same circumstances.
They may strike the reader as types; however they have individual qualities as well. Lastly, the writer makes an
observation on the ethical and moral aspect of human nature. He says that the reader should not conclude that
a character is bad because he is not perfectly good. No one is either perfectly good or thoroughly bad. Fieldings
sympathies are with the one who is fundamentally good, and yet may show lapses under particular circumstances.
The vice in an essentially good person should arouse readers sympathy rather than aversion for the doer.
CHAPTERS II-IX
It is midnight. All are asleep. The inn at Upton breathes calmness. Only Susan Chambermaid is awake. She is
to scrub the kitchen floor before going to bed. A stormy gentleman rushes into the inn. He says that he has lost
his wife and is searching for her. When he asks about the woman, Susan concludes that she must Mrs Waters.
She leads him to Mrs Waters chamber. Tom and Mrs Waters have locked the door from inside. The furious
gentleman breaks it down. He finds the man emerging from Mrs Waters bed. A scufle ensues. Mrs Waters
cries loudly Rape! The inn loses all its quiet. An Irish gentleman who is staying in the adjoining room who
comes in rushing, recognizes the fiery gentleman as Mr Maclachlan Fitzpatrick and says amusingly that Mrs
Waters is not Mrs Fitzpatrick. The landlady rushes in; Fitzpatrick feels sorry for his mistake; Tom rushes to his
room through the connecting door. Mrs Waters immediately dresses herself; she apologizes to the landlady for
her a bit immodest dress.
The landlady goes to the kitchen; she tells that the newcomer is a good for nothing fellow. Now the same fellow
is sharing room with the Irish gentleman. Fielding ironically says that the new comer is a largehearted person.
He is so generous that he has not only squandered his own wealth but has siphoned off quite a portion of hers.
Now two ladies enter the inn. The beautiful lady is accompanied by her maid. The former asks for a bed for a
few hours. As soon as the lady retires, the maid orders food, finds fault with the inn, and the landlady. She invites
hatred of all, whereas her mistress is admired by all. Actually the two ladies are Sophia and her maid Mrs
Honour. The Landlady informs Mrs Honour that many a gentleman frequents her inn, and that Mr Allworthys
heir is in her inn at that time. Mrs Honour rushes to Sophia and tells the news. She asks Mrs Honour to find Tom.
No one in the kitchen is prepared to help her. Partridge who is tipsy informs her that Tom is sharing a bed with
a wench and asks her not to disturb him. Sophia receives the news with dismay. She takes off her muff; she
bribes the chambermaid requesting to place it in Toms room. Soon after Sophia and Mrs Honour leave the inn.
Next morning when Partridge awakens Tom, the latter finds the muff in his room. Cursing the day as well as
Mrs Waters and Partridge, Tom dresses himself in haste and prepares to leave the inn.
Fitzpatrick and the Irish gentleman decide to hire a coach. The coachman tells them that he has two empty
places in his coach. Fitzpatricks friend, having questioned the coachman about the two ladies who had entered
the inn during the fight, concludes that one was Mrs Fitzpatrick. A hectic search ensues in the inn. But Mrs
Fitzpatrick, who had heard the furies her husband, had left the inn almost at the same time as Sophia did.
Meanwhile Squire Western enters. He is in pursuit of his daughter. But he was late by two hours. He missed
both Sophia and Mrs Fitzpatrick. The latter was actually his niece who had eloped five years ago while she was
59
under Mr Westerns roof. Fitzpatrick and Mr Western are not known to each other. There is great chaos; both
are pouring out their fury. But it is a vain exercise and the poor lady, Mrs Waters, is again disturbed.
Commentary
Actually book IX and X are one unit and should be assessed together both structurally and thematically. The
episode at the Upton Inn occurs exactly in the middle of the action. So it has structural importance. Thematically
it brings many characters together, and also introduces certain new ones. Their coming together widens the
scope of the scenario of the society being projected. It also places before the reader the parallel journeys of Tom
and Sophia. Irony plays a significant role. Both are brought together at the Upton just to be separated again. The
symbolic device of Sophias muff is repeated. The reader is made to look back and recall it as it happens in Book
V. So the inn episode is the central point of the novel.
The action in Book X is quick. Entry of Mr Fitzpatrick, his mistaken search for his run away wife, his mistaking
Mrs Waters as his wife, his scuffle with Tom in Mrs Waters room is a comic interlude. Similar is the case with
Mr Westerns entry. The theme of flight and pursuit is artistically (also comically) brought forth. The flight of
Sophia and Mrs Fitzpatrick is set against the pursuits of Mr Western, Tom, and Mr Fitzpatrick. Until now Tom
was escaping from Sophia and his social surrounding; now the action is reversed. He is now pursuing her in
haste. The whole action is gripping and the reader is taken along.
The muff is not an insignificant object. It is an important structural device. When it is placed in Toms bed room
he learns that Sophia is seeking him, and she has come to know of his infidelity. It also arouses emotions in Tom
as it did earlier. When Tom rushes into the kitchen in search of Sophia, he meets Mr Western and when the latter
finds Tom possessing her muff, he concludes that she is undone.
Above all, the Upton Inn episode provides comic relief. Humour is embodied in Mrs Waters-Tom episode; it is
replayed with Mr Fitzpatricks crashing into Mrs Waters bedroom. Fielding blends humour of character and
humour of situation. Certainly the Upton Inn episode offers a sumptuous dish of humour and comic relief.
BOOK XI
Introduction
Once again, in this introductory chapter, Fielding hits at the critics. And he very convincingly argues why he is
averse to and against this tribe. He believes that their only function is to condemn, and they are ignorant of the
true meaning of the word judgement. They simply condemn mercilessly. Fielding calls them slanderers and
evildoers. Their weapon is sharper than the sword. The wounds that their slander inflict is beyond repair.
Besides, slander is the child of a wicked and vicious mind, Fielding equates slander with murder. And he argues
with an analogy. He holds that a work is the child of an author, and is a stay of the writer in his old age. He
believes that by slandering a book the critic slanders the writer.
However, Fieldings remarks are not directed against good critics. He considered Aristotle, Horace, Longinus,
Dacier, Bosu, and some others competent critics. They are critics with healthy, dispassionate, correct judgements.
They do not belong to the tribe of critics who condemn and are slanders. This approach shows Fielding affinity
with Pope and Swift who disliked critics.
CHAPTERS II- X
Summary
After leaving the Upton Inn, Sophia and Mrs Honour are on the road to London. Very soon, they are overtaken
by another pair of ladies. Sophia feels relieved that it is not Mr Western. It is still dark and they continue their
journey. The only abnormal incident that happened is that Sophias horse stumbles and she is thrown from its
back, but she is unhurt. It is dawn now and Sophia recognizes Harriet, who is her cousin. They are overjoyed to
meet unexpectedly. They reach an inn and decide to stay on.
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Now Harriet recapitulates her past history. She tells Sophia that she is in flight from her cruel husband. It is the
person who created so much uproar at the Upton Inn. She recalls that five years ago Harriet was on vacation
with her aunt Mrs Western at Bath. She met Fitzpatrick there. He pretended to be courting Mrs Western but his
real motive was to gain Harriet. Their courtship was the cause of scandal in Bath. When Harriet
married Fitzpatrick, Mrs Western disowned her. Actually he married her for her fortune. He took her to his
home in Ireland. She faces real hell of a time there, when he leaves for England she is alone for months together.
She loses her infant child and, to her dismay, she comes to know that Fitzpatrick is also supporting a mistress.
When he is penniless he asks her to part with whatever she is in possession. When she does not meet his
demands, she is locked in a room. She bribes someone who helps her to escape. Now she is in flight to London.
Sophia also tells her story but makes no reference to Tom. Meanwhile, the ladies learn that a gentlemen wants
to talk to them. Sophia is terrified thinking that it is her father. But it turns out to be an Irishman who is a friend
to Harriet. He offers them a lift and safe transportation to London. His offer is accepted, the gentleman takes
leave. Harriet advises Sophia not to believe in husbands fidetily. The next morning they leave for London.
Sophia discovers that she has lost the bank bill. She proceeds on leave. Mrs Fitzpatrick has already praised the
Irish gentleman. The peer takes them safely to London. Sophia is suspicious about Mrs. Harriets relations with
the peer. Actually they had planned all this to go to London and then to Bath.
Sophia tells her cousin harshly and advises to take care of her behaviour. However Harriet ignores all this. Then
the cousins take leave of each other. Harriet proceeds to her destination and Sophia to hers. Sophia is welcomed
by Lady Bellaston. The Lady admires Sophia for her sagacity and discretion.
Commentary
Structually, Harriets story has nothing to do with the action of the novel. It is a superfluous episode which does
not add to the development of the plot. It stands apart from the whole point. Perhaps, her episode has been
introduced to compare her with Sophia and her predicament. Sophia is also on flight but it is from a tyrranical
father; and she is in search of her real destiny; besides, she is pure at heart and keeps herself aloof from the
corrupt atmosphere. On the contrary, Harriet is also on flight but she is a flirt; she is after what Christopher
Marlowe termed as belly cheers. She is an animal. Her episode runs diagonally counter to that of Sophia.
Besides, it serves one more purpose. It is a presage to town life. It foretells what kind of society we are going to
see in London.
This book is also important from historical and social points of view. There is mention of the Rebellion of the 45
when the landlard mistakes Sophia intentification with Jenny Camernon. Mention of Bath has importance in
relation to social history. Reference of Both transports the reader to the atmosphere of that resort. Harriet plans
to accompany the peer to Bath. She met Fitzpatrick for the first time at Bath. It is a place where people go for
gossip, flirtation, gambling, etc. The reader had enough of country atmosphere; now he will have the flavour of
the town life.
BOOK XII
Introduction
In the first chapter of this Book, Fielding takes up the topic of plagiarism. Fielding makes a confession that he has
borrowed many passages from the ancient writers. He compares his relation with the ancients as that of the
poor with the rich. The poor indulge in plunder as frequently as he can. If one steals from another it is a crime,
as also it is absurd. Fielding says that if ever he borrows from a writer of his time, he will acknowldge and be
grateful.
CHAPTER II -XIV
Summary
Mr Western laments not for the loss of his daughter but for having missed a fine hunting day. On hearing the loud
sounds of a hunt he joins the group. The sportsmen immediately recognise his ability and praise him. They invite
him to dinner and drinks. Passing the day like that amounts to a day well spent.
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At the same time Tom and Partridge are on the road. The latter advises him to return to Mr Allworthy but the
former is more worried about the loss of Sophia. When Tom plays mad practical jokes, Partridge is convinced
that Tom is not normal. Partridge also expresses his belief that the Man of the Hill was actually a gost, who
warned them against joining army or going to wars. Tom calls him a coward. Meanwhile a beggar approaches
them for alms. Tom, out of pity, hands him a shilling. It is now the beggars turn ot oblige him. He shows an object
to Tom which he found on the road. It is Sophias pocketbook; it also contains the bank note. When the beggar
asks for part of the sum, Tom says that it must be returned to its owner and premises to reward him later. Now
they hear uproar which terrifies Partridge. But it turns out to be a puppet show. They watch it for some time and
then spend the night at a nearby inn. Tom has Sophias muff and pocketbook as his two companions. Partridge
entertains the people in the kitchen by narrating Toms history. He asks them to force Tom to go back to Mr
Allworthy but they refuse to oblige him.
Next morning Tom is awakened from his sleep. He finds the owner of the puppet show and his Merry-Andrew
quarrelling. The latter refers to the young lady who was saved from being robbed by the former. The lady was
no other than Sophia herself. Tom is promised a safe conduct to the scene of the incident. Now Tom and
Partridge proceed but rain forces them to take refuge in an inn. Here they collect news about Sophia from a
postboy who offers to conduct them to the inn where he left her. It pleases Partridge that Tom has dropped the
idea of joining army and was seriously pursuing Sophia.
When Tom arrives at the inn, he learns that horses are not available at the moment. Lawyer Dowling happens to
be at the inn. He invites Tom to share drink with him. Dowling says that somebody must be there who wants to
harm him. He informs the lawyer that he is not interested in Mr Allworthys wealth; nor is he jealous of Blifils
possessions. Horses are available and Tom continues his journey. Again the guide does not know the route.
Meanwhile wild music is heard. A gypsy wedding welcomes them with wine and food. A gypsy accompanies
them to conduct Tom and Partridge to Coventry. When they proceed to St Albans they learn that Sophia has left
two hours ago. A highway man tries to rob Tom whom he disarms and advises to find out better ways of earning
his livelihood. Tom and Partridge now proceed to London. Meanwhile Tom speaks on the injustice of hanging
highway men.
Commentary
Like book XI, book XII covers the same three days. It treats Toms journey from the same time Sophia left the
inn until her arrival in London. Book XII offers an authentic glimpse of English life. The puppet show, the gypsy
wedding and other happenings present a scenario of the countryside. The book deals with the then means of
entertainment. It is only later on that sophisticated means of entertainment were inroducded.
The horrors of the road are also highlighted. Thieves, ruffians, pickpockets and murderers come across everywhere.
The beggars too form a party of the scenario. Quarrels and fights in the inns are common happenings.
There is a searching comments on justice in the Book. Toms conversation with the king of gypsies makes it
obvious. Justice among of gypsies is quick and sure. When a gypsy girl tries to seduce Partridge it is the husband
who is punished and not the gypsy girl. He is punished for not caring for her behaviour. Fielding also comments
on governance. He notes that the mankind was happy only in the golden age. An absolute monarch needs
moderation, wisdom and goodness. And since monarch possesses all the three, so such ruler can be a reality.
Most rulers in the past lacked at least one of these three attributes.
BOOK-XIII
Introduction
In the first chapter of the Book, Fielding evokes his muse with an intimate flavour : comfort me by a solemn
asurance, that when the little parlour in which I sit at this instant shall be reduced to a worse furnished box, I shall
be read with honour by those who ever knew or saw me, and whom I shall neither know nor see. The
invocation here reminds him of authors who have been praying to the muses for grace. But it is neither in the
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elevated style of Milton nor that of mock-heroic of Pope. Here Fielding is praying for fame and immediate
material gain. It is prayer of a man of the world. He adds that if this may not be possible, Warm my heart with
the transporting thought of conveying...[riches]...to others. He prays, Tell me that..... the prattling babes
whose innocent play hath often been interrupted by my labours, may one time be amply rewarding for them.
For the sucessful completion of the work, Fielding invokes four things. One, he asks for genius : Teach me...to
know mankind better than they know themselves...fill my pages with humour; till mankind learns the good nature
to laugh to grieve at their own. Two, he requests for humanity, which inspires kindness and generosity; three,
learning, so that he may study human nature properly; he begs experience which will enable him to know the
manners of mankind. These will act as assisting agents whom he summons; for arduous is the task I have under
taken...But if you all smile on my labour I hope still to bring them to a happy conclusion.
CHAPTER II-XII
Tom arrives in London during the night. Besides his hectic search, Tom cannot locate the peers house. However,
he spots the house and by bribing the footman he is able to be taken to Mrs Fitzpatricks home where Sophia is
staying for the time being. He misses Sophia by ten minutes. Also Harriet suspects that Tom is sent by Mr
Western and does not disclose her whereabouts. Harriets maid advises her that if she restores Sophia to her
father, Harriet herself may happily be reconciled to Western. As Sophia is staying with Lady Bellaston, Harriet
meets her with the plan. But the Lady refuses to return Sophia to the brute father. She agrees that Sophia and
Tom must be kept apart. As she does not know Tom, and the latter is calling on Mrs Fitzpatrick in the evening,
she decides to visit her.
Tom calls at Harriets in the evening. He informs her that his only purpose to meet Sophia is to return her
pocketbook and money. Meanwhile Lady Bellaston arrives with an Irish peer. Tom leaves his name and address
with a maid and quits.
Tom and Partridge are staying with Mrs Miller, the widow of a clergyman with two daughters. Mr Allworthy,
while in London, also stays at her home. Nightingale, a pleasant young man is also staying with them. He goes
to Mrs Fitzpatrick, the next day but cannot see her. Frustrated, he returns to the apartment; he hears some
uproar and when he goes downstairs, he find Nightingale being harassed by his footman. Tom helps Nightingle
and both become friends.
Next day, in the morning, Partridge comes with a news that Mrs Fitzpatrick is nowhere available. Immediately
a parcel is received. It contains devices and a ticket to a masquerade from the queen of the fairies. Tom is
filled with optimism. He is sure that the parcel is from Harriet becaue only she knows his address. He hopes to
meet Sophia at the ball. At the masquerade he is led by a masked lady who tells him that Sophia is not there.
After the ball the same masked lady takes him home. She turns out to be Lady Bellaston and not Mrs Fitzpatrick.
Tom stays with the Lady until six in the morning.
With a sleep of a few hours Tom feels refreshed. He gives Partridge a bank note for 50 pounds that he received
from Lady Bellaston to have it changed. But he readily offers it to Mr Miller to help a family in distress.
Again in the evening, Tom waits upon Lady Bellaston. Thinking that there will be no end to his visits he and
Partridge plan to bribe servants so that they may know Sophias whereabouts. Now that Tom has money and the
company of a lady, he becomes one of the best dressed young men. Now he is no more poor. But he is under the
condition of making love to the Lady. She is in the autumn of her life but has the decorations of a young lady.
In the evening Tom prepares to meet Lady Bellaston. Meanwhile Mrs Miller detains him and introduces her
relative whom Tom has aided. The man turns out to be the same highwayman who had tried to rob him. But Tom
does not mention the incident of the attempted robbery. It detains his visit to the Lady. On reaching, he is shown
into the drawing room. Lady Bellaston wanted to be alone with Tom. So she has already sent Sophia and Mrs
Honour to the theatre. But Sophia does not find the noise in the theatre friendly and returns to Lady Bellastons
home. Sophia enters the same moment Tom is shown into the drawing room. Both meet. It is a touching scene.
63
Tom returns Sophias pocket book; he says that he is unworthy of her; he begs pardon for his past actions. Also,
he declares his never ending and sincerest love for her and only her. Sophia in reply reproaches him for tarnishing
her name in public. She also declares her sincerest love for him.
Meanwhile Lady Bellaston enters. She does not reveal that she knows Tom. Tom too says that he has come to
return Sophias purse. In return he asks for a favour of another visit to which the Lady agrees. Later on Lady
Bellaston chides Sophia. Sophia denies any familiarity with Tom.
Commentary
Book XIII is the beginning of the last part of the novel. With Toms arrival in London the middle is concluded. We
have been offered a comprehensive view of the country side in Somersetshire setting; then we had a survey of
the highway. Now we are offered a scenario of the town, London.
Now the plot deepens. The action develops further. For some time the meeting between Tom and Sophia is
delayed. Ultimately they meet unexpectedly at Lady Bellastons home. They express love for each other. We
are given a glimpse of the most piognant and touching love scene.
A comment on characterization will not be out of place here. Harriet and Lady Bellaston are types. They are
embodiments of the corruptions of town life. Both remind us of Chancers Wife of Bath in The Canterbury
Tales. Lady Bellaston is closer to Lady Wishfort in Congreves The Way of the World.They will remain what
they are. Mrs Miller is in-character. She represents the fundamental virtue of charity, compassion and kindness.
She is contrasted with the other two ugly specimen of London society.
Tom certainly develops, he cannot resist temptation. He plays as the gigolo to Lady Bellaston; he accepts her
money; adopts fashions of London. But he is basically good. He helps Nightingale. When he finds him engaged
in dispute with his footman, he even offers the whole money received from Lady Bellaston to Mrs Miller so that
she may help a family in distress. He is always ready to help any one in danger.
London life is also projected through the means of entertainment. Now the puppet show and the gypsy wedding
have been replaced by balls and masquerades. Town is as dangerous as the highway road. Fielding, thus, offers
an authentic picture of Londen society in book XIII.
BOOK-XIV
Introduction
In this introductory chapter, Fielding praises the role of learning which many modern critics take as shackles
shackles to imagination. According to Fielding the knowledge of men and manners he writes about is helpful to
the writer. Many an English writer fails to offer a genuine portrayal of manners of upper society because they
have no knowledge of their manners. Books, stage or imitation cannot help either. For that the writer must be in
the thick of life. Only then they can delineate true manners. As he says, The picture must be after Nature
herself. A true knowledge of the world is gained only by conversation, and the manners of every rank must be
seen in order to be known.
Fielding is of the view that a knowledge of high society is of no avial to a comic writer like him. He considers it
the dullest thing existing in the world. Besides, it is not comic. The real comic is available in the lower classes.
They offer diversity and variety. Upper society is limited by the drab activities of eating, drinking, visiting and
cardplaying. It is a sleepy world. Fielding lables it a grivolous society, not a fit subject for the truly comic.
CHAPTERS II-X
Summary
A few moments after Tom reaches home, he finds two notes written in haste by Lady Bellaston. He has been
asked to visit her immediately. He is just preparing to leave when the Lady herself rushes into the room. She
fears that he may have told everything to Sophia. Meanwhile Partridge enters and he is immediately followed by
64
Mrs Honour. Instantly Lady Bellaston hides behind the bed. Mrs Honour castigates Lady Bellastons morals and
hands him a letter from Sophia. When they leave, the Lady comes out of her hiding with fire in her eyes. She
demands the letter which he refuses to part with. Now she realises his preference for Sophia. However they
agree that Tom will visit pretending that he is calling on Sophia.
Sophias letter shows her concern about Lady Bellastons suspicion about them. She has requested him not to
visit her. At the same time she is hopeful for the future. In the morning he writes to both of the ladies. To the
Lady he has written that he is unwell. Mr Miller Visits Tom and asks him not to permit any ladies to visit him at
midnight. He says that he will change his lodgings. She leaves his room.
Nightingale enters and teases Tom for having visitors like Bellaston and that too in the middle of night. He too is
changing his lodgings. He wants to avoid Nancy, Mrs Millers daughter, with whom he is in love because his
father has fixed up another match for him. Both decide to have a house together. Next morning Mrs Miller
invites Tom to tea just to please him. She tells him about her relation with Mr Allworthy, about his goodness, and
about the death of her husband.
Next morning an uproar awakens Tom. Partridge brings the news that Miss Nancy is in precarious conditon; he
also informs that Nightingale has left the house. Mrs Miller is hysterical; Tom comforts her. She tells Tom that
Nightingale is responsible for the condition of Nancy who has tried to kill herself .Tom promises to go in search
of Nightingale and bring them good news. He spots Nightingale who is full of remorse. He is a good person and
says he will not betray Nancy. But his father wants him to marry a girl of his choice. Tom assures him that he will
contact his father, and get his approval.
Tom meets the elder Nightingale and tactfully tells him that his son is already married. It shocks the old gentleman;
meanwhile elder Nightingales brother enters who tells him that he should care for his sons happiness and not
for that of his own. Mr Nightingale is both angry and irritated. Tom leads Nightingales brother to Mrs Millers
residence. Now it is no longer a house of sobs and weepings. Marriage of Nightingale and Nancy is being
celebrated. Mrs Nightingale thanks Tom and calls her the saviour of her family. Mr Nightingale is, however, not
pleased with the development. We learn that Nightingale and Nancy are not really married. His uncle takes
Nightingale home. Tom is suspicous, but now he is preoccupied with the thought of Sophia.
Commentary
The situation is highly comic. When Lady Bellaston storms into Toms room and is surprised by Partridge and
and Mrs Honour following him, she hides herself behind the bed, and Mrs Honour passes derogatory remarks
against her. It reminds us of the scene in Book V, Chapter V, in which Tom is in Mollys bedroom and her would
be lover, Square the philosopher, hides behind the curtain. Such scenes were common in eighteenth century
literature. There is a famous screen scene in Sheridans The School for Scandal in which Lady Teazle hides
herself behind the Indian screen.
The rest of the book covers the family affairs of Mrs Miller and especially the love story of Nightingale and Miss
Nancy, Mrs Millers daughter. This is a side story and has nothing to do with plot structure; its only purpose is to
present a parallel. Here Mr Nightingale behaves in the same way as does Mr Western. Both come in the way of
the happiness of their children. This gives a universal connotation to the episode. Besides, it projects the natural
goodness of Tom.
BOOK-XV
Introduction
Fielding does not approve of the accepted view on morality that virtue leads to happiness and vice is a sure way
to misery. There is nothing as absolute good or absolute evil. They are relative. For instance, misery is also
the result of poverty and contempt. Mischiefs like backbiting, envy and ingratitude are the agents of misery.
Fielding is in favour of fundamental and essential goodness as is projected in Tom. To help others, to sympathize
with the miserable, and to save one in distress are the real acts of a virtuous person. Tom is out to help others
65
while others are bent upon destroying him. His approach is Christian whereas his adversaries are anti-Christian.
The chapter treats Fieldings views on the real meaning of morality.
CHAPTERS II-XII
Mrs Honour brings news about Sophia and narrates a terrifying tale. Lady Bellaston thinks that Sophia is her
adversary. The Lady is hypocritical. She is outwardly sympathetic to her cousin but inwardly she hates her, and
schemes against her. As Lady Macbeth corrupts her husband and persuades him to kill their guest, the king,
Lady Bellaston persuades Lord Fellamar to rape Sophia. In fact the lord is in love with Sophia. On the night of
the theatre disturbances, he conducts her to Lady Bellastons home. He confesses his hopeless love, and the
lady tells that he has a rival a beggar, a bastard, a foundling, a fellow in meaner circumstances than one of his
lordships footmen. She devises a situation persuading him to rape Sophia. Sophia is reading a book when the
lord enters her room, and she resists his advances. When he forces himself upon her, she screams. But no help
is available because the good lady has dismissed everybody. Now unexpected help comes. Mr Western storms
into the room. Mrs Harriet Fitzpatrick, in order to win his favour, has written a letter to Mr Western, who now
reaches in the nick time and Sophia is saved. Mr Western takes Sophia to his lodgings. This is how Sophia gets
rid of Lady Bellaston.
Mrs Honour relates the episode graphically and than feels worried because she has no job now. Mr Western
dismissed her. Tom comforts her. Meanwhile Lady Bellaston visits Tom. He conceals Mrs Honour behind the
bed. The episode develops into a comedy of errors. While Lady Bellaston is in Toms room, Nightingale enters.
She retreats behind the bed ony to find Mrs Honour already there. A comic situation sends the reader into peals
of laughter. Lady Bellaston offers a position to Mrs Honour, and leaves. Tom assures his constancy to Sohphia.
Next morning the marrige ceremony of Nightingale and Nancy takes place at Doctors Commons. Nightingales
uncle has to leave as he receives a news of his daughters elopement. Tom is now free to attend to his own
affairs.
After returning from wedding Tom finds three letters from Lady Bellaston. When Nightingale enters, Tom is
reading her letters. Tom wants to get rid of the lady. Nightingale suggests that if he wants to get free he must
propose to her; he himself dictates the letter. Very soon Tom gets her reply in which she scorns that monstrous
animal - a hunband and wife. Now she has nothing to do with Tom.
Mrs Miller receives a letter from Mr Allworthy. He is expected in the town, and asks her for lodgings. Tom is to
live with Nancy and Nightingale. The news of Blifils expected arrival frustrates Tom. He knows the purpose of
his visit.
The following day he receives two letters; one from Mrs Honour who informs him that she is now in the service
of Lady Bellaston. The other is from Mrs Arabella Hunt, who has proposed marriage. Tom, though uncertain
about his future, declines the offer. He takes out Miss Westerns muff and kisses it several times and turns
about his room.
Partridge brings the news that Squire Western and Black George are in the town; he offers to smuggle Toms
letter to Sophia.
Commentary
Now the action becomes quick. It is heading towards conclusion. All the characters are once again being
assembled. Tom, Sophia, Mrs Western and Partridge ar the first to arrive in London. After this advance party
Mrs Western reaches with a bang. His arrival is most dramatic; he bursts into the room when the peer is
attempting to rape Sophia; Mrs Fitzpatrick and Mrs Waters are to appear shortly. We are informed that Mr
Allworthy and Blifil will appear on the stage soon. The Nightinale-Nancy affairs have already been given happy
conclusion. Tom and Lady Bellaston have been separated. Now Tom-Sophia affairs will take the front stage.
This book develops the attempted rape of Sophia in a mock-heroic style. The rape is prevented by a sudden
entry of Mr Western. The reader was not expecting Mr Western at least. Lady Bellastons persuading Fellamar
66
in the epic tradition in which she fires the ambition of the hero of the epiosde. Fielding turns it into the mock
heroic, thus moulding it into the comic mode. But he is given the opportunity only to kiss Sophias neck when Mr
Western thunders into the room.
Similarly, the dialogue between Mr Western and the peer is highly comic and funny. It provides comic relief.
Sophia, of course, conducts herself most gracefully. The introduction of Sophias muff the third time is symbolic
of true love of Sophia and of the commitment of Tom to her. He sees Sophias presence in the object.
BOOK -XVI
Introduction
Once again, in writing the prefatory chapters to the book shows Fieldings practical knowledge of drama. They
stand to the book as do prologues to the play. These chapters have a serious purpose. They make the reader
familiar with the abuses of the taste of town life; they take the contemporary writers to task, and land the efforts
of the writer. They are used as a helping device to the reader and provide an opportunity to the writer to scrutiny
his own efforts. They are thus a link between the writer and his audience. They offer to the reader a direction
as to how to approach a work.
CHAPTER II-X
Sophia is now locked in a room in the lodgings of Mr Western. He is staying at the Hercules Pillar Inn. Now a
highly comic scene occurs. An emissary from Lord Fellamar arrives and conveys the peers word that he wants
full satisfaction for what happened the previous night. Mr Western does not understand anything. He holds the
lord to be Sophias lover and will not permit them to marry. As for the duel he has no time to go out.
He hears Sophia screaming and heads towards her room hastily. He persuades her to marry Blifil saying that
happiness depends on her consent to the marriage. She refuses to oblige him and he thunders out of the room.
She even refuses to eat when Black George brings her dinner. Actually he has brought a letter from Tom in the
body of a pullet. She reads the letter which conveys Toms undying love for her. He wishes her to be happy with
or without him.
Meanwhile Mrs Western arrives; she does not approve of Mr Westerns lodgings. She takes Sophia to a more
fitting apartment.
Tom receives a letter from Sophia. He comes to know about her freedom from her cruel father and her new
lodgings. She has expressed her love and promises never to marry any other person. Tom is overjoyed. He goes
to the theatre with Mrs Miller and others.
Mr Western sends a message to Blifil that Sophia has been traced. He wants immediate marriage which pleases
Blifil. Blifil is not in love with Sophia. Actually he wants to marry her not out of love but out of hatred.
Mr Allworthy does not want to do anything in haste. However he reluctantly agrees to go to London and lets
Blifil pursue the matter. Arriving in London Blifil meets Western immediately. The latter takes the former to
Sophia. Sophia is speechless. She turns to see him. Mrs Western chides her brother for his failure to show
decorum.
Lord Fellamar is so much in love with Sophia that he cannot resist from revealing it to Lady Bellaston. She not
only encourages him, she goes to Mrs Western and presses Mr Fellamars suit. Thinking that Sophia will be
married into nobility, feels pleased. She promises Lady Bellaston to persuade Sophia. Both Fellamar and Lady
Bellaston have planned to send Tom to sea.
Tom visits Mrs Fitzpatrick; she met him at the theatre and had invited him. She has already met Mrs Western.
She was received with rudeness by Mr Western and his sister. Now she wants to avenge her humiliation. She
suggests that he should call on Mr Western and taking the advantage of the occasion should meet Sophia. But
he does not agree with her. Tom leaves never to see her again. In the street he is met by Fitzpatrick. They are
engaged in a duel. Fitzpatrick is seriously wounded. Now the press gang hired by Fellamar arrives but its
67
services are no more needed. Tom is arrested. Partridge arrives with a letter from Sophia informing that her aunt
has read the letter of proposal he has written (which was dictated by Nightingale). Toms obvious infidelity
frustrates her. She has said in the letter that now she will never see him any more. Toms fortunes are now
lowest.
Commentary
Structurally Fellamar-Sophia-Bellaston episode seems to be out of place, but as it is used as a device to solve or
complicate Sophia-Tom tangle it is of great dramatic importance. Sending of press gang by Fellamar, the scheming
nature of Lady Bellaston, love intrigues among the upper society make the action quick and real. It is a dangerous
world to live in. Toms arrest shows that our innocent hero is now in real trouble. Evil seems to have succeeded.
But as it is a comic work, no problem will remain unsolved and complication unresolved. But the reader is now
pressed hard to watch the further action.
The episode of Partridge at the theatre is a delightful occasion. He comments on the appearance of the ghost in
Hamlet, the heros relation with his mother and the Kings actions are simple and factual. Toms reaction to
Partridges comments is sophisticated but spontaneous.
The book complicates the action, but the resolution is not far to see. The action becomes all the more quick.
BOOK-XVII
Introduction
In this introductorly chapter the author expresses his views on comic and tragic modes of writing when he
concludes his work. Tom and Sophia seem to be in an unhappy situation. Their future seems to be uncertain.
Sophia may have a good husband; Toms future seems to be entirely bleak. In the end Fielding says that if he is
to get rid of difficulties he will have to devise some logical and natural way of escaping.
CHAPTERS II-IX
One morning Mr Allworthy and Mrs Miller are at breakfast. Blifil returns from some business. At the table, he
speaks sarcastically against Tom and calls him a villain. Mrs Miller defends Tom and speaks of his many acts of
kindness to her. Mr Allworthy intervenes saying that Blifil and Tom are good friends. Now Blifil breaks the news
that Tom has killed a man in a duel. Again Mrs Miller defends Tom by saying that the man must have provoked
him and calls him the gentlest man. Meanwhile Squire Western enters. He is in bad mood. He will never allow
his daughter to marry a lord. He adds that either she marries Blifil or she will be fed on bread and water for the
rest of her life.
However, Mr Allworthy has all praise for Sophia. He admires her for her graces. Besides, he says he will never
force her to marry Blifil. He even offers his advice that parents should never force their children to marry
against their wishes and ruin their happiness. But Mr Western will not listen. He says that he is her father and
has every right to guide and govern her. Blifil enters; he says that Sophia should have nothing to do with a
murderer (Tom). Mr Western is overjoyed. He will be all the more happy if Tom is hanged. He invites Mr
Allworthy to dinner and leaves. Thereafter Mr Allworthy speaks to Blifil harshly and advises him not to pursue
Sophia.
Meanwhile Mrs Western presses Sophia very hard to marry Lord Fellamar. Sophia does not find him any
different from Blifil. She says she hates both. Having a coronet on ones coach fascinates her. She tells Sophia
that by marrying into a nobility she will enhance the image of the family. She tells her aunt about Fellamars
attempt to rape her. She has even invited the lord. Mrs Westerns enthusiasm gets further impetus when Bellaston
tells her that there should be no further delay. But Sophia requests the lord not to press her any further. She adds
that she is not interested in rank, title and honour. In the end, she begs him to leave. However, Mrs Western
assures the lord that Sophia will soon be made to see reason.
68
Mrs Miller and Nightingale visit Tom in the prison. They try to console him. Meanwhile Partridge
enters and informs that Fitzpatrick is alive. Whereas Nightingale convinces Tom that he attacked in selfdefence, Tom repents that he has been forced into shedding the blood of a fellow human being. More
than most, he feels sorry that he has lost Sophia. Mrs Miller takes the responsibility of delivering Toms letter to
Sophia.
The same evening Mrs Miller informs Mr Allworthy that Tom has lost the money the gentlemen gave him. But
he still considers Blifil better than Tom, and will not relish anything said against the former. She reminds Mr
Allworthys former love for Tom; She acquaints him with the virtues of Tom, and her obligation to him for saving
her family. Mr Allworthy softens and promises to meet Mr Nightingale and see how reconciliation can be made
possible.
Next day Nightingale visits Tom in the jail again. He informs him that he has traced the sailors who have
witnessed the duel and that they persist in saying that it was Tom who provoked and struck the first blow. When
told to consider that a persons life is at stake, they persisted in their stand.
Mrs Millers entry adds to the general melancholic atmosphere. But fortune has not yet abandoned Tom. After
his well wishers have left, Mrs Waters enters. She informs Tom that Fitzpatrick is out of danger. Tom again
lamets his wicked acts and errors. However, his words do not impress her. She assures him that he will soon be
at liberty.
Commentary
The course of action complicated by Toms arrest is near solution. There is hope that he will be released soon.
As regards his marriage with Sophia complication still persists. Mr Western is bent upon her marriage with Blifil;
Mrs Western is attracted by a coronet on a coach; she wants Sophia to marry Fellamar. Allworthy is full of
praise for Sophia, but his doubts about Blifils marriage to her persit, and he is yet to reconcile with Tom. But the
reader is sure that these complications will soon be resolved, but he is left guessing. The reader is sure that the
writer will soon make some revealing discovery and relieve him of his concern. The writer knows what the
reader wants.
The book is a fine study of human nature, characters are developed further. It is suggested that basic nature
never changes. There are fine characters whose behaviour shows their fundamentals. Mr Allworthy will be
constantly good and will even stand the evil in other with kindness; Mrs. Miller will never speak ill of Tom; once
convinced, she praises his virtues and no evil design of any one can change her opinion. Blifil persists in his evil
designs. Tom laments that he has been wicked and has injured a fellow being. His basic goodness is
emphasized.
As the action is heading towards conclusion, Fielding is summing up the episodes. The action is swiftly pace in
this penultimate book. It directs the readers attention to the conclusion in the last book.
BOOK-XVIII
Introduction
In this prefatory chapter of the last Book, Fielding tells the reader that they have reached almost the end of the
journey. It has been a long journey. He invites the reader to forget if any odd things have occurred during the
journey. He says that they are parting for ever. He now puts aside jesting and raillery and speaks in plain
language. As he is plain and sober there will no more be any amusement or entertainment. The narrative will be
straightforward and simple. He bids farewell to the reader. All along, he has been readers companion and his
entertainer. In fact, it has been his primary mission . It has never been his intention to annoy him. However,
there may have been occasion when he or his friends have felt offended. In fact, it has never been his
intention to hit either of them. But he has directed his ire against those who have offended or given opportunity
to feel so.
69
CHAPTER II-XIII
While Tom is in jail brooding over his fate, Partridge enters his cell, and informs him that the woman (Mrs
Waters) who has just left and with whom he slept at Upton, is his own mother. The idea of the sin of incest that
Tom has committed torments him. He requests Partridge to go and fetch Mrs Waters but Partridges all efforts
to spot her are in vain. Meanwhile Tom receives a letter from Mrs Waters. The contents of the letter agree with
what Partridge has said about the Upton episode.
Black George enters and finding Tom and Partridge serious comes to the conclusion that Fitzpatrick is no more.
He has brought money for Tom which he refuses to take. He informs Tom that Sophia has been taken to her
fathers apartment. He elaborates the episode with great witticism and humour how Sophia refused to marry
Lord Fellamar. He also adds that Western is happy over the idea that Tom may be hanged. To celebrate the
thought the Squire retired to bed dead drunk.
Next day in the morning, as promised, Mr Allworthy visits Mr Nightingale and induces him to see Tom. Mr
Nightingale shows him 500 pounds in bank bills that Black George has handed him to invest. Mr Allworthy
immediately identifies that bill that he had given to Tom. Mr Allworthy asks him to retain the bill till further
discussion. While Mr Allworthy is convincing himself that he should be glad to know that he is wrong in his
assessment of Tom, young Nightingale enters with the news that Fitzpatrick is out of danger. He also adds that
Fitzpatrick has confessed that he provoked Tom to start the brawl. Tom is thus absolved of all responsibility. All
are happy to learn that Tom is proved innocent.
Mr Allworthy receives two letters which force him to change his heart. One letter is from Square who has
confessed at the death bed that he is a party to the villainy against his adopted son. Similarly Thwackum writes
advising Mr Allworthy against himself now the record is set straight. Now Allworthy is clear about the villainy
hatched by the trio Square, Thwackum and Blifil.
Now Mr Allworthy is preoccupied by the thought of Toms attempted kidnapping. Blifil confesses that he sent
Dowling to make an effort to soften the evidence. Mr Allworthy wants to visit Tom in the prison. Meanwhile
Partridge enters. He informs the Squire that he is not the father of Tom; he also informs about the sinful relation
between Tom and Mrs Waters. It horrifies and shocks the gentleman. Mrs Waters rushes in and discusses with
the squire in private. She reveals that Partridge is not the father of Tom. She makes a revelation that he is the
son of Summer. The Summer was the son of a clergyman whom the squire held in great honour. On asking about
the mother Mrs Waters, who is actually Jenny Jones, reveals that the mother of Tom was the gentlemans sister.
It was Mrs. Wilkins who was dispatched on trip so that she remained ignorant of the episode. She adds that the
infant was placed in the Squires bed the same night he returned from London.
Western enters and repeats once again that Sophia will have to marry Blifil. Meanwhile Dowling informs about
Toms release. After Western quits, Mrs Waters continues the narrative. She tells everything about herself. She
tells how she was bribed to own the child and keep the secret. Allworthy promises assistance if she promises to
lead virtuous life.
Now Dowling enters. Mr Allworthy wants answer to all his doubts. Dowlings replies set the record straight. He
tells that Blifil sent him to persuade the witnesses against Tom. He also tells that he was at Mrs Blifils bedside
at the time of her death. She gave him a letter revealing the truth of Toms parentage and her relation to Mr
Allworthy. On asking why he did not deliver that letter he says that he gave it to Blifil who promised to deliver
to him, and who purposely, concealed it. Mr Allworthy calls Blifil that wicked viper. He goes to Mr Westerns
apartment, directs Blifil to find out the said letter before he returns.
Mr Allworthy visits Sophia and apoloiges for the treatment he is guiltly of. He says that he was ignorant of the
villainy of Blifil. She has been saved. He adds that now she is free to marry any other person. He speaks of
Toms fundamental goodness. If she marries him, he pleads, she can make him to show his real worth. However,
she rejects Tom outrightly. Meanwhile Western rushes into the house. He thinks that Mr Allworthy is pressing
70
Blifils case. Allworthy says that now he is for Tom and not Blifil. Western thinks that Sophia now favours Lord
Fellamar. Allworthy leaves promising to returns in the afternoon the same day.
All ends meet at Mrs. Millers home. Tom begs his uncles forgiveness for all his lapses. Allworthy feels sorry
for his ignorance and advises Tom to be careful about his behaviour in future. Meanwhile Western bursts into the
room and begs Toms forgiveness. Tom now narrates past incidents and completes his history upto the present
moment. Blifil sends a message asking if he can meet his uncle. Mr Allworthy declares that he has nothing to do
with Blifil . Tom persuades his uncle no to be crude to Blifil. When Mrs Miller feels uneasy about Blifils
presence in her home, Tom again urges charity. Mr Allworthy asserts that Blifil must leave the house the same
evening. When Allworthy informs Tom of Black Georges treachery regarding 500 pounds, Tom first gets angry,
then forgives him, saying that temptation was beyond the control of man of Georges station.
Mr Allworthy and Tom visit Westerns. Sophia and her father are expecting them at teatime. Tom is looking more
handsome than ever before. Sophia has never looked so charming and lovely before. When tea is over, Western
takes Mr Allworthy out of the room leaving the couple to their privacy. After an uneasy silence both warm up to
their love theme. Sophia charges Tom with inconstancy; Tom begs for mercy and forgiveness; he defends
himself regarding his letter to Lady Bellaston. He even asks for trial so that he may prove his devotion to her. He
hugs Sophia and kisses her most passionately. At this Western enters and askes if the wedding will take place
tomorrow or not. Sophia submits to her fathers wish with all faithfulness. A rich supper is arranged at the
Millers. The nightingales also attends the supper; the father and son are happily reconciled. Western drinks and
sings.
The next morning Tom and Sophia are married at Doctors Commons. Their trials are over now and they live
happily for the rest of their life. Fielding summarizes the fates of other characters. Blifil, after the persuasion of
Tom and Sophia, is given 200 pounds a year; Tom secretly adds a third to it. Blifil retires to the northern counties
hoping to marry a widow. All other near and dear to Mr Allworthy are given money, and position according to
their status.
Squire Western hands over his estate to Tom and Sophia and retires to his other estates; now he will drink, hunt
and be happy. Western keeps visiting them; he gladly whiles away his time with his grand childern, a girl and a
boy.
Mr Allworthy is most kind to Tom. At all occasions he shows him willing favours. In company with Sophia and
his confabulations with the old gentleman, Toms character is greatly improved. His reflections on his past
follies have inspired in him a discretion and prudence very common in one of his lively parts.
Commentary
The history concludes with the marriage of the hero and the heroine. This happy ending is preceded by their
vicissitudes partly caused by their errors of judgements and mostly infected by the scheming and treacherous
people around them. The ending unmasks the villainies of Blifil and his emissaries. It being a comic book, things
must reach a happy conclusion. All complications are solved all problems resolved. Discoveries and revelations
are a natural element in a comic novel. Mr Allworthy recognizes Tom; he turns out to be his nephew and the true
heir. The discovery of this noble birth solves all problems. All is well with the discovery and reversal devices.
Fielding handles the plot with great skill. Probability and possibility contribute to the verisimilude in the action.
The last Book like the last act in a drama brings all characters together. Fielding does not forget to relate the
fates of characters major or minor. By showing them in diverse relationships, Fielding delineates their real
natures. Besides, reward and punishment add to realism in the novel. Every character contributes to the action
in the novel. Especially in the last Book no character has been introduced without purpose.
More than most, the emphasis here is on human nature. The town life is full of corruption but those who come
from the country bring their own corruption with them. The epic journey of life, from the country via highway
road shows that the fundamental human nature is everywhere the same. But it is goodness that will triumph; it
is fundamental and essential virtue that stands one in good stead. And order comes out of disorder; good will
triumph; honest and committed life alone can initiate and ensure lasting happiness.
71
4. Details of Important Characters in Tom Jones

Tom Jones: the hero of the comic epic; he is supposed to be a foundling; but later on he is discovered to be the
son of Bridget and Summer, and the true heir to the Paradise Hall; the mystery and revelation of his parentage
and his love and marriage with Mr Westerns daughter, Sophia, are the central issues that the plot of the novel is
based on.
Squire Allworthy: a wealthy, benevolent country squire. He is a widower and lives with his sister Bridget. The
foundling is discovered lying in his bed; he adopts the infant; he is kind to the child, generous to the sinful, but
gullible and credulous which give rise to actions and reactions. His decisions are basic to the development of the
plot.
Miss Bridget Allworthy (Mrs. Blifil): sister to Mr Allworthy; she is the actual mother of Tom; she is the wife
of Captain Blifil, and mother of Blifil. She is hypocritical and vain. But her secrets and informations are important
elements in the plot construction.
Squire Western: father to Sophia and a typical country squire. He is a brutish, beef-eating and hunting country
squire. His despotic decisions further the action of the plot.
Sophia: Daughter to Squire Western and the lovely heroine in the novel. She is a woman of remarkable beauty
and an embodiment of virtue and fidelity. Her love with Tom is the pivotal issue in the novel.
Mrs Western: sister to Squire Western and aunt to Sophia. International politics is her hobby-horse. She is a
vain, self-centered and hypocritical woman. She serves as a chorus on Tom-Sophia relationship and guides her
brother accordingly; she is a manly woman.
Blifil: the villain in the novel. He is Mr Allworthys nephew. Like his father, Captain Blifil, he is mundane and
selfish. As an adversary to Tom, he plays an important role in the development of the action. In the end he is
deservedly punished.
Captain Blifil: husband to Bridget and father of Tom; he marries Bridget for money and dies a lonely death. He
betrays his brother, Dr Blifil.
Mrs Honour: a faithful but worldly-wise maid to Sophia. She accompanies her to London also, and is helpful in
every way.
Benjamin Partridge: a poor mediocre village school teacher. For some time Jenny Jonnes learnt Latin from
him. He is supposed to be Toms father; his wife has testified against him; he has to leave his village; he meets
Tom at Upton Inn and becomes his companion in the imitation of Cervantes Sancho Panza.
Mrs Partridge: the jealous and nagging wife of Partridge, the village school master; she is a garrulous and
quarrelsome woman; she misinterprets her husbands relation with Jenny and testifies against him. She reduces
her family to misery; she dies in poverty, and Partridge leaves the village.
Jenny Jones (Mrs Waters): a servant woman, bribed by Bridget to own the foundling as her child; she is
generous but loose in sexual behaviour. She allures Tom at Upton Inn and seduces him; she ultimately marries
Parson Supple.
Captain Blifil: brother of Dr Blifil, marries Bridget Allworthy and is father of Blifil; he is self-centered and
marries Bridget for her fortune; betrays his brother; he dies while on a walk.
Dr Blifil: a casual visitor to Mr Allworthys house; he introduces his brother, Captain Blifil, to Mr Allworthy;
later, his brother betrays him; he goes to London where he dies heartbroken.
Square: a hanger-on at Squire Allworthys house; he is a philosopher, and an adversary of Thwackum in all
disputes; he is guilty of sexual hypocrisy; before his death he writes a letter to the squire confessing his guilt, and,
thus, shows some atonement.
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Thwackum: a clergyman; Squares adversary in discussion on scriptures, and, like him, a tutor to Tom and Blifil;
he is cruel, selfish and hypocritical; in the end he makes amends by writing a letter to Mr Allworthy in which he
highlights Toms real worth.
Black George Seagrim: Mr Allworthys gamekeeper; he is found guilty of hare poaching and expelled from
service; he is the only companion of Tom; Tom helps Black George and his family; he is a dishonest opportunist;
he appropriates Toms money but the latter pardons him. Otherwise, he remains on the side of Tom.
Molly Seagrim: daughter of Black George; she is a village slut and the first woman who seduces Tom; she is
vain and hypocritical; she is a woman of easy virtues; she is known for her churchyard mock-heroic battle with
the congregation.
Deborah Wilkins: Mr Allworthys housekeeper; she is a callous woman who proceeds with great cunning to
spot the mother of the foundling; she is a hypocrite, and a flat character.
Parson Supple: Chaplain of Squire Allworthys; he marries Jenny Jones in the end, otherwise, his role is a
minor one.
Summer: the actual father of Tom; we never meet him in person in the novel; his relation with Bridget is
revealed only in the end.
Mr Fitzpatrick: a dashing Irish adventurer, but a foolish, hot-headed person, marries Harriet for her fortune;
she runs away from him because he has wasted all her wealth; he pursues her desperately; he picks a quarrel
with Tom and has relations with Mrs Waters.
Mrs Fitzpatrick (Harriet): Sophias cousin; she is niece of Squire Western and Mrs Western; she is charming,
self-willed and bohemian; she meets Fitzpatrick at Bath and marries him; she wants to have an affair with Tom;
she is the keep of a lord.
Will Barnes: a young man with whom Molly flirts; he is not an important character; his relations with Molly
absolve Tom of the responsibility of her pregnancy.
The Man of the Hill: an old man whom Tom saves from the ruffians; he lives in his ivory tower aloofness, cut
away from the world. Tom advises him not to hate the world and be positive in his approach to life.
Susan: a chambermaid at Upton Inn.
Ensign Northerton: an ensign in the army; he passes remarks on Sophia, throws a bottle of wine at Tom and
hurts him while in an Inn. Tom buys a sword to settle his score but he escapes. Later on he attacks Mrs Waters;
Tom rescues her from Northerton.
Captain Waters: the husband of Jenny Jones, when she appears as Mrs Waters.
Mrs Miller: a generous, kind and benevolent widow of a clergyman; in London. Tom stays with her; Mr
Allworthy too stays with her whenever in London; she reconciles Tom with Mr Allworthy; she has all admiration
for Tom and calls him saviour of her family.
Nancy Miller: daughter of Mrs Miller; falls in love with Nightingale; they are reconciled by Tom.
Nightingale: a good, gay young man; he loves Nancy; when she becomes pregnant he leaves her, but they are
reconciled by Tom. Both are introduced to establish Toms goodness.
The Elder Nightingale: father to young Nightingale.
Anderson: a poor relative of Mrs Miller; he is the one who attacked and tried to rob Tom on the road to London.
Arabella Hunt: a charming widow who tries to exploit Tom and even proposes to him but is rejected by him.
Lady Bellaston: a nymphomaniac, hypocritical, sexually diseased woman of London society; she persuades
Lord Fellamar to rape Sophia; she is an ugly specimen of upper class society of London.
Lord Fellamar: a good for nothing, vain, hypocritical lord; tries to rape Sophia; proposes to her for marriage; he
represents the ugly face of upper class; he is a male prototype of Lady Bellaston.
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5. Detailed Critical Analysis of Major Topics

Plot and Structure
Fieldings Tom Jones is rightly considered one of four great works which dominated English fiction of the
eighteenth century and made solid contribution to the form of the novel. The other three are Swifts Gullivers
Travels, Richardsons Clarissa, and Sternes Tristram Shandy. Fieldings Tom Jones has been highly, and
deservedly, praised for its superb plot construction and structural unity. We have Coleridges famous verdict:
What a master of composition Fielding was! The poet-critic places Tom Jones with Sophocless Oedipus
Tyrannus and Jonsons The Alchemist calling them the three most perfect plots ever planned. Walter Allen,
while admiring Fieldings architectonic quality as the new element in the novel, says no plot has ever been
carried through with more consummate skill. The critic even asserts Fielding was as superb a craftsman in his
own way as Henry James. Arnold Kettle, however, finds too much plot in Tom Jones. R S Crane has aptly
said that it is hard to think of any important modern discussion of the novel that does not contain at least a few
sentences on Fieldings ever-to-be-praised skill as an architect of plot. Cranes own essay The Concept of
Plot and the Plot of Tom Jones has added a new dimension to the discussion of plot and structure of Tom
Jones.
Crane calls the plot of Tom Jones classic. No doubt it has a unified plot which falls into the category of
complex plot. The eighteen Books, with a large number of characters, episodes and incidents fall into three act
division. It is not difficult to discover Fieldings use of dramatic training in the structure of Tom Jones. The book
is laid out in three acts, and each act covers six Books of the novel, corresponding to the beginning, the middle
and the end. With Tom as the central, character the whole novel falls naturally into a tripartite division the
country, the road, and the town. Tom Jones begins with a fairy-tale atmosphere. The action begins with the
mysterious discovery of an infant in Mr Allworthys bed. Squire Allworthy has just returned home from London.
Toms origin remains a mystery, though the gentleman takes pity on the foundling; he decides to bring him up
with his own nephew, young Blifil. Here Fielding refrains from too much comment about Toms parentage. He
reserves it till the climax of the novel so that he may preserve the curiosity of the reader and maintain verisimilitude
of the incidents. The reader is given to believe that Tom is an illegitimate child; that his mother is Jenny Jones;
and that his fathers identity is still a mystery.
Although the structure of the novel does not correspond exactly to the act-division of a play, its action is episodic.
As the novelist wrote it as a comic epic in prose, and is following picaresque tradition, the action is bound to be
swiftly-paced. The first six Books cover the Somersetshire estate of Squire Allworthy, and occupy a space of
twenty-one years. These Books cover how Tom and Blifil grow together, and both are educated by Thwackum
and Square. Tom falls in love with Sophia Western, his childhood companion, and the beautiful daughter of
Squire Western. The squire, however, is ambitious to secure the bond of Sophia and Blifil, so that the two estates
can be joined. The main thread is the development of love between Sophia and Tom, and the forces opposing it.
By the end of Book VI the Sophia-Blifil-Tom triangle makes the plot complex and the sneaking and hypocritical
Blifil succeeds in poisoning Mr Allworthy against the open-hearted, simple and honest Tom. Toms gallant but
what R.P.G. Mutter calls high-spirited escapades with Molly Seagrim are used by Blifil to achieve the displeasure
of Allworthy against Tom. Mr Allworthy turns Tom away penniless and rejected. Lost and lonely, Tom takes to
the road. The plot develops further quickly.
The journey motif enters in the second part of the story and is developed from Book VII to Book XII. At the
same time, as Tom takes to the road, Sophia, to escape a forced marriage with Bilfil, whom she detests, runs
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away from her fathers home. The middle part of the book covers their adventures graphically. As Sophia
follows Toms trail, she meets various adventures, and then, after the climatic episodes at Upton-on-Severn,
Tom pursues her. Meanwhile the introduction of Little Benjamin, who is actually the former schoolmaster Partridge,
is directly related to the plot and structure of the novel. He reminds us of Sacho Panza in Cerventes Don
Quixote, and Parson Adams in Fieldings Joseph Andrews. He serves a vital connection in the novel. He
resolves at least one mystery of Toms parentage. He discloses that he is not Toms father. Now Tom and
Partridge go along together. The purpose of the episodes in the middle is to reinforce structurally the horrors of
the road. The highway to London, as life itself, is full of dangers. Tom rescues Mrs Waters from an attempted
murder, and accompanies her to Upton where he falls a victim to her charms and allows himself to be seduced
by her. The action of the second Six Books takes place on the roads; now it becomes the epic of the road leading
to London and occupies a space of ten days.
The third part which begins with Book XIII and covers a space of twenty three days shows Fieldingss skill as
a master craftsman. The structure here attains consummate symmetry. The third and last part is set in London.
Toms gallantry, good looks and charm enable him to establish himself. He gets involved with the middle-aged
and vain Lady Bellaston. She is a nymphomaniac. The action becomes swift, and the various lines of the action
are heading towards their inevitable end. Fielding introduces yet another intrigue, the Fellamar-Sophia-Bellaston
intrigue. Here Fielding uses the device of discovery to solve the riddles. Revelation and recognition bring about
the denouement with swiftness and precision. Toms parentage is no more a mystery. His father is a young man
named Summer. The unraveling of the plot is handled with great skill. Besides, probability is never violated. Tom
has passed through impossible situations; he wins over his beloved Sophia. Blifil has been unmasked. Mr Allworthy
recognizes Tom as his genuine nephew and his true heir. Now Mr Western poses no opposition to his union with
Sophia. In the end poetic justice prevails. Blifil is forced to quit and he becomes a Methodist so as to marry a rich
widow. In the true comic spirit, Tom apologizes for his moral lapses, and requests for trial; Sophia forgets and
forgives. They are married at Doctors Commons, and they live happily ever after. This is how Sophia-Tom love
is consummated. The whole plot centers on this issue.
There are certain episodes, incidents and even characters which are considered to be superfluous and not
necessary to the plot and structure. One such episode is the introduction of the Man of the Hill in Book VIII,
chapter XI. It is generally considered to be a digression. No doubt the book may go without this episode. Nor
does it contribute to the action of the novel. But thematically it is of central importance. The Man of the Hill is a
misanthrope; he is happy with his ivory tower aloofness. He embodies one of Fieldings persistent themes: one
or two lapses in an essentially good person do not make him irrevocably bad, and that goodness of heart will
ultimately triumph. Tom, on the other hand, loves society and advises the Man of the Hill not to hate society.
Commenting on the relevance of the old man, William Empson rightly says that as part of the structure of
ethical thought he is essential to the book, the keystone at the middle of the arch.
Similarly, Mrs Harriet Fitzpatricks history which covers a considerable portion in the novel does not contribute
to the development of the plot. But the history of Mrs Harriet Fitzpatrick is directly related to the ethical aspect
of the novel which is Fieldings major preoccupation. The form of the novel is only a device, the structural unity
a necessity, but moral and ethical aspect of the novel is their prop. Through this episode, Fielding is preparing the
reader for the evils he is to see prevailing in the town. It presages London life. Harriet met the dashing Fitzpatrick
at Bath where she was holidaying with her aunt. She marries that brute, suffers him, and is now in flight from
him. Bath aside, London will be equally unreal and corrupt. Later on we meet Lady Bellaston in London who is
the prototype of Mrs Waters and Mrs Harriet Fitzpatrick. So the Harriet episode is relevant to the thematic
aspect of the plot. Even insignificant episodes and characters of no real worth are either related with or contribute
to the development of theme or the movement of the plot or action. The appearance of the beggar who hands
over Sophias pocket-book and bill to Tom is an important link. Toms giving him alms establishes his generosity
and charity, and the diary will make the meeting between Tom and Sophia possible. Even the Quaker who meets
Tom and Partridge for a few minutes has his role to play. He reinforces the theme of father-daughter relationship.
So nothing is irrelevant in the novel. Every episode and character is related either structurally or thematically.
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The introduction of Lawyer Dowling is the most effective device used to unravel the mystery of Toms parentage
and true identity. The whole plot is built on this mystery. It is he who brings the news of Mrs. Blifils death and
hands over to Blifil her letter which contains the information of Toms true identify. Blifil holds back that information
and devises treacherous ways and means to get Tom expelled and disinherited. Tom is turned out of Mr Allworthys
house and is on the road to face the dangers of the highway, and by implication, those of life. Once again
Dowling happens to meet Tom, but he does not reveal his true identity; he keeps alive the mystery. So he is
present in the middle of the action whereas Blifil makes no appearance. In the concluding part of the plot
Dowling plays the major role in unraveling the mystery. When Mr Allworthy shows his displeasure, Dowling
reveals the whole thing. He tells that he kept it a secret thinking that Mr Allworthy wished it so. His confession
unravels the whole mystery surrounding Toms birth and the problem is resolved, and the story given a happy
ending. So, Dowling is not only a character but a structural device skillfully used.
As an adept craftsman, Fielding effects harmony between plot and character. Unlike Richardson, he does make
one character the nucleus of action. Of course, Tom is the central character, but he is not all in all. The characters
are contrasted and juxtaposed to make the plot a complex development of action. Henry James rightly said that
incidents are nothing but elaboration of character and character is nothing but interpretation of incidents. This is
what James means when he says that character is action. Sets of characters represent opposing views which
develop the action. Blifil and his two tutors are a force which succeeds in getting Tom expelled. It develops the
plot; Mr Westerns despotic attitude incites Sophia to revolt; gullibility of Mr Allworthy makes Toms expulsion
possible. Ironic development of characters too contributes to the unity of the structure. Sophia is courageous
enough to revolt against the dictates of her father, but is tolerant and generous towards Toms frailties; Tom,
though loose in sexual ethics, has kindness, generosity and develops into a responsible person. This complex
relation between characters and situations make the plot of Tom Jones highly complex.
As the denouement shows, the structure of the novel is the structure of comedy. In the end, through the devices
of discovery and reversal of fortune, all problem of Toms true identity is resolved. The whole action moves
towards the happy ending. The style, the coincidences, characters and incidents culminate in the discovery of
Toms identity. He is discovered to be the true heir to the Paradise Hall. Final reconciliation takes place. Mr
Allworthy is reconciled with Tom; Sophia with her father who is now willing to give her hand to Tom. Poetic
justice prevails. Blifil is disinherited from his fake claim to Mr Allworthys estate; he goes to live in the North
hoping to marry a rich widow, and manipulate a seat for the Parliament. All other characters are rewarded
according to their status and capability. Sophia and Tom are married at the Doctors Commons and they live
happily ever after.
Thus, the whole structure and plot construction of the novel is based on probable and possible characters and
episodes; beginning with complications, the plot heads towards a comic end. The whole development of the plot
shows Fielding as a superb craftsman. A large number of characters and incidents give unity to the epical
structure of the novel. Nothing is wasted. All contribute to the unity and symmetry of the plot.
Tom Jones as Comic Epic in Prose

Fielding, in the Preface to Joseph Andrews, called his novel a comic epic poem in prose. He described it as
something new in the field of fiction. In the same Preface he gives a detailed account of his views on the genre.
He called his novel an epic merely as the prose correlative to a narrative poem thinking especially of the
structure rather than the content. Although Fielding claimed that he was founding a new genre of writing, this
was not entirely true. He had a long tradition of such writing. For instance, Homer had long ago written a comic
epic in verse, and according to Aristotle, it bore the same relation to comedy as the Iliad and the Odyssey to
tragedy. Though E.A. Baker hesitates a little to apply the appellation the comic epic in prose to Joseph
Andrews, yet he holds that the term may aptly be applied to Tom Jones with admirable propriety.
Many previous writers and critics of fiction, says Ian Watt, notably of the seventeenth-century French
romances, had assumed that any imitation of human life in narrative form ought to be assimilated as far as
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possible to the rules that had been laid down for the epic by Aristotle and his innumerable interpreters. Prior to
Fielding, Defoe and Richardson did nothing to win respectability for the novel and their general attitude to epic
was one of casual disapproval. Defoe was after facts and condemned the new genre on realistic ground. And
Richardson, too, showed a sort of hostility and antipathy to the heroic genre. Being a conscious artist, Fielding
was averse to a na ve condemnation of the epic. On the contrary, he was deeply rooted in the neo-classical
literary tradition. By propounding the theory of the comic epic in prose, he was ironically equating the novel
with the epic. Fielding believed that as the epic was the first example of a narrative form on a large scale and of
a serious kind, so the novel may also be said to be of the epic kind.
Both in Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones, Fielding puts to practice the mechanics of epic and makes them fit
into the scheme of the new genre. Expressing his debt to Aristotle, he says that he has introduced fable, action,
characters, sentiments, and diction and is deficient in metre only. And thinks it reasonable to refer it to the
epic. In Tom Jones, as in Joseph Andrews, Fielding describes a series of separate adventures, detached
from and independent of each other yet all tending to one great end.
Fielding called Joseph Andrews an Odyssey of the road. But it does show the same careful attention to the
refinement of plot as does Tom Jones.
The best critical theory of the time agreed that an epic should have a beginning, a middle, and an end. The
beginning should deal with the causes that initiate and extend the action. The eighteen Books of Tom Jones are
divided into three parts having six books each. The first six books form the beginning. Here our hero is born as
an illegitimate child; he grows along with Blifil, his rival. Also, the part shows Toms and Sophias adolescent love
which develops into a passion. Blifil and his two tutors, Thwackum and Square, the trio, prejudice the gullible Mr
Allworthy, Toms foster father; the Squire turns Tom away from his home. This corresponds to Joseph Andrews
expulsion by Lady Booby. The next six books form the middle in which Fielding records the swift dramatic
succession of adventures on the road. The various threads of the narrative become highly complex and a large
number of characters are introduced. Series of adventures on the highway road which culminate in the Upton
Inn episode correspond to those of Joseph and Parson Adams. The last six Books with which the action concludes
form the ending. The highway road leads to London. Tom along with Partridge, and Sophia with Mrs Honour
follow the same highway though separately. Both reach London almost simultaneously. Sophia too has run away
from her tyrannical father. All other important characters have also reached the town. Now the time is for a
discovery or a reversal of fortune. Toms true parentage comes to light. Villainy is unmasked; Mr Allworthy
accepts him as his nephew and true heir. Tom and Sophias marriage is celebrated. Thus revelation and recognition
bring about denouement, and all incidents tend to one great end.
Fielding is following classical norms in the action. But we should not forget that he is using the term comic epic
in prose ironically. He laid much emphasis on the phrase the comic epic in prose and hence called Tom
Jones a heroic historical, prosaic poem and a specimen of prosaic-comic-epic writing. Obviously, he laid
much emphasis on the word comic. Since it is a comic variant of epic, Fielding excludes the heroic persons and
sublime thought. Idealizing attitude is absent here. Tom, the hero in the novel, is heroic in his own right. He is a
chivalric gallant. Early in the novel Sophia asks for a favour, and he replies heroically by this dear hand, I would
sacrifice my life to oblige you. And for the rest of the book he is the knight errant of romance and fairy tale,
who wins his lady love after many adventures and misadventures. Besides, the knight must have a squire; Tom
is accompanied by Partridge.
The comic dimension of the hero becomes obvious during his Quixotic adventures on his way to London and in
London itself. His sexual adventures with Molly Seagrim, Mrs Waters and Lady Bellaston, to whom he plays as
her gigolo, and allows to be seduced reduce him to a comic level. He is rather an unheroic hero. His chivalric
acts such as owning the responsibility of Mollys pregnancy, his helping Black Georges family despite all criticism,
his risking of life while saving Sophia falling from horses back, his helping of Mrs Millers family, his forgiving of
Black George for appropriating his money, etc. make him a loveable protagonist of a romantic tale. But his loose
sexual ethics cancel these gallantries and mould him into a comic hero.
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The action of this comic prose epic also follows the classical elements of verisimilitude, marvelous and surprise.
Fielding concluded that the novelist must keep within the limits not only of possibility but of probability too. He
qualified it further by saying that the great art of poetry is to mix truth with fiction, in order to join the credible
with the surprising. Toms hurting himself in his fight with Thwackum, Square, and Blifil, his naivety in his
relation with Molly, his falling a victim to the charms and opportunities provided by Mrs Waters and Lady
Bellaston are all probable occurrences. Sophia Muff, the meeting of the beggar who hands over to Tom Sophias
pocket-book and money, the introduction of Partridge on Toms way to London are the surprising incidents. All
these elements contribute to the epic structure of the prose work.
Still another element is the mock-heroic battles. Fielding introduces two mock-heroic battles. One is between
Tom and his adversaries, Blifil, Thwackum and Square. More particular is one between Molly Seagrim and the
village mob. It occurs (Book V, chapter 8) right in the churchyard just after the prayer is over. Here an unthinking
village mob assaulting a defenceless pregnant woman is a masterpiece of mock-heroic instance of Fieldings
masterly handling of burlesque.
The medium of expression is, of course, prose. But the novelist also keeps some elements of grand style. He
makes use of Homeric descriptions and similes. At times he uses elevated style with utmost soleminity. This he
does especially in the case of introducing Sophia. Her introduction onto the stage of the novel is in Fieldings best
mock-heroic vein. The elevated style reminds us of the classical poets which attends the entrance of venus:
Hushed be every ruder breath.. the lovely Sophia comes! At times Fielding uses rhetoric but this
neither to laugh at the sublime nor to castigate fact. He uses these stylistic devices simply to amuse the
reader, and thus makes Tom Jones a classical example of the comic epic in prose.
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6. Picaresque Elements
Picaresque tradition in the English novel was borrowed from the Spanish picaresque stories that originated in the
fifteenth century. Picaro in Spanish means a rogue. So a picaresque novel covers the story of a good-natured
rogue, a clever and diverting adventurer of low social class. He lives by tricks and roguery rather than by honest
hard work. When out of job, he may do petty, odd jobs such as household servant, page or a footman. However,
Arnold Kettle adds that generally the picaro used to be a young son of a good family gone to the dogs. A
picaresque novel is generally episodic in nature; there is almost no plot at all. The loose plot consists of a series
of breathtaking adventures, thrilling incidents and episodes seemingly connected and strung together without
corresponding relationship. Usually it is a novel of the road; a novelist writing in picaresque tradition is a satirist.
The heros wanderings and adventures in various social settings offer a survey of the social etiquettes and men
and manners of different social classes.
Tom Jones, unlike Joseph Andrews, is not a typical picaresque novel, but it has picaresque elements. Of
course, Fielding is not an innovator of the type. Thomas Nashs The Unfortunate Traveller, or The Life of
Jack Jack Wilton (1594) and Daniel Defoes Moll Flanders are written in the picaresque form. Fielding
novels show clear influence of the Spanish writer Cervantes. Like his Don Quixote the frame work of Joseph
Andrews is episodic. However the plot of Tom Jones, though episodic, is not loose. Leaving aside the story of
the Man of the Hill and that of Mrs Fitzpatrick, all episodes are structurally related and well-formed. These two
episodes too have thematic relevance.
As the structure of Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones is episodic, the tales are arranged as journeys. In fact,
journey motif provides impetus to the action of the novel. In the former, like Don Quixote and Sancho Panza,
Joseph Andrews and Parson Adams, set on an odyssey. Andrews, the domestic servant of Lady Booby has
incurred the wrath of the gentle lady and is forced to leave her house and to go on the road. Similarly, in Tom
Jones, the hero has been subject to the displeasure of Mr. Allworthy and is forced to leave his home; lost, lonely
and penniless, he has to be on the road. Tom Jones, who is not a real picaro, spends one third time at home, one
third on the road, and the rest in London. But as he is illegitimate and his parentage is still a mystery, he neatly fits
into the category, though temporarily. Toms journey on the highway from the country to London make it partly
a novel of the road.
Once on the road, the comfortable life of the shire has been left behind and the hero and the heroine are exposed
to the hostile world of the highway. Toms saving of the Man of the Hill from an attack of two ruffians, his
rescuing of a woman from her assailant, who is no other than Ensign Northerton, his old antagonist, question the
very cosy comforts of rural life that the old Man so fervently advocates. It is rightly said that the picaresque
novel is anti-pastoral, anti-chivalric, anti-aristocratic. Mrs Waters-Tom episode at Upton connotes the same
meaning. By way of comparison, Fielding has introduced the poetic elements of a puppet show and a gypsy
wedding. The former is an innocent means of entertainment whereas the latter is seen as an act of quick justice.
The innocence and helping attitude of gypsies are seen as the last resort. Very soon we are to be led into the
corruptions of the town.
A picaresque novel gives a picture of a whole age. This is provided through the central figure, that is, Tom
himself. In the first part of the novel we had a panoramatic view of the shire of Mr Allworthy and Mr Western.
We are offered a survey of feudal society. Fielding offers a comic view of the whole society. We are shown the
generosity of Mr Allworthy, hypocrisy of the two tutors, Thwackum and Square, the villainy of Blifils, fads of Mr
Western and egotism of Miss Western, nagging of Mrs Partridge, and above all the beauty and grace of Sophia.
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Then we had the pulsating and precarious life of the rural English people. Now we reach London. Again we
have the sexual intrigues of the upper society. Mrs Hunt, Lady Bellaston and Lord Fellamar belong to the same
clan. Tom is victimized by Lady Bellaston. He plays her gigolo. Mr Fellamar is persuaded by Lady Bellaston to
rape Sophia; the former hires a press gang to dispatch Tom to a foreign land. Bath and London embody the
ugliness of town life. The upper society people are the wretched specimen of the urban society.
So the comic novel written in the picaresque tradition is a novel of life, of men and women, playing out the great
comic role in society. Although the structure of Tom Jones is compact. It is a story of the hero who is not a
rogue but a person of goodwill. He is ready to suffer and help anybody in distress. Ultimately he wins his
heroine; his parentage is revealed and he gets settled. The novel covers Toms journey within and journey
without. The book falls in the category of the picaresque novel because, to use Edwin Muir words, it has a
central figure who passes through a succession of scenes, and offers a panoramic view of the whole society.
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7. Theme : Morality or Sexual Ethics

It will be a futile exercise to trace a particular theme in Tom Jones. But at the risk of over simplification, we
may say that the theme is synonymous with Fieldings basic philosophy. The novel illustrates his concept of
morality, especially in relation to sexual behaviour of men and women. Right from its publication, the book was
chiefly criticized on moral and ethical ground. It was considered a low book. Richardson maliciously denounced
it as a dessolute book, a profligate performance and an attempt to whiten a vicious character. Dr Johnson
called it so vicious a book, and he scarcely knew a more corrupt work. The book appeared in 1749, and
when the following spring, London experienced shocks of two earthquakes, Tom Jones was considered to be
the cause. In the nineteenth century itself, even Carlyle, though he called Fieldings novels genuine things, had
his reservations to recommend them, because their morality is so loose.
But such a view ignores the very intention of the novelist and the true spirit of the work. In fact, in Tom Jones,
Fielding is offering a new kind of morality and his own views on sexual ethics. He had already given Joseph
Andrews to the reading public his answer to Richardsons confined views on morality, chastity and sexual
behaviour. Fielding was not a philosopher in the accepted sense of the term, but he had certain moral convictions
which he stressed in his non-fiction work and even in the novel itself. He laid particular emphasis on the necessity
of good nature in man. He equated it with virtues. According to him good nature was that benevolent and
amiable temper of mind, which disposes us to feel the misfortunes, and enjoy the happiness of others; and
consequently pushes us on to promote the latter and prevent the former. His Tom Jones illustrates his convictions
founded on charity rather than the abstract theory of virtue; they also include prudence, and an eagerness to
learn by experience. He held hypocrisy as a sin of sins, and goodness, simplicity, and generosity as the great
virtues. Above all, he took a broader and realistic view of sexual ethics.
The real issue is the sexual behaviour of Tom, the protagonist in the novel. His moral lapses resulting from his
sexual escapades are taken as an affornt to decent society. In accordance with the traditionally held views on
morality, Tom falls three times. William Empson, in his defence of the issue, says that the most striking illustration
is in the sexual behaviour of Jones, where he is most scandalous. This is in relation to Molly Seagrim, the
daughter of his gamekeeper companion, Black George; Mrs Waters who is actually Jenny Jones and with whom
he indulges in sex at Upton Inn; and Lady Bellaston, a nymphomaniac Lady to whom he plays the sedulous ape.
Very early in the novel, Tom falls in love with Sophia. Mrs Honour found him fondly kissing Sophias muff, calling
it the prettiest muff in the world. Then why he submits to Mollys temptations. According to Christian morality
it is a sinful indulgence. In personal relationships it may be termed as betrayal and even debauchery. Even if we
do not defend Tom, we find that he is serious about this relationship. When Molly is pregnant he owns the
responsibility. When she is produced before Mr Allworthy for the trial, Tom confesses that he is the father of her
unborn child. It is only later when he discovers Square, the philosopher and his tutor, in her bed room, he
concludes that she is a slut. Long after, he remains divided whether he is the father of her child or not. Besides,
on account of the difference of social status, because he is known to be a bastard, he is not sure about his
marriage with Sophia. Moreover, his affair with Molly may be taken as his instinctive behaviour, and is pardonable
on realistic ground.
His sexual relations with Mrs Waters and Lady Bellaston can stand no defence. But something can be said in his
favour. It is always the woman who pursues him. The point is that he is an easy catch. As Elizabeth Drew
remarks Women (including Sophia herself) always take the initiative, and Tom never corrupts innocence in the
unmarried, or virtue in the married. The trouble with him is that he cannot resist. Mrs Waters, during the Upton
Inn episode, employs all charms at her disposal to allure him. Toms appetite for sexual gratification lets him
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forget his allegiance to Sophia. Mrs. Waters is certainly a flirt and Tom is not serious about her. Besides, he is
never sure about his love for Sophia. He has been cut from his moorings, penniless and lonely on his way to
London, he finds temporary escape into his venture with this trollop.
Toms falling a victim to Lady Bellaston in London is the repetition of the Upton Inn episode. He plays the gigolo
to the lady. Again it is the woman who challegnes him, and as William Empson says Tom simply thinks it a point
of honour to accept the challenge. This time the challenger is Lady Bellaston who is frantically pining to
recapture her lost youth. Her riches and status afford her enough chances for sexual freedom. Tom is ready to
allay her apepetites because he believes that he may reach Sophia through her. We cannot condone Toms
looseness but such things do occur in such a society. Perhaps it is also because of the corrupting influence of the
town life. From a masquerade to the bed room of Lady Bellaston such is Toms development here. But in this
case Fielding advises the reader not to condemn a character as a bad one because it is not perfectly a good
one. Besides, in all the three cases of so called moral depravity, it is the woman who seduces him. He is not a
seducer; he is seduced.
It follows that Fielding assesses man as an individual who is not all good. As he says in one of his prefatory
chapers that if there is enough goodness in a character to engage our admiration and affection it does not matter
if there should appear some little blemishes. Tom is essentially good. On the other hand, Blifil and his tribe,
Square and Thwackum, are hypocritical. As Walter Allen also says that Fielding considered sexual lapses a
much smaller offence than the absence of essential goodness. The positive evils like malice, meanness, treachery,
and hypocrisy in Blifil, Square and Thwackum are juxtaposed with the generosity, goodness and charity inTom.
He helps the poor family of Black George by selling his horse and Bible which were gifts from Mr Allworthy. He
rescues the Man of the Hill from robbers, and a lady under attack by the ruffians on the way to London. He
helps Mrs Miller and hands over to her the whole money he gets from Lady Bellaston; he effects the marriage
between Ningtingale and Nancy and succeeds in reconciling the former with his father, Mr Nightingale; he is
kind to Bilfil when he is fully unmasked and forgives him for his villainy; he forgives Black George who appropriated
his money when he needed it most. When Mr Allworthy is reconciled with Tom, he exclaims: Oh, my child, to
what goodness have I been so long blind.
It follows that, as Dudden holds, Fielding laid down an important principle. Goodness, he contended, not much
on a mans actions as on his motives and intentions, not on the quality of conduct, but on the quality of his
character. The good man, Fielding thought, must be not only good in heart, and not only good in action; he must
also present to the world a good appearance. We find these virtues fully illustrated in the development of Tom.
Other characters who embody Fieldings conception of morality are Mr Allworthy, Mrs Miller, and Sophia
herself. Those who negate these virtues are Blifil, Thwackum, Square, Lady Bellaston, Fitzpatrick and Lady
Bellaston. They are an ugly specimen of humanity and are painted pitilessly in hideous colours.
Thus, in his moral ethics, Fielding is closer to Chaucer and Shakespeare. He is tolerant of every other human
weakness except positive vice or hypocrisy. He favours essential good as an answer to vice and hypocrisy. Tom
Jones illustrates Fieldings true morality authoritatively and convincingly.
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8. Element of Realism : Concept of History

Realism is an artistic creed which holds that the purpose of art is to depict life with complete and objective
honesty, to show things as they really are. Literature of realism reflects life itself, life as it is rather than as it
should be. A work of realism is a rolling mirror reflecting the true and real picture of contemporary society
without any unrecognizable distortions. Its emphases are life emphases. A realist depends more on his own
observation an experience than on some abstractions or preconceived theory. Chaucer was, perhaps, the first
realist in English literature. Legouis and Cazamian rightly call him the social chroniccer of his age. Shakespeares
plays, especially his comedies, offer an infinite variety of characters closer to life. However, delineation of
realism as a conscious culture begins with the eighteenth century, particularly in fiction, with Defoe, Richardson
and Fielding.
The treatment of realism in the eighteenth century novel was the natural outcome of social developments. While
tracing its rise in the century, Arnold Kettle assigns it to the decline of feudalism and the emergence of middle
class as a force to reckon with. Romance that was patronized by the aristocratic feudal society was nonrealistic. It provided escape and amusement. The reader was shut in his ivory tower aloofness. The rising
middle class was in search of something more real and concrete, something closer to their life. When Fielding
appeared on the literary scene, the soil was ready for the rich crop. He may be called the pioneer in the novel of
realism in English literature. No doubt, Defoe and Richardson were the trend setters in this field, but Fielding
found them lacking in definite principles or guidelines that he could rely upon. Consequently, he devised his own
devices and formulated certain workable principles which enabled him to portray men and manners of his age as
they really were.
As Fielding was committed to hold a faithful mirror to his age, he called his Tom Jones a history, and not
romance. While discussing the marvellous versus real in fiction, in the prefatory chapter of Book VIII, he
states that general principle that man. is the highest subject which presents itself to the pen of our
historian.. and, in relating his actions, great care is to be taken that we do not exceed the capacity of the
agent we describe. Again and again, in the prefatory chapters, he directs the reader to distinguish between the
true and the false historic kind of writing. His Tom Jones is a true history. As Kettle says: history is mens
action. History is life going on, changing, developing. And as the critic adds History is the process of change
in living. Fielding in Tom Jones deals with the living men. In reading his fiction we feel that we are in contact
with a man, a man intensely interested in life. The province of Tom Jones is the humanity.
Fieldings portrayal of men and manners is highly authentic and closer to the verities of life. What Dr Johnson
said about the characters of Shakespeare may aptly be applied to those of Fielding:
They are the genuine progeny of common humanity, such as the world will always supply, and
observation will always find. His persons act and speak by the influence of those general passions
and principles by which all minds are agitated and the whole system of life is continued in motion. In
the writings of other poets a character is too often an individual; in Shakespeare it is commonly a
species.
Fielding himself says I describe not men but manners, not individual but species. To fulfil this aim, Fielding
treats man as an amalgamation of vice and virtue and good and evil. He stands not for extremes but for the
synthesis of the two. He was of the conviction that an individual can embody both the dark and bright side of life.
Certainly he was averse to hypocrisy, seeming goodness in any individual. In Tom Jones, all the actions of Blifil,
the antagonist, appear to be good while all Toms actions seem wicked and for which he deserved to be
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hanged. But a careful study will reveal that Tom is essentially good; he is generous, truthful, chivaleric, and
constant whereas Blifil is false, hypocritical, deceitful, lecherous, and flattering. Tom-Sophia-Blifil traingle treats
their fundamental natures. In this relationship Blifil is motivaed by jealously, Tom by devotion, and Sophia by
constancy. So characters here are true to life.
Fieldings other characters also are a blend of the opposing natures which shows his realistic approach. The
seemingly virtuous Square can fall a victim to lust in Molly; both Square and Thwackum illustrate doctrines
rather than follow them; Mr Western is tyrranical but indulgent. Once again, Tom is chivalrous but with Achilles
heel. Similarly, Mrs Western, Molly Seagrim, Mrs Partridge, Lady Bellaston and Mrs Waters are treated with
great authenticity. As Walter Allen says: He populated a whole world, but it exits as a considered criticism of
the real world.
Fieldings treatment of sexual ethics too is realistic. His views on sexual behaviour include his ideas on morality
as also vice and virtue. He severely reacted against the cut and dried Christian morality. If the motive is good,
nothing else matters. Tom is shown as essentially good; his sexual behaviour is taken as his natural urge which
has nothing to do with his fundamental nature. Commenting on his relation with Molly Seagrim, Mutter says
Fielding is presenting an accurate enough picture of an age in which sexual irregularity (particularly between a
handsome young man of spirit and a girl of lower social standing) was taken for granted. Toms sexual escapades
with Mrs Waters and Lady Bellaston do not dim his attraction and commitment towards Sophia, nor does it
decrease his enthusiam to help people like Mrs Miller who consider him the saviour of her family. Toms basic
goodness and charity absolve him of his moral lapses. Philosopher Squares affairs with Molly too are taken as
human weakness, an excusable lapse. The really wicked are people like Thwackum, Blifil, Mrs Bellaston, and
Lord Fellamar who are consciously malignant, treacherous and corrupt.
Both thematically and structurally, in substance and style and in matter and method, Tom Jones offers a
comprehensive view of the then society. He wrote it as a comic epic in prose, and adopted the picaresque
form showing the heros journey as the central motif. First we are given a survey of the feudal system of the
estates in Somersetshire. The benevolence of Mr Allworthy is equated with his authoritative distates of a feudal
squire; the tyrannical father, Mr Western, is a fox-hunting Jacobite; Square and Thwackum, the two tutors, are
the parasites and trappings of that system. Black George and his family show the misery that such a system
encourages. Toms journey covers a wide range of the spectrum of society. Robberies, scuffles, looting, chasing,
man-hunting, noisy and mismanaged inns, and the sexual corruptions as portrayed in the Upton Inn are faithfully
described. From the high road we are led to London, what Eliot called the Unread City. The heart of the
matter is that there everyone is against everyone. We meet the nymphomaniac and scheming Lady Bellaston,
the rapist peer Fellamar, and wife-hunting Mr Fitzpatrick. Here the country puppet show and pastoral gypsywedding has been replaced by masks and masquerades which are a poor and sordid substitutes. Here Tom can
be trapped by a press gang; Sophia can be subjected to an attempted rape. Things have certainly fallen apart.
Thus, Tom Jones is a novel of realism. It holds a true mirror to its age and covers the widest range of humanity.
It offers a panoramic view of men and manners of the eighteenth century. Besides, he treats fundamental nature
and deals with verities of life. Henry James said Humanity is immense and reality has a myriad forms; the most
one can affirm is that some of the flowers of fiction have the ordour of it, and others have not. We fully agree
with Mutter that Tom Jones has.
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9. Characterization
Being an artist-critic, Fielding had a definite theory of the novel. He was guided by certain definite precepts
which went into the making of his personages. His characterization is based on his general views on life. As he
was writing a history not a romance, his characters were bound to be real human beings, persons of flesh
and blood, taken directly from life. The form of the novel as comic epic in prose has a burden to delineate
things as they are, rather than as they should be. In the Preface to his first major novel, Joseph Andrews,
Fielding announced the theory of the novel. He says that the story will be based on probable incidents and
recognizable people. His characters, he said, are taken from life. As he avers :
For though everything is copied from the book of nature, and scarce a character or action produced
which I have not taken from my own observations and experiences.
In this way he wanted to bring his character closer to life. Hence we see a greater degree of reality in setting
and characterization. As his motto is humanity, we have infinite variety of characters in Tom Jones. The
unbelieverable range of humanity in his fiction is available only in Cervantes, Fieldings master, and in Dickens.
By contrast with Fielding, Richardsons range of characters is narrow and confined.
Fieldings treatment and delineation of characters presuppose his preoccupations as a historian. Through his
personages, he holds a true miror to his age; he is committed to the present, to use John Drydens expression, a
just and lively image of human nature. As he states in one of the prefatory chapters man...is the highest
subject...which presents itself to the pen of our historian... and, in relating his actions, great care is to be taken
that we do not exceed the capacity of the agent we describe. The moment we meet the agent or the
character, we recognize him as a single separate person, an individual with whims and mood what we call
humour. As soon as we meet Squire Allworthy and his house keeper Mrs Deborah Wilkins, we recognize
them through their humour. Mr Allworthy is kind, generous, a man of true Christian piety and charity; Mrs
Deborah believes only in the formality of Christian virtues. Mr Allworthy shows kindness to the infant he
discovers lying in his bed, whereas she wants that the child be wrapped up and put at the Church wardens door.
This is what she means by duty. Besides, she is curel as she suggests it is......better for such creatures to die in
a state of innocence. Flattery is her humour. When Mrs Bridget approves of her brothers descision to adopt
the child, Mrs Deborah changes her opinion in the favour of the child. Here all characters are true to their
nature. Mr Allworthy remains generous, and also gullible, Mrs Wilkins cruel and calculative, and Mrs Bridget
vain and hypocritical. Their particular qualities are a clue to their nature and behaviour.
Fieldings portayal of character is authentic and balanced. He shows characters dominated by common traits,
swayed both by good and evil. He does not concentrate on individuals, as does Richardson, for instance. He
takes up people as a species. As he himself says : I describe not men but manners, not individuals but
species. What Dr Johnson said about the personages of Shakespeare can safely be applied to Fieldings
characters:
They are the genuine progency of common humanity, such as the world will always supply, and
observation will always find. His persons act and speak by the influence of those general passions
and principles by which all minds are agitated and the whole system of life is continued in motion. In
the writings of other poets a character is too often an individual; in Shakespeare it is commonly a
species.
This is very true of Fieldings characters. Tom, Blifil, Square, Thwackum, etc. are all swayed by their general
passions. Blifil and his tutors are an embodiment of evil. They represent this extreme. Blifil proceeds with a
malignant motive to hurt others. He devises ways and means to disinherit Tom and to marry Sophia for her
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fortune. He can go to any extent; for him means justify the end. He is all evil without any streak of humanity. He
belongs to the progeny of Satan, Iago, Edmund and Goneril and Regan. Square and Thwackum are his allies
in evil doings. The devil and his deputies make a single unit. Mr Allworthy, Sophia and Mrs Miller are all good.
Tom is in between these two extremes, an amalgamation of good and evil, a kind of natural man, a true to life,
and a recognizable character.
Tom Jones, though a comic novel in form and spirit, is a serious book. In all serious writings the author
establishes standards through his characters. And as F.R. Leavis says, though in a different context, Standards
are formed in comparison. The comparison and contrast of characters in Tom Jones enables the author to
make certain judgements. In the very beginning of the novel this contrast is presented through such figues as Mr
Allworthy and Mr Western, Square and Thwackum, Dr Blifil and Captain Blifil, Mrs Deborah Wilkins, and Mrs
Honour. Mr Allworthy is gullible and credulous, lacking in insight; Mr Western is irrational and unreasonable,
guided only by mundane considerations; Square and Thwackum are duplicate of each other negating their
profession and travesting their duties; Dr Blifil is simplistic and naive; Captain Blifil is treacherous, calculative
and avarious. All these characters embody various standards. Their decisions are highly consequential to the
deveopment of the plot.
In Fieldings works, characters are judged in a situation and are revealed dramatically, says Elizabeth Drew.
The critic presupposes that the plot of Tom Jones is episodic in which characters are developed through
incidents, happenings and conversations. The very situation of the discovery of the foundling in the bed of Mr
Allworthy reveals the characters in the squire household. Later on it becomes a touchstone to test a Board of
characters. Now we learn that Miss Bridget is a hypocrite; Mrs Deborah uses third degree methods in the
procedure to find out the infants parents; the actions and reactions of the whole neighbourhood establish their
true nature; the chuchyard attack on Molly reveals the meanness of the congregation attacking a pregnant
woman; the incident surrounding Sophias pet bird reveals the jealous nature of Blifil and the chivalry of Tom; at
the same time the incident reveals Sophias responses towards Tom and Blifil. Throughout the novel, incidents
and episodes develop the characters and reveal their consistencies and inconsistencies, their strengths and
frailties. Through the communications between incidents, episodes and characters, Fielding offers a pattern of
life which raises his work to classical heights.
Fieldings characters are a blend of natures which shows Fieldings realistic approach to characterization. Besides,
it lends complexity to his character development. It shows a discrepancy between appearance and reality, a
highly ironic treatment. The characters, sometimes, are not what they seem to be, and, sometimes, they seem to
be what they are not. For instance, Blifil is outwardly calm and sophisticated; he seems to be considerate
towards Mr Allworthy, submissive towards his two tutors, and very polite to Sophia, but actually he is just the
opposite. He reveals the news of his mothers death when the squire is seriously ill, and holds back information
of the true parentage of Tom contained in the letter handed over to him by Lawyer Dowling who was by Mrs
Bridgets bedside when she died. The seemingly virtuous Square is discovered to be a lusty fellow when he is
found concealing in Mollys bedroom; Molly herself chides Tom for insincerity whereas she is already having the
tutor in her closet; Tom is chivalrous but has his sexual escapades; Mr Western is despotic but indulgent; Mrs
Western can cry rape whereas she is a slut; Lady Bellaston is most hypocritical in her sexual behaviour. But
Fielding treats all these characters realistically, as they are, without moralizing, or castigating or even ridiculing
them.
Above all, Fielding is a great admirer of charity, generosity, and fundamental goodness in characters. He treats
characters from all walks of life; most of his characters are from lower and middle classes, but he also takes
characters from higher society. But hypocrisy, jealousy and wickedness, which he called negative virtues, are
unacceptable to Fielding. He considered them more dangerous than even loose sexual behaviour. Mr Allworthy,
Sophia and Mrs Miller are his models of positive virtues; Molly, Mrs. Waters, Lady Bellaston, Lord Fellamar,
Blifil, the two tutors, the Blifil brothers are the ugly specimen of humanity. Mrs Millers goodness is exemplary;
Sophias chastity is ideal. Tom is a model of basic goodness. Even his sexual behaviour, though not condoned, is
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excused. Toms generosity towards Black George and his family, his saving of the Old Man of the Hill from
ruffians, his rescuing Mrs Waters from robbers, his helping of Mrs Miller and many others in distress absolve
him of his sexual escapades with three women of disrepute. Through Tom, Fielding upholds basic goodness in
man.
Sometimes characters in Fielding are subservient to an idea, or values, or a conception or even to a person. At
times, a character or a group of characters may serve as a chorus. Perhaps, his training as a dramatist helped
him make the villager, what he calls Somersetshire mob, comment on the situation. The mob in Fielding, as the
rustics in Hardy, perform the function of a commentator. When Mr Allworthy shows consideration to Jenny
Jones, they castigate him for his leniency; they even hold that Mr Allworthy is the father of the foundling; they
even charge the squire that he has sent Jenny to meet an unfortunate end. Similarly they praise Tom for his
generosity towards Black George and are displeased with Blifil for his inhuminity towards the gamekeeper. Like
Shakespeare, Fielding shows the mob as a living entity with their own convictions. Similarly such minor characters
as the fiddler, the beggar, the chambermaids, footmen, etc. are given importance. The notebook and bill of
pounds given by the beggar to Tom is of great consequence. The appearance of such a minor character as the
Quaker who is going to disown his daughter who has disobeyed him, has been introduced to comment on Mr
Western-Sophia relations; he perpetuates the father-daughter relationship.
It will not be far amiss to say that sometimes Fielding introduces a set of minor characters or an individual
character subservient to another character, as, for instance, is Mrs. Honour to Sophia and Little Benjamin
(Partridge) to Tom. There are quite a number of minor characters such as Mrs Deborah, Mrs Honour, Mrs
Partridge, Mrs Waters, Mrs Miller, Lady Bellaston, etc. who play their role as subservient to an idea. Mrs
Deborah and Mrs Honour are faithful to the idea of service towards their masters; Mrs Partridge represents the
concept of a nagging wife; Molly, Mrs Waters and Lady Bellaston represent corruptions and perversions of sex.
But Partridge, who is also a major character, and remains present from the beginning to the end, is subservient
to Tom. He comments and improves upon men and manners and is an important link between characters and
situations. All these characters are important in relation to the development of sophia and Tom. In fact no
character is superfluous. Even the Old Man of the Hill has been introduced to comment on the vanities of the
world, one of the themes in the novel.
Fieldings characterization is said to have one limitation. It is generally said that Fielding does not present
psychological analysis of his characters. It is held that his characterization is based on his superticial observation
of men and manners. Actually such a charge is not well founded. The form of the novel, as comic epic in
prose, is based on episodic development; accidents and coincidences which make the plot highly compicated,
says Elizabeth Drew, forbids any psychological revelations. His aim was not to treat characters psychologically,
but realistically; his primary aim was to offer a panoramic view of the eighteenth century; his treatment makes
his characters living portraits of that particular society. At the same time their fundamental nature, and their real
behaviour, make them universal. Like Chancers portraits, and Shakespeares characters before him and those
of Dickenss after him, Fieldings characters will always remain contemporary, because they belong to humanity
and are universal.
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10. Style
Fieldings style, which deserves equally great attention, is in keeping with the form of the novel. Like his earlier
novel Joseph Andrews his Tom Jones, too, is written as comic epic in prose. As it is written in the picaresque
tradition and is largely episodic, he adopted as style which could present the scenario of society ironically. As his
moral purpose is more than obvious, his major preoccupation was to encourage virtue and reproach vice, he
blended wit and irony to achieve his mission. He wrote Tom Jones as a history and not romance; hence his
purpose was to delineate human nature, and, since, human nature is a complex thing, he could not do it with a
simple and straightforward style. He had to dress his wit accordingly. In the very first chapter of Book I, he
quotes Pope
True wit is nature to advantage drest, what oft was thought, but neer so well exprest.
He certainly expresses in a novel way. He also fulfils Dr Johnsons improved definition of wit when the latter
said to be wit is to be newly thought. So Fielding does not use one style but many styles.
More than most, Fielding in this comic epic in prose purposely uses mock-epic or mock-heroic style. Such a
style parodies the style of epic or heroic poetry. It is ironic in its mode and is consistently set in the inflated mode.
Fieldings sustained inflated style reminds his reader of Homers style in The Iliad and that of other masters.
The introduction of Mrs Deborah Wilkins, in the very first book, shows that epic simile is Fieldings Cleopatra.
After disposing the foundling as directed by Mr Allworthy, Mrs Deborah prepares to visit the inhabitants to trace
its mother. As Fielding describes it on epic scale :
Not otherwise than when a kite, tremendous bird, is beheld by the feathered generation soaring aloft,
and hovering over their heads, the amorous dove, and every innocent little bird, spread wide the
alarm, and fly trembling to their hiding places. He proudly beats the air, consicious of his dignity, and
meditates intended mischief.
The simile, appropriately, in the true comic spirit, describes the nature of Mrs Deborah, who is a callous, cruel,
and unfeeling human engine.
Fielding uses mock-heroic style in describing situations which serve as a touchstone to test men and manners
which was his avowed purpose. One such situation occurs in Book II in which Mrs Partridge suspects her
husbands fidelity. Her onslaught on the poor victim (Mr Partridge) is described in mock-heroic inflated style :
Not with less fury did Mrs Partridge fly on the poor pedagogue. Her tongue, teeth, and hands fell all
upon him at once. His wig was in an instant torn from his head, his shirt from his back, and from his
face descended five streams of blood, denoting the number of claws with which nature had unhappily
armed the enemy.
Here wit, humour and irony are blended to present in the mock-heroic style, what Dryden calls the just and
lively image of human nature.
Molly Seagrims battle in the Church is the best exmaple of the mock-heroic style. The congregation after
prayer, attack the woman out of jealousy as she looks more beautiful in her borrowed sack than they do in their
genuinely own clothes. Fielding first invokes the Muse : Ye Muses, then whoever ye are, who love to sing
battles......assist me on this great occasion. It reminds us of Miltons invocation address to the Muses. Now, he
proceeds to bring out the absurdities of the Somesretshire mob. He compares them to a vast herd of cows.
The fall of the victims is described in mock-heroic inflated style which is a parody of the elevated Homeric style.
There are Miltonic echoes in such descriptions as First Jenny Tweedle fell on his hinder head the direful
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bone.
In fact, Fielding uses both the high and the low styles. For instance, the entrance of Sophia is described in high
style where the author is speaking in all seriousness but a bit mockingly : Hushed be every ruder breath.
And
Awaken all the charms in which nature can array her; bedecked with beauty, youth, sprightliness,
innocence, modesty, and tenderness, breathing sweetness from her rosy lips, and darting brightness
from her sparkling eyes, the lovely sophia comes.
As Sophia is to be shown an embodiment of chastity, innocence and prudene, Fielding introduces her with all
solemnity. In her case Fielding uses sublime language and prepares the reader to see her as charming as the
cool breeze in summer.
However he uses highly low and comic style in relation to the description of fight at upton Inn, especially when
Fitzpatrick crashes into the room Tom and Mrs Waters have locked. His very entry is described in mock-heroic
low style : When he found the door locked, he flew at it with such violence, that the lock immediately gave way,
the door burst open, he fell head long into the room, the situation is highly comic; Fitzpatrick first wanted to feel
sorry, but when he spotted all the articles of vanities in women, he scuffled with Tom. And when the good lady
found the two young men fighting in her chamber, she began to scream in the most violent manner, crying out
murder! robbery! and more frequently rape!. Similarly the descriptions of Little Benjamin (book VIII, iv), and
Mrs Honour at the Upton Inn itself (Book X, iv) are highly comic and in the low style.
Irony is the great hallmark of Fieldings style. A light and gentle irony runs like a silken thread in the fabric of his
story throughout. Mollys bedroom episode when Tom spots Square in her room in an obvious example of ironic
situation. Molly upbraids Tom for his infidelity whereas Square is hiding in closet. Tom had gone to apologize and
own the responsibility of her unborn child but Square is already there. It is a case of double irony. It exposes the
hypocrisy of Square and the double game of a vain woman. Sometimes, Fielding uses irony as a pleasant
weapon to laugh at the delusion of a common spinster such as Miss Bridget Allworthy: She was that species of
women who commend rather for good qualities than beauty.
Certainly, Fieldings satire and irony are directed against those who violate the magnetic chain of humanity. Such
cases are as Square, Thwackum and Blifil, Mrs. Waters and Lady Bellaston. Pleasant irony is used in case of
Mr Allworthy, Mrs Western and Partridge.
Thus, Fielding uses not one style but many styles. In fact Tom Jones is a fine blend of high and low styles
which, like Shakespeare in his comedy, enables Fielding to provide relief to the reader from Sophia-Tom theme
with comic scenes. Like that of Addison, Fieldings style may be termed as middle style, neigther high nor low.
Generally his prose is straightforward, simple and unadorned. Especially in the concluding part of his novel
(Book XVIII) he drops irony, satire, sarcasm and all other devices of mock-heroic style, and uses simple language
without jesting and raillery. Here all satire and irony are absent. What we witness here is an unadorned narrative.
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11. Prefatory Chapters

Every Book in Tom Jones is preceded by a short essay. These prefatory Chapters are not a part of the tale, and
it can very well go without them. Here also Fieldings knowledge as dramatist stands him in a good stead. These
prefatory chapters stand to his novel as do prologues to dramas. These chapters are, in fact, the novelists heart
to heart talk with the reader, and serve as a key to his preoccupations. Much labour is involved in the writing of
these chapters. As he avers: I can with less pains write one of the books of history than prefatory chapter to
each of them. These essays show his great knowledge of art and life, and profess his wide reading. These
prefatory chapters are of abiding interest to the reader in the sense that they serve as a key to the novelists aims
and objectives in the novel. In these essays, Fielding discusses the problems an artist is subject to during writing;
he takes the critics to task; and helps the reader, to use Joseph Conrads words to read and to judge. It is
certainly rewarding to trace Fieldings preoccupations in these prefatory chapters.
The very first chapter to Book I is a clue to Fieldings purpose as a novelist. He compares a novelist to the
keeper of an eating house, and the material of the novel to a bill of fare As an honest host will first provide a
menu, the novelist shall acquaint the read with the subject he is going to treat in his book. Fieldings bill of fare is
the great and universal dish of human nature. As the true preparation of the dish depends upon the genius of the
cook, the delineation of human nature depends upon the genius of the author. An expert cook serves the simplest
dishes first to the hungry guests but as the meal proceeds he improves the fare by adding spices and this teases
their decaying hunger. As Fielding says:
In like manner, we shall represent Human Nature at first to the keen appetite of our reader, in that
more plain and simple manner in which it is found in the country, and shall herafter hash and ragoo it
with all the high French and Italian seasoning of affectation and vice which courts and cities afford.
The analogy between the skilled cook and the author of genius persists throughout these chapters. Besides, the
reference to Human Nature occurs repeatedly in the prefatory chapters.
In the prefatory chapters Fielding tells about the purpose of his writing this book. He tells that he is writing a
history and not a romance. It is history because it is closer to life. In the introductory chapter to Book IV, he
says that truth is the hallmark of his history. He calls the romances idle. To achieve that end he is committed
to bring his history closer to life. He refers to Aristotle whose theory of imitation has become the basis of all
discussions on art. He agrees that the stage is a representation of life. Fielding continues the neo-classic tenet of
pleasant representation of human nature which Dryden terms as just and lively representation of human nature,
and Pope asserts as True wit is nature to advantage drest. To delineate Nature and to keep within the bounds
of human nature, a historian (or a novelist) must keep himself within the bounds of possibility in his writing.
Discussing the marvellous versus the real, Fielding avers : man..... is the highest subject....which presents
itself to the pen of our historian.... and, in relating his actions, great care is to be taken that we do not exceed the
capacity of the great agent we describe. For that the author will keep himself within the bounds of possibility
and probability. What Fielding means is that the action will remain within the compss of human nature and
consistent with the character of the agent. This commitment to truth will enable the author to win the faith of his
reader. Fielding says that these introductory chapters will, thus, help the reader to distinguish between the true
and false kind of writing.
In the introductory chapter of Book IX, Fielding lays down certain qualifications for the historians to have and
to acquire. The first and the foremost is genius which is blended with the other two qualities, which are
invention and judgement. The second is learning which must fit them to use. The next is conversation which
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is essential to the understanding of men and manners. This cannot be acquired through books. In the prefatory
chapter of Book XIV, Fielding adds :
The picture must be after Nature herself. A true knowledge of the world is gained only by conversation, and the
manners of every rank must be seen in order to be known.
The last qualification is sensibility. If the historian lacks sensibility all other qualities are of no avail. Sensibility
is the combination of mind and heart, thought and feeling, what Matthew Arnold calls culture and the revolt
between the two he terms as anarchy. Fielding rightly says that a good heart must be capable of feeling. He
quotes Horace who says that the author who will make us weep must first weep himself. To these four
qualifications, Fielding adds another, that is, learning (Book XIV, Ch. I). He does not agree with those who call
learning a fetter to the imagination. At the same time, he says that the knowledge of the subject is even more
necessary or else all the other learning in the world will stand him in little stead. He invokes genius, humanity,
learning, and experience for himself (Book XIII, Ch. I).
As regards the subject matter, he takes human nature as the most genuine subject. He takes love as the fittest
emotion to be treated in a history. Fielding favours healthy and true love between two loving people as the
spice of life. Lust and orgasm are taken as unhealthy. This is why he equates the lustful sexual urge with animal
behaviour. He calls it appetite and hunger. Fielding, in his novels, equates lustful sexual behaviour with these
appetites and terms them as illicit passion. According to him love is a benevolent disposition which contributes to
the happiness of others. It is a generous emotion which can exist without amorous desires.
The prefatory chapters put forth his theory of morality forcefully and authentically. His emphasis is on the basic,
fundamental goodness of man. If a man is essentially good he should not be condemned for one or two blemishes.
No man in this world is perfect or entirely good; similarly no man is all bad. As he elaborates in the prefatory
chapter in Book XV, some people hold that virtue leads to happiness, whereas vice to misery. According to
Fielding this is not exactly the case. He prefers an essentially good person to a hypocrite who is seemingly good.
He considers poverty and contempt, and backbiting, envy, and ingratitude greater evils. Fielding himself is
tolerant of human weaknesses.
In the prefatory chapters, Fielding takes the critics to task. He calls false critics slanderers. Ironically Fielding
himself turns out to be a good critic. Within these essays he offers good criticism of his own work. The other
topics covered are plagiarism. There are also some comments on the plot and characterization, and the
contemporary taste.
I an Watt, however, considers these prefatory chapters as Fieldings personal intrusion into the novel which
break the spell of the imaginary world represented in the novel. Fielding is acting as a guide who considers it
his responsibility to explain everything in the novel. This literary point of view, Watt holds, tends to diminish
the authenticity of his narrative. But we know that the prefatory chapters are used as a device to help the
reader as do prologue to a drama. They equip the reader with better assessment of the plot and characters in the
novel. Above all, Watt himself agrees that these chapters show that Fielding is attentive to his audience. More
than most, these chapters introduce us to Fieldings moralistic attitudes, his artistic foundations, his predilections,
his friends and his favourites, and, above all, his scholarship and wide range of life and letters which go into the
making of his art. So, we find it hard to agree that these chapters derogate from the reality of the narrative.
In sum, Fieldings prefatory chapters in Tom Jones have a literary importance in the novel. They may be taken
as asides of the novelist, which, as prologue in a drama, acquip the reader with better means to assess
Fieldings art. Later on Henry James and Joseph Conrad used the same method by introducing prefaces and
authors notes and guided their readers.
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12. Fieldings Contribution as Novelist

Fielding is rightly called one of the four wheels of the English novel in the eighteenth century. Others are
Richardson, Smollett and Sterne. He is the only man of letters among his contemporaries whose career marks
two of the major literary developemnts of the eighteen century, that is, the decline of the drama and the rise of
the novel. As we know, he had a consistent and pretty concentrated career in the dramatic art. As a theorist and
novelist he made solid contribution to the form of the novel. F R Leavis (The Great Tradition, 1948) rightly
says that Fielding made Jane Austen possible by opening the central tradition of English fiction. The critic
reiterates that to say that the English novel began with him is as reasonable as such propositions are. Even
before Richardson and Fielding some work in the field of fiction had been initiated by swift, Dofoe, Addison, and
Steel, who may be called the pioneers, in a limited sense. Some critics even call Defoe the first English novelist.
But these periodical essayists and novelists made no recognizable contribution to the form of the novel as such.
Certainly, as Leavis adds, Fielding completed the work began by The Tatler and The Spectator. And as
Walter Allen holds the form the novel took in England for more than a hundred years had its origin in Fielding,
and in this respect Smollett, Scott, Dickens, and Meredith all wrote in his shadow. Rightly so, Sir Walter Scott
calls Fielding the Father of the English Novel.
Fieldings contribution to the art of the novel is beyond dispute. The moment he came to write Joseph Andrews,
his first great novel, he explained the purpose and form of the novel. His preface to this novel may be taken as
a manifesto of his art. Here he explained the form, the plot, the way he was to treat his characters, and delineate
them in the novel. His assertions on the form of the novel as comic epic in prose became the foundation of
Tom Jones. His prefatory chapters in Tom Jones are an addition to his tenets on the art of fiction. In these
chapters he discusses his aims and objectives in the novel. In his theoretical assertions, Fielding emerges as a
theorist-novelist and has become a model for such great artist critics in fiction as EM Forster, Henry James, and
Joseph Conrad. Fieldings conscious preoccupation with the theory of the novel made him technically better
equipped and more aware of the needs of the reader. As a theoretician he emerges as a guide to the reader.
Fielding made solid and durable contribution to the form of the novel and plot construction. He adopted the form
of epic, and called his novel comic epic in prose. Both in Joseph Andrews and Tom Jones, Fielding put to
practice the mechanics of the new genre. Following the classical norms laid down by Aristotle, he has introduced
fable, action, characters, sentiments, and diction and is deficient in metre only. Both are developed as epics of
the road. Also written in the picaresque tradition, they offer a comprehensive view of the whole society. Plot in
Tom Jones is given tripartite divison comprising the country, the road, and the town. According to Walter Allen
no plot has ever been carried through with more consummate skill. R S Crane rightly calls Fielding an
architect of plot. Summing up the plot construction in Tom Jones, Dorothy van Ghent says The plot movement
follows the curve characteristic of comedy plots, taking the protagonist from low fortune to high fortune.
Sometimes, Fielding introduces certain characters or incidents which are directly not related to the main
development of action. For instance, the episode of Leonora in Joseph Andrews, and the story of the Old Man
of the Hill, and the history of Mrs. Harriet Fitzpatrick in Tom Jones, seem to be digressive. But it goes to the
credit of Fielding that he makes such occurrences thematically relevant. Besides, conflicts in motives of characters,
and fast pace of development of incidents make his plot rapid and the reader is so much involved in the development
of action that he hardly notices any such blemishes. Generally his plot is compact and structure unified.
As Fielding wrote his major novels as comic epics in prose, and invented fable as wide in its sweep as an epic,
he was bound to introduce large number of characters. As his purpose was to delineate human nature, he was
pressed very hard to encompass a large variety of characters with their conflicts and contrasting attitudes. As
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his purpose was comic, he was to laugh at certain incongruities, vanities, and hyporcrisies of the contemporary
society. In order to portary human nature in Tom Jones, he introduced contrasting figures of Mr Allworthy and
Mr Western, Dr Blifil and Captain Blifil, Square and Thwackum, Tom and young Blifil; a large number of minor
characters such as Mr Deborah and Mrs Honour, Molly Seagrim and Mrs Partridge and later on Mrs Bellaston
and Lord Bellaston are various shades of human nature. All these characters are true to life creations. His
characters are authentic because they represent basic human nature. His numerous doctors, lawyers, soliders,
beggars, priests, robbers and rufians show that Fielding was a great observer of human nature. Commenting on
Fieldings characterization, Walter Allen rightly says that they are so real to him that even though he may give
us no more than a glimpse of them, they become real for us. So, Fieldings great contribution in characterization
paved the way for such great novelists as Dickens. And it is interesting to note that his variety is available only
in Dickens. Fielding, in his novels, offers an unprecedented harvest of characters.
One of the greatest contributions of Fielding is his offering of a healthy view on sexual behavour. He introduced
a healthy morality and a representation of wholesome man-woman relationship. By introducing Lady Booby,
who assails the virtue of her domestic servant in Joseph Andrews, Fielding was laughing at the hypocrisies and
vanities associated with the contemporary sexual ethics. Here he pushes at the virtue rewarded thesis of
Richardson. In Joseph Andrews, he offers a parody of Richardsons confined views on morality, chastity and
sexual behaviour; Tom Jones presents his broader philosophy on sex. He holds mans sexual behaviour as
natural. It is a philosophy of natural man. He takes man as a blend of good and evil, vice and virtue. He believes
in the essential goodness of man. The real enemies of man and society, according to him, are hypocrisy, jealousy,
hatred, vanity and cunning. Generosity, sympathy, sacrifice, charity and fidelity are the positive virtues. This is
illustrated through Toms love with Sophia and his sexual excapades with three women. Though the book was
called low, dessolute, and a profligate performance in its own time, it has, in the succeeding centuries,
taken to be the most realistic approach to mans sexual behaviour. Through the fidelity of Sophia and the natural
sexual behaviour and fellow-feeling and generosity of Tom, Fielding exposes the vain and hypocritical view
associated with sexual and moral ethics. He is tolerant of every other human weakness except vice or hypocrisy.
Thus he improves upon the traditionally held confined view on morality and sexual ethics. His emphasis is on the
inner goodness and natural responses, and not on the abstract and unpractical moral theorizing. So, he offers a
new healthy and more acceptable view on morality.
Fieldings yet another contribution was his introduction of the journey motif. Although he borrowed the idea from
the classical epics, and the writing of Cervantes, it was his solid contribution to the narrative aspect of English
fiction. As he was to present a panorama of the then society he chose picaresque tradition and introduced the
bastard as a natural hero. He uses it in Joseph Andrews and brings it to perfection in Tom Jones. The latter
is both, to use Albert Guerards phrase, a journey within and a journey without. Toms journey from
Somersetshire, through the country, to London, presents a scenario of village inns, the village customs, the risks
and dangers of the highway and the vanities of the town people. At the same time, his journey improves him as
a human being. It enables him to save people in distress, to help those in misery, and also to test his valour, and
his virtues. So to present life as a journey is Fieldings way of looking at men and manners which enable him to
delineate real life. His method was forcefully used by James Joyce in Ulysses in the twentieth century and with
great success. The introduction of journey motif by Fielding will continue inspiring men of letters in the coming
ages.
In matter of style, Fieldings contribution is beyond dispute. First of all we are impressed with his highly artistic
sense of dialogue. His dialogue reveals the real nature of his characters; it highlights their peculiarities. Mr
Allworthys utterance is measured; it smacks of the rustic vulgarity of Squire Western, the pedantry of Partridge,
the sentimental garrulity of Mrs Miller, and the pious but calculated hypocrisy of Blifil, and so on. The mock-epic
style which includes epic similes, mock-heroic battles and humour and irony, enables Fielding to present a
comprehensive view of men and manners. Sometimes, he uses adorned style in the description of an incident or
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situation, but generally his language is plain and simple. However, his fondness for archaic forms is of peculiar
quality. He generally uses archaic form like doth and hath, but it makes his prose expressive. He employs
varied shades of humour farcical humour, ironical humour, satirical humour but his humour is always spontaneous
like that of Shakespeare, exuberant like that of Jonson, and tolerant like that of Addison; it is never sharp-edged
like that of Dryden and vehement like that of Swift. In this way Fieldings style is a model of spontaneity and
simplicity with a variety of shades which make it an example to follow.
Thus, Fieldings contribution to the English novel is solid and durable. He founded the theory of comic epic in
prose in the real sense. He offers new, healthy and acceptable morality; he brought greater degree of reality to
bear upon his settings and characterization; in his fiction he brings us in contact with real men and manners. He
offers a comprehensive view of society. There is no psychological probing because his approach is realistic and
its purpose is to delineate observed manners. His style includes irony and humour, simple language, and simile
and allusion which suit his purpose of presenting the spectrum of humanity. We fully agree with Martin C.
Battestin that Fieldings place in the tradition of English fiction is quite secure. His comic approach to life has
influenced such novelists as Kingsley Amis, in the contemporary literature. Amiss Lucky Jim may be read as
contemporary Tom Jones. Fieldings writings will continue inspiring the coming generations because they are a
genuine representation of men and manner and a just copy of human nature.
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13. Major Characters

Tom Jones
Tom Jones, who also gives title to Fieldings novel, is the central character. Tom Jones is said to be the first
English novel of the eighteen century written to fit a theory. Fielding wrote it in the form of a comic epic in
prose in which he puts the whole eighteenth century society to a comic test. Tom and Sophia stand at the moral
and ethical centre of the novel, and are the props of his theoretical foundations. Tom is the hero of the comic
epic which Fielding, like his earlier novel, Joseph Andrew, wrote with a thesis. Of course, Tom is not a
rogue, a typical picuresque hero, but supposed as a bastard, he is brought closer to such a meaning. Besides,
Tom is sometimes called the natural man coming down from a golden age, and the noble savage, which,
as Arnold Kettle points out, are of course sentimental idealizations. Walter Allen comes closer to Fieldings
conception when he calls Tom Jones the unheroic hero, a blend of weak and strong points.
Tom unites the two threads of the plot. One is the unravelling of the mystery of his birth and parentage, and the
second is his love with Sophia. In the beginning of the novel, Fielding refrains from too much comment on Toms
true parentage; he withholds the revelation till the climax of the novel. For the time being, he deems it sufficient
that the reader takes Tom to be an illegitimate child; that he is adopted by Mr Allworthy; Jenny is his mother. But
the identity of his father is still a mystery. He grows along with Master Blifil, the nephew of the squire, passes
through the grind of early life, victimized by Blifil himself, and the two malicious tutors, Square and Thawckum;
his only friend is Black George, the gamekeeper of the squire. Even at the age of fourteen, it is universally
believed in Mr Allworthys family that the lad is certainly born to be hanged. He is convicted of three petty
thefts. He flirts with Molly Seagrim, the daughter of Black George. Mr Allworthy is grievously offended at
Toms conduct. Master Blifil lies to Mr Allworthy, and the gullible and credulous squire turns Tom out of his
house. Tom accepts Mr Allworthys verdict without protest. Up to this point, as Allen says, Tom is a depiction
of ordinary, weak man.
Parallel to Toms development as an adolescent person, runs the theme of his love for Sophia. This develops into
Sophia-Tom-Blifil triangle. They have been playmates all these years. In an episode Blifil, out of malice, sets
Sophias singing bird free; Tom risks his neck to recapture her pet but cannot succeed. It shows Tom is sacrificing,
generous and considerate; Blifil is self-seeking and conceited; Sophias love for Tom increases; he also wins the
favour of her father, Squire Western. In another incident, while on a hunting expedition, Sophias horse bolts;
Tom jumps to her aid and saves her which speaks of his natural gallantry, Toms arm is broken. The incident
made a deep impression on her heart. Tom too starts loving her genuinely. He is surprised by Mrs Honour in
the act of fondling and kissing Sophias muff, and calling it the prettiest muff. Tom comes to know from Mrs
Honour that Sophia has great love for the muff Tom has kissed; now he is hopelessly in love with her. After he
spots Square in Mollys room, he is absolved of his responsibility towards her; now Sophia is the centre of his
love. One day, in the garden of her fathers estate, Tom confesses his love to Sophia. Meanwhile, Mr Western
is furious to know about Tom-sophia affairs. Guided by his mundane motives, he wants her to marry Blifil whom
she detests. Tom also requests her not to marry Blifil. Meanwhile Tom is turned out of the house of Mr Allworthy,
and he is on the road, penniless, lost, and lonely.
Once on the road, Tom becomes the knight-errand on the highway. Again the discovery of Toms true parentage
is withheld. In the beginning the Lawyer Dowling brings the news of the death of Mrs Blifil, but her letter which
has the secret of. Toms true parentage does not reach Mr. Allworthy. Now in an inn he meets Tom, but makes
no mention of his birth. However, Toms love for Sophia is secure in his heart. In the inn he reacts sharply to
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Northertons remarks at Sophia. He is injured as Northerton throws a bottle of wine at him. He even buys a
sword to settle his score. He emerges here a man of honour. Now our hero is accompanied by Little Benjamin
who is no other than Partridge, the village schoolmaster. The picaresque hero has his Sancho Panza. Once again
Tom shows his gallantry by saving the Man of Hill from ruffians and a lady from a robber. He conducts the lady
who is known as Mrs Waters safely to the Upton Inn. Fielding now beings to draw Toms character in greater
depth and with more dimensions. At Upton, Tom falls to the charms of Mrs. Waters. Sophia, who has run away
from her fathers home to escape her marriage to detestable Blifil, and who is also on her way to London is also
staying at the Upton Inn. When she is informed by Mrs Honour that Tom is in bed with a wench, she gets her
muff smuggled into Toms room, and leaves without meeting him. Tom follows her to London intending to return
a pocket book of hers that he got from the beggar. London is another touchstone of characters and situations.
Despairing of getting Sophia, Tom plays gigolo to Lady Bellaston with whom she is staying in London.
Tom embodies Fieldings conception of sexual morality and ethics. The central issue is his love for Sophia and his
relation with the other three women. Fielding nowhere condones or approves of Toms looseness in sexual
behaviour. but why does he behave as he does? The answer should be available within the text. As regards his
relation with Sophia he is pretty sincere towards her; he owns the responsibility of her unborn child, and is
prepared to marry until he has the proof that she is a village slut. When he discovers Square in her closet he
absolves himself of the responsibility. As regards his flirtation with Mrs Waters, it is all the more glaring because
it involves incest because Mrs Waters is no other than Jenny Jones. But Mrs Waters is a flirt; earlier she ran
away with a soldier. Besides, Tom is not sure about his love for Sophia. Out of frustration he finds temporary
escape into his venture with this trollop. As regards Lady Bellaston, he regards her as the only source to reach
Sophia. Elizabeth Drew rightly says that it is always the woman who allures him, and he never corrupts
innocence in the unmarried, or virtue in the married. Besides, as Arnold Kettle says he acts naturally and
therefore the excesses into which his animal spirits lead him are forgiven.
It will not be far amiss to say that Fielding is depicting Tom as an essentially good person. His generosity, fellowfeeling, and sacrifice cancel and balance all his frailities. In the beginning he saves Black George morally and
financially; he saves the Man of the Hill and advises him not to hate the world. Tom rescues Mrs Waters from
the ruffians. He upholds Fieldings view that faults in one or two persons do not make the world a bad place to
live in; he gives alms to the begger on his way to London. Tom and Sophia are the only persons who give money
to help others. Tom hands over the whole amount of 50 pounds he gets from Lady Bellaston for the physical
labour to Mrs. Miller to spend in charity. He reconciles Nancy, Mrs Millers daughter, with young Nightingale
and wins her honour. Mrs Miller calls Tom the saviour of her family. He forgives Black George for his act of
robbing his money. He even pleads charity towards Blifil in the end. Toms own words on himself are sincere
and justified when he says to Nightingale :
I am no canting hypocrite, nor do I pretend to the gift of chastity, more than my neighbours. I have been guilty
with women, I own it; but am not conscious that I have ever injured anynor would I, to procure pleasure to
myself, be knowingly the cause of misery to any human being.
In fact, Fielding held such positive vices as hypocricy, guile, malice, treachery embodied in Blifil, Square and
Thwackum more dangerous than moral aberration or sexual irregularties found in Tom.
Tom is especially related to the plot. R S Crane in his essay The plot of Tom Jones focuses attention on the
pivotal importance of the hero. He is related to the action and thought. The whole action from the beginning,
through the middle, to the end carries forward the mystery relating to his birth and his relation with Sophia. In the
whole process of his development there is running irony. As regards his identity he is not worried. This is
particularly emphasized during the action of the novel. Time and again he says that he has nothing to do with
Squire Allworthys estate. When Partridge asks him to return to the Squire, he forcefully says he will not. He
also tells Lawyer Dowling that he is not interested in the squires property. But one thing he never forgets is his
love for Sophia. Here he stands opposite to Blifil who wants to marry Sophia for her fortune. Even the mystery
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of Toms birth is subservient to his love for Sophia. When his true identity is revealed there is no problem now;
he is now respectable enough to marry her. But even then there is a complication. He must prove his sincerity.
Sophia is not impatient to marry him. When they meet during the denouement, she upbraids him with inconsistency.
He is prepared to go through the trial. This shows his sincerity. Besides, he is so much impatient to marry her, as
all romantic lovers are, that when she mentions a longer period, he calls it eternity. In fact, for Tom, the whole
of his life has been a trial. Ultimately he gets what he deserves; their love consummates into wedding bells.
One of the devices to judge a character is to see as to what others say about him. It also matters as to who says
it. In the beginning of the novel he is surrounded by such hypocritical and malicious persons as Blifil, Square and
Thwackum who are up against him. They are wearing a mask of gentility and morality. They are able to play
upon Mr Allworthy, gullible and credulous as he is. But in the concluding part of the novel, Tom is judged by such
people as Mrs Miller, who is a plain, simple person without malice. Again Blifil is there to malign Toms image.
He tries hard to convince Squire Allworthy that Tom is a murderer and a villain. But now Mrs Miller is there to
contradict him. Her words are an antedote to Blifils slander. She speaks with a conviction when she says :
By all thats sacred, tis false......Mr Jones is no villain. He is one of the worthiest creatures breathing; and if
any person had called him villian, I would have thrown all this boiling water in his face.
In London, too, he is a rare person. Here, too, self-interest, greed, hypocrisy and snobbery rule supreme.
Fieldings preoccupation has been to show that Tom is surrounded by a panorama of the follies, vices and
hypocrisies of the world as it is.
Thus, in Tom, Fielding has offered a new kind of hero. He is the natural hero. He is the natural hero who is
a mixture of good and evil. He has animal instinct, and his sexual behaviour, his appetites, and his failings make
him an unheroic hero. But all along his frailities, failings, and vices are counterbalanced, rather redeemed, by his
natural goodness, generosity and charity. We can conclude with the philosopher Squares words quoted from his
letter written to Mr Allworthy as his dying declaration : Believe me, my friend, this young man hath the noblest
generosity of heart, the most perfect capacity for friendship, the highest integrity and indeed every virtue which
can ennoble a man.
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14. Sophia
Soiphia Western, the heroine in Feldings Tom Jones, first of all fascinates the reader for her beauty, charm,
and grace. She has all along been presented as an embodiment of chastity, virtue and constancy. Walter Allen
has all admiration for her beauty, her goodness, and generosity of spirit. The critic aptly places her in the
tradition of the Shakespearean heroine. Undoubtedly, she can be classed with the master-dramatists
Desdemonas, Cordelias, and Rosalinds. Fielding tells us that she is modelled on his first wife, Charlotte Cradock,
whom he married in 1734. Perhaps, while describing Sophias physical and spiritual aspects, Fielding was paying
a tribute to his beloved wife :
Such was the outside of Sophia; nor was this beautiful frame disgraced by an inhabitant unworthy of
it. Her mind was every way equal to her former; for when she smiled, the sweetness of her temper
diffused that glory over her countenance, which no reglarity of features can give.
Besides, Fielding introduces Sophia on the scene with all pomp and show, though in mock heroic style. Her
entrance is compared with that of venus in the mock-epic vein : Hushed be every ruder breath.....the lovely
Sophia comes. Fielding comments that he used solemnity in our power, with an elevation in style, and other
cricumstances proper to raise the veneration of our reader. Certainly sophia commands respect and is an
embodiment of loveliness and grace.
Sophias physical charms are enhanced by her other attributes. She has infinite variety. One of her graces is
her devotion to her father, Squire Western, who is coarse and boorish; she genuinely loves him. She requests
Tom to take care of him when they go hunting; she even agrees to accompany her box-hunting father during a
hunting expedition just to please him; she plays music when he needs good rest. She is a woman of tender heart.
She promises Tom to help Black George get a job as gamekeeper in her fathers establishment; she sends
clothes to help Molly Seagrim; she is respectful to her aunt, Mrs Western. Her love of her pet bird, and her tears
on its loss, show the tenderness of her heart. Elizabeth Drew sums up Sophias spiritual qualities when she says
that she (Sophia) is goodhearted and generous.
But these attributes of Sophia must not lead us to conclude that she is a docile, submissive and doll-like creature.
She is certainly not, nor does Fielding want us to take her so. Her adoring aspect has its hard side. The author is
not projecting her as a typical heroine of the eighteenth century novel. Like Tom Jones, Sophia is a rebel. Both
revolt against the reverently approved and accepted standards of the society. This is apparent in the fatherdaughter relationship. Sophia holds her father in high esteem; and for her, fatherhood embodies affection, security,
sanctity, and also, to some extent, authority. But Squire Western is a mundane, self-seeking male-head. Sophia
loves Tom, and detests Blifil. Mrs Western dictates her to marry the latter. By this alliance, he holds, the two
estates will be joined. Of course, his plan is guided by his concern that his daughter should lead a comfortable
life, but it shows that he has no consideration for her emotional needs. As he subjugated his wife, he believes that
his daughter is also born to remain servile. But she not only protests, she plans to leave her fathers house. She
learns that Tom is exiled, and when her father dictates her to marry the man she detests, she runs away to face
the vicissitudes on the highway to London. In this way, Sophia rebels against the parental degree and has the
certitude to follow her convictions by running away from the cosy comforts of her home, and escapes from what
Elizabeth Drew calls a predatory masculine world. Besides, her revolt is a part of the total design of the book,
a structural necessity. Like Tom, she must be on the road, and follow the same highway to London.
Sophia is an embodiment of Fieldings conception of true and sincere love. The author traces its gradual but
steady development. Her love for Tom, as also aversion to Blifil, are spontaneous responses. They have been
playmates, and when Sophia was thirteen, an episode became the cause of her hatred for Blifil and love for Tom.
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A little singing bird was the delight of her heart. Out of jealousy, Blifil sets the bird free. Tom risks his life to
recapture Sophias pet, but fails.
The incident increases Sophias love for Tom. In another incident in which Sophias horse bolts on the hunt, Tom
jumps to her aid, and breaks his arm. She considers it a brave act which made a deep impression on her heart.
When Mrs Honour, Sophias garrulous maid, informs her of Toms fondling and kissing her muff, she is completely
won over though unknowingly. Later on, she rescues the muff her father flings into the fire which shows her
increasing love for Tom. She loves him so dearly that she forgives him for his relations with Molly Seagrim, and
even sends him money when he is banished, and is penniless.
Sophia is courageous in love. When she learns that Tom has been set on the road, she resolves to run away from
her fathers house. It is certainly a bold step. She is willing to brave the dangers and terrors of the highway than
to be tagged in marriage with a man she detests. Now along with Mrs Honour she is also on the road to London.
For her love means constancy, commitment and faithfulness. But it also includes self-respect and honour. She
embodies Fieldings concept of love against lust, pining against hunger or appetite. This is why when
she is informed at Upton Inn that Tom is sleeping with a wench, she gets her muff smuggled into his room by
bribing the chambermaid, and leaves the place without seeing him. She explains later that she left Upton not
because he accepted favours from Mrs Waters but because he had dishonoured her by indulging in gossip about
her with the servants. Actually, it was Partridge who had done it, and it despaired Tom greatly. Love on both
sides is perpetual. As Fielding says that age and sickness cannot weaken love nor ever shake or remove, from
a good mind, that sensation or passion which had gratitude and esteem for its basis.
Sophias virtue, chastity, and constancy is throughout contrasted with immorality, looseness and fickleness of her
counterparts. Fieldings intention of contrasting the standards of honour in sexual matter can be seen running
throughout the plot of the novel. In fact, all other women have been introduced as her travesties. Molly Seagrim
is a village slut always in search of a man; on the highway, at Upton Inn, we have Mrs. Honour who is promiscuity
incarnated; in the city Sophia is juxtaposed with Lady Bellaston, her host, who is nyphomaniac, man-hunting,
upper class trollop. Nor is Mrs Western, Sophias aunt, much better. With all her claims to prudence and family
honour, she makes herself believe that Fitzpatrick is wooing her, whereas he is courting Harriet, her niece, and
that too for her fortune. Above all, Harriet Fitzpatrick, who is a flirt, who has no role to place, has been introduced
to show that Sophia can never be corrupted like her. Against these ugliest specimen of womanhood, Sophia is a
paragon.
Sophia is a woman of convictions. She has seen many a climate, but she remains unruffled and steadfast. She
has already rejected Blifil; she resists boldly the advances of Lord Fellamar, and turns down his proposal of
marriage and allurements of nobility. She is equally frustrated in Tom, especially after she has read his letter to
Lady Bellaston. Despite Mrs Alworthys defence for Tom, who emerges his true heir-apparent and whose
identity has been revealed, she rejects him. It is only when the lovers meet alone, thinngs are cleared. Sophia
chides Tom for inconstancy; Tom begs for merey and forgiveness. He also explains his letter to Lady Bellaston;
he is even prepared to go through a trial. They embrace and kiss each other for the first time. It is only after full
assurance from Tom and her belief in his basic goodness that she agrees to marry him. They are married at
Doctors Common. Ultimately, Sophia emerges as an embodiment of true love, chasity, constancy and true
womanhood, and an ideal heroine in the novel.
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15. Squire Allworthy

Squire Allworthy is one of the major characters in Fieldings Tom Jones. He is central to the theme as well as
the strucutre of the novel. In the tripartite structural division of the novelcountry, highway, cityhis role is
pivotal in the early and the latter part of the book. As in Shakespeare, the very opening of the novel serves as a
key note to the development of this domineering figure. In the very first Book, Squire Allworthy is introduced as
a middle-aged widower; he is the owner of one the largest estates in Somersetshire; he is a simple, agreeable,
and pleasant man, blessed by Nature and Fortune. He is leading a quiet and contented retired life of a country
gentleman with his sister, Miss Bridget Allworthy. As the novel begins, the squire has just returned from London,
after three months stay on business. Now his introduction is both dramatic and ironic. As he gets ready to retire
to bed, and after having spent some time on his kneesa custom which he never broke on any occasion he is
greatly surprised to find an infant sleeping in his bed. His compassion is aroused. Immediately he rings for Mrs
Deborah Wilkins, his housekeeper. In haste he forgets that he is wearing only his nightshirt. She suggests that the
infant be wrapped and placed at the churchwardens door to which he disagrees. Next morning he presents the
child to his sister and decides that the infant will grow up under their roof. Later on, when Bridget is married and
is blessed with a baby, the squire gives his verdict that both the children will be brought up together. We instantly
conclude that Allworthy, as his name, perhaps borrowed directly from Morality, suggests that he is all good. At
the very outset, he is introduced as a devout christian embodying its cardinal virtues of charity and benevolence.
Mr. Allworthy is a typical country squire who is a man of convictions and takes care of the shire accordingly. As
a country squire, occasionally he is to act as magistrate and pass verdicts of consequence. During these occasions
he remains calm, relaxed, and unruffled. But again his guide is Christian morality, that is hate the sin not the
sinner. Fielding refers to the squire as one whose natural love of justice, joined to his coolness of temper, made
him always a most patient magistrate. When Partridge requests that Jenny may be called in order to estabish
his innocence, he instantly agrees and extends his verdict for three days. But when Jenny is not traceable and
Partridge has been proved guilgy of being the father of the foundling, he is deprived of the annuity he used to
receive from Mr Allworthy. Similarly, Molly Seagrim has to appear before Allworthy as she has injured a
travelling fiddler during her churchyard scuffle. He is offended at Toms owning of Mollys unborn child. Mr
Allworthy delivers a sermon on the right conduct as he did on the occasion when Jenny Jones was produced
before him. However, Jenny confesses that she is the mother of the infant and is expelled from the neighbourhood.
When Black George is found guilty of poaching hares on the Western estate, he is deprived of his position of Mrs
Allworthys gamekeeper.
However, Squire Allworthys sternness and authoritarian demeanour as the justice of peace cannot make the
reader oblivious to his other qualities. He is certalnly not a type. He is an embodiment of human goodness, virtue,
and good nature. He is also a convivial person. Hence he loves to be in the company of men of taste, wit, and
learning. His conversation with the knowledgeable people has made him a connoisseur of most kinds of literature.
He welcomes deserving men of values nad merit to his house. At times, he may strike to the reader as gullible.
For instance, he cannot see through the treacherous plans of Captain Blifil; he considers Dr Blifil and Captain
Blifil as his well-wishers; he agrees to the proposed marriage of his sister with the captain. Later on he plays in
the hands of Square, Thwackum and Blifil, and banishes Tom from his home with poor judgement. In case of
Tom-Blifil episodes, he is oblivious to much that is going on. Square and Thwackum thrive on Mr Allworthys
credulity and simplicity.
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In fact, the squire is a many dimensional character and cannot be classed with a particular character or set of
characters. His blindness to the behaviour of treacherous people like the two tutors can be seen as his noble
indifference. He certainly sees infirmities in the tutor (Thwackum), which he could have wished him to have
been without. Besides, the squire looks for the good in all people and not the bad. As regards the motives of
Captain Blifil, he is well aware of the man and his doings. But he is guided by the thought of his sisters
happiness. At the same time, guileless himself, he does not suspect guile or treachery in others. But we may
consider his turning Tom out of his home a cruel and callous attitude. A.E. Dyson discusses this point quite
convicingly. The critic holds that it will be simplistic approach if we say that Toms rejection is a dramatic
necessity because the plot demands it. Dyson elaborates that Mr Allworthy very much represents a rational
attitude. Besides, the squire represents Fieldings conception of human nature. Man is fallible. In the end when
Mr Allworthy repents and apologizes to Tom for his omissions, the latter says : The wisest man might be
deceived as you were, and under such a deception, the best must have acted as you did.
Mr Allworthy is a reasonable person. When he comes to know about the reason for Sophias running away from
home, and he is convinced about the heart of the matter, he considers it futile to pursue this affair. But reluctantly
goes to London to see the possibility of Blifils winning over Sophia. He praises Sophia for her graces. He
derides forcing anybody being forced into a distasteful marriage. He is open to reason; when Mrs Miller convinces
him of Toms goodness, he prepares to sift things; he is quick in action; he immediately calls Lawyer Dowling
and finds out the truth. When he is informed of Toms innocence in his assult on Fitzpatric, he realises that he
was having a wicked viper (Blifil) near his bosom. In the end he emerges as a magnanimous gentleman; he
embraces Tom and says, Oh! my child, how have I been to blame! How I have injured you! What amends can
I ever make you for those unkind, those unjust suspicions which I have entertained; and for all the sufferings
they have occasioned. Now he is happy to find in Tom his heir to the Paradise Hall. He is all the more happy to
see Tom and Sophia married at Doctors Commons. The squire is most generous to Tom on this occasion, and
remains so to him ever after.
In sum, Squire Allworthy is a personification of generosity, virtue, and goodness. He is a true embodiment of
human nature, as he represents virtues and weaknesses of common humanity. In the end he emerges as a
magnanimous elderly figure. He is certainly a memorable human creation that Fielding has added to the portrait
gallery in English literature.
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16. Squire Western

What Dryden said about Zimri in Absalom and Achitophel, we can happily say about Squire Western in Tom
Jones that he is worth the whole book. If we want to go to the book again and again it is undoubtedly for the
Squire. Martin Price very rightly says that he is perhaps the finest English comic character to have emerged
after Falstaff. He is said to have been modelled on Carew Hervey Mildway, Whose lungs and memory, and
tongue, will never wear out. But Fielding has infused so much life into him that he does not seem to be confined
to any set pattern in a personality. Western is not one; he is many; his multitudinous figure transcends all
confines. Whenever the reader comes across him he is face to face with a person bursting with enthusiasm,
ready to effect his quaintness, and make his presence felt. He is, like Falstaff, an amalgmation of many oddities.
He is a squire and the gentleman devoted to his pastures and hunting, beef eating, and his bottle. Although he
professes his affinity with Jacobite clan, his real sympathies are with King, Church, and Country. Above all, he
is his own best guide, and brooks no ones advice in the affairs of his family. And in delineating the character of
Squire Western, Fielding is at his creative best.
Squire Westerns creation was a necessity as Fielding made him to fit into the pastoral motive, and the mock
pastoral centring in Tom Jones. Western carries his pastoralism with him wherever he is. When he is in his
county he is a typical country squire. He is always preoccupied with his fields, stable and dog knnel. His
pastimes are hunting, drinking, beef-eating, and swearing. Even his language has the flavour of his hobbies. His
fondness for his daughter increases so much that his beloved dogs themselves almost gave place to her in his
affection. Even Sophia, aware of her fathers weakness for hunting, agrees to accompany him so that she may
check his reckless behaviour. He is so much fond of his game that while at Upton Inn, he gives up the idea of
pursuing her temporarily so that he may join a hunting expedition and win applauds.
Western is an embodiment of true human nature. He follows his code of honour, though it is guided by the set
norms of his family. Here he effects a contrast with Squire Allworthy. The latter holds that Sophias addition to
his family will increase its grace. But for Squire Western, marriage is only a bargain. He holds that if his daughter
marries Blifil it will augment his fortune. His approach is mundane. For him romantic love is nothing more than
a madness. This does not mean that he does not love his daughter. He can quit the world for her or may sacrifice
all the estates of England for her. But he is insensitive to the emotional responses of his daughter. He is interested
in Blifil for material considerations, and it is consistent with his character. Later on, he wants her to marry Tom,
because the latter has emerged as the rightful heir to the Pardise Hall. So he remains true to his code of honour
and remains a caring father; he is true to life. He is not selfish; he is true.
Western is a comic charater of very real stature. His behaviour, his gestures, and his actions show that, at times,
he is eccentric, gross and ridiculous. For instance, his entries are always comically dramatic and whimsically
ridiculous. Generally he appears with a bang. He arrives at Upton Inn shouting at the top of his voice; when
Fitzpatrick is swearing and whooping for his wife, Western is creaming for his daughter. He quits without giving
any heed to Fitzpatrick, and without demanding the muff. His most comic and unexpected entry occurs in book
XV. He bursts into the room when Lord Fellamar is attempting to rape Sophia. When he Says that his daughter
has refused the best match, Fellamar thinks that the quire is referring to him. Western tells him bluntly that it is
not he. Then he carries his daughter off to his lodgings. Later on when Fellamar visits the squire and challenges
him for a duel, the latter finds no time to stir out of his lodgings. His honour is at stake, but like Flastaff he wants
to live on. So he is a coward on necessity. He bursts into a place shouting and swearing, and storms out cursing
and screaming. In these situations, he looks most ridiculous but full of life. The reader wants him to persist in his
behaviour, and the squire obliges him on every occasion.
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However, Fielding does not let Western deviate into a type. He maintains his individuality. Sometimes, the author
treats him ironically. In the beginning of the novel he is shown as an authoritairan father; so much so that his
attitude verges on the ridiculous. When he learns that Sophia is in love, he gets furious and says :
How! In love without acqainting me! Ill disinherit her; Ill turn her out doors, stark naked, without
a farthing.
And if she accepts the match of his choice She may love whom she pleases. If she is obstinate enough to go
against his wishes, he can warn her I am resolved upon the match. In the same breath, he can plead with her:
I tell thee, it will preserve me; it will give me health, happiness, life, everything. Upon my soul, I shall
die if dost refuse me; I shall break my heart, I shall, upon my soul.
He can immediately compromise with the situation. When he learns that Tom is reconciled with Mr Allworthy
and is absolved of the criminal charges, he immediately bursts into the room, apologizing and begging his forgiveness,
and is ready to carry him to Sophia. In the end, he very happily agrees to accept Tom as a fit match for his
daughter. She too accepts Tom to please her father and to be happy herself.
In the end, this beef-eating, fox-hunting Jacobite, English country squire, turns his house over to Tom and his
daughter. He visits them occasionally; he spends much of his time playing with his grand children, a girl and a
boy. But he regularly gets tipsy with the company of his choice. Thus, Squire Western is full of vitality; his
eccentricity and oddities are acceptable to us. Though a comic character, he is throughout individualized. He
reminds us of Shakespeares Falstaff and Addisons Sir Roger de Coverley; he is forerunner of Captain Bluntschli
in Shaw. Squire Western is certainly the master creation of Fielding.
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17. Blifil
Blifil is one of the major and the most important characters in Fieldings Tom Jones. He is important both
thematically as well as technially, and structurally. As far as his relevance to the theme is coneerned, he is one
of the ugliest specimen of human nature. He is a true to life representation. Fielding is a historian in the sense
that man is his highest subject. He keeps the action within the confines of human nature. His emphasis is on
the probable and possible behaviour of human beings and Blifil is true in the sense that his nature is consistent
with his action. He is presented as evil, and he remains evil until the very end. But this should not make us
conclude that he is, to use E.M. Forsters phrase, a flat character. He is not flat or static in the sense that he
keeps on changing his strategies and mechanisms. In relation to the structure of the novel his calculations, his
machinations are of real consequence. His designs are central to the development of the action in the novel. As
regards the theme and the structure of the novel, he stands as a single separate entity, and in this sense, he is
directly related with Tom, the hero, as his potential antagonist. In this regard he is the second most important
character.
Willian Faulkner, a major American novelist, once said that in order to show evil we need not create Satan, man
is capable enough. And rightly so, Blifil is evil incarnate; he embodies all that is malicious and malignant in
human kind, and is Satans surrogate. In the very beginning of the novel he is introduced as the son of Bridget
and Captain Blifil. This connection is a significant clue to his character. Bridget is vain and hypocritical, a
secretive though not a wicked woman. Captain Blifil is a mundane, calculative and ambitious person. His marrying
her was based on his ambition to acquire Squire Allworthys estate. Young Blifil embodies his fathers selfcentredness, and possessiveness. Blifil continues to play his fathers game of disinherting Tom, and he moves
with calculative designs. This malignant motive of Blifil is the basis of all actions and reactions in the novel.
Fieldings Tom Jones presents characters as humours. Their nature moves them. There are good-natured
characters such as Squire Allworthy, Sophia, and Mrs Miller; there are bohemians like Molly Seagrim and Mrs
Waters, Fellamar; there are also characters like Tom, and young Nightingle who are a blend of good and mixed
human qualities. But there is a species of mankind which represents all that is wicked and vicious. This category
includes Square, Thawakum, Lady Bellaston, and Fellamar. Blifil belongs here. They belong to the clan of
Edmund, Goneril and Regan. Like his mother and father, Blifil is a hypcrite. Fielding was, like his contemporaries,
the most conscious writer, who castigated hypocrisy. In his preface to Miscellanies, he terms it this monster,
this detestable vice, and the bane of all virtue, morality, and goodness. In his Joseph Andrews and Tom
Jones he lashes at the representatives of vanity and hypocrisy. Blifil is shown as a smiling villain. He is introduced
as a lad of remarkable disposition; sober, discreet and pious beyond his age. As against Tom who is considered
a lad certainly born to be hanged; Blifil is the darling of the family. He has with great art impressed and won
the love and affections of Mr Allworthy. He flatters his tutors who themselves are highly vain and hypocritical.
Fielding says in cleverly devised words
With one he was all religion, with the other he was all virtue. And when both were present, he was profoundly
silent, which both interpreted in his favour and in their own.
Outwardly, he is fine and sophisticate. He will say only what pleases Mr Allworthy, but inwardly he wants him
to die; and rather tries to hasten his end by breaking news of the death of Mrs Blifil (Mr Allworthys sister and
his own mother) when the squire is seriously ill. People like Mr Allworthy are often corrupted by vanity and
hypocrisy. So Blifils appearance and reality and his private and public motive are artistically shown in his
nature and nurthure. He hypocritically holds back the information of Toms true identity contained in the letter of
his mother, which he gets from Dowling.
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Throughout the action of the novel, Blifil is presented as a foil for Tom. While showing them growing from
boyhood to adolescence, Fielding emphasizes the difference between their natures and attitudes. Tom is generous,
kind, and above board; Blifil is cruel, calculative and hypocritical; Tom is truthful, Blifil is false. Tom is always
ready to help others and often lands himself in trouble, Blifil is discreet and clever enough to escape from a
situation. Tom never betrays, whereas Blifil can lie and win over people. He is machiavellian, cunning, scheming
and unscrupulous. Whereas Tom tells a lie to save Black George, Blifil treacherously betrays the poor gamekeeper
who has to lose his livelihood. The incident in which Blifil lets fly Sophias signing bird speaks of his jealous and
cruel nature. He simply does it out of jealousy and to hurt Sophia. When Tom tries in vain to save the pet at the
risk of hurting his neck, it shows his generosity. Blifil tells lies to poison Mrs. Allworthys ears and gets Tom
turned out of the squires home. Honesty and kindness are not akin to him. Like Satan he has adopted evilevil
be thou my good and to do aught good will never be his task. He has not been allowed to utter a good word
about others which can earn even a part favour from the readers.
Blifil is an important link in the love responses of Tom and Sophia. Together they form Tom-Sophia-Blifil triangle.
Again they project Fieldings conception of love. For Tom and Sophia, love stands for faithfulness, sacrifice and
fidelity. Even Toms abberations are to be judged in relation to Sophia. Tom may flirt out of simplicity, honour, or
commitment; his relations with Molly, Mrs Honour and Lady Bellaston can be interpreted accordingly. But he
never thinks of offending Sophia. His love is an open book. But Blifils love towards Sophia, if at all we may call
it love, is lust. Unlike Toms, his love is calculative. His father, Captain Blifil, married Miss Allworthy for her
estate. Similarly, he wants to marry Sophia for her estate. R.P.G. Mutter rightly says that Blifils sex contains
elements of sadism, lust, and some other perversions which we detest too much, even to mention. And the
critic sees Blifils unappetizing sexuality to be another element in that youths total opposition to Tom. He lacks
morals and scruples, and proceeds with malicious and trecherous plans to win Sophia so that he may take
revenge. Lust and greed drive him to separate Tom and Sophia. He succeeds in hoodwinking Mr Allworthy by
convincing him that Sophia herself desires the marriage. As he proceeds with the malignant motive of revenge,
he violates the sanctity of human heart and emerges as the arch hypocrite in the love triange. He has deservedely
become an object of Sophias hatred and detestation. He loses sympathy of the reader.
Throughout Blifil is presented as an affront to human dignity. He can either find or devise opportunities to hurt
others. He is a foul mouth. He calls Tom a beggarly bastard and is rightly made to have a bloody nose. He
loses no opportunity of making sneering reference to Toms birth. He even attacks Tom physically though he
himself is defeated. Once he makes a sneering reference to his birth, and a scuffle follows, but Thwackum and
Square intervene and the situation is saved. But after a shortwhile when Tom is in the fields for solace, Molly
appears and they retire into a thicket. Blifil and Thwackum come for a walk, Molly escapes. Now Tom is found
sitting alone. Thwackum demands that the name of his companion be revealed. Again Tom refuses to oblige him
and a scuffle follows. Tom pins Blifil down, whereas Thwackum, who had been a boxing champion gives him a
tough fight. Meanwhile Blifil recovers and rushes to his help and together they attack Tom. But it does not last
for long and Blifil is defeated again. The situation is saved by the unexpected arrival of Squire Western who has
been there for a stroll with Sophia, her aunt and Parson Supple. The incident proves Blifils villainly.
Blifils rivalry with Tom is double edged. He wants to deprive him of Mr Allworthys affection so that he may
appropriate the whole estate of the squire. And in relation to Tom-Sophia affairs, he wants to deprive him of
both, Sophia and her fortune. Blifils all energies are directed against Tom. This motive is structually important as
it gives rise to eventful happenings. First, Mr Allworthy is biased against Tom and the gentleman turns Tom out
of his home and Tom is on the road. Similarly, Sophia is pressed very hard to leave her fathers house to escape
marriage with Blifil whom she detests. So Blifils doings are consequential because they further the action, and
develop the plot.
Blifil embodies absolute evil. Till the very end he remains evil. In the last phase of the novel which occurs in
London, he continues with his wicked actions. When Tom is in the prison he wants him to be hanged. He plans
to get Tom convicted and punished; he sends Lawyer Dowling on to a mission to manipulate the witnesses. He
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has already suppressed the information regarding Toms true parentage. He conceals his mothers letter that
Dowling gave him to be handed over to Squire Allworthy. Now he is trying all means to see that Mr. Allworthy
disowns Tom, and that Tom must be hanged.
Fielding was a great moralist. He must expose the evil. So in the end Blifil is thoroughly exposed. He shows that
evil however intelligent, attractive efficient, is, after all, self-destructive. Evil in the end cannot triumph. Blifils
treachery comes to light. Mr Allworthy comes to know about Blifils cunning. Lawyer Dowling confesses and
traces all events which prove Blifils villainy. Mr Allworthy now tells Mrs Miller Your friend, madam, is my
nephew; he is the brother of that wicked viper, which I have so long nourished in my bosom. Now poetic justice
prevails. Reward and punishment follow. Ultimately Toms innocence is proved and he is released from jail; now,
he is heir to the paradise Hall. So, he regains his paradise whereas Blifil loses it. Tom and Sophia are united. Mr
Allworthy even refuses to see Blifil, but on the persuasion of Tom and Sophia, settles 200 pounds annually upon
him to which Tom on his own adds a third. Blifil goes to live in the North hoping to marry a widow, manipulating
to purchase a seat in Parliament.
Thus, Blifil is thematically and structurally an important character in the novel. But he is a one-track mind and
procceeds with an evil intent to destroy all that is good. He is evil and remains so until the very end. He is
important in relation to Fieldings moral structure. Blifil violates the sanctity of human heart and is rightly punished.
His hypocrisy is thoroughly exposed, and the reader cancels him from his memory.
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18. Partridge
Partridge is one of the comic characters of Fielding. As the plot develops he assumes greater importance. But
in the beginning of the novel, he is shown as a victim of circumstances beyond his control. He is the village
schoolmaster whose small Latin learning lands him in trouble. He instructed Jenny Jones in Latin and that
becomes the basis of his wifes suspicion and his ruin. Jenny Jones confesses to be the mother of the foundling.
Mrs Partridge suspects that her husband is Jennys partner. On her witness Partridge is convicted of being the
father of the infant. Consequently, he is deprived of the annual annuity and banished from the county. Here he is
shown as an ordinary human being who suffers indignities at the hands of his wife, and is a victim of fate and
circumstances. But his diappearance does not solve the problem of the parentage of Tom, and the mystery
prevails. Of course, here he strikes as a pathetic character.
Again, in book VIII, Partridge reappears as Little Benjamin, the barber. From here onwards he becomes a highly
amusing figure in Tom Jones. Immediately he reminds us of Sancho Panza in Cervantes Don Quixote, and
Parson Advams in Fieldings own earlier novel, Joseph Andrews. At once the reader becomes aware of the
technical and spiritual affinities between Partridge and his Spanish counterpart, Dons squire. There are striking
similarities between the two. Both are loquacious and gullible; both are pleasantly witty; both are introduced to
provide comic relief; both follow their masters faithfully but with hope to gain. Sometimes, they serve as a
chorus on their masters and the situation they are sometimes trapped in.
However, this comparison in no way should lead us into the conclusion that Partridge is a type. He is not. The
connotation of the meaning too should not be taken literally. As soon as he is re-introduced, his role becomes
crucial to the action; his character attains greater depth. His actions, his conversations, and, above all, his
spleasingly odd behaviour make him a muli-dimentional character. Here he is important in the sense that he
unravels the mystery of Toms parentage. He reveals his identity and tells Tom that he is not his father. Besides,
Partridge, again, during the action of the novel reminds us of an important connection in the novel, that is, the
Allworthy-Jones bond. For instance, at Upton Inn, in the kitchen at night, when Northerton-Mrs Waters episode
is being discussed, Partridge enters with a bang and gives an account of Tom. He tells the audience that Tom is
actually heir to Mr Allworthys estate, and he (Tom) is on a journey inspired by his eccentricity. Once, when
Partridge and Tom are on the road to London, the former advises the latter to return to the squire. On yet another
occasion he requests his listeners to persuade Tom to go back though they do not oblige him. There is also his
self-interest which guides him. He blieves that Toms return to Mr Allworthy will win him a rich bounty.
Now onwards, Partridge becomes Toms guide, friend, and follower. He remains with him throughout his journey
on the road, and then in London. During his journey he imparts vital informations which make the story develop
further. It is his information to Mrs Honour at Upton Inn that Tom is sleeping with a wench and cannot be
disturbed that gives an impetus to the action. The information makes Sophia smuggle her muff by bribing the
chambermaid into Toms room. Consequently, Mrs. Honour and Sophia quit the place. As a result Tom follows
them. Later on, Partridges information that Tom has committed an incest gives a new twist to the whole story.
Mrs Waters letter reinforces the guilt of incest in Tom. It is only later that Mrs Water reveals that Toms father
was a young man named Summer. This, of course, relieves Tom of his sense of quilt. Thus Partridges informations
are vital to a the characters and the events.
Partridge is a part of the total scheme of the plot and pattern of the structure. Fielding gives tripartite structural
scheme to Tom Jones : the country, the road, and the town. Partridge is vital to all these locales. In the country
he is shown as a victim of personal tragedy. He is a good man destroyed by a bad wife. On the high way, like
Touchstone who comments on the thorns and brambles of the forest, Partridge offers a running commentary on
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the dangers and risks of the road. When Tom speaks of love poetically, Partridge complains of the cold of the
night and the odds that come in the way on the journey. In the city, he keeps Tom in touch with all developments.
He is sensitive to Miss Nancys delicate condition resulting out of Nightingales departure. So Partridge makes
us aware of the heart breaks that a town life imposes on sensitive people. He visits Tom in the jail, and makes the
reader wiser by his imformations, comments and participation in the action.
Parridge is a comic character also in the sense that he has been throughly individualized through his fears of the
ghost, his cowardice on the strange sounds he hears before he sees the puppet show and participates in gypsy
wedding; his genuine fears of wars, etc. bring him closer to Falstaff. In the end, he is not forgotten. To our great
satisfaction, Jones settles a 50 pounds anuity on him; he has set up a school which he is running successfully.
There is a pleasant rumour afloat that Partridge may marry Molly Seagrim. In sum, Partridge is a living and
unforgettable character in Tom Jones.
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19. Minor Characters

Thwackum and Square
Thwackum and Square fall in the category of minor characters. As the whole book is set in the comic mode both
are, like most other minor characters in the novel, broadly static characters. Both are tutors and have been
entrusted the education of the Tom and Blifil. The introduction of these two young men is Fieldings great
addition to gallery of comic characters. Both are duplicate and travesty of each other. They can neither be
thought of nor discussed separately. Although they are brilliantly comic, and remind us of the pompous fools in
Shakespearean comedy, they are not superfluous, and like the clowns of the great master, serve their function
admirably well. Obviously, Fielding is not presenting them as wits, but butts they certainly are. Touchstone is a
wit; Falstaff is both butt and wit. Thwackum and square are simply butts and a source of satire and laughter.
Their primary duty in the novel is to teach Tom and Blifil. Fielding shows they lack the very spirit of the
profession. As far as their qualification is concerned they are pedants. Thwackum is introduced ironically when
Fielding says that his natural parts are not the highest, he only improved them by industry and study. In morals
he was a professed Platonist, and in religion he is inclined to be an Aristotelian. Square specializes in the
classics. He holds human nature to be the perfection of all virtue, and that vice is a deviation from our nature,
in the same manner that deformity of body is.
As regards their views on morality and religion they are opposed to each other. They never agree with each
other. Both are two extremes which never meet. They are confined in their view on morality and religion. They
stick to their misconception on both. In fact, the philosopher is no philosopher and the divine is a misnomer.
Both are pseudo intellectuals, more intent on the letter of the text than its true spirit. The philosopher is oblivious
to the spirit of the love of wisdom; the parson does not consider the quality of charity (as also mercy) as the
essence of religion. On these issues they are always clashing. But as regards their malice against Tom and
softness towards Blifil they are unanimous. They are hypocritical. They prejudice Mr Allworthy against Tom;
they even, along with Blifil, attack Tom and injure him. Together with Blifil they form the unholy trinity. They
have been created to show Mr Allworthys gullibility and simplicity and poor judgement about people around
him.
However, both Thwackum and Square have been a bit individualized. Both have an eye upon the widow, Mrs
Blifil. Square is even discovered in Mollys bedroom. Mr Allworthy sees infirmities in the tutor and wished him
to have been without. However, their confession in the end shows that whatever they were clinging to was
wrong. They are a travesty of their forerunners, Parson Adams in Fieldings earlier novel.
Black George
In the third Book of Tom Jones, Black George is introduced as Mr Allworthys gamekeeper and the only friend
that Tom has. In the hierarchy of the feudal society he is at the lowest, and depends entirely on the squires
kindness. This is proved when found guilty of poaching an animal, he is expelled by Mrs. Allworthy, and he and
his family are reduced to a wretched state. He is a coward on necessity. Once he and Tom go on a hunting
expedition near the boundary of Allworthys manor. When they spring a brood of partridges, the birds fly over
the boundary line. They have been warned by Allworthy not to trangress the estate next to his. They, however,
pursue the game. The owner of the neighbouring estate happens to be there. He hears the report of the gun.
Tom is captured but Black George hides himself in a thicket and escapes. When the matter is reported to
Allworthy that there was a second person with Tom, and as the suspicion falls on George, he is expelled from
service.
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Black Georges misery arouses our sympathy. Though he is helped by Tom his misery is not alleviated. He
depends entirely on Tom, as does Fool in Lear. Tom gets him employed as a gamekeeper to Mrs Western. But
he remains a sincere friend to Tom. He becomes a go-between and carries his letter to Sophia; in London also
he delivers her his letter concealed in the belly of a bird. But he appropriates a bill of 500 pounds that Mr
Allworthy gives to Tom; when Allworthy reveals his treachery, Tom rightly says that a man of Georges position
cannot resist such a temptation. However, he remains faithful to Tom; he visit him in the jail; he informs him that
Sophia is with her father; that Mrs. Fitzpatrick is alive. And he also offers him all help. He is certainly a
character who is really alive. He is treated without irony or ridicule.
Dr Blifil and Captain Blifil

In order to show complexity of human nature Fielding, like Shakespeare, compares and contrasts people in the
same blood. Goneril, Regan and Cordelia, and Edmund are juxtaposed to show their nature. Dr Blifil and his
brother, Captain Blifil, too are introduced to give a peep into the working of a selfish mind. Dr Blifil is dealt with
a bit of irony. He is said to be a master of almost every other science but that by which he was to get his bread.
His brother is a retired army captain. Dr Blifil is admired by Allworthy for his learning and skill in conversation.
His appearance of religion is a good qualification to recommend him as a cadidate to marry Miss Bridget
Allworthy. But unfortunately he is already married and has a living wife. But certainly Dr Blifil is a generous
brother.
Captain Blifil is a man of selfish nature; he is guided only by self-interest. Dr Blifil recommends him as a match
for the lady to Mr Allworthy. Captain Blifil wooes her; after some resistence she assents; Allworthy wants
nothing but his sisters happiness. Soon after Captain and Bridget are man and wife. But shortly after his
marriage, Captain Blifil starts treating his brother with contempt. His coldness increases and he asks this brother
to quit his house. Dr Blifil knows the nature of his brother and wants to acquaint Allworthy with it but since he
is the matchmaker, he resists. He leaves the house, returns to London; it breaks his heart and he dies.
This relationship shows that blood is thicker than water. But at the same time, self-interest can make a real
brother callous and cruel. Above all, ingratitude in any form is killing and detestable.
Lawyer Dowling
Dowling is the lawyer who brings the news of Mrs Blifils death during Mr Allworthys serious illness, in the
early part of the novel. He is always in a hurry. Of course, he is a minor character, but in the course of the action
he assumes greater importance. Dowling appears during Toms journey to Gloucester, in an excellent inn, The
Bell. His role becomes crucial to the action in the concluding part of the book where he becomes a key figure in
the final solution and resolution of the narrative. He keeps the secret of Toms parentage which makes the
mystery prevail. In fact, he was on Mrs. Blifils bedside when she died while returning from London to her
brothers home. She gave him a letter for her brother which he handed over to Blifil, as Mr Allworthy was
serious. Blifil treacherously keeps it from the squire which ironically makes the action develop further. Later on,
Dowling too becomes Blifils accomplice when he tries to ferret out the witnesses and get Tom punished for his
attack on Mr Fitzpatrick, and the latters supposed death. Here he becomes a villain.
However, he shows amendment when Mr Allworthy castigates him for his treachery. He confesses everything
and tells about Mrs Blifils letter that he gave to Blifil. The mystery is unraveled; Tom turns out to be Mr
Allworthys nephew and his true heir to Paradise Hall. Thus Lawyer Dowling, though not a major character, is
important in the total design of the narrative, and thus plays a significant role in the book.
Bridget (Mrs Blifil)

Bridget is one of the minor women characters in the novel. She does not play a major role in the action of the
novel but what she has done before the action begins is crucial to the development of the plot. She is the real
mother of Tom, who, till the end of the novel, is considered to be the foundling which becomes a motive force to
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the structure of the novel. She gives birth to Tommy, and bribes Jenny Jones to own the child and keep the
secret. This act of hers gives pattern to the winding story. She is sister to Mr Allworthy, the squire. Both love
each other dearly. It is for love of his sister that he agrees to her marriage with Captain Blifil. She is certainly soft
and sensitive and responsive in sex relationship. Captain Blifils wooing her bears fruit and they are married. A
son is born to them. But the captain who married her for her wealth, soon grows cold towards her. They mutually
contradict each other. Their home life becomes a battle field. But ironically the Captain expires; she shows
genuine grief and even gets a splendid epitaph praising him as a loving, dutiful husband and as a virtuous
Christian gentleman, erected over his grave.
She dies as Captain Blifils widow. Very tactfully she evades the advances of the two tutors, Thwackum and
Square. The news of her death reaches through her attorney, Lawyer Dowling. She also gives him a letter
revealing the mystery of Toms parentage. In this way, Bridget is an important character, though a minor one.
Jenny Jones (Mrs Waters)

Jenny Jones, one of the women characters in the novel, is directly related with Tom Jones, first as his supposed
to be mother, and then as Mrs Waters, in the middle of the book; in the ending of the novel she resolves the
mystery of discovery and resolution. In the beginning she appears as a student of Latin, under the guidance of
Partridge. She masters the language and can boast of her superiority to her mentor. On her confession that she
is the mother of the foundling, she is expelled by Mr Allworthy and she disappears from the shire. Her intimacy
with Partridge becomes the solid reason for his wifes suspicion. Thus she disrupts their domestic life. Partridges
wife testifies against her husband to prove that he is the father of Tom. Partridge too has to quit the shire. Thus,
Jennys role is crucial in the beginning of the novel.
In the middle of the novel, Jenny reappears as Mrs. Waters at Upton Inn. The Upton episode is of central
importance. She allures Tom and seduces him; she is hypocritical in the sense that when Fitzpatrick crashes
through the door when she is in the bed with Tom, she cries out rape. Her affairs with Ensign Northerton and
Fitzpatrick establish that she is a slut. She is here projected as a forerunner of nymphomaniac Lady Bellaston.
Thus Jenny Jones or Mrs Waters is presented as a pale copy of Molly and Lady Bellaston and a travesty of
Sophia. Jenny is certainly an ugly specimen of womanhood.
Mrs Deborah Wilkins

Mrs Deborah Wilkins is Mr Allworthys house-keeper. She is a flat character, and certainly a comic one. She
appears prominently only in the first two books; and her role too is confied to discover the parentage of the
foundling. In the very beginning Mr Allworthy, who finds an infant sleeping in his bed, and has, out of anxiety
forgotten to dress himself property, calls Mrs Deborah. She almost faints at the sight of her masters bare legs.
She is a hypocrite and a half-Christian. She suggests that the infant be wrapped up and put at the churchwardens
door. She holds that it is better for such creatures to die in a state of innocence. She immediately sets about to
the task of search for the babys mother. She is cruel without kindness and uses third degree methods in her
pursuit among the villagers. Her smelling faculty is stronger than that of a dog. Soon her suspicion falls on
Jenney Jones, and she finds all reasons to prove her a culprit, the mother of the bastard. Mrs Deborah is prudent
and shrewd. When she finds that Miss Allworthy (Bridget) has approved of her brothers decision, she immediately
agrees with her. She is certainly a wordly-wise woman. Meanwhile Bridget has married Captain Blifil. A child
is born to them and Allworthy has said that both the children will be brought up together. Mrs. Deborah had
continued her search to discover Tommys father. Now her axe falls upon Partridge, the village school master.
She devises all the circumstances to implicate him. The poor fellow, besides all his disavowals, is convicted and
banished from the territory. Her role is over, and she disappears from the scene.
Thus, Mrs Deborah Wilkins role, though minor, is highly crucial to the plot. Her discoveries make the story go
further. She is faithful to her master, keen in her observation, and worldly-wise in her approach. But she is
without any emotion or compassion. She is a human-machine.
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Mrs Honour
Mrs Honour is Sophias talkative maid, an important minor character in Tom Jones. She is introduced in Book
IV, and remains present until the end. At times she is slighted but she cares for Sophia and remains faithful
consistently. She is an important link between Tom and Sophia. It is she who tells Sophia about Toms fondling
and kissing of her muff and calling it the prettiest muff in thte world. Since that moment Sophia belongs to Tom
Jones. Later on, when Mr Western and his sister decide that Sophia should marry, it is Mrs Honour who begs her
not to agree to their decision. When Sophia protests and wants to run away from her home, she supports Sophia
and rather encourages her to escape from the tyranny. Not that she is not faithful to her master; once she
decides to inform Mr Western about Sophias plan, but she is faithful and devoted to Sophia. She accompanies
Sophia though she is aware of the dangers of the road. She is, now, to Sophia, what Little Benjamin (Partridge)
is to Tom. At Upton Inn also it is Mrs Honour who comes to know about Toms presence and extracts news
from Patridge that Tom is in the bed of a wench. She immediately informs Sophia. In London also she acts as a
faithful messenger between Tom and Sophia. She is even expelled by Mr Western but she remains loyal.
Thus, Mrs Honour, the garrulous maid of Sophia, is a flat character. She embodies gratitude, faithfulness and
constancy of a maid. But she is not so dynamic and ready as is, for instance, Mrs Deborah in Mr Allworthys
household.
Molly Seagrim
Molly Seagrim is the daughter of Black George, the gamekeeper of Mr Allworthy in Tom Jones. She is the
prototype of Mrs Waters and Lady Bellaston. If the latter are city trollops, the former is a village slut. Fieldings
approach is comic; his assessment is based on realistic approach to men and manners. He portrays them as they
are. But in the case of promiscuous behaviour he becomes sarcastically harsh. Again, like the other two, Molly
is ridiculed. Tom is genuinely in love with her and even takes the responsibility of her pregnancy, and owns
publically that he is the father of her unborn child. Actually she seduces Tom, but convinces him that he has
seduced her. She exploits him for money and sexual appetites. She chides him for his unfaithfulness and betrayal.
But sluts cannot be consistent for long, nor do they know of Shame. Mr Allworthy thinks of sending her to
Bridewell. When Tom goes to meet her and apologize, he discovers philosopher Square in her closet. She is
winsome enough to cause orgasm in any young man she casts her eye upon. When she finds Tom in the grove
she readily slips into the thickest bush. Her sister testifies that Molly was made pregnant by one Will Barnes.
The churchyard attack on Molly by the congregation is described in mock-epic style. The incident has a deeper
meaning. Resentment of people against her dress means that they cannot tolerate any abnormality in dress (she
looks different in a sack given by Sophia) or behaviour especially in a maid. Certainly, Molly is drawn sarcastically
and with ridicule, but realistically. She is introduced as a foil for Sophia and disappears in book V because her
role is over.
Mrs Western
Mrs Western, sister to Squire Western, is another addition to Fieldings gallery of women characters. Like Mrs
Honour, Sophias maid, Mrs Western is developed with great precision. Both are comic characters, and static
ones. However, Mrs. Western transcends the confines of a pure comic character. In the Jonsonian sense of
the term she is a humour character. Such a character is dominated by one overriding passion for something.
She is in the real sense a victim of affectation. Her humour is to dabble in politics. Politics is her hobbyhorse. Her
speech is flavoured with political jargons and concepts of international relation. Even ordinary life seems to her
an embodiment of treaties, campaigns, sieges, and triumphs. She is a Whig and her brother a Tory. She is always
guided by a preconceived ideology, her humour.
She is masculine in appearance and behaviour hence no man has ever been courageous enough to woo her.
However, she is conscious of her familys respectability. She loves her brother, and is very fond of her niece and
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considerate for the well being of both. This is why she prefers Blifil to Tom, because she thinks the former is heir
to Mr Allworthys estate. Later on she agrees to persuade Sophia to marry Lord Fellamar because this will win
her respectability in the nobility. Throughout she remains a caring sister and considerate aunt. It is another
matter that all her proposals turn out poorly thought out, confined, and matter of fact. Hence not acceptable.
Mrs Harriet Fitzpatrick

Mrs Harriet Fitzpatrick has no significant role to play in Tom Jones. Like those of Mrs Waters and Lady
Bellaston, Harriet episode has been introduced to contrast her character with that of Sophia. Harriet and Sophia
meet during their journey to London. Both are in flight, the former from her barbarous husband, and the latter
from her tyrannical father. They recognize each other, and they turn out to be cousins. She relates how she,
during her vacationing with Mrs Western, their aunt, at Bath, fell to the dashing Fitzpatrick, and then married
him. The rest of the story tells her miserable married life. However, she is a Bohemian, a free woman; she
advises Sophia not to expect a husbands fidelity. She is thoroughly hypocritical. Sophia discovers that the Irish
nobleman whom Harriet knows and who conducts them safely to London, is a person with whom she flirts. She
arouses aversion in the reader. She is a stranger to a life of fidelity and commitment, nay, norms. Sophia rightly
advises her to have care for her behaviour and the name of the family. She disappears never to be seen again.
Structurally Harriets story is redundant, but thematically she belongs to the clan of Mrs Waters and Lady
Bellaston. Together, the trio embodies a diseased aspect of sexual relationships. Mrs Harriets looseness is
directily contrasted with the restraint of Sophia.
Mrs Miller
Mrs Miller, the widow of a clergyman, and at whose home Tom and Partridge have taken lodgings in London,
plays a significant role in the last phase of the action in Tom Jones. Leaving aside Sophia, Mrs Miller is the only
woman character among the whole lot who offers a ray of hope. She is an embodiment of the true Christian
spirit of charity, fellow feeling, good towards all but malice towards none. She is a caring mother who is concerned
about their well being; when she comes to know about her daughters attempted suicide, she becomes hysterical.
She is affectionate and considerate towards Tom and advises him to keep a distance from the sluts of the town;
she is charitable and spends all the money she gets from Tom on the wretches of the society. She is courteous,
as she invites Tom to tea to make amends for her curt advice to him; she is a lady of sure convictions, and is
convinced of Toms goodness. Despite Mr Allworthys contrary view she defends Tom that he cannot hurt and
murder anybody unless he is proved. She is grateful to Tom for his help in persuading Nightingale to marry her
daughter, Susan; she thanks him for his generosity and calls him the saviour of her family.
Mrs Millers role becomes all the more important when she prevails upon Mr Allworthy to meet Tom. She
pleads with him for all his goodness towards him in the past. Allworthy rises to the occasion. The mist is cleared
and Tom is absolved of his crime, and Tom and Allworthy are reconciled. In the final act of the novel, Millers
role is decisive. She is a true embodiment of womanhood, and Fieldings conception of an ideal woman. She is
treated with respect.
Lady Bellaston
Lady Bellaston is the only woman character in Tom Jones who is treated with sarcasm. She is ridiculed and
laughed at throughout her appearance in the novel. She is an embodiment of the corruptions of the upper town
life. She is one of the trollops who sends Tom a ticket to a masquerade posing as the queen of fairies. Lady
Bellaston is vain and hypocritical. She is in the autumn of her life but wears all the trappings of a young woman.
Like Lady Wishfort in one of Congreves plays, Lady Bellaston will never admit her age. She hires Tom to allay
her sexual appetites. She has an Irish peer as her regular visitor and has many more in her net. She reminds us
of Wife of Bath in Chaucers The Cantebury Tales. Like her she is nymphomaniac, and has a sexually
diseased mind. She scorns that monstrous animal a husband and wife.
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Lady Bellaston is an intriguing woman. When she is convinced that she cannot separate Sophia from Tom, she
encourages Lord Fellamar to attempt a rape on her. When she finds Tom ignoring her she treacherously suggests
to Fellamar the idea of his impressment. But all her plans are frustrated. She looks most ridiculous when she has
to conceal herself behind the bed in Toms room. She uses her wealth and status as a bate to allure men. Mrs
Waters and Lady Bellaston embody the sexual perversions of a promiscuous society. Both are stock characters
and an object of ridicule. They arouse our aversion rather than sympathy. Lady Bellaston is certainly a ridiculous
character and treated with sarcasm.
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20. Short Notes

Beginning (Opening) of Tom Jones
Fieldings Tom Jones begins with the introduction of one of the major characters and issues of the novel. We
meet Squire Allworthy, who is a middle-aged widower; he is the owner of the largest estates in Somersetshire.
He is a pleasant and lively person. He is called the favourite of Nature and Fortune. The only unhappiness is
that he has lost his wife and three children. Now he is leading a contented and carefree life with his sister, Miss
Bridget Allworthy. As the novel begins Mr Allworthy has just returned from London; he has been away on
business, and was detained there for three months. One comic comment is made here; Mr Allworthy is to retire
to his bed; we are told that before going to bed, he spends some time on his knees. He never breaks this
routine. Preparing for the bed, the gentleman to his great surprise discovers an infant sleeping in his bed. He
broods, takes pity on the child, and rings for his housekeeper, Mrs Deborah Wilkins. We are offered another
comic situation; Mr Allworthy, out of surprise and haste, forgets that he is wearing only his nightshirt; he dresses
himself, and discusses the fate of the infant; Mrs Deborah suggests that the child may be put at the churchwardens
door; Mr Allworthy ignores her suggestion and decides to adop the foundling. The next morning he presents the
child to his sister as a present for her.
The beginning of the novel, as the opening in a Shakespearean drama, serves as a key to the coming events. We
learn that the foundling has been adopted by the squire. He is a kind and generous person; on the other hand Mrs
Deborah is only a worldly-wise woman. The stage is set. We are prepared to learn more about Mr Allworthy
and the infant, who is to become the hero of the novel.
Significance of the Poaching Scene (Book III)

The poaching scene occurs in Book III in Tom Jones. Literally poaching means catching birds or small
animals or trespassing, or encroaching on anothers territory. The act of poaching occupies a central place in the
novel both literally and metaphorically. The actual poaching is done by Tom and Black George, the gamekeeper
of Mr Allworthy. During their hunting expedition, they spring a group of partridges near the border of Mr
Allworthys manor. But the birds cross over to Mr Westerns territory. They pursue the game and together shoot
a bird simultaneously with their guns. Mr Western who happens to be there apprehends Tom. Black George,
however, manages to hide in a thicket and escape. Tom is produced before Mr Allworthy. Mr Western insists
that there were two people because he heard two shots. But Tom lies that he was alone. He is given a hard
beating by Thwackum. George; is expelled from the job. Later on, when he tells the truth that he actually wanted
to save George, Allworthy is impressed and presents him a horse as gift and compensation.
The poaching incident serves as a touchstone to test everyones character. It proves that Tom is kind and stoic;
Mr Allworthy is just and kind; Thwackum is cruel and callous; and Black George is, like Falstaff, a coward on
necessity. The incident has symbolic connotations. Poaching suggests that the private territory is always vulnerable
to prying; people pry into Toms parentage; Thwackum and Square cast sheeps eyes at Mrs Bridget, the widow
of Captain Blifil; they are also poaching with their eyes; Blifils treacherous plans to appropriate the estate of
Allworthy is also a case of poaching. Thus poaching scene has the central position in the scheme of things.
Attack on Molly in The Churchyard (Book IV)

The attack on Molly Seagrim in the churchyard occurs in Book IV in Tom Jones. After her father is employed
by Mr Western, a change in her physical appearance is noted. In order to conceal it she wears the fine silken
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sack which Sophia has given her out of sympathy for her. One Sunday she attends the church in the same dress.
It arouses envy among Mollys equals. She becomes a laughing stock of the whole congregation. After the
service, the whole congregation, with fire in their eyes and thunder in their hands, attack Molly physically. This
fight occurs in the courtyard of the church itself. Fielding describes this fight in the finest mock-heroic manner.
Molly faces and defends herself with great certitude. She is rescued by the timely arrival of Tom, who covers
her with his coat and conducts her to her home. When she reaches home she is reviled by her sisters and her
mother. They chide her for wearing the fancy dress and for her immorality.
The churchyard fight has thematic and dramatic significance. It contributes to the mock heroic aspect of the
narration; it establishes the real nature of the congregation; it gives rise to further action. In the battle she
accidently hurts a traveling fiddler which leads to her trial in Mr Allworthys court and the consequent action
fellows. It establishes the goodness and responsibility of Tom who owns the fatherhood of Mollys unborn child.
It also shows that Molly is otherwise a brave girl, but her flirtatious character is more than obvious. In its setting
and purport the scene is comic.
Somersetshire Mob (Villagers)

The villagers or the common country folk, too, have a role to play, especially in the beginning of the novel. In
Shakespeare the common people or men in the street are referred to as the riff-raff, clap-trap, whom
Addison calls the ciphers of society. The villagers in Fieldings Tom Jones work as a Chorus, as do the rustics
in Hardys novels. They comment on persons and situations, offer their opinion, pass judgement, spread rumours,
and even slanders, and can be both kind and callous. Fielding calls them Somersetshire mob.
As soon as Allworthys lenient view in Jenny Jones case is known, the villagers react sharply. They have already
condemned Jenny. It is generally taken for granted that Allworthy himself is the father of the child; it is also held
that Jenny has been sent to meet a tragic end; they want investigation into the case. When Mrs. Partridge injures
her husband and her face is covered with his blood her women-neighbours flock to her help. Previously the
villagers favoured Blifil, but when Black George is dismissed by Allworthy and Tom shows his resentment, they
praise Tom and despise Blifil. Similarly, when Tom gets him a place as Westerns gamekeeper the whole
countryside is agog with happiness.
Fieldings approach to the villagers is very realistic; they are fickle minded and continue changing their opinion.
Sometimes they can be callous enough to attack a pregnant woman, and that too in the courtyard of a church and
can be kind enough to sympathize with the father of the same girl. Fielding rightly calls them a vast herd of
cows. So, they are not reliable. But certaintly their commentary helps the reader to form his own view
dispassionately.
Partridge and Mrs Partridge Relationship

Partridge and Mrs. Partridge relationship represents the sound and fury of life. Generally woman is shown a
victim of a bullying husband; here a meek husband is a victim of a nagging wife. Partridge is of gentle nature; he
is the village schoolmaster and is respected in every house in the neighbourhood. But he is cursed by a jealous
and quarrelsome wife. Jenny has been working for their family and learning Latin from the schoolmaster; once
she smiled at her masters bad Latin. Mrs Partridge misinterprets this smile and concludes that she has been
whoring with him. Now their family life becomes a real hell. Jenny is expelled. For sometime uneasy calm
prevails, but one day, Mrs Partridge learns that Jenny Jones has given birth to two bastards. As nine months
have passed since Jenny was expelled from the Partridges, she immediately concludes that her husband is the
father. Reaching home she gives a thrashing to Partridge whose face is covered with blood; she becomes
sentimental, starts weeping, and faints. The news of their quarrel spreads throughout the shire. Mrs Wilkins
brings the news to the Squire. He pleads not guilty. Mrs Partridge is the chief witness; she calls him a wife
beater and a drunkard; he is charged with adultery. However, he begs that Jenny be called to establish his
innocence, but she has left the village and cannot be traced. Consequently, Partridge is found guilty; he is
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deprived of the annuity. Now they are reduced to wretchedness. Mrs Partridge catches smallpox and dies;
Partridge leaves the village. Later on he joins Tom.
Thus, Partridge-Mrs Partridge episode is a pathetic happening. Its contribution to the plot is that it is related with
the mystery of Toms parentage. It is a sad commentary on married life.
The Man of The Hill Episode (Book VIII, Ch. xi)

The Man of the Hill episode which occurs in Book VIII, chapter xi, is genrally said to be a digression. It has
nothing to do with the plot of the novel. When the old man is saved from ruffians by Tom, in the middle of the
novel, they get friendly, the former relates his story. His narration covers his disillusionments during his stay at
the university, his introduction to the underworld, his going to Bath, his falling into the web of gamblers at
London. Then he joined the Monmoth faction during the Dukes rebellion. Here the very friend Watson, whom
he tried to rehabilitate, betrayed him to the Kings forces. Consequently he has withdrawn from the world, and
spends time in the study of religion. Now he has turned a misanthrope. Tom reasons with him and tries to
convince him against his attitude. The former tells him that the presence of one or two bad men do not make the
world of mankind corrupt. However, the Man of the Hill persists in his opinion and is convinced that the world is
full of wicked and vicious mankind. Tom is sorry that he has not been able to change the Old Mans mind.
Though the episode of the Old Man of the Hill is not directly related to the structure of the novel, it has much to
do with the thematic burden of the book. Through this episode Fielding is treating his dominant theme: the man
who is essentially good cannot be termed as bad and condemned for one or two bad actions; creation of God
needs love and care; the episode juxtaposes the old Mans and Toms views. One is a misanthrope and the other
a lover of human kind. The episode also prepares the reader for what he should expect in London. William
Empson rightly says that the Old Man is part of the structure of ethical thought, and the stone at the middle
of the arch.
Upton Inn Episode (Books IX X)

The Upton Inn episode takes up most of Books IX and X. As soon as Man of the Hill concludes his tale, Tom
hears a womans screams for help, and jumps to save that half-naked woman. He guides her to Upton Inn. The
landlady suspects them and a mock-heroic fight ensues. Meanwhile Sophia and Mrs Honour and a company of
soldiers arrive. The lady that Tom rescued is recognized as the wife of Captain Waters. Mrs Waters has fallen
in love with Tom. Tom too cannot resist her advances. It is now midnight. Tom and Mrs Waters have locked the
door. Meanwhile a furious gentleman, Fitzpatrick, enters the inn; he is in pursuit of his wife; he asks Susan, the
Chambermaid; presuming the lady must be Mrs Waters, she leads him to her (Mrs Waterss) room. He breaks
down the door, and grapples with the man (Tom) whom he sees rising from the bed. Mrs. Waters most hypocritically
screams Rape! Sophia has been informed of Toms infidelity; she gets her muff smuggled into Toms room
and leaves the Inn. Meanwhile, Mr Western also enters the Inn with a bang. He arraigns Tom because he finds
him in possession of his daughters muff. Only Susans witness rescues Tom. Mr Western departs in pursuit of
his daughter, and Tom and Partridge, too, are on the road.
The Upton Inn episode is significant both thematically and structurally. It happens exactly in the middle of the
book. It brings many characters together; it develops the story further. The muff has been introduced to show
the presence of Sophia and convey her message to Tom that she has come to know about his infidelity. The
episode introduces, though temporarily, the theme of incest (Mrs. Waters is actually Jenny Jones); it shows that
the animal appetite in Tom is overpowering. Above all, it provides hilarious comedy which gives relief to the
reader. The action is quick; so the reader gets a breather. R.P.G. Mutter rightly calls the Upton episode the
pivotal point of the action, and the physical center of the novel.
Significance of Puppet-Show and Gipsy-Wedding (Book XII)

Scenes of Puppet-show and gipsy-wedding introduced in Book XII of Tom Jones, like the circus and horserace in Dickens Hard Times, are the poetic elements in the book. They represent pastoral simplicity and
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innocenceas compared to the vain masquerade in town life as shown in the next book. To compare and contrast
the country and town life is also one of the burdens of history. The puppet show occurs in Book XII when Tom
and Partridge are on their way to London. When Partridge hears the drum beat, a shivering fit of fear captures
him. He fears for something dangerous. But as soon as he meets the puppet-show all his fears are gone. Tom
agrees to stay and watch the show for some time and then they go to spend the night in an Inn closeby.
Next day when Tom and Partridge are continuing their journey, and the guide forgets the route, they spot a light
and move towards it. They hear wild music; Partridge and the guide are terrified. But it is only a gypsy wedding.
The travelers are warmly welcomed and offered food and drink. Partridge, as usual is tipsy and falls an easy
prey to a gysy girl who attempts to seduce him. Her husband is punished for encouraging his wife for that sinful
act, as he supported her in her pursuit by ignoring her. Tom marvels at the gypsy justice. The king of the gypsies
enlightens Tom when he says that he gypsies steal from Englishmen, but the latter steal from one another. Later
on, a gypsy conducts them to Coventry. Later on, Tom also compares the justice of gypsies with that of the
English, and pities the wretches who are its victims. Gypsy life embodies self-sufficiency.
Thus, puppet-show and the gypsy wedding embody pastoral simplicity and solace and add to the comprehensive
description of society.
Sophia-Lord Fellamar Episode (Book XV)

Fielding called upper society a dull drab, and boring and not an interesting subject for a comic writing. Throughout
the neo-classical period, the genteel society has been ridiculed by such writers as Congreve, Addison, and Pope.
Lord Fellamar is the butt of Fieldings satire. He is a city debauch, and belongs to Lady Bellastons clan. It is he
who conducted Sophia to the Ladys house on the night of playhouse disturbance. She is staying with the lady in
London. This young nobleman has fallen hopelessly in love with her. He confesses it to Lady Bellaston who tells
him that he has a rival, who is no other than Tom, a beggar, a bastard, a foundling and a fellow in meaner
circumstances than on of your lordships footmen. Sophias preference for the foundling agitates him. Now
he must own her. He contemplates how to achieve his end. The answer is with Lady Bellaston. She persuades
him to rape her. She even provides the stage. She sends all her servants away. Sophia is alone that evening and
reading in her room. He enters and advances upon her forcibly. He succeeds in kissing her neck. Sophia
screams.
Help comes unexpectedly, when Sophias father crashes into the room. Mr Western is on the trail of his daughter.
A comic situation is created. Lady Bellaston enters; Western tells that Sophia has refused the best match in
England. Lord Fellamar thinks that the squire is referring to him. He bluntly tells the lord that he is not the
candidate. Western then discharges Mrs Honour and takes Sophia to his lodgings. The episode exposes the
frivolous nature of the upper class, and establishes integrity and steadfastness of Sophia.
Implications of Incest (Book XVIII)

The implications of incest surface when Partridge visits Tom in the jail, in London. Partridges face looks paler
than ashes, his eyes fixed in his head, his hair standing on end, and every limb trembling when he tells Tom that
the lady he went to bed with at Upton Inn is no other than Jenny Jones, his mother. Tom is equally distressed.
The horror, and the sense of guilt, connected with the monstrous sin of incest overpowers him. He asks Partridge
to go and fetch Mrs Waters to him. All efforts of the barber to spot her fail. Meanwhile, he receives a letter from
Mrs Waters in which she refers to the day they spent together at Upton, and which is likely to embitter all her
future life. It adds to Toms dread of the sin. Soon the reader comes to know that the guilty of the act are
innocent. Mrs Waters, however, knew all along that she had never mothered a child. Later on, it is confirmed by
Lawyer Dowling and the letter written by Mrs Blifil that Tom is the nephew of Mr Allworthy. All complications
are resolved.
The incest supposed to be committed has social and moral implications. The society considers it a sin, and the
individual who has committed it is condemned to a mental state of sin. It is taken as an immoral act, and a sin.
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But for Fielding, hypocrisy is much greater a sin than incest. Robert O Bowen refers to a casual comparison
of the morality of Tom Jones and the morality of Hamlet. For Fielding, the critic says, it is one of outer
circumstance and not spirit. In Hamlet the Prince is driven mad, not by the technical accomplishment of
incest but by the idea of if. William Empson is of the view that the idea of incest has been introduced to make
the end more exciting. However, the critic thinks that the book feels much better when it is cleared up.
Conclusion (Ending) of The Novel (Book XVIII)

Fieldings Tom Jones ends with the true comic spirit of repentance, forgiveness, reconciliation, and the idea that
life must continue. It is achieved through the exposition of treachery, villainy, and hypocrisy. The hero and
heroine are united in wedlock. Sophia yields to her fathers wish and forgives Tom for his infidelities; Tom
promises to be sincere. He has improved; experience has taught him a great lesson in life. His essential goodness
has been proved. Mr Allworthy repents that he has been ignorant of Toms goodness. The record is set straight.
He is reconciled with Tom. Toms identity is established; Lawyer Dowling reveals everthing. Tom is the son of
Allworthys own sister. The rogue is rewarded. Toms villainy is thoroughly exposed; he goes to live in the North
and hopes to marry a widow. Square writes a letter before his death to Mr Allworthy confessing his guilt;
Thwackum too confesses his role in the villainy against Tom. All other characters are pardoned or rewarded for
their respective deeds.
All is now well. Tom and Sophia inherit both estates. Squire Western is a frequent visitor to his estate and
Sophia loves the old gentleman. He spends much of his time playing with his grand children, a girl and a
boy. Above all, he drinks regularly in the company of his choice. Allworthy is highly generous to Tom. Toms
character has improved because of his conversation with the Squire, and his union with the lovely and virtuous
Sophia. By reflection on his past follies he has acquired discretion and prudence. The history is told most
truthfully and the thesis is proved. The device of discovery and resolution is used to unravel the plot with great
mastery.
Sophias Muff
Sophias muff is an object that serves both the thematic and technical purpose. The muff is symbolic of the
relation between Sophia and Tom. It is vital to the action, and embodies their love relationship which they avoid
discussing openly. In other words it suggests the state of their tenderness and love which cannot be dramatized.
The muff provide a peep into their heart and mind. It makes its first appearance in the early part of Tom Jones
when Mrs Honour, Sophias talkative maid, finds Tom fondling and kissing Sophias muff; she elaborates He
kissed it again and again and said it was the prettiest muff in the world. It shows Toms overpowering love for
Sophia. Sophia, too, from this moment, belongs to Tom. In the middle of the novel, the muff is again introduced.
At Upton Inn Mr Western spots his daughters muff and sues Tom before the justice of peace for stealing it.
However Susan, the chambermaid, comes to his rescue and he is cleared of the charge. Actually when Partridge
informs Mrs. Honour that Tom is sleeping with a flirt and when she breaks the news to Sophia, the gentle lady
herself bribes the chambermaid to smuggle it into Toms room.
Sophias muff, thus, is a significant device. It connotes various meanings. When Tom fondles it he is expressing
his sentiments, and Sophia feels elevated; when Mr Western spots it with Tom, he concludes that he has won
over his daughter, and the arraignment scene serves comic purpose, and also parodies the law procedure which
based the trivial charge as muff-stealing; when Tom finds it in his room it is an information that both are in
parallel search for each other; it also indicates that she has come to know of his infidelity. So it conveys the
necessary information. Later on Sophias pocket book and her bill of pounds taken from the beggar, are added to
the muff. Tom, later on, at lady Bellastons home in London returns the pocket book and the bill but does not
mention the muff. It means that his love for her is constant. Thus, Sophias muff is a symbolic device used
artistically in the novel. It moulds the character and interprets situations.
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Historical and Social (Factual) References

There are quite a few references to historical and social occurrences in Tom Jones. Fielding calls it a history
because its action concerns human nature, and is consistent with the character of the performer. At the same
time it is a social history. Fielding, in order to make the book a living and vibrant document, refers to actual
historical happenings, social events and actual places. The band of soldiers that Tom wants to join (Book VII)
are marching to the North to suppress an uprising. The rebels are making the second attempt in English history
to restore the Stuart line to the throne. The first attempt was made in 1715. At that time the supporters of James
Stuart resisted George Hanovers accession to the throne, after the death of Queen Mary. The revolution
referred to in Tom Jones (Book VII) occurred in 1745.
The second reference to the Rebellion of 1745 occurs in Book XI. The landlord of the inn confuses Sophias
identity with that of Jenny Cameron; he calls her the young Chevaliers (Bonnie Prince Charlies) mistress. He
thinks that the ladies (Sophia and Mrs Honour) are taking indirect path to London to escape the Duke of
Cumberlands army. As far as the standpoint of social history is concerned, Fielding mentions Bath as a city of
gossip, gambling. Its corrupting influence is projected in the episode of Mr Fitzpatrick and Miss Western. Both
are the corrupted specimen of Bath. Later on, the actual happenings in London are shown as the corruptions
referred to in relation to Bath. Thus, these social and historical references and occurrences make the novel a
complete and authentic history.
Toms Encounters with Ensign Northerton (Books VII and IX)

Tom encounters Ensign Northerton twice in the novel, first in Book VII and then in book IX. Tom is on his way
to Bristol, in the middle of the book. He and his guide are ignorant of the route. The Quaker suggests them to
take shelter in an inn. A company of soldiers also enters the same inn. Fired by patriotism, Tom decides to join
the company which is marching with the soldiers so he appears before the commanding officer. The latter is so
much impressed with him that he invites him to join the officers mess. During the after dinner toasts, Tom
unwillingly proposes the name of Sophia. Ensign Northerton, who had seen Sophia with her aunt, makes some
uncharitable remarks at Sophias expense. When Tom protests, the drunken Ensign throws a bottle of wine at
Tom. Tom falls down. He takes to bed and Northerton is now under guard. Now, during the night Tom buys a
sword from the sergeant of the company. Next morning he attacks him. He wants to settle his score with the
assailant. The terrified guard shoots but the shot misses Tom. Northerton, meanwhile, manages to escape by
bribing the landlady. Putting Tom under the care of the landlady, the soldiers march on.
The second time (Book IX) Tom encounters Northerton when he was in the company of the Man of the Hill.
The Old Man had just finished his narrative when they heard the terrifying screams of a woman for help. Tom
jumps to help her. He rescues the half-naked woman from the ruffian, who is no other than his old enemy. He
binds Northertons hands, but he runs away because Tom forgets to bind his feet. These episode establish Toms
gallantry, his love for and commitment to Sophia, and the dangers of the road.
The Setting : the Country, the Road, the City

The setting in Fieldings Tom Jones is realistic. The tripartite structure of the novel the country, the road, and
the city offers a wide range of people and episodes. Together these three locales represent life in its
interrelatedness and diversity. They are like three acts in a drama. The novel opens with the delineation of
Somersetshire atmosphere with Mr Allworthy as the squire, the magistrate and the care taker of the shire. We
are introduced to Mr Allworthys family; he lives with his sister; there is his housekeeper Mrs. Deborah Wilkins;
later on his sister marries Captain Blifil and they are blessed with a son. Mr Allworthy has already shown his
kindness to the foundling he discovers in his bed room and adopted him. The beginning shows Allworthy to be
kind, Captain Blifil self-centred, Blifil and Square and Thwakum hypocritical; the villagers swaying and
undependable. Molly is a village flirt; here families have fallen apart. The highway to London is also full of
dangers; there are robberies, rapes, and risks of all kinds. The doctors, the lawyers, chambermaids, beggars, the
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landladies, and landlords together present a scenario of the eighteenth century. The sexual indulgences here are
a presage to London life. The town is no better than the country or the road. Mrs. Bellaston and Lord Fellamar
are the ugly specimen of humanity. They represent sexual perversions. Hypocrisies, vanities and machinations
of the town dwellers are thoroughly exposed.
Thus, the tripartite setting the country, the road, the town presents a comprehensive image of the whole
humanity. It is a true picture of men and manners.
The Mock-Heroic (Elements) Style

Fielding follows the comic mode in Tom Jones. As it is a comic epic in prose, he uses the mock-heroic style.
Such a style parodies the epic style. In order to burlesque the style of an epic, he inflates the style of his comicepic by using epic similes in the comic mode. The movement and speed of Deborah Wilkins is compared with a
kile which is further likened with a tremendous bird. The appearance of Sophia is described in epic style. She
is introduced with all solemnity. Her introduction onto the stage of the book is described in the mock-heroic vein.
It reminds us of the entrance of venus in the classical writings: Hushed be every ruder breath the lovely
Sophia comes! As the author tells us in the prefatory chapter of Book I: our intention, in short, is to introduce
our heroine with the utmost solemnity in our power, with an elevation in style, and the circumstances proper to
raise the veneration of our reader. Similarly Molly Seagrims churchyard battle is described in epic style.
Fielding begins with an invocation to Muse: ye Muses, then, whoever ye are, who love to sing battles, etc. It is
travesty of the epical grand style used by the classical poets. Similarly, Mrs. Waters seductive looks at Upton
Inn are described in the same vein Say then, ye Graces, etc. reminds us of Miltons style.
In this way, Fielding uses mock-heroic style to laugh mankind out of their favourite vices and follies.
Tom-Squire Western Relationship

Tom and Squire Western stand in a peculiar relationship to each other. Toms affinity with the squire develops
into a stronger bond. Their bond is based on their common interest in hunting. Mr Squire Western has great
admiration for Toms skills in horse-riding and hunting. When Tom rescues Sophia during a horse-fall, Mr Squires
admiration for Tom increases. But all the same he takes Tom to be a bastard. When Tom learns about Mollys
trial by Mr Allworthy, and leaves Mr. Westerns company, he holds Tom responsible for Mollys misery. When
he learns that Tom and Sophia love each other he gets greatly annoyed. His approach to life is mundane. He
wants his daughter to marry Blifil so that both the estates may be joined. When Tom is banished Sophia follows
suit. Now the squire also chases his daughter. He holds Tom responsible for the situation. At Upton Inn when he
spots Tom in the possession of Sophias muff, he produces him before the justice of peace. Tom is saved only by
the witness chambermaid. Mr Western can go to any extent in getting his daughter, bring her to his lodgings and
persuades her to marry Bilfil. But the moment he comes to know that Tom is the true heir to Mr Allworths
estate, he immediately apologizes to Tom, and persuades his daughter to marry Tom. He is developed as a comic
character.
Thus, Tom and Mr Western represent a strange relationship. First they are friends, then adversaries and then
they become relatives. Mr Western is guided by his single interest in the welfare of his daughter, whereas Toms
respones to him are spontaneous. Thus it is one of important relationships in the novel.
Sophia-Squire Western Relationship

Sophia-Squire Western relationship is a peculiar father-daughter relationship. They have opposing natures. Sophia
is an affectionate daughter and can never annoy her father. She fulfils her filial duties admirably well. On the
contrary Mr Squire is a misognist. He has been cruel to his wife. Now he wants that his daughter too must be
under his despotic rule. Sophia is considerate towards her father; she plays music when he is bedridden; she
asks Tom to take care of her father on the hunting expedition. She will never do anything which may annoy him
or disturb him. But she loves Tom and detests Bilfil, whereas her father wants that she should marry the latter.
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He has no consideration for her emotions. He is guided by mundane interest. He thinks that her marriage with
Blifil will keep her happy and provide her with all comforts. But she cannot marry the man she detests. This
conflict between the daughter and father becomes a cause of discord and she has to run from her home. Even
then he cannot be convinced. He chases her and reaches London. There also the clash between the two
continues. He persists in his course, and the problem is solved and conflict resolved only when Toms true
identity is revealed. Now he persuades her to marry Tom, to which she agrees.
Thus, Sophia and Mr Western, though opposite in nature, represent a parent-child bond. Though Mr Western is
guided by worldly interests, he cares for her comforts; she is dutiful but individualistic and embodies revolt
against parental authority, something new during those days. She rebels against the patriarchal code, and is, thus,
a new woman.
The Journey-Motif
Life is generally represented in three ways as a battle, as a struggle, or a journey. Fielding uses the journey
motif in Tom Jones. As he declared in the preface to Joseph Andrews that he is using the epic mode. In both
novels he adopted the mode of comic epic in prose. In Tom Jones , Tom, the hero is made to leave his home and
is set on the road. Like the earlier novel, Tom Jones becomes the epic of the road. The journey motif gives a
wider scope to the novel. Through this form, Fielding offers a comprehensive view of society. The highway to
London is full of risks and dangers. The inns, the robberies, attacks on women, risks of rape, chambermaids,
hosts, and beggar together present a scenario of the countryside. It is a dangerous road. The road also tests and
proves Toms gallantry. He saves the Old Man of the Hill, rescues Mrs Waters, gives alms to the beggar and
even indulges in sexual escapades, and comes to know about the gypsies justice. The journey prepares him for
the risks he is going to face in London. Similarly, it proves that Sophia remains untainted during the journey. Both
the hero and the heroine pass through the same circumstances though they behave according to their basic
nature.
In this way, journey motif in Tom Jones is a touchstone to test the true nature of characters. Toms helping of
different people in distress and Sophias fidelity serve as key to their behaviour. By implication journey on the
road embodies mans journey of life. It is a metaphor effectively used.
Irony, Wit and Humour

Fielding calls his Tom Jones a comic epic in prose. The mode suited his purpose. His express purpose is to
present, in Drydens expression, a just and lively image of human nature. To achieve this end he uses irony, wit
and humour. He uses irony to show the difference between appearance and reality. He lashes at hypocritical
people such as Blifil, Square and Thwackum, Mrs Waters, and Lady Bellaston. Wit is used to present things in
a novel way what oft said but never so well expressed. He uses stylistic devices of the mock-heroic to say
things in a new way. Humour occupies central position in his novel. Humour springs from the ridiculous and the
only source of ridiculous is affectation, he says in the Preface to Joseph Andrews. And affectation is the result
of either vanity or hypocrisy. He declares in his dedication to Tom Jones : I have employed all the wit and
humour of which I am master in the following history; wherein I have endeavoured to laugh mankind out of their
favourite follies and vices. He uses farcical humour in the case of quarrel between Partridge and his wife;
ironical humour in the case of the churchyard battle between Molly Seagrim and the Somersetshire mob; and
satirical humour in the case of Lady Belleston and Mrs. Waters. Through different shades of humour he parodies
and depicts the incongruities in human behaviour.
Thus, irony, wit, and humour are the stylistic devices that Fielding uses in a mock heroic way in Tom Jones. It
serves his purpose to expose vanities, hypocrisies and affectations of the whole mankind.
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Suggested Study Topics (Questions)

1. Discuss Tom Jones as a picaresque novel.
2. Examine the statement that Tom Jones is the first English novel written to conform to a theory of fiction.
3. Discuss Tom Jones as a comic epic in prose.
4. Fielding regarded himself as the founder of a new provice of writing. Discuss Tom Jones in the light of this
claim of Fielding.
5. Discuss Tom Jones as a study in human nature.
6. Fielding called Tom Jones a history. Discuss and elaborate.
7. Fielding offers a panoramic view of the eighteenth century in Tom Jones. Illustrate.
8. In what respect is Tom Jones a social document or a dossier on the contemporary society?
9. Write an essay on Fieldings philosophy of life as presented in Tom Jones.
10. Discuss Fieldings views on morality and sexual ethics as illustrated in Tom Jones.
11. Fieldings Tom Jones is called low, and morally corrupt book. Do you agree? Discuss.
12. Fielding offers a healthy philosophy on man-woman relationships. Discuss with reference to Toms relations
with different women.
13. How does Fielding preach a commonsense morality as against conventional and confined one in Tom
Jones? Elaborate.
14. Write an essay on Tom Jones as a new, natural, and unheroic type of hero.
15. Discuss critically the plot construction in Tom Jones.
16. Write an extended note on the tripartite plot construction of Tom Jones.
17. There is too much plot in Tom Jones. Do you agree? Discuss.
18. Write an essay on the characterization in Tom Jones.
19. Fieldings characters are universal and not local. Do you agree? Elaborate your answer.
20. Write an essay on Fieldings style in Tom Jones.
21. Write an extended note on the use of wit, irony and dialogue in Tom Jones.
22. Compare and contrast the characters of Squire Allworthy and Squire Western. How are they individualized?
23. Compare and contrast Square and Thwackum. Is not each an incomplete character separately?
24. Discuss Partridge and Mr Western as comic figures. How are they individualized? Which is the more
memorable character?
25. Discuss Mr Allworthys character in the light of his gullibility and positive qualities.
26. How are Tom and Blifil contrasted in Tom Jones? Discuss with illustration from the novel.
27. Do you agree with the statement that Sophia is Fieldings most charming heroine? Elaborate.
28. Write an essay on Fieldings minor women characters in Tom Jones.
29. How do the Portrayal of Lady Bellaston and Lord Fellamar help Fielding in showing his reaction to the high
society life of London?
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30. Discuss the relevance of the episode of the Man of the Hill and the history of Harriet Fitzpatrick in the total
design of the novel.
31. How are Molly Seagrim, Mrs Waters, and Lady Bellaston related with the development of the character of
Tom Jones?
32. Write an essay on the comic characters in Tom Jones.
33. Write an extended note on humour in Tom Jones.
34. Write an essay on the mock-heroic in Tom Jones.
35. Discuss the delineation of realism in Tom Jones.
36. What is the central theme of Tom Jones? Support your answer from the text.
37. How does Tom develop from a profligate to a good and wise man?
38. Do you consider Tom Jones a great or classic novel? Why or why not?
39. Write short notes in not more than 200 words each on any four of the following:
i.
Poaching episode (Book III)
ii. Churchyard Mock- heroic battle scene (Book IV)

iii. Black George
iv. Mrs Miller
v. Somersetshire Mob
vi. The Man of the Hill
vii. Upton Inn Episode (Books IX X)
viii. Puppet-show and Gypsy-wedding (Book XII)
ix. Sophia-Fellamar attempted rape scene (Book XV)
x. Sophias Muff
xi. Molly Seagrim
xii. Conclusion of the novel (Book XVIII)
40. Write a detailed note on Fieldings contribution to the English novel. Will it be appropriate to call him the
Father of English Novel?
Note: For answers to all these problems, go through the topics covered under different headings in the preceding
pages beginning with Detailed Critical Analysis of Major Topics, and ending with Short Notes.
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Suggested Readings
1. Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel, Chatto and Windus, Penguin, 1963.
2. Ronald Paulson (ed.), A Collection of Critical Essays, in the series Twentieth Century Views, Prentice
Hall, 1962.
3. Ronald Paulson and Thoman Lockwood(eds.), Henry Fielding: The Critical Heritage, Routege and
Kegan Paul, 1972.
4. Walter Allen, The English Novel, Penguin, 1984.
5. Arnold Kettle, An Introduction to English Novel, Unwin Hyman, 1950; rpt. Universal Book Stall, New
Delhi, 1991.
6. Andrew Wright, Henry Fielding : Man and Mask, Chatto and Windus, 1965.
7. Frank Kermode, Richarson and Fielding, Cambridge, Journal IV, 1950.
8. Maurice Johnson, Fieldings Art of Fiction, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, 1961.
9. Glenn W Hatfield, Henry Fielding and the Language of Irony, 1968.
10. Elizabeth Drew, Tom Jones, The Novel : A Modern Guide, New York, 1963.
11. R S Crane, The Concept of Plot and the Plot of Tom Jones, Critics and Criticism, Phoenix Books, the
University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1952.
12. R.P.C. Mutter (ed.), Henry Fielding : Tom Jones, Penguin 1966.
13. Fredrick O Bissell, Fieldings Theory of the Novel, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1933.
14. Wilburt Lucicus Cross, The History of Henry Fielding, Yale University press, New Haven, 1918.
15. Dorothy Van Ghent, The English Novel : Form and Function, 1953.
16. Frederick Homes Dudden, Henry Fielding, his Life, Works and Times, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1952.
17. E.M.W. Tillyard, The Epic Strain in the English Novel, 1958.
18. E.M. Thornbury, Henry Fieldings Theory of the Comic Prose, 1931.
Joseph Addison : Female Orators, Aim of the Spectator, Sir Roger in Church, Meditation in the Abbey, The Scope of Satire
JOSEPH ADDISON
Female Orators
Aim of the Spectator
Sir Roger in Church
Meditation in the Abbey
The Scope of Satire
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Unit-8
1. General Introduction
Essay: Origin and Development
The Origin of Essay : The term essay was originally introduced by Montaigne in 1580 with his publication of
Essais. Montaigne (1533-92) was the author of the famous Essais, of which books I and II appeared in 1580
and a final edition in 1595. The credit goes to Montaigne for making essay as an acceptable literary genre of
literature, which offered the writer a scope to represent a large variety of reasonable and interesting ideas of
different hues in a limited space. We have a large variety of essays written so far, yet amid all this variety there
is or was until recent times a central tradition of essay writing a tradition that looks back to the first and the
greatest of essayist, Montaigne. Montaigne is described as the first to say as an author what he felt as a man. No
matter how large its subject. The distinguishing marks of an essay by Montaigne are intimacy and informality. In
the words of Hazlitt, who was in many ways his nearest English equivalent, He did not set up for a philosopher,
wit, orator or moralist but he became all these by merely daring to tell us whatever passed through his mind. In
setting down his thoughts, he refused to be hampered by preconceived notions of order and regularity. For Dr.
Johnson two hundred years later, the regular nature of the essay was still its most obvious characteristic.
The first great name in the history of the English essay is that of Francis Bacon (1561-1626). Bacon borrowed
the term essay from Montaigne but adapted it to his own purpose. The form of essay was well suited to a man
of Bacons natural gifts. He regarded the essay as a receptacle for detached thoughts. He speaks of his essays
as dispersed meditations. His essays are notable for having not anything loose or self-revealing and aspire to a
measured impersonality. His essays won instant recognition and were soon translated into French, Latin and
Italian. The acclaim goes to Bacon for furnishing so many popular quotations as perhaps no other work of
English prose can claim to contain. Bacon was a moralist and a politician. A large portion of his essays deal
either with the ethical qualities of men or with matters pertaining to the government of states. It is a clear from
his essays that from the moral point of view, Bacon does not aim at an exalted or noble ideal. He rather presents
a utilitarian outlook in all his essays. His maxims are prudential. He is in favour of a course of action that pays
best. For instance, he condemns cunning, not as a thing hateful and vile, but as a thing unwise. The essay Of
Friendship, advocates a utilitarian view of friendship. Bacon values friendship highly but mainly for the fruits
that can be gathered from it. The essays of Bacon are full of practical wisdom. They contain valuable guidelines
for human conduct. It is well said that his essays constitute a handbook of practical wisdom and are a compendium
of knowledge.
In due course Addison and Steelees The Tatler (1709-1711) and The Spectator (1711-1713) ushered in a
century of periodical essayists, and if any one man who has a claim to be the father of English essay, it is
surely Addison. Although he is sometimes blamed to be too worldly, too complacent, too preoccupied with minor
social amenities but his achievements were great. He transformed the essay into a civilising force, an engine
against coarseness and pedantry. What he lacked in depth, he made up for in range of interests and keenness of
observation. He taught his readers to appreciate the middle ground of human nature and fashioned the perfect
prose style for the purpose. Addison wrote nearly four hundred essays. These present a faithful reflection of the
life of the times viewed with an aloof and dispassionate observation. Addison set out to be a mild censor of the
morals of the age. Most of his compositions deal with topical subjects fashions, headdresses, practical jokes,
light conversation. His aim was to point out those vices which are too trivial for the chastisement of the law and
too fantastic for the cognizance of the pulpit. Immorality, jealousy, drunkenness etc. were handled in a popular
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fashion. In all these Addison advocated moderation and tolerance. Among the other chief causes which went
for the success of Addison and Steelee was the fact that they always catered to the tastes and requirements of
their readers. The seventeenth century showed an output of long works of literature; the reading public in the
eighteenth century looked for something short, easier and informative. The essays of Addison and Steelee met
this demand. Moreover, Addison and Steelee made a great contribution so far as the style is concerned. Their
style was informal, clear and lucid, free from the obscurities and complexities of the past masters.
Another significant name in the history of the essay is that of Dryden (1631-1700). But his essays are rather
pieces of literary criticism than following the patterns of conventional essays. Most important of these essays is
Of Dramatic Poesy (1668). Although Drydens essays lack the demeanour of an essay proper, yet his contribution
as a writer of prose is immensely important. Dryden effected a number of reforms in the writing of English
prose. His writings are so compact and precise, free from everything that is unessential and descriptive. For
achieving this purpose he swept away, from most part, parentheses, quotations, involutions, qualifications and
after-thoughts in the sentence. He made separate sentences to express these separate thoughts. It is worthwhile
mentioning that Latin language had the reputation of prestigious dialect in England. He brushed aside the Latin
construction, which only led to obscurity.
Jonathan Swift (1667-1745) is another writer connected with the periodical essay. But Swift was not really cut
out for writing essays for periodicals. He was too severe and grim by temperament. We find a refection of the
great intellectual capacity of Swift in Gullivers Travels or The Tale of a Tub.
Then we have another significant contributor viz. Daniel Defoe (1661-1731) who transformed the periodical
essay into a shape that matches the newspaper editorial article. Defoe has sometimes been described as the
predecessor of Steelee. Defoe is to be seen as a pioneer in journalism, as well as in novel. But, it would be a
wrong contention to believe that Defoe was the front runner and Steelee was only his follower. It is true that the
germ of periodical essay is to be found in Defoes Review. Defoe was as an essayist, more the disciple than the
master of Steelee. As an essayist his fame rests principally on two volumes of miscellaneous writings which
ranged from the year 1716-1729, after both The Tatler and The Spectator had run their course.
Dr. Johnson (1709-1784) also made significant contribution in the realm of periodical essays. His Rambler is
usually ranked as the first of the classical periodicals after The Guardian. A few years later came The Idler.
Dr. Johnsons essays in these two periodicals gained considerable popularity. Dr. Johnsons themes as well as
style are quite different from those of Addison and Steelee. Unlike addition and Steelee he was a stern social
reformist and his attack on the social absurdities and whimsicalities is also pungent in nature. His style is also
often too heavy.
With the advent of nineteenth century, it was quite inevitable that the revolutionary upheavals that dominated the
whole of eighteenth century would exhaust themselves and be replaced by a new and different kind of essay.
This change although took time, was ushered by the foremost essayists of the romantic era, Hazlitt and Lamb
being the popular names who established themselves with a new kind of essay. Lambs essays present a unique
combination of sophisticated and exquisite humour, a sincere and informal vein of pleasantry and heart-touching
pathos. His essays are marked by his fancy, which acquires brilliance through a tender and delicate treatment
a peculiar feature of Lambs essays. The essays of Charles Lamb spring from the personal events of his life.
Although the element of autobiography characterises the work of some other writers like Shelly, Byron and
Coleridge, but in the works of none of these writers the biographical incidents were so closely interwoven in
prose and poetry as in the case of Lamb. Lambs writing had a peculiar lyrical air about themselves and originate
from a sense of nostalgia for the past. Lamb contributed his writings to The London Magazine, a periodical.
His contributions, the first of which was entitled Recollections of the South Sea House bore the signature
Elia. Elia was actually the name of an Italian, who was, like Lamb, a clerk at the South Sea House. This was
the pseudonym that Lamb adopted. Lambs contribution to The London Magazine continued till 1825. Eventually
most of these contributions were gathered in two books called The Essays of Elia and The Last Essays of Elia.
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Another variety of essays known as Critical Essay appeared in the nineteenth century. The critical essay received
a stimulus from the establishments of the quarterly reviews and the rapid growth of the magazines. The most
notable exponents of this type of essay in the 19th century were Francis Jafferey, Sydney Smith, Thomas
Babington and Macaulay. Certain other names that readily come to mind are W.M. Thackerey, Matthew Arnold,
R. L. Stevenson, Austin Dobson, E. V. Lucas, G. K. Chesterton Robert Lynd, J. B. Priestley, Aldoux Huxley,
George Orwell etc.
The Age and its Predominant Features

Before embarking on a in-depth discussion of Addisons essays specifically, it might be worthwhile to have a
quick survey of the general characteristics of the age and the literary environment, patterns of thoughts, beliefs
and the general trends prevalent at that time. The exercise will also quicken our understanding of the temper and
sense of Addisons essays in a better way. The age in which Addison and Steele wrote is popularly known as the
Age of Pope. The England of the early 18th Century shows a sharp inclination towards moral regeneration,
tolerance, refined manner, reason and common sense. The middle way of control and reason, and the distrust of
passion are faithfully reflected in the literature of the period. The preponderance of prose can be seen and apart
from Pope the age produced no great poet. A desire for improvement and reform is a marked feature of the
literature of this age. The age of Pope intensified the movement that began after the Restoration. While revolting
against the Restoration extravagance, the writers unleashed a pungent attack against Puritan fanaticism and
religious enthusiasm. In literature, the drift away from the poetry of passion was more pronounced than ever, the
ideals of wit and common sense were more zealously pursued and the lyrical note was almost absent. The
focus was more upon stylistic modes and correctness in technique. These aims found expression in the excessive
use of the heroic couplet, the most apt medium for the purpose. In this type of poetry, Pope reigned supreme.
Apart from him, the age produced no great poet. On the other hand, the other great names of the period Swift,
Addison, Steelee, Daniel Defoe are the prose masters of high quality of this age.
The literature of this period exhibits a coldness of feeling. It is a literature of wit, of fancy and not a literature of
emotion, passion and creative energy. Here the spontaneity and simplicity are sacrificed to the dominant mania
for elegance and correctness.
Political Writing: The reign of Charles II saw the rise of two political parties Whig and Tory. This development
made the men of literary ability much more important for they were bribed with places and pensions for writing
in favour of either party. Hardly a writer of the time is free from the political bias. After being a Whig, Swift
became a Tory. Addison was a tepid Whig; Steelee was Whig and Tory in turn. It was indeed the golden age of
political pamphleteering and the writers made the most of it.
The Clubs and Coffee Houses: The increasing humdrum and activity in politics amounted to an emergence
of a large number of political clubs and coffee houses. One finds a frequent mention of these clubs and coffee
houses in the essays of Addison and Steelee which had become a symbol of fashionable life in England at that
time. In the first number of The Tatler, Steelee announces as a matter of course that the activities of his new
journal will be based upon the clubs. All accounts of Gallantry, Pleasure and Entertainment shall be under the
article of whites chocolate house; Poetry under that of Wills Coffee House; Learning under the title of Grecian;
Foreign and Domestic News you will have from Saint James Coffee-House. The club symbolised the multiplicity
and diversity of characters and the range of outlook that the paper aspired to highlight for instance social
manners, religious seriousness, the peculiarities of the business class and the political upheavals etc. Addison
spoke of the club as Very luckily composed of such persons as are engaged in different ways of life, so that
different members of the public might be sure that there was always somebody present who would take care of
their interests.
The rise of periodical essays: In this way, the periodical essay emerged into distinction with The Tatler
started by Richard Steelee (1672-1729). This paper appeared three times a week and appealed not only to the
predominantly masculine tastes for politics and economics served by previous papers, but to women as well as
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men and commented in a familiar friendly way on matters of general social interest. Within its familiar range it
created a wonderfully complete picture with such efficacy which distinguished it from the periodicals that had
appeared in the past.
The aims of The Tatler were entertainment and improvement. This aim was achieved through the capable
writers who discussed the heavy subjects like ethics, religion, politics, economy, not in a pungent or direct way,
but under the cover of religion or allegory. Common failings, vulgarities and frivolities were laughed at. The
social evils, narrow mindedness, meanness, gambling coquetry inhumanity etc. were all attacked in an amusing
manner. While vices were condemned, goodness was exalted. The chief tool used to achieve this effect was
satire but it was satire of a mild kind which was applied to tease rather than hurt its victims. The institutions of
good society were defended against the fashion of condemning them. For instance, Steelee protested that the
wits of this island for some fifty years past instead of correcting the vices of the age, have done all they could to
inflame them.
The Spectator proved more popular than The Tatler. Addison was the main figure behind its success. Although
both Steelee and Addison were writing for the paper, Addisons contribution is more pronounced in The Spectator.
This paper was published daily. The Spectator concerned itself throughout with the social scene and with moral
and intellectual themes. The paper did not show any indulgence in the prevalent political strife between the Whig
and the Tory party. The knowledge of ones self, self-introspection, promoting good manners, compassion, kindheartedness and freedom from vices, foibles, frivolities, shallowness, vanities and shams were declared to be its
principal motives. The material was vividly realised in the social scene. The very first account of Mr. Spectator
was like the opening of an autobiographical novel. He presented himself as an objective onlooker, but at the
same time surrounded by the members of the famous spectator club. At its head was Sir Roger de Coverley, the
jovial, eccentric, kind elderly Tory country squire. Then there was Sir Andrew Freeport, a merchant of great
eminence then an Inner Temple lawyer, then captain Sentry a gentleman of great courage good understanding
but invincible modesty, then Will Honeycomb, a sociable man-about town; and finally a clergyman, a very
philosophical man, of general learning , great sanctity of life, and the most exact good breeding. The club
reminded readers, in an age of sectarian passion, that they should live together as a family, rebuking real vices
but treating harmless difference of outlook and interest as representing the diversity under lying the nations
essential unity.
The Variety and vividness of the social scene presented by The Spectator were astonishing every aspect of
the social life in London, the coffee house life with its debates, news sheets, clubs of common interests and
indeed its whole routine. Addison declared The Aim of the Spectator as bringing philosophy out to dwell in
clubs and assemblies, at tea-tables and in coffee houses. Addison and Steelee discussed art, philosophy, drama
and poetry. These areas were discussed not only to amuse the general public but also with a sincere intention of
developing in the general people a taste for such things. It was in The Spectator for example that Addison first
published his series of eighteen papers on Paradise Lost by which he helped to spread among English people a
better understanding of Milton and his work. They also addressed themselves to women and at a time when
women in society were involved in the mere trivialities of existence. They did their best to draw them into the
flow of intellectual life. Moreover, The Spectator also promoted religious faith. The thoughts, philosophy of
Copernicus, Descartes, Bacon, Locke and Newton were also mentioned with great respect.
The most dominant literary form in the Age of Pope also known as Augustan Age, is the periodical essays.
These periodical essays give us a true reflection of the society in England at that time. As many as ninety
periodicals were founded between 1709 and 1720. The Spectator had a enormous readership and approximately
nine thousand copies were circulated daily. The Spectator was able to bring a stir in the general public of
England.
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Addisons Essays
Addisons recognition and reputation in the 18th century literature rests upon his significant contribution in the
realm of periodical essays, especially upon those which appeared in The Spectator. He also wrote several
political pamphlets but as a pamphleteer he is not well known. It is in fact almost entirely as an essayist that
Addison is justly famed. The process of essay writing began almost casually. On April 12, 1709, Richard Steelee
published the first number of The Tatler, a periodical that appeared thrice weekly. Addison, who was a school
and college friend of Steelee, saw and liked the new publication and offered his services as a contributor. His
offer was accepted and his first contribution, a semi-political one appeared in No.18. Henceforward, Addison
wrote regularly for the paper, contributing about 42 numbers. The Tatler finished in January 1711; then in March
the same year, Steelee started The Spectator, which was issued daily. The paper ran until December 1712 and
obtained an unprecedented popularity. In The Spectator, Addison rapidly became the dominating spirit, wrote
274 essays out of a complete total of 555 and wholly shaped its policy when Steelee got exhausted of the project.
In March 1713, Addison assisted Steelee with The Guardian, which Steelee began. It was only a moderate
success and terminated after 175 numbers. Addison contributed 51 essays in this paper.
To Addison goes the credit of bringing in his essays a unique blend of humour and philosophy. Secondly, in The
Spectator we find the genial intimacy of the writer and reader which was missing in the earlier essayists. This
reducing the gap between the reader and the writer is however to be found in the works of later essayists like
Lamb, Hazlitt and Thackery etc.
In all, Addison has written nearly 400 essays. These essays are remarkable for their spontaneous style and a
wide range of subjects that Addison has dealt with. They are a faithful reflection of the life of the time and its
new interests and ethics, viewed with an aloof and dispassionate observation. Addison set out to be a mild
censor of the morals of the age. Addison chose as the subject matter of his essays the varied aspects and
nuisances of the middle class as well as the aristocratic sectors of society. He deliberately avoided political
upheavals of the time as the focus of his essays. Even when politics was touched, it was handled in a mild and
tolerant way. Addisons style had nothing harsh or aggressive about it even when the subject might be outrageous.
Sometimes he adopted the allegory as a means for achieving this purpose. His essays like The Vision of Mirza
and the political allegory of Public Credit are apt examples in this case. The papers he contributed to The Tatler,
The Spectator and other periodicals exemplify largely The art of living. These essays are authentic
representations of the cultural aspects of the time. They illustrate the crudeness, coarseness, grotesques of the
18th Century England and Addison was severely critical of all this. He set out on a task of enforcing a new set
of ideals of civilization. In particular he set himself, as very aptly stated in the words of W. H. Hudson, moralist
to break down two opposed influences that of the profligate restoration tradition of loose living and loose
thinking on the one hand and that of Puritan fanaticism and bigotry on the other. In keeping with this spirit in
mind, most of Addisons compositions expose the topical subjects fashions, head dresses, practical jokes,
social follies and absurdities regarding manners, way of thinking, vanities and superficialities of behaviour etc.
Deeper themes were handled with equal efficacy immorality, jealousy, prayer, death and drunkenness, indecency
of conversation, cruelty, dueling etc. His aim was to point out those vices which are too trivial for the chastisement
of the law and too fantastical for the cognizance of the pulpit All agreed that I should be at liberty to carry the
war into what quarters I pleased; provided I continued to combat with criminals in a body, and the assault the
vice without hurting the person. This was stated in his first essay written for The Spectator i.e. The Aim of the
Spectator.
In all his essays serve as a vehicle for the formation of commonsense views in matters social, political and
religious. His essays helped to impart a moral tone to British Society, which the licence and dissoluteness of the
Restoration Age had made frivolous and cynical. But in this pursuit of castigating the vices and foibles of society,
Addison, most admirably advocated moderation and tolerance. He was quite against the literary enthusiasm and
cautiously kept himself away from the heavy bludgeon of Swift.
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Thus, Addison set for himself the role of a moralist, but with a difference. As rightly put by a critic, there had
been moralists before in plenty; the stately moralist in Hooker; the quaint moralist in Bacon; the fiery moralist in
Milton. Addison exemplified the happy moralist. Addison clarified his aim in the words The great and only end
of these speculations is to banish vice and ignorance out of the territories of Great Britain. For the first time a
serious attempt was made to highlight the collective opinion of the general public by systematizing the endless
discussions that went on at the clubs and coffee houses. Addison was quite sure of his purpose of attacking the
shallowness and shameless licence of Restoration manners. This purpose was achieved through playful satire
which was drastically different from the cruel and violent satire as found in Swifts works or the pungent and
personal satire as found in the works of Pope.
In his enthusiasm for the golden age, which he pictured among the villages of Old England, Addison created a
whole society around Sir Roger de Coverley, an imaginary eccentric old country knight who frequented The
Spectator club in London. Around the knight were grouped a number of contrasted characters also the members
of the mythical club. Such were Will Honeycomb, a middle-aged beau; Sir Andrew Freeport, a city merchant;
Captain Sentry, a solider and Mr. Spectator, a shy, reticent person who bears resemblance to Addison himself.
Addison seized upon the idea of the club; gave it life, interest and adventure; cast over it the charm of his
pleasant humour and finished up by making the knight die with affecting deliberation and decorum. Prof. Courthopes
comments in this regard are quite illuminating and appropriate. In his words, The new entertainment was
provided by the original design of an imaginary club, consisting of several types of characters grouped round the
central figure of The Spectator. They represent considerable classes or sections of the community, and are, as
a rule, men of strongly marked opinion, prejudices, and foibles, which furnish inexhaustible matter of comment to
The Spectator himself, who delivers the judgements of reason and common sense. Sir Roger de Coverley, with
his simplicity, high sense of honour, and his old-world reminiscences, reflects the country gentleman of the best
kind; Sir Andrew Freeport expresses the opinions of the enterprising, hard-headed, and rather hard-hearted
moneyed interest; captain Sentry speaks for the army; the Templar for the world of taste and learning; the
clergyman for theology and philosophy; while Will Honeycomb, the elderly man of fashion, gives The Spectator
many opportunities for criticizing the traditions of morality and breeding, surviving from the days of Restoration.
The papers written on Sir Roger de Coverly, put together, give a fair picture of the excellent character portrayal
and if Addison had taken a little more pains to create a well-formed plot with Coverley and the band of other
characters, it could conveniently take the shape of a novel which followed in Richardsons Pamela. In the words
of Edward Albert, If Addison had pinned the Coverley papers together with a stronger plot; if, instead of only
referring to the widow who had stolen the Knights affections, he had introduced a definite love theme; if he had
introduced some important female characters we should have had the first regular novel in our tongue. As it is,
this essay series bring us within measurable distance of the genuine 18th century novel. Prof. W. H. Hudson
also expresses some similar opinion in this regard. Though in the scattered papers of The Spectator we cannot
look for that sustained interest which is essential for a novel, this large development in characterization must still
be regarded as a stage in evolution of the genuine novel. It is scarcely too much to say that in many of The
Spectator papers in which scenes from the life of Sir Roger are described we have the modern novel in germ.
In any case, Addison and Steelee had scarcely any intention to produce a work of fiction. They rather aimed at
providing journalistic features to their composition in their creation of Mr. Spectator as their ideal of editorship.
He is a through explorer endowed with an intellectual curiosity. Mr. Spectator casts his vision over an incredibly
wide range of topics which makes it essential for him to see life from a distance. This aloofness is characteristic
in all the essays of Addison. But still there are exceptions. He has shown in occasional papers that he understood
the depth of human heart. But, generally he preferred to remain at a distance and view life in a dispassionate
manner of an objective onlooker. Confining himself to this limitation, Addison in his essays continued heading
towards his goal of ridiculing or inveighing against old-fashioned ideals of gallantry and self-indulgence, urging
that kindness is better than cleverness, that self-suppression is the essence of good breeding etc. He kept
exposing the secrets of home life with a keen insight, ridiculing the stupidity of husbands who tyrannize over their
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wives or fathers over their children, the folly and shallowness of women who marry for money or think that the
pleasures of society are better than the duties of the household. The Spectator, therefore, unlike other periodicals
never aimed at imparting information. It keeps away from everyday happenings except now and then by an odd
allusion; it rather dedicated itself to providing to its readers a daily essay on morality, literature, philosophy,
serious or humorous reflection on the vices that existed in the society of that time. The note of didacticism was
very clear and pronounced in the essays obviously, but the collection as a whole, forms the most charming, the
most varied and the least sermonizing of commentaries upon social life as it is, and as it should be.
Character portraits in Addisons Essays

This is another major contribution of Addison that he presented a long catalogue of character sketches which
can best be described as types. Among the most prominent are Addison himself as The Spectator, Sir
Andrew Freeport the merchant, Roger de Coverley the country gentleman squire, Will Honeycomb the man of
fashion and many others like these. These figures typified conveniently the interests of public to which The
Spectator appealed; but apart from that they are also breathed with individual character traits who resemble the
most memorable characters in English fiction from Chaucer to Meredith. One of them, at least, Sir Roger de
Coverley to whose presentation both Addison and Steelee contributed, is drawn with a genuine affection, dissecting
his personality from different perspectives in totality. In the words of an eminent critic of all his essays, the best
known and loved are those which introduce us to Sir Roger de Coverley, the genial dictator of life and manners
in the quiet English country.
Mr. spectator was invented and characterized by Addison in the first issue of the periodical. He was presented
as an observer and not the censor of morals and therein lies his usefulness and charm. The club of which he is
a member is introduced to us in the second number by Steelee. Of The Spectator Club, two members are not
named. They are described merely as the clergyman and the gentleman of the inner temple. The others have
been ascribed the names which very well reflect their demeanour: captain sentry representing the army; Will
Honeycomb, the man about town, Sir Andrew Freeport, a Whig merchant and a free trader by choice.
The Spectator well represents Addison himself, detached from the world but a keen observer of its movements,
a kind of sage, who views the varied aspects of the social scene calmly and serenely. He enjoys a pivotal position
in a group of people which includes representatives of the various section of society, like the country gentleman
Sir Roger, the great city merchant, Sir Andrew, a clergyman of high moral character, a shrewd lawyer, a famous
solider Caption Sentry, a man of the world Will Honeycomb, a free trader and merchant Andrew Freeport etc.
The authors intention was to introduce these characters and make them discourse and to epitomize in them a
considerable part of the nation. Out of all these characters, it is the character of Sir Roger de Coverley, which
was drawn and delineated with adequate attention and care. According to Cazamian, an eminent critic on
Addisons works, only one of these characters, Sir Roger de Coverley attained complete lifelikeness, but he
was endowed with enough light and shade to rival those creations of the realistic novels of which he was the
herald and fore runner. Himself a staunch Whig, Addison succeeded in portraying a very lovable Tory, full of
good nature and appealing to the readers good nature, kind, charitable and regulating his life according to a
tradition that had much charm and value. But this excellent Tory has a whimsical head; he is full of prejudices
and superstitions. His reflections are usually naive and indicate feeble powers of reasoning. Sir Rogers ideas
provoke a smile. No one would dream of taking him for a political guide. Argument is not his strong point,
especially when he is compared with the Whig merchant Sir Andrew Freeport, whose views are so intelligent
and forward-looking, Addison reveals at once the charm of the old England and the coming of the new. He
demands sympathy for both, but his intellectual allegiance is reserved for the second. Nevertheless he wishes
the two to understand each other and to live in good accord.
The creation of Sir Roger is Addisons masterpiece. Hugh Walker comments that the man is not only an
excellent figure of comedy with his eccentricities, his peculiar expressions, his mental leaps, but he is foremost
among those characters who are not only loved but respected even while they are laughed at. We form a
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considerable impression of Sir Roger in the essays like Sir Roger at Home; The Coverley Household; Sir
Rogers Ancestors; Sir Roger at Church; Sir Rogers Reflection on the Widow; His Account of His
Disappointment; A Hunting Scene with Sir Roger and many other of these types.
At one level, it wouldnt be wrong to point out that it is a part of literary device on the part of Addison to make
Sir Roger an author surrogate, a mouthpiece of Addison himself. Addison voices his opinions and impressions
through his favourite friend Sir Roger in most of the matters. For instance, an excellent commentary on the
London life of the day is furnished by Sir Rogers opinions on matters theatrical, on Westminster Abbey, on town
fashions etc Here, the picture of the town and country life through Sir Roger, Addison sketches the social life of
England in the 18th century.
Walker is of the opinion that all Addisons principal literary gifts a delicate taste a keen sense of humour and
an insight into character are united in what is certainly his greatest achievement the character of Sir Roger
de Coverley. Though Sir Roger was first sketched and was afterwards touched by Steelee, he is in the main
Addisons creation. And he is unquestionably one of the treasures of English literature. In nothing else has
Addison shown such originality, in nothing else such exquisite skill. The elimination of Sir Roger from The
Spectator essays would be like eliminating the prince of Denmark from the play of Hamlet.
The position of women as highlighted in The Spectator

The society represented by The Spectator is essentially a masculine society. The fact that no women is a
member bears a testimony to the position of women in English society at the beginning of the century. The
accession of a woman to the throne made the time propitious for a change in attitude. The Tatler and The
Spectator gave Addison and Steelee a proper platform to work towards this goal. They emphasized that women
must play a vital role in this process of civilisation which they were striving to promote. There are none to whom
this paper will be more useful than to the female world, Addison wrote in the tenth number of The Spectator
I have often though there has not been sufficient pains taken in finding out proper employment and diversions
for the fair ones. Their amusements seem rather contrived for them as they are women, than as they are
reasonable creatures, and are more adapted to the sex than to the species. Although Jonathan Swift jeered at
the attention Addison paid to women in his essays and found the tone in which Addison fair sexed it intolerably
condescending. But, most importantly attention to the interests of the fair sex became one of the invariable
conventions of the periodical essay, and there can be little doubt that the essayists did much to improve this status
and education of women.
The Use of Irony
Addison has made abundant use or irony in his essays. Irony, indeed is one of the most prominent ingredients of
Addisons satire. But Addison uses satire as a vehicle for ridiculing and exposing the errors, vices, of others with
a purpose to bring a reform in their behaviour. But the irony is genuinely humorous. It is not hurtful, pungent,
repulsive or cruel. Addison aims at a good humoured raillery for achieving his purpose of introducing a new set
of moral values in the society. Secondly the irony is general in nature that is it is used not to attack individuals
but classes and groups of human beings. Addisons irony is not hurtful because of these reasons because it is
humourous and it is general. It was Addisons intention to combat with criminals in a body and to assault the
absurdity or the vice without hurting the person.
Addisons essays reveal the purity, regularity, clearness and felicity of his prose style. The qualities of his style
reveal Addisons very character. The maxim The style is the man can best be illustrated with reference
to Addison. He had a loving nature, a serene temperament, a love of moderation, reasonableness, a simple
piety and a genuine good nature. These qualities of his character are responsible for the precision, the graceful
flow of movement, the aptness of illustration, the sobriety of tone, and the unerring sense of proportion in his
style.
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Selected Essays of Joseph Addison Prescribed in Syllabus:

Detailed Summary, and Critical Remarks:
2. Female Orators
CRITICAL SUMMARY: The essay starts with a note of irony, characteristic of Addisons essays. The
subject undertaken is the talkative nature of women. Socrates, says Addison, was supposed to have been taught
eloquence by a female teacher. This fact is enough to prove that females are better suited for the art of oratory
than men. Addison feels that as women are endowed with this gift, they should occupy the chairs for rhetoric in
universities. Men are generally praised for being able to talk on any subject for hours together, but females
supersede men on this front and prove themselves better as they can talk for hours upon nothing. Addison goes
on to say that if females were allowed to plead in courts of law, they would be able to do better than males. As
proof, one can see the fish wives who are able to argue so much and so well.
Types of female orators: There are a number of types of female orators. The first in this category are those
who know very well the art of stirring up passions; those who are censorious; the third variety is of those
females who are gossips; and those who are coquettes. Of the first variety of female orators who are quite
proficient in arousing passions, Socrates wife is as apt example. The second type indulge in all kinds of invective
known as the censorious orators. These women possess a fertile imagination and a power to invent stories of
their own making. They can be most eloquent upon the faults of other women. They are able to tell different
versions of the same story. Keeping up the same amusing tone, Addison further says that he knows a woman,
who made an unhappy marriage the subject of conversation for a month. She expressed, pity, anger, amusement
and other different reactions to the bride, complimented her upon her choice of husband and told her that
malicious people were criticizing her unreasonably. Women of this type could not be taken seriously for their
blame or praise was merely a device to keep the conservation going.
The third type of female orators described by Addison are those that indulge in gossiping. These kind of women
are able to exaggerate the most trivial things. Women belonging to this category can describe at length any topic
for instance, a ladies head dress or christening. They have full knowledge about each and every dish served in
the neighbourhood. They can describe the wit of a small child who is as yet unable to speak. Addison amazingly
calls such women as Mrs. Fiddle Faddle.
The fourth type was the coquette. This type loves and hates in the same breath so as to give herself more scope
for conversation. She sighs and laughs without any cause. She talks to her lap dog and parrot and is uneasy in
all kinds of weather and all the places.
As Addison says she has false quarrels and feigned obligations to all the men of her acquaintance, sighs when
she is not sad and laughs when she is not marry. The main purpose of her talking to all sorts of men is to have
an opportunity to use her limbs in different movements or casting glances or playing with her fan.
It has been a puzzle for Addison to assign a cause to this superiority of oratory in females. Perhaps it is because
they dont have the power of retaining their thoughts and hence they keep talking. But this theory has an
objection because it is widely believed that women are quite capable of dissembling and hiding their thoughts.
This theory therefore does not hold much ground. Another hypothesis is that there might be certain anatomical
features about the female tongue which are responsible for making it talkative. Addison asks a friend who is an
anatomist to dissect a female tongue in order to find out whether it contains some special juices that render it
more talkative or it is her more channels connected to the brain and heart which keeps up a constant supply of
animal spirits to the tongue. Perhaps the female tongue is gifted with some special muscles which keep it moving
quickly. He does not ignore the comment of Hudibras that tongues are like race horses, those that have less
weight run faster.
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The tongue of a women gets rest only when she sleeps. An old story describe the womens tongue an aspen leaf
that keeps shaking. Addison supports his argument with a quotation from Ovid, a famous Latin poet as And
Ovid though in the description of a barbarous circumstance, tells us that when the tongue of a beautiful female
was cut out and thrown upon the ground, it could not forbear muttering even in that posture.
Addison is quite enamoured of the music that is created by this little instrument, the female tongue. Female
Orators, was aimed at making that little instrument harmonious and free of the jarring notes of anger,
cencoriousness, gossip and coquetry. He would rather like women to be prompted in their talk by good nature,
truth and sincerity.
Critical Remarks
Female Orators shows Addisons irony at its best. The essay is a fine example of the technique of irony that
was typical of Addison. His irony as evident is the paper, is gentle and his nature is free from cruelty and
fierceness. He is not cynical, bitter or indecent in any part of the essay. On the contrary, he is always elegant and
his satire and irony are gentle. The reasons which inspire different women to talk so copiously and eloquently are
stated in such a manner as to make us laugh and yet not to lower women in our esteem. His observation on the
suitability of women for the chairs of rhetoric in the universities is full of grave irony. The instance of an old lady
who made an unhappy marriage the subject of a months conversation and that of Mrs. Fiddle-Faddle who could
entertain her company a whole afternoon together with the wit of her little boy before he was able to speak, are
masterpieces of moderate and good humoured raillery. His equation of the lawyers arguments in courts with the
abusive bargaining of the fish wives is another instance, which excites our laughter. The possible findings by an
anatomist about the structure of a female tongue is representative of Addisons method of satire to talk gravely
upon a subject which can not but give rise to laughter. The effect is increased by the learned reference he makes
to Hudibras, Ovid and Descartes.
However, the essay has a serious close showing the writers moral bias and his didactic purpose. At the end,
Addisons moral nature takes precedence and makes him state that the essay is aimed at giving wholesome
advice to his female readers by exposing the foible their tongues were subject to. Addisons professed aim to
entertain while instructing is well exhibited in the Female Orators.
Explanation with Critical Comments
1. We are told by some ancient authors, that Socrates was instructed in eloquence by a woman, whose
name, if I am not mistaken, was Aspasia. I have indeed very often looked upon that art as the most
proper for the female sex, and I think the universities would do well to consider whether they should
not fill the rhetoric chairs with she-professors.
Addison sets the stage with a grave comment that the art of rhetoric is very native to women and the
universities need to appoint lady professors. To substantiate the point he makes a reference to Socrates who
received his instruction in fluent speaking or rhetoric from a woman called Aspasia. Socrates, as we all
know, was an Athenian philosopher (469-399 BC) who tried to teach everyone the love of truth and justice.
His teaching is embodied largely in the Dialogues of Plato. Socrates was charged by the state for corrupting
youth, introducing new gods and not believing in the state religion. He was condemned to death and died by
drinking a cup of poison. Aspasia was a native of Miletus who went to Athens and taught rhetoric there.
2. It has been said in the praise of some men, that they could talk whole hours together upon any thing;
but it must be owned to the honour of the other sex, that there are many among them who can talk
whole hours together upon nothing. I have known a woman branch out into a long extempore
dissertation upon the edging of a petticoat and chide her servant for breaking a china cup, in all the
figures of rhetoric.
The essay is a satire on the talkativeness of women. In a sarcastic manner, Addison says that it is amazing
that some men are able to talk upon any subject for hours together. However what is all the more amazing
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is the fact that women could talk for many hours without a subject. In a way Addison satires the ability of
women to speak incessantly and elaborately for many hours upon trivial topics. To prove his point he says
that he knew a woman who could speak copiously on as insignificant an issue as the border of a petticoat.
Moreover she could snub her servant for having broken a cup made of china clay in the most eloquent and
picturesque language using various kinds of metaphors similes and other figures of speech. The satiric
effect is heightened by Addison by the usage of high-sounding terms for the objects he wants us to laugh at.
3. Were women permitted to plead in courts of judicature, I am persuaded they would carry the eloquence
of the bar to greater heights than it has yet arrived at. If any one doubt this, let him but be present at
those debates which frequently arise among the ladies of the British fishery.
This is one of the most ironical passages of this essay. Addison satirizes the capabilities of articulation of
women. He says that women can talk upon nothing for hours. Their power of argumentation and their
enthusiastic fighting spirit testify the fact that they are superior to men if they are allowed to enter the
domains of court as lawyers. This argument, says Addison, is all the more convincing if one sees the ability
of the fisher women i.e. the women who sell fish in Britain. They can be seen arguing with their customers
very effectively to sell off their fish. These fish wives can use the most harsh and rude language and are
great at quarrelling and arguing to bring out their transaction. This, says Addison is enough to prove the
potential ability of women to become lawyers. Their efficacy in argumentation and high spiritedness to
convince their point of view is superior to men. In this passage, one can easily see Addison at his best in the
use of humour. The humour results from the disparity between the serious manner of writing and the comic
intention. He uses exalted and inflated terms as the ladies of British fisheries for the low class women who
sell fish, thereby heightening the effect of humour. It is quite amusing and humorous that he uses the
quarrelsome temperament of the fish wives to prove his point that women can be good lawyers. The irony
and satire is most obvious and effective. Addison has achieved this effect by juxtaposing the trivial and the
grave.
4. The second kind of female orators are those who deal in invectives, and who are commonly known by
the name of the censorious. The imagination and elocution of this set of rhetoricians is wonderful.
With what a fluency of invention, and copiousness of expression, will they enlarge upon every little
slip in the behaviour of another! With how many different circumstances, and with what variety of
phrases, will they tell over the same story!
Addison stated his aim in the essay The Scope of Satire. He expresses candidly I should be at liberty to
carry the war into what quarters I pleased, provided I continued to combat with the criminals in a body, and
to assault the vice without hurting the person. Here in this essay too, the object of attack is the volubility of
women. Addison is at his best when he, in the most amusing and ironical way describes the great ability of
women to talk eloquently. He categorizes the female orators in a number of types. In this passage, he
describes, the group which indulges in invectives and faultfinding. He admires, though ironically their
power to invent and imagine things of their own making. They display a remarkable inventiveness of mind
and grasp over the effective use of language. They are always keen to take note of the smallest mistake on
the part of another women or the most trivial error that she has committed. They use their skill to disparage
and show down another women. These stories are being told by using different rhetoric of speech. One can
visibly see the perfect use of irony by Addison in this essay, and particularly in this passage. Using rhetoric
terms, he seems to praise the womens skill at cooking up the malicious stories in disparagement of other
women while in reality, he is ridiculing and satirising them.
5. Have known an old lady make an unhappy marriage the subject of a months conversation. She
blamed the bride in one place; pitied her in another; laughed at her in a third; wondered at her in a
fourth; was angry with her in a fifth; and, in short, wore out a pair of coach-horses in expressing her
concern for her. At length, after having quite exhausted the subject on this side, made a visit to the
new-married pair, praised the wife for the prudent choice she had made, told her the unreasonable
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reflections which some malicious people had cast upon her, and desired that they might be better
acquainted. The censure and approbation of this kind of women are, therefore, only to be considered
as helps to discourse.
This essay is one of the finest examples of Addisons use of irony in an amusing and moderate manner. The
object of irony is the volubility of women. Female orators are being classified by Addison into a number of
categories one of which is the group that indulges in invective and fault finding. We find a description of this
type in this passage. An old lady who exemplified this category went about talking upon one subject, the
seemingly unhappy marriage of a newly wedded couple. The range of emotions and passions with which
she imbues the whole story is quite amazing and amusing. She kept the subject hot for a whole month,
varying her attitude and the description every time she talked about it she criticised the bride and sympathized
with her in the same breath. At another occasion, she made fun of the bride for her wrong choice of
husband. She exhausted a pair of coach horses by going around from place to place expressing her anxiety
for the bride. At last she exhausted all her inventive power and ability to speak against the marriage. Then,
very strategically she decided to go to the bride her self in order to calm down her mental turmoil. There, in
a very good humoured manner, she praised the bride and congratulated her for her choice of an excellent
husband. She also informed her how malicious people were going around saying all kinds of demeaning and
spiteful things about her marriage. She expressed her wish to develop intimacy with the bride and to become
her close friend. Addisons satire is most effective in this passage. The shallowness and vanity of such
women as mentioned above is ironically exposed and attacked. But interestingly enough the irony is not
hurtful or cruel or stringent. It rather achieves the aim of amusement and instruction to which Addison was
avowedly dedicated.
6. A third kind of female orators may be comprehended under the word gossips. Mrs. Fiddle-Faddle is
perfectly accomplished in this sort of eloquence; she launches out into descriptions of christenings,
runs divisions upon a head-dress, knows every dish of meat that is served up in our neighbourhood,
and entertains her company a whole afternoon together with the wit of her little boy, before he is able
to speak.
The third category of female orators is enumerated here in this passage. Under this class fall those types of
women who can best be described through the term gossips. In other words these are the sorts of women
who keep up the conversation even out of the most futile subjects. Addison addresses such women as Mrs.
Fiddle- Faddle. The term itself is quite humorous as well as apt. It is also one of the devices of Addison to
give an illustration in order to make his point clear. This group of ladies has acquired a great proficiency at
the skill of gossiping. With great authority and at great length, she can describe the christening parties. She
can equally criticize with devastating effect, the various head dresses put on by fashionable women. She
seems to possess a superior and perfect knowledge of everything she is talking about with equal ease. She
can spend the whole afternoon explaining the wit of her little boy who cannot yet speak. The irony here is
quite obvious and unmistakable. He has adopted the method of exalting the trivial; by talking in grave and
serious tone the most trivial and humble of the subject. This undoubtedly enhances the ironic effect. He uses
the language of praise to speak of Mrs. Fiddle-Faddles accomplishment of gossiping, thereby heightening
the ridicule. The irony in the last sentence is self-evident. A gossip like this lady finds no difficulty in
talking about the wit of a child who is still to learn how to speak.
7. The coquette may be looked upon as a fourth kind of female orator. To give herself the larger field
for discourse, she hates and loves in the same breath, talks to her lap-dog or parrot, is uneasy in all
kind sof weather, and in every part of the room. She has false quarrels and feigned obligations to all
the men of her acquaintance; sighs when she is not sad, and laughs when she is not merry. The
coquette is in particular a great mistress of that part of oratory which called action and indeed seems
to speak for no other purpose, but as it gives her an opportunity of stirring a limb, or varying a
feature, of glancing her eyes, or playing with her fan.
In this essay one can see Addisons skill at handling the satire and irony in the most efficient and playful
manner. He is at his best in this essay, which is dedicated to the volubility of the women. Addison has typified
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the several groups of female orators. In this particular passage, Addison is talking about that class of women
who are flirts. But of all the varieties of female orators that he has discussed in this essay, this is the most
degenerated kind. This is the woman who can go to the extent of loving and hating at the same time, for the
sole purpose of extending the area of her discussion and discourse. When she has no one around her to talk
to, she starts talking to her lap-dog or parrot. In other words, Addison ridicules the fact that the instinct of
talking is so powerful in these women that they need to find some one to talk to, if not human beings, then
animals and birds. She is characterized by a feeling of uneasiness, in all kinds of weather and in every part
of the house. Her mind is never at rest. It is so full of vain ideas and troubles her so much that it necessarily
needs an outlet. Everything about such women can be decided by the term hypocrisy. She develops false
quarrels with friends and acquaintances, just to attract their attention. In all her behaviour, she is not her true
self; she is full of vanities, frivolities and sham, she always wears a mask of pretence, therefore, pretending
to be sad when she actually is not; laughs when in reality she is not happy. She is most skilful in that part of
oratory, which demands action, or movement of the limbs along with the spoken words. The only purpose of
her speaking is that it gives her an opportunity to stir her limb; changing the expressions of her face; looking
here and there, thus using her eyes expressively; or simply to play with her fan. This is the height of satire
that Addison has used for this category of women. In this passage, he is a little harsher than when discussing
the earlier kinds of female orators. This is something of a moral lapse, which he is pointing out here.
8. I have sometimes fancied that they have not a retentive power, or the faculty of suppressing their
thoughts, as men have, but that they are necessitated to speak everything they think; and if so, it
would perhaps furnish a very strong argument to the Cartesians for the supporting of their doctrine
that the soul always thinks.
Addison satirizes the volubility and loquacity of women in this essay. Here he sets about analyzing the
reasons for this talkative tendency in women. The essay adopts a serious tone from this passage. It reinforces
the efficacy of irony and satire. Addison expresses his sense of surprise as to why women have greater
ability to articulate their feelings more fluently and spontaneously than men. He contemplates that it could be
because men have greater power to retaining and putting a check upon their thoughts; hence they do not
speak too much. Women, on the contrary, lack the power of keeping back what is passing through their
minds; they feel a compelling need to express what they think. As women keep talking most of the time, it
is implied that they think all the time too. The fact that they go on talking and hence thinking proves the
theory put forward by Descartes that the soul thinks and therefore it exists. This is a sly remark by Addison.
By quoting the theories of such learned persons as Descartes, he tones down and satirizes the female habit
of loquacity by keeping up a serious tone.
9. In order to it, friend of mine, who is an excellent anatomist, has promised me by the first opportunity
to dissect a womans tongue, and to examine whether there may not be in it certain juices which
render it so wonderfully valuable or flippant, or whether the fibres of it may not be made up of a finer
or more pliant thread; or whether there are not in it some particular muscles which dart it up and
down by such sudden glances and vibrations; or whether, in the last place, there may not be certain
undiscovered channels running from the head and the heart to this little instrument of loquacity, and
conveying into it a perpetual affluency of animal spirits.
In a unique manner, typical of Addison, he ridicules the loquacity of women. He seeks to find out the reasons
for this volubility in a serious and thoughtful manner. This heightens the ironic effect of the essay. He moves
his argument further by saying that he has asked his friend who has studied the structure of woman body to
dissect the tongue of a female. By doing so, they might be able to discover if the tongue has certain special
liquids or fluids which gave the possessor of such a tongue an ability to speak endlessly. Perhaps, they might
be able to reveal that the tongue has certain muscles made up of very flexible and delicate threads, which
made it flap restlessly. Or, perhaps, there were certain muscles in the tongue of a female, which made the
tongue move up and down in quick succession. Lastly, there might be some connection, as yet undiscovered,
between the tongue and the heart and head, which keep up a constant supply of liveliness, or a flow of some
special juices to the tongue. The irony is made effective through the language as well as the thought. The
terms like little instrument of loquacity for the female tongue increase the humorous effect.
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10. And Ovid, though in the description of a very darbarous circumstance, tell us, that when the tongue
of a beautiful female was cut out, and thrown upon the ground, it could not forbear muttering even
in that posture:
Throughout this essay Addison has time and again referred to great writers of eminence like Descartes,
Socrates, Chaucer in an indirect way by mentoning the old Ballad of the wanton wife of Bath. He has
referred to Hudibras in the earlier paragraph, the hero of the mockepic written by Samuel Butler. Now, in
the most serious manner he refers to Ovid, the great classical Latin poet who had written Metamorphoses.
In that work, he describes the rope of Philomela. After the rape, her seducer, Ferrous, cuts off her tongue.
The cut off tongue continued to mutter something even in that condition. Addison quotes this passage to lend
support to his argument that the female tongue has something special and peculiar in it that makes it so
voluble. He uses all these references of the great classical writers to vindicate his point and to heighten the
effect of irony. Superficially he seems to be quite serious and full of sympathy and justification for women
but down the cover, his intention is to produce the satirical effect of the highest order.
11. Nor must I omit the reason which Hudibras has given, why those who can talk on trifles speak with
greatest fluency; namely, that the tongue is like a race-horse, which runs the faster the lesser weight
it carries.
In this composition Addison has undertaken to analyse and find out, from every angle, the real cause of the
talkative disposition of women. Here, in this particular passage, he presents another reference to Samuel
Butters satirical poem, Hudibras to support his argument. Addison enthusiastically says that he feels an
inner urge to mention here what Hudibras says about people who talk a great deal on unimportant matters.
He compares the tongues with race horses. The race horse is able to run faster if the person riding it is light.
Similarly, the tongue can move rapidly and tirelessly if it carries weightless and unimportant issues for
discussion. Therefore, a person whose thoughts do not carry much weight or importance would speak faster
whereas who has depth of character, and who has in his mind some weighty thoughts will not be able to
speak fluently. Addison, through this analogy, desires to convey the point that most part of what women keep
talking about is insignificant and trivial. The aim of Addison is evident here. He wants to bring a reform in the
group of such women whose minds are full of unimportant and useless issues. He wants that their ability of
speech should be channelised towards a constructive direction.
12. I must confess I am so wonderfully charmed with the music of this little instrument, that I would by no
means discourage it. All that I aim at, by this dissertation, is, to cure it of several disagreeable notes,
and in particular of those little jarrings and dissonances which rise from anger, censoriousness,
gossiping and coquetry. In short, I would always have it tuned by good-nature, truth, discretion, and
sincerity.
Addison in these last lines of the essay adopts an optimistic attitude. He says that he is so much impressed
by the wonders that speech can create that he aims not to discourage its utility. In this concluding paragraph
Addison puts forth the moral in a straight-forward way. The tone is clearly didactic. He says that he ridiculed
the talkative inclination of females not to cease its flow completely, but to improve its quality. He compares
the tongue to a musical instrument, which at the present was harsh, and unharmonious in its notes sometimes
because of anger, tendency to find fault or gossip or flirt. He wanted that these unharmonious notes of the
tongue be removed and the tongue unleashes beautiful and harmonious notes like those coming from a good
musical instrument. The tuning should be accomplished if the speaker follows the dictates of goodness of
nature, truth, good judgment and sincerity. Only then the tongue will be able to produce the pleasant sounds
and the good speech. Addison obviously adopts the role of a moralist in saying that one has to rise above the
superficialities, hypocrisy and evil tendencies of mind to direct the tongue towards sweet and constructive
usage.
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3. The Aim of the Spectator: Critical Summary

Addison in his unique way, quite in keeping with his moderate and gentle demeanour, begins the essays by
expressing his gratefulness to the large number of people in Britain who read The Spectator. He feels, on the
one hand, quite satisfied and enthusiastic for the success that the periodical has achieved, and, on the other hand,
he also realizes the great sense of responsibility that he has as an editor of the paper. He says that The Spectator
has risen to a high level of success and its circulation figures are most respectable. Even a modest estimate
would put its readership figures at some sixty thousand people. This huge following he says, increases the
responsibility of the editor of the paper. It is his moral duty to apprise the readers of what are the aims that The
Spectator sets out to achieve in the forthcoming issues. Addison says that his goal is to instruct as well as to
amuse. For this purpose, he will take all the trouble to make the paper useful for the large number of readers. He
will try his best to bring enlightenment and awareness in the lives of people in London so that they can distinguish
themselves from the thoughtless herd of their ignorant and inattentive brethren. Then comes one of the most
quotable statements of Addison, For which reason I shall endeavour to enliven morality with wit and to temper
wit with morality, that my readers may, if possible, both ways find their account in the speculation of the day. In
simpler words, he aims to enliven morality with wit and to temper wit with morality so that the readers may gain
in both ways from the paper. He wants that the effect of the moral instruction given in his paper to be lasting and
to this effect he would continuously drill instruction into the minds of his readers. His aim will be to take out his
readers from the strong grip of vice and folly into which the age has fallen. He would provide fertile thoughts for
barren minds. He aspires to bring philosophy to the tea tables and coffee-houses, out of the closets and libraries
of the learned men. He calls upon the well-regulated, sophisticated families to go through the paper as a part of
their tea-equipage.
Then Addison in a most candid way expresses another aim of The Spectator. He says that The Spectator will
not be a political paper. Its purpose is not to highlight or castigate any political party. This paper will be different
in nature in the sense that it will work for the readers to have a better knowledge and understanding of their own
selves. There was, he felt, not much use in knowing what was happening in far off countries like Moscow or
Poland. The paper will be politically aloof and will not cater to the interests of any political party. The paper will
try to amuse the general public with such writings as to minimize ignorance, passion and prejudice. The political
papers arouse hatred, anger and create bitter enmities, which are irreconcilable.
Next, Addison enlists the different types of people to whom The Spectator will cater. In the first place, The
Spectator is especially recommended to those gentlemen, who, like himself are spectators of life, who do not
participate in its activities, but keep watching the happenings from a distance. He says that the paper will prove
quite useful to tradesmen, titular physicians, and fellows of royal society, theoretical templars and statesmen out
of business.
Addison further says that the paper will prove quite useful and enlightening for those who can be labeled as the
blanks of the society. Such people are totally unequipped with ideas. Addison, expresses great sympathy for
such set of people who are totally at the mercy of others to gather subjects for conversation as they do not have
enough of sense in their heads to be the givers of information. They rather remain always at the receiving end.
Addison, in a serious tone, advises such people not to stir out of their houses till they have read The Spectator.
He promises to provide them with matter for conversation for the ensuing twelve hours.
The paper will be of great use to female world. Addison feels that sufficient trouble has not been taken to device
entertainment for women. The means of entertainment are devised for women keeping is mind that they are
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women and not as they are rational human beings. The result is that their most favorite occupation is restricted
to their toilet where they spend most of the time. They consider sorting out a suit of ribbons or a visit to a fabric
shop, toyshop or mercers shop their main area of operation. And in doing even these trifle jobs, they feel so
fatigued and are left unfit for doing anything else for the rest of the day. They occupy themselves with sewing
and embroidery and fuss a great deal about preparing jellies and sweetmeats. This, says Addison is the predicament
of an ordinary woman in England, although, there are some women who are exceptions. These women combine
learning with flair for dressing themselves well and they command the love and respect of their beholders. He
hopes that there will be an increase in the number of such women through the reading of this paper. The editor
will try to point out all the blemishes as well as the virtues of the women who are the most beautiful of all human
beings. The Spectator will make the best possible endeavor to make them overcome their faults and strive to be
as perfect as possible.
Addison finally has a dig at those who are likely to poke fun at any possible failings and inadequacies that they
might discover in him in the accomplishment of the task he has set for himself. He assures that he shall give it
over as soon as he feels that he is growing dull.
CRITICAL REMARKS: The essay is significant as it gives a clear outline of what the paper aims to achieve,
what are its targets and what are its limitations. It establishes Addison, as a preacher, a moralist a reformist.
Addison rather firmly declared to play this role for the purpose of recovering the age out of the vice and folly it
had fallen into. This also gives enough of an indication about the manners and trends in the society of the earlier
18th century England. Apart from the political upheaval regarding the emergence of two political parties, Whig
and Tory, the loose morality of the Restoration age caused much harm to the civilization. That is the reason that
Addison intended the paper not to be a political paper. It was meant rather to serve as a vehicle for bringing
reformation in the general lifestyle of people, helping them come out of vice, folly, frivolities and vanities. That
the paper will concern itself with expounding the art of living is made quite clear by Addison is this paper. In a
very unambiguous way the essay sets forth the aims of the paper. The writer, in the first place, wants to dispel
ignorance and inculcate in his readers a desire for moderation, toleration and good understanding of their selves.
Although the aim was to instruct but it was not offered as strict preaching, on the contrary, Addison promised the
readers to enliven instruction with wit. Amusement was not to be ignored but was to be tempered by morality.
Thus he struck a note of proportion, balance and moderation by presenting a blend of instruction and entertainment.
Secondly he also visualized the another significant aim of the paper viz. bringing knowledge, information and
wisdom which was confined to the libraries and colleges and closets of the learned men, down to the common
man. In his enthusiasm for spreading awareness among common man, he declared the other aim as making
knowledge, accessible to the layman through his essays so that all the people could understand them and these
would be the topics of discussion at the clubs and coffee houses and tea-tables. On the whole, Addisons
intention is quite obvious to minimize ignorance from the minds of general public. It is in view of this that the
eighteen papers Addison wrote on Miltons Paradise Lost evolved in readers a new-formed interest in Milton
and a better appreciation of the classical poet. The aim of Addison was worthy indeed.
Then, another important aim of the paper stated by Addison, regarding the improvement in the intellectual level
of women, is doubly worthy. The occupations of women, which Addison describes, impart enough of a picture of
the status of women at that time in England. The women of the day were confined to the trivial drudgeries of life.
He wanted the women to rise above this existing level in which they were ignorant enough to be treated as
objects of sexual attraction, giving themselves completely to their toiletries, their looks and appearance and not
paying attention to mental development. It can be conveniently said that Addison claims the credit of making The
Spectator live up to the credentials and aims as declared by him in this essay to a large extent.
Regarding the stylistic features of this essay The Aim of the Spectator, one can see clearly that Addisons use
of the weapon of irony is clearly illustrated in this essay. His coining of the terms like the blanks of the society;
who do not know what to talk about till twelve o clock in the day are quite amusing. His purpose of bringing
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upliftment in the existence of females is quite genuine and worthly but the manner in which he rails against the
fair sex is quite humorous. For them, he says, Toilet is their great scene of business and the right adjusting of
their hair the principal employment of their lives. We have here, in the passage relating to women one of the
happiest examples of Addisons mood of delicate and playful satire. His way of taking a dig at those men of
a little smart genius who might seek opportunities of finding fault with him and of raising laughter at his cost is
also superbly humorous.
Explanations with Critical Remarks

1. Since I have raised to myself so great an audience, I shall spare no pains to make their instruction
agreeable, and their diversion useful. Forwhich reasons I shall endeavour to enliven morality with
wit, and to temper wit with morality, that my readers may, if possible, both ways find their account in
the speculation of the day. And to the end that their virtue and discretion may not be short, transient,
intermitting starts of thought, I have resolved to refresh their memories from day to day, till I have
recovered them out of that desperate state of vice and folly, into which the age is fallen. The mind that
lies fallow for a single day, sprouts up in follies that are only to be killed by a constant and assiduous
culture.
In this essay, Addison puts forward The Aim of the Spectator papers. The paper enjoys a good circulation
and a large readership. This increases the responsibility of the editor to meet the level of expectation of the
readers. Addison is well aware of this responsibility and promises that he will maintain the level of excellence
of the paper. He will take all the trouble to make the paper interesting as well as useful. He will make his
paper achieve the aim that all the literature aspires to achieve viz. to combine pleasure and instruction. For
accomplishing this purpose he will use the method of making morality interesting by writing in a witty and
amusing manner. Wit on the other hand will gain some use by the touch of morality. He does not want that
the lessons of morality that he offers to the readers should be transient in nature. His aim was to offer a
permanent set of values and good manners, which they make a part of their lives forever. For this purpose,
he would keep on hammering these qualities through his writings in the minds of the readers. He would
continue to write persuasively upon the manners and morals of the people and go an giving the instruction till
the age which had become a victim of a great deal of indecent and immoral practices, is reformed. The Aim
of the Spectator is to instill this preaching in a pleasant manner so that the people of the society are able to
bring a reform in their manners, habits and ways of thinking. The mind, which is devoid of good ideas and
thoughts, is quite vulnerable to getting involved in foolishness and folly. It is only through the constant drilling
of healthy and positive ideas that a constructive and broad-minded approach to life can be developed among
the readers. These lines are quite important as they present the main aim of The Spectator. Addison here
expresses his intention of adopting the role of a moralist and preacher in clear and straightforward manner.
His repeated emphasis to arouse and awaken his readers out of a state of folly and ignorance and listen to
the voice of reason give a glimpse of the trend of the age. The age was a reaction against, emotions and
feelings and focus was more on reason rationality, logic and restraint. The style is typical of Addison - fluent,
easy and clear. It is rightly said that Addison was the first who offered a balance of wit and decency. Till that
time decency and dullness were considered to be synonymous. Addison taught that wit and decency could
go together.
2. It was said of Socrates, that he brought Philosophy down from heaven, to inhabit among men; and I
shall be ambitious to have it said of me, that I have brought Philosophy out of closets and libraries,
schools and colleges, to dwell in clubs and assemblies, at tea-tables, and in coffee-houses.
The periodical The Spectator was started with a special purpose of combining morality and entertainment
is order to bring a reform and upliftment in the manners of people and society. Socrates, the great philosopher
was credited with having brought the subject of philosophy within the reach of a common man. He explained
the divine wisdom to the common man in the simple language. He made it easy for the people to understand
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philosophy by relating it to their own day to day experiences. Addition too wants to follow the example of
Socrates and wants to bring the philosophy, knowledge and information out of the confines of universities
and libraries where it was available merely to scholarly and learned people. He wanted the common man to
benefit from the teaching of wise men through the ages. He wanted that this newly acquired knowledge
should be the subject of discussion at tea-tables, gatherings at the clubs and coffee houses, where at the time
only meaningless, empty headed talk and gossip was the norm. The Aim of the Spectator was noble and
worthy and Addison claims the credit that he did achieve it to a certain extent. By doing so he wanted the
general public, the common man to stir out of a state of ignorance and lead a life of awareness. This was
possibly only by arousing their rationality and developing in them a taste for the higher and superior knowledge
outside the mundane, day-to-day existence. Addison wanted to raise their level of existence. This, he was
able to do by bringing knowledge and philosophy within the reach of ordinary people through the essays
contributed in The Spectator.
3. I would therefore in a very particular manner recommend these my speculations to all well-regulated
families, that set apart an hour in every morning for tea and bread and butter; and would earnestly
advise them for their good to order this paper to be punctually served up, and to looked upon as a
part of the tea-equipage.
In this essay, Addison gives a list of the aims that he wishes to achieve through this paper. The circulation of
the paper being quite wide and response of the readers quite encouraging, Addison feels a sense of added
responsibility towards the readers. In this particular passage, he expresses his vision regarding the paper
that he wants to be a part of the life of the people. As in the well-cultured families tea and bread in the
morning, similarly, The Spectator should be made an indispensable part of the tea-equipages. Addison
recommends to all such cultured families to spare an hour every morning to the reading of this paper. They
should order this paper to be punctually served during tea-time and let them make it a part of their teaequipage.
4. Sir Francis Bacon observes, that a well-written book comparedwith its rivals and antagonists, is like
Mosess serpent, that immediately swallowed up and devoured those of the Egyptians. I shall not be
so vain as to think, that where the Spectator appears, the other public prints will vanish: but shall
leave it to my readers consideration, whether it is not much better to be let into knowledge of ones
self, than to hear what passes in Muscovy or Poland: and to amuse ourselves with such writings as
tend to the wearing out of ignorance, passion, and prejudice, than such as naturally conduce to
inflame hatreds, and make enmitities irreconcileable.
Addison, while giving an outline of the aims of The Spectator quotes the famous English philosopher,
statesman and essayist, Sir Francis Bacon. In one of the essays, Bacon referred to the mythological tale
from the Bible of the Moses serpent to put forward the point that when one superior book is introduced in
the market, it clears away the inferior books. The myth goes like this: Moses was the leader of the Israelites.
He threw his rod down before the king of Egypt and it turned into a serpent. Other magicians in Egypt also
threw their sticks and they turned into serpents. But the rod thrown by Moses ate up the other serpents.
Bacon means to say through this Biblical reference that a good book removes the inferior books out of the
favour of the readers just as Moses serpent ate the serpents created by the other magicians. But Addison
says that he does not claim for his paper the position of having put other books out of circulation.; he is not
so vain and shallow. Let The Spectator co-exist with other leading papers and fulfill the job of conveying
knowledge and information. But he asks the readers to consider whether it was not better to look inwards
and study oneself rather than read and know what is happening in far-off parts of the world like Moscow
and Poland. His paper intends to bring up such isues that would create in the reader a habit of studying
himself. That is why he did not make The Spectator a political paper. It will not carry any political news, nor
would it be an agent of carrying the opinions of the different political groups. The paper will help the people
to get rid of the ignorance and folly that the age has fallen in. It seeks to cure the people of their vanities,
prejudices, ignorance and shallowness. Political papers, says Addison, generally promote bitterness. The
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Spectator is not going to indulge in this kind of exercise. It was, in a way superior and useful than the
political papers of the day as it aimed at removing misunderstanding between men by making them understand
their culture and improve their behavior. The noble aim of The Spectator is set forth in these lives. The style
that Addison uses is supple, clear and graceful. The touch of humour here and there is quite unmistakable.
He achieves a double purpose when on the one hand he makes a dig at the political papers of the day and at
the same time redeems the significance and value of his own paper in public estimation.
5. There is another set of men that I must likewise lay a claim to, whom I have lately called the blanks of
society, as being altogether unfurnished with ideas, till the business and conversation of the day has
supplied them. I have often considered these poor souls with an eye of great commiseration, when I
have heard them asking the first man they have met with, whether there was any news stirring? And
by that means gathering together materials for thinking. These needy persons do not know what to
talk of, till about twelve oclock in the morning; for by that time they are pretty good judges of the
weather, know which way the wind sets, and whether the Dutch mail be come in. As they lie at the
mercy of the first man they meet, and are grave or impertinent all the day long, according to the
notions which they have imbibed in the morning, I would earnestly entreat them not to stir out of their
chambers till they have read this paper, and do promise them that I will daily instill into them such
sound and wholesome sentiments, as shall have a good effect on their conversation for the ensuing
twelve hours.
Here, in this essay, Addison sets forth the aims that he wants to achieve through the paper. He describes the
different sections of the society to which this paper can prove to be immensely useful. In this particular
passage, he, in the most satirical way, recommends this paper to another set of men who are blanks of the
society. In other words, Addison makes a dig at those empty headed and thoughtless people of society who
are not ready to make use of their mind. Such people are totally bankrupt of ideas and information. They
dont have any idea or thought of their own and have to rely upon others for the subjects of their own
conversation. Addison humorously remarks that he has full sympathy for such people and he pities them
when he hears one of them asking the very first man met during the day if there was any news which can
be talked about. Such people, lacking the ability to think and equip themselves with subjects for conversation,
have to wait till twelve Oclock, before they are fit to talk on anything. Because by that time they have met
others and read the latest news from Holland where there was war going on between English forces and the
French. Their mood for the day, whether serious or non-serious depends upon the news that they collect
from the first person they meet. Addison pleads to such people not to stir out of their houses in the morning
until they have read The Spectator. He says that such people are required to make a habit of reading the
paper so that they dont feel blank and unfurnished with ideas. He promises that he will provide them with
thoughts and feelings, which shall provide them with information and material enough for conversation for
the following twelve hours. In this passage, Addison makes an excellent use of satire in a good humoured
and gentle way. The use of expressions like, the blanks of the society is quite amusing. He satirises the
dull-headed people who lack the power to think on their own. But behind all this, Addisons purpose is noble
viz. to stir people out of a state of ignorance. Therefore, he has made use of the irony that is gentle, satire
that is mild and there is total and visible absence of any ill will, hatred or humiliation.
6. But there are none to whom this paper will be more useful than to the female world. I have often
thought there has not been sufficient pains taken in finding out proper employment and diversions
for the fair ones. There amusements seem contrived for them, rather as they are women, than as they
are reasonable creatures; and are more adapted to the sex than to the species. The toilet is their great
scene of business, and the right adjusting of their hair the principal employment of their lives.
Addison next recommends this paper especially to the women. He feels that they will benefit immensely
from the study of this paper. Addison feels that women and their mental capabilities have been thoroughly
ignored. They have not been given adequate attention and are not considered as rational human beings, as
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people who can think and have intelligence of their own. They are always treated as females who are
delicate by nature and are slightly interior sect of the species of mankind. Addison strongly feels that society
is responsible, to a large extent, for the present state of women and now it is the sacred duty of these writers
to elevate their position and to make them aware of their worth as thinking, rational human beings. The
present day situation of women was not very favourable. They considered feminine amusements such as
matching ribbons, selecting dresses, making jams and jellies as marathon tasks. They considered making up
their faces, and dressing up their hair in different styles as the most important employment of their life. Sadly
enough, they are not given enough scope for the exercise of their intelligence and their powers of thinking.
The Spectator aims to work for the betterment of females by providing them matter to think so that they can
bring a change in themselves. The paper will point out their follies and foibles and seek to improve their
behavior, manners and habits. In this way, they will acquire pastimes, which are more useful and rational. It
is note worthy that here Addison is talking about the trivialities that attract the fashionable women of the day.
So the blame that has been put on Addison by some critics that he never misses an opportunity to speak
against the female sex and often calls them shallow and frivolous engaged in trivial matters, loses its ground.
On the contrary, it is worth appreciating that Addison wants women to join the mainstream of the society as
rational human beings and prove that they are equally competent in the production of intelligent ideas and
thoughts. The passage is quite humorous. The futility of the occupations that the women indulge in produce
laughter. Addison makes a masterly use of exalting the trivial and talking of insignificant things in a serious
manner and thus producing an amusing effect.
7. This, I say, is the state of ordinary women; though I know there are multitudes of those of a more
elevated life and conversation, that move in an exalted sphere of knowledge and virtue, that join all
the beauties of the mind to the ornaments of dress, and inspire a kind of awe and respect as well as
love, into their male beholders. I hope to increase the number of these by publishing this daily paper,
which I shall always endeavour to make an innocent if not an improving entertainment, and by that
means, at least, divert the minds of my female readers from greater trifles. At the same time, as I would
fain give some finishing touches to those which are already the most beautiful pieces in human
nature, I shall endeavour to point out all those imperfections that are the blemishes, as well as those
virtues which are the embellishments of the sex. In the meanwhile, I hope these my gentle readers who
have so much time on their hands, will not grudge throwing away a quarter of an hour in a day on
this paper, since they may do it without any hindrance to business.
Addison here introduces the readers with the objectives that the paper will be pursuing in the forthcoming
issues. He assumes the role of a moralist and the aim in writing The Spectator is didactic. He wanted to
bring a reform in the modes and manners of society. He felt that the females could derive a let of benefit
from the paper. The ordinary women of the day as described by Addison sought satisfaction in the trivial
occupation like jams and jellies making, selecting their headdresses, fuming and fretting too much about their
toilet etc. He further clarifies that he is not generalizing the pursuits of women. There are women of
substance who had a higher sense of life. These women were learned and used their intelligence in the
pursuit of the truly important thing in life. They had a fine skill of conversation and were fit to move in the
society, which comprised of learned and virtuous people. They are not negligent towards their outward
appearance though. They rather combine the truly valuable assets of intelligence and learning with the other
aspect of life i.e. how to dress themselves well and favorably. These women evoke respect and love of
people around them. Addison wants to raise all women to this level. He hopes that by publishing his paper,
he would be able to increase the number of these intelligent and well-bred women. He wants that women
come out of their usual trivial occupations. He acknowledges the fact that women are the beautiful creations
of God and they can increase their worth by developing the beauty of mind as well. He promises to provide
women with such information that will be helpful to them. He would present the faults and follies of women,
as well as their virtues and good points so that the female readers feel enlightened enough to bring an
improvement in themselves. The tone of the passage is clearly didactic.
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4. Sir Roger at Church: Critical Summry

This is one of the important essays in the series of essays written about Sir Roger de Coverley. The essayist
deals, in a satirical vein, the activities of the church, and the behavior of the people who come to attend the
Sunday prayers, their vanities, follies and voices. Addison starts by saying that country Sundays are special
occasions and he considers them of great value. This is the best way of polishing and civilizing mankind and to
save it from degenerating into savages and barbarians. These get togethers, from this point of view, are of great
value. These gatherings see the country folk dressed in their best and putting on a cheerful front. Sundays, says
Addison, clear the rust of the whole week. It not only reminds the villagers about their duties and refresh their
notions of religion in their minds but also make them all come forth at best because each wants to appear good,
become popular and distinguish himself. The visits to the church on Sundays give them an opportunity to outshine
the others and present themselves in the best possible way. Church gatherings in the country have the same
effect on the country folk as the Exchange has on the town dwellers.
Sir Roger took great interest in the village church and also saw to it that his tenants attended church regularly.
He made a good deal of effort for this. He had got the church decorated with quotations from the Bible, which
he selected himself. He also contributed to the church a new pulpit cloth which added to its beauty. He had also
got the communion table closed in a railing. He had gifted parishioners with a common prayer book and a
hassock to kneel on in church. All these efforts were being made by him to encourge the people to attend the
church regularly. As if this is not enough he has also engaged a traveling musician who instructs the parishioners
to sing the psalms in the right tune, as a result of which, they prided themselves upon the fact that they sang
much better than the congregation of any other village church.
Sir Roger, being the landlord of all in the congregation felt personally responsible for their behavior and exerted
his authority to keep them disciplined. He allowed no one to sleep in the church except himself. If he fell asleep
during the sermons, the first thing he would do on waking up was to look around and if he found anyone dozing
off, he would immediately wake up the person or send his servants to wake him up. Many of his oddities were
exposed in the church. For instance, he would continue singing a verse long after it had been finished by the rest
of the congregation. It he liked a particular prayer; he would say amen a number of times at the end of the
prayer. Often when the rest of the congregation was keeling he would stand to count the number of people
present and to note who was absent. It he felt that anyone was disturbing the service, he would not hesitate from
calling that person to order in the middle of the service. The parishioners were too simple and naiv to notice
anything ridiculous in the behavior of the knight. Infact, these whimsicalities served to make his virtues seem all
the more striking.
Among the other oddities that were visible to The Spectator were that as soon as the sermon finished, nobody
could think of stirring until Sir Roger is gone out of church. On his way outside, he in the words of Addison
every now and then inquires how such an ones wife, or mother or son, or father do, whom he does not see at
church; which is understood as a secret reprimand to the person that is absent.
Sir Roger and his chaplain shared a perfect understanding with each other and there was an amicable relationship
between them. This was all the more remarkable because in the very next village, this relation between squire
and chaplain was absent. In that village, the two of them always indulged in some dispute or the other. The
parson seemed to preach at the squire who stayed away from church. The parishioners were encouraged not to
pay their dues for the livelihood of the clergyman and they became quite slack about attending church. The
situation had become so worse that the squire had not said his prayers either in public or private for the past half
year and the parson threatens him to mend his manners in the resence of the whole congregation.
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Addison ends on the note that these kinds of feuds, though quite frequent in the country cause a great harm to
the ordinary people. The villagers who were simpleminded people, generally equated richness with good sense
and wisdom. Thus they followed the squires viewpoint. This kind of discord destroyed the faith of the
commoners.
CRITICAL REMARKS: The essay is a mild attack on the attendance at church, the people who come to
church on Sundays not much for religious eanings as to display their dresses and indulge in social conversation.
Secondly, it is also critical of the tension that exists between the parson and the squire which in fact affects the
common man. The essay aims at a reform in the attendance at church. Addison also expresses his keen desire
for good relations between the squire and the parson in a village to ensure good attendance at church and
improvement of faith of people. The essay also brings out some of the eccentricities or singularities of Sir Roger
de Coverley during his behaviour in the church. His dozing during the sermon, his habit of sometimes lengthening
out a verse in the singing of psalms, his pronouncing amen three or four times to the same prayer, etc. are the
singularities which amuse us. There is much humour in his behaviour and the note of mild irony and gentle satire
is noteworthy. For instance, he allowed no one to sleep during the service except himself; he has engaged a
signing master for the rest of the congregation but he is oblivious of the fact that he continues to sing for some
time after the verse is finished. But the knights interests in the church and his parishioners is genuine and though
his behaviour is odd, he has the best of intentions behind his actions.
Addison is frankly didactic in his aim. This essay is clearly critical of the existing habit of the country squire and
the country parson to be hostile and antagonist to each other. This according to Addison was most harmful for
the parishioners who slaced off and finally became atheistic. A harmonious and sweet relationship between the
squire and the parson would help in the development of morality and establishing religious faith. He gives the
example of Sir Roger as the ideal to be followed.
Explanation with Critical Comment

1. I am always very well pleased with a country Sunday, and think, if keeping holy the seventh day were
only a human institution, it would be the best method that could have been thought of for the polishing
and civilizing of mankind. It is certain the country people would soon degenerate into a kind of
savages and barbarians, were there not such frequent returns of a stated time, in which the whole
village meet together with their best faces, and in their cleanliest habits, to converse with one another
upon indifferent subjects, hear their duties explained to them, and join together in adoration of the
Supreme Being.
This is an interesting essay exposing the whimsicalities of Sir Roger, the country squire. In the particular
passage, Addison expresses his sense of pleasure that the customs of visiting the church on Sundays is quite
popular in the country. It was according to him the best way of bringing a reform in the civilisation and saving
the people from degenerating into savages. These Sunday gatherings in the church gave them an opportunity
to display their best habits, manners and also dresses. Apart from boosting their faith in God and their belief
in religion, it has a social value too. They get together and exchange their views about different issues,
reminded of their duties which are explained to them during the sermon and they collectively pay their
prayers to the Almighty God, the Supreme Being. This according to Addison is something of a great
significance and value. Addisons views about the social and the religious value of regularly visiting the
church are expressed in the most fluent, easy and impressive way. He is talking in a serious tone and satire
is absent from this passage. The style is moderate and conversational.
2. Sunday clears away the rust of the whole week, not only as it refreshes in their minds the notions of
religion, but as it puts both the sexes upon appearing in their most agreeable forms, and exerting all
such qualities as are apt to give them a figure in the eye of the village. A country fellow distinguishes
himself as much in the churchyard, as a citizen does upon the Change, the whole parish-politics
being generally discussed in that place either after sermon or before the bell rings.
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In this essay Addison brings home to the readers the eccentricities and oddities of Sir Rogers character in
the most amusing manner. Secondly, he releases an attack on the quarrels that are quite frequent and
common between country squires and parsons. In this particular paragraph, Addison talks about the utility of
the exercise of visiting the church on Sunday, but the passage is not free from the pinch of salt, i.e. the
humour, typical of Addison. He says that Sunday has a doubly beneficial effect on the people of the countryside.
Firstly, it has a good effect on their minds and, secondly, it makes them put on their best appearances. It
removes the deadening effect of the routine work of the weekdays from their minds. It refreshes their minds
and removes the boredom of work and dull routine. It also renovates their belief in religion. These people
pass the whole six days of the weak in worldly affairs, the intrigues and the complexities of the worldly
business. The Sunday gatherings at church help them remove the rust that has accumulated on the mind
through the religious discourse that they hear during their visit. Further, it also gives an opportunity to these
country people to gather at one place, put on cheerful faces and their best dresses, so as to look their best
in the eyes of fellow villagers. This regular visit to the church also has a social value. The villager has an
opportunity to distinguish himself and become popular with his fellow villagers at church gatherings just as
his counterpart in the cities has a similar chance at the Exchange. This gathering enables them to exchange
their views about the existing social issues. When the sermon is over, the villagers indulge in discussing
issues like village politics and sundry other relevant problems common to all of them. The passage shows
Addisons felicity of expression. The essay is not free from the didactic tone which will follow in the next
passage.
3. My friend Sir Roger, being a good churchman, has beautified the inside of this church with several
texts of his own choosing. He has likewise given a handsome pulpit-cloth, and railed in the communiontable at his own expense. He has often told me, that at his coming to his estate he found his parishioners
very irregular; and that in order to make them kneel and join in the responses, he gave every one of
them a hassock and a common-prayer book: and at the same time employed an itinerant singingmaster, who goes about the country for that purpose, to instruct them rightly in the tunes of the
psalms; upon which they now very much value themselves, and indeed outdo most of the country
churches that I have ever heard.
In this particular passage Addison introduces us to his friend Sir Roger, an imaginary character of the
making of Addison and Steelee. Here Addison paints Sir Roger in favourable colours giving the impression
that despite his oddities, Sir Roger is a lovable person because of his sincerity and devotion to church.
Addison tells that Sir Roger has put a great deal of effort to beautify the interior of the church by decorating
it with quotations from Bible which he selected himself. He has also contributed to the church a nice pulpit
cloth and got the communion table fixed a railing on his own expense. He expresses his concern over the
fact that the parishioners were quite irregular in visiting the church. In order to bring a regularity in their
visits, he gave everyone of them a hassock and a common prayer book so that it impinges upon their mind to
be regular in their visit to offer prayers to God. As if this is not enough, he engaged a travelling musician to
come and instruct the parishoners to sing the Psalms in the right tune, as a result of which they prided
themselves upon the fact that they sang much better than the congregation of any other village church. Sir
Rogers efforts to make the pasishoners visit the church regularly is really commendable. He takes personal
interest to evoke in them a sense of commitment and duty towards God. His intentions are genuine and
noble. These characteristics raise him in our estimation and despite his eccentricities and oddities we tend to
love this character. It is Addisons artistic capability to delineate Sir Roger in such a way that we love him
and respect him although we laugh at him.
4. As Sir Roger is landlord to the whole congregation, he keeps them in very good order, and will suffer
no body to sleep in it besides himself; for if by chance he has been surprised into a short nap at
sermon, upon recovering out of it he stands up and looks about him, and if he sees any body else
nodding, either wakes them himself, or sends his servants to them.
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In this essay, Addisons description of Sir Rogers behaviour in church vindicates Steelees appraisal of the
old knights character. At church he gives an amusing picture of his oddities and eccentricities. Although his
intentions are genuine and pure and he shows personal involvement and interest to attract the parishoners to
the church every Sunday, so that their faith in religion and God is renewed but he possesses some
whimsicalities. One such peculiarity is described in this passage. Sir Roger holds the position of squire of the
village and therefore most the villagers are his tenants and he is their landlord. As such, he feels that it is his
responsibility to ensure discipline duly maintained in the church during the service. He will see to it that no
one in the congregation sleeps during the sermon, though he seems not be bound by the same rule himself.
Many a time, he himself can be seen dozing during the sermon. When he wakes up, however, he stands up
and looks all over the congregation to see if any one else had fallen asleep. If he happens to see anyone
dozing, he immediately wakes him up either himself or he sends his servant to do so. This is most amusing
and the effective use of irony is unmistakable. But what is more important is the good humored manner and
the tenderness in which the effect of irony is produced.
5. Several other of the old knights particularities breakout upon these occasions. Sometimes he will be
lengthening out a verse in the singing psalms, half a minute after the rest of the congregation have
done with it; sometimes when he is pleased with the matter of his devotion, he pronounces amen three
or four times to the same prayer; and sometimes stands up when every body else is upon their knees,
to count the congregation, or see if any of his tenants are missing.
I was yesterday very much surprised to hear my old friend, in the midst of the service, calling out to one John
Matthews to mind what he was about, and not disturb the congregation. This John Matthews it seems is
remarkable for being an idle fellow, and at that time was kicking his heels for his diversion. This authority of
the knight, though exerted in that odd manner which accompanies him in all circumstances of life, has a very
good effect upon the parish, who are not polite enough to see any thing ridiculous in his behaviour; besides
that the general good sense and worthiness of his character make his friends observe these little singularities
as foils that rather set off than blemish his good qualities.
Addison goes on to describe other peculiarities of Sir Roger. Among the most prominent are: He will prolong
a verse in the psalm for half a minute even when the rest of the congregation had stopped singing it. It
sounds very odd. Sometimes he pronounces amen three or four times to the same prayer which he happens
to like. At other times, he would stand up when all other villagers are upon their knees with the purpose of
counting the congregation and finding out who is absent. Once he called out to a fellow named John Mathew
in the midst of the service not to disturb the congregation, least realising the fact that be himself is disturbing
the congregation by creating noise. Such oddities of Sir Roger became evident during the services on
Sundays in the church. Being the squire of the village and the landlord of most of the villagers, he exerts his
authority to keep them disciplined. He wields his authority over the villagers in the style typical of a country
Knight. But the most significant thing is that it does not produce an annoying or irritating effect upon the
villagers. They take all these oddities of Sir Roger in a good spirit. It has a good effect on the villagers and
keeps them from behaving badly. The villagers are too naive, unrefined and unsophisticated to see anything
odd in Sir Rogers eccentric behaviour. They do not find his conduct ridiculous. Indeed the knight possesses
a number of good qualities simultaneously. He is sensible and has a worthy character. His intentions for the
villagers are genuine and pure. He exerts his authority upon them for their welfare and not with a desire to
suppress or frighten them. As a result of his basic nobility and kindheartedness, the eccentricities of behaviour
that he shows act as foils to show up his good side. The oddities work as a contrast to the favourable and
good qualities and hence his friends appreciate his good sense all the more. Here Addison has portrayed Sir
Roger in favourable and soothing manner. His eccentricities make us laugh and we tend to appreciate the
fact that such a man of authority has a such a simplicity and nobility of character.
6. As soon as the sermon is finished, no body presumes to stir till Sir Roger is gone out of the church.
The knight walks down from his seat in the chancel between a double row of his tenants, that stand
bowing to him on each side: and every now and then inquires how such an ones wife, or mother, or
son, or father do, whom he does not see at church; which is understood as a secret reprimand to the
person that is absent.
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The chaplain has often told me, that upon a catechizing-day, when Sir Roger has been pleased with a boy
that answers well, he has ordered a bible to be given him next day for his encouragement; and sometimes
accompanies it with a flitch of bacon to his mother. Sir Roger has likewise added five pounds a year to the
clerks place; and that he may encourage the young fellows to make themselves perfect in the church
service, has promised upon the death of the present incumbent who is very old, to bestow it according to
merit.
Among the many eccentricities of Sir Roger one is that he has his own unique way of making someone
realise that his father or mother or son has not come to attend the sermon. As soon as the sermon is finished,
Sir Roger is the first one to walk down from his seat between the double row of his tenants that stand
bowing to him on each side. While passing the way he would not miss an opportunity to ask how anyones
wife or mother or son or father is. This was an indirect way to reprimand the person who is absent. Then
Addison goes on the explain so very good features of Sir Roger. One of the method that he has adopted to
attract the young boys to church and to inspire them in the services of God is that whenever Sir Roger feels
pleased with a boy who has answered well to his questions, he orders that a Bible be given to him as a gift.
He also increases the clerks salary five pounds every year. This clerk is the fellow who leads the responses
in the prayer. He also ensures that after the death of the present clerk who is very old, he will give due
reward according to the merit of the person. This shows his fundamental goodness and kindheartedness.
Another positive fact of Sir Rogers personality is that he enjoys a fair understanding with his chaplain. This
is something very remarkable because in the very next village, the differences between the parson and the
squire are quite notorious. But Sir Roger can credit himself for having good relationship with his parson. In
the very next village, the parson and the squire exist in a continual state of discord. The parson during his
sermons always seems to hint that he is preaching against vices which are practiced by the squire. The
squire in order to take revenge against the parson has stopped attending the church. This has a bad effect
and the villagers who follow the higher class in their behaviour, have slowly lost faith in religion and are
turning atheists. As they clearly see that the squire has no respect for the parson, they do not pay the tax that
they should do for the upkeep of the clergy. Every Sunday, they hear from the parson about how dignified
the office of a clergyman is and at the same time that he is a better man than the squire who is his patron.
Addison clearly puts forward the moral in this passage. The didactic tone cant be missed. He deplores
discord between squire and clergy and condemns it for the bad effect it produces on the parishoners. He
conveys his point very clearly and vividly that it is the common man who becomes the victim of such a
discord and conflict between the higher authorities like the squire and the parson.
7. Feuds of this nature, though too frequent in the country, are very fatal to the ordinary people; who
are so used to be dazzled with riches, that they pay as much deference to the understanding of a man
of an estate, as of a man of learning; and are very hardly brought to regard any truth, how important
so ever it may be, that is preached to them, when they know there are several men of five hundred a
year who do not believe it.
Sir Roger and his chaplain enjoy amicable relationship with each other. But the very next parish is a glaring
example of the disharmonious and conflicting terms between the squire and the parson. This kind of conflict
is quite common in the villages but they cause a great harm to the welfare of the common people. These
villagers are naive enough to be attracted by the riches. They equate richness to intelligence and wisdom. In
other words, they consider rich people to be intelligent and wse too. They give equal respect to a rich mans
power of understanding and his wisdom as they do to that of a learned mans . Such villagers do not have an
independent or aware outlook and are carried away by riches that they readily get convinced by what a rich
man says. When they find that the rich squire and the parson are not at good terms with each other they will
most likely follow the squire and hence lose faith in religion. Addisons aim in this exposure is clearly
didactic. He expresses disgust over the squire and the parsons indulging into a battle of wits with each other.
He makes a valid observation that the lower class, generally follows the example and manners of the richer
class and it becomes the responsibility of the latter to set a good example.
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5. Meditation in the Abbey: Critical Summary

This essay is meditative in nature in which Addison is seen in a contemplative mood. But the note of humour
cant be missed even in such a serious subject as Death dealt by Addison here. Addison begins by saying that
whenever he is in a solemn or grave mood, he visits the Westminster Abbey. The abbeys grim and serious
atmosphere fills his mind with a feeling of sadness and seriousness. This feeling Addison finds quite important
and agreeable. Yesterday he went to the abbey and spent the whole after noon entertaining himself by looking at
the tombs and reading the epitaphs on them. He found most amusingly that most of the inscriptions gave no
further information about the dead person except that he was born on so and so day and died upon another.
Addison finds that there is nothing extraordinary in these descriptions as these two events i.e. birth and death are
common to all the humanity. Another thing he noticed was that certain epitaphs were written in such extravagant
and exagerated terms of praise that if the person on whom all that praise was showered, could rise and see
them, he would blush and feel shy. Then, there were some graves without monuments and there were some
monuments without graves i.e. some monuments did not have bodies buried under them. Such monuments were
erected in the memory of those who had died else where.
Addison further says that he was quite impressed with some modern epitaphs which were elegantly phrased and
expressed just thoughts these kind of epitaphs do justice with the living as well as the dead person. Epitaphs and
monuments should be created in the most careful way says Addison because these were the things by which a
foreign visitor to the country forms an opinion about the culture of the country he visits. The epitaphs and the
inscriptions should appropriately describe the character and achievements of the person whom they are dedicated
to. The text of the epitaphs should be submitted to the perusal of learned men of genius before they are put on
the tombs. Addison feels that the English can learn a lot from the Dutch who possessed a superior taste for
antiquity and culture in their buildings. The monuments of their admirals are erected with great care and represent
an honest and genial view of them. There is no exaggeration or false picture found in their inscriptions. Next,
monuments should celebrate and highlight the achievements of the dead person and not merely describe the
manner of his death. Addison personally feels that the monument created in honour of the great English admiral,
Sir Cloudesly Shovel, did not do justice to the brave man. Instead of describing the brave and tough nature of the
admiral he is displayed on the tomb as a figure of a beau dressed in a long wig and relaxing himself on velvet
cushions. This is a wrong impression given about the admiral.
Examining the tombs of the great and going through their epitaphs has a chastening and purifying effect on the
mind of Addison. He is not a timid or weak-minded person who begins to feel gloomy and melancholy at the
contemplation of death. He is able to appreciate nature in her delightful as well as her solemn aspects. He is not
cowed down by the phenomenon of death. He can rather view death from a distance, objectively and ponder
over its various aspects. He feels compassion when he reads a tombstone expressing the grief of parents over
the death of their child. But he sees the futility of such grief when he sees the tombs of the parents themselves.
It means that death is a leveller. It does not spare anyone. It occurs to everyone sooner or later. He realises the
futility of the varieties and controversies and rivalries of life when all the people who indulge in them are going
to be consumed by death. When he sees the tombs of the great, every motion of envy dies in me; when I read
the epitaphs of the beautiful every inordinate desire goes out says Addison. Mortality is a fact common to all
whether they be beautiful, rich, or great or ugly and deformed. People who died long ago, lie side by side with
people who died only yesterday. It will be on Dooms day that all these people will rise from their respective
graves to face god and then they will become contemporaries. The visit to the abbey was an enlightening
experience for Addison and teaches him to leave envy and inordinate desire, as they are in reality of no use. The
most significant thing is that death is not viewed with a sense of terror by Addison. It is rather taken in an aloof
manner from which Addison has gained a lot.
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Critical Remarks
The present essay is unique and exceptional as the subject chosen here Death is grave and solemn, the note of
irony is present but in a most moderate may. This essay bears testimony to the fact that Addison can handle the
serious subjects with equal deftness and dexterity as the comic and light subjects. Death is an issue that affects
all. Some take a negative or pessimistic view of it, others take it philosophically. This essay of Addison is
meditative in nature and contemplates upon the phenomenon of Death and the issue of mortality inherent in it.
The visit to the abbey emphasises the fact that death is an equalizer, a leveller, it does not spare anyone and
everyone is equal for it. The fact that all the great men and women lie in their graves side by side and over the
span of years are mingled together in an indistinguishable eap of dust serves to chasten and purify the heart of
Addison who was keenly observing these tombstones and monuments. One realises the futility of the rivalries
and quarrels that people indulge in when alive. Death imparts a significant message to everyone of us that this
life is transient and going to end one day. Hence the futility of negative emotions like envy, great desires,
possession etc. As all of us will end up in death on day or the other, it is advisable to lead a life of dignity,
decorum, good sense, awareness and not make a waste of our like by indulging in negative and harmful feelings.
It can be clearly noticed that Addison is self revelatory in this essay. He informs about some basic traits of his
temperament. For instance, when he says that he is always serious but never melancholic; or when he says that
he can take a view of nature in her deep and solemn scenes with the same pleasure as in her most delightful
ones; or when he tells the reader that death is not a matter of terror for him, it is rather a matter of contemplation,
we find Addison, the man, in these revelations. But he seems to project himself as a kind of model to the reader.
His mode of self-exposure is drastically different them that of Charles Lambs who presented himself as a
down-to-earth, the most common of individual liable to errors of judgement. The sense of superiority is missing
in lamb. But then, it is also true of Addison that he had consciously carved for himself the role of a moralist and
a reformer of the follies of society. Keeping that in mind, the tone of the essay is typically Addisonian. Here, we
find the marked balance, proportion which are marked features of Addisons essays. As a reformist he has
attacked the extravagance or exaggeration found in the epitaphs. He expressed his distaste for the far-fetched
words of praise on some of the epitaphs. He advises decorum and good taste in this matter as serious as death.
Another noteworthy feature is Addisons use of language. The facility and aptness of such phrases as registers
of existence, magazine of morality, promiscuous heap of matter regions of the dead etc. There is the
elegance of style that is typically Addisons. That Addison can invest such a serious subject with the touch of
humour is really applaudable. Tombs are called registers of existence. He is being ironical when he refers to
holy men who divided the world into factions.
Explanations with critical comments

1. When I am in a serious humour, I very often walk by myself in Westminster Abbey: where the gloominess
of the place, and the use to which it is applied, with the solemnity of the building, and the condition
of the people who lie in it, are apt to fill the mind with a kind of melancholy, or rather thoughtfulness
that is not disagreeable. I yesterday passed a whole afternoon in the church-yard, the cloisters, and
the church, amusing myself with the tombstonesand inscriptions that I met with in those several regions
of the dead. Most of them recorded nothing else of the buried person, but that he was born upon one
day, and died upon another; the whole history of his life being comprehended in those two
circumstances that are common to all mankind.
Addison, in the essay, expresses his views about death. His visit to Westminster Abbey pushes him into a
mood of contemplation. In this particular passage, he reveals partly his own demeanour and partly his views
about what is inscribed on the epitaphs of the dead persons. He begins by saying that whenever he is in a
serious mood, he walks all alone to the Westminster Abbey. There the gloominess of the place, the thoughprovoking environment and the condition of the dead people evokes in him a natural and obvious feeling of
thoughtfulness which Addison finds agreeable and pleasant. Then he further tells the reader that yesterday
153
he spent the whole afternoon in the churchyard entertaining himself with the inscriptions that were recorded
on the tombstones. He amusingly found that most of the epitaphs bear the date of the birth and death of a
particular person. Addison takes a dig by saying that the whole history of the life of the dead person is
enclosed in these two events i.e. the day when he was born and the day when he died, which, says
Addison, has nothing special about it as birth and death is common to all mankind. The noteworthy features
of this passage are the self-exposure on the part of Addison where we come to know certain traits of his
personal nature. Secondly the satire is quite evident when he says that everyone is born on a certain day, and
dies on another. This is not informative of the character or achievements of the dead person. it is like making
fun of the person as it he has done nothing worthwhile throughout his life.
2. I could not but look upon these registers of existence, whether or brass or marble, as a kind of satire
upon the departed persons; who had left no other memorial of them, but that they were born, and that
they died. They put me in mind of several persons mentioned in the battles of heroic poems who have
sounding names given them, for no other reason but that they may be killed, and are celebrated for
nothing but being knocked on the head.
Addison visited the Westminster Abbey whenever he was in a grave mood. In this way, he transformed his
sadness into thoughtfulness, pondering over the basic fact of human existence and death. He sees here the
monuments of persons which contained only the days of their birth and death as a tribute to these dead
people. He amusingly and also ironically calls them as registers of existence. They merely record facts
which are common to all men. He feels that something worthwhile about the character, personality and
achievements should be mentioned alongwith the time of birth and death. These monuments, built in memory
of the illustrious dead seemed to be satire upon them making it seem as if they had done nothing except being
born and dying. These inscriptions recalled to the writer the characters in epics who have high sounding
names but are there merely to be killed and then become famous merely for dying. He is mildly satirical
about the monuments in the abbey, what they record is nothing special or specific, it is rather common to all.
3. Upon my going into the church, I entertained myself with the digging of a grave; and saw in every
shovel-full of it that was thrown up, the fragment of a bone or skull intermixed with a kind of fresh
mouldering earth that some time or other had a place in the composition of a human body. Upon this
I began to consider with myself what innumerable multitudes of people lay confused together under
the pavement of that ancient cathedral, how man and women, friends and enemies, priests and soldiers,
monks and prebendaries, were crumbled amongst one another, and blended together in the same
common mass; how beauty, strength, and youth, with old age, weakness, and deformity, lay
undistinguished in the same promiscuous heap of matter.
When Addison visited the Westminster Abbey, he occupied himself with watching the digging of a grave. As
it was being dug, Addison could see pieces of bone or skull mixed in the soil being thrown out. This sets his
mind thinking, that death was impartial, an equalizer, how beauty, riches, fame, ugliness, were insignificant in
front of death. He saw that women and men, friends and foes, priests and monks, who in their lives were
never so close together, lay in these graves, all mixed up in a heap of matter. The bodies of these people had
broken down in pieces and mingled together in one heap from which it was impossible to find out which was
whose body as these had been reduced to only decayed matter which had got inextricably mixed with the
earth. Addison here meditates on how transient this life is and how death treats everybody in the same way
without any partiality of favour. How after a period of time, this body, which is too lovable to us, gets mixed
with the earth and cannot be distinguished from one another. Death shows the meaninglessness of earthly
ambition, fame, riches, beauty, conflicts and rivalries. Addison is seen in a mood of utter thoughtfulness.
But no pessimism is to be seen. It is only contemplation and deep thinking which is markedly present in this
passage.
4. After having thus surveyed the great magazine of mortality, as it were, in the lump, I examined it more
particularly by the accounts which I found on several of the monuments which are raised in every
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quarter of that ancient fabric. Some of them were covered with such extravagant epitaphs, that if it
were possible for the dead person to be acquainted with them, he would blush at the praises which
his friends have bestowed upon him. There are others so excessively modest, that they deliver the
character of the person departed in Greek or Hebrew, and by that means are not understood once in
a twelvemonth. In the poetical quarter, I found there were poets who had no monuments, and monuments
which had no poets. I observed, indeed, that the present war has filled the church with many of these
uninhabited monuments, which had been erected to the memory of persons whose bodies were perhaps
buried in the plains of Blenheim, or in the bosom of the ocean.
After watching the heart-rending scene of the graves being dug, Addison diverts his attention to examining
the inscriptions printed on the various monuments. Some he found were covered with so extravagant epitaphs
that if the dead person could come out his grave and read them, he would blush at the praises that his friends
have showered on him. The note of irony is quite stark here. Then, these are certain others who contained
the inscriptions in Greek or Latin language, therefore not at all intelligible. Further, he found to much of his
amazement that there are certain monuments who did not have poets dug under them and on the monuments
of certain poets there were no inscription. These monuments which did not have any person buried under
them were raised in the memory of those who had died elsewhere. So here Addison registers his common
observations in the Abbey. The terms used for graves, The great magazines of mortality are amusing.
5. I could not but be very much delighted with several modern epitaphs, which are written with great
elegance of expression and justness of thought, and therefore do honour to the living as well as the
dead. As a foreigner is very apt to conceive an idea of the ignorance or politeness of a nation from
the turn of their public monuments and inscriptions, they should be submitted to the perusal of men of
learning and genius before they are put in execution.
This essay shows the solemn self of Addison when he pays a visit to the Westminster Abbey. Here he
entertains himself by reading the inscriptions on the monuments and tombs. Though he is critical of some
such epitaphs which bestowed extravagant praise to the dead persons yet he is delighted to see certain
sensible inscription on the tombs. These modern epitaphs were written in a beautiful style and expressed
correct thoughts. As such, they honoured the dead and at the same time spoke well of the living person who
had composed them. Addison advises that before putting the inscription on the monuments, they should be
submitted to a group of learned men of intelligence who scrutinize them well. In this way they can be saved
from the foolish impression that they give the reader. Only the sensible and good texts should be put into use.
It is essential that the public monuments and inscriptions on them should be sensible and dignified because it
is these buildings and writings that give a formidable impression about the culture of that country to a visitor.
Addison can be seen in the usual role of a preacher here.
6. The inscription is answerable to the monument; for instead of celebrating the many remarkable
actions he had performed in the serve of his country, it acquaints us only with the manner of his
death, in which it was impossible for him to reap any honour.
Addison here mentions about the tomb of Sir Cloudesly Shovel who was a great English admiral. He feels
offended to see the monument of this admiral because it does not convey the exact or honest picture of the
man in whose honour it has been made. The monument is most ridiculous as it doesnt convey any information
about the chivalrous and gallant achievements that he made during the battles that he had fought. It gives,
instead an account of how he met his death. The admiral was drowned in a ship-wreck and thus his sudden
and accidental death did not give him any opportunity to show his bravery. The epitaph focuses on the
manner of his death in a ship-wreck and deprives him of the honour which is due to him on account of his
several deeds of gallantry. Addison finds this most hurtful and absurd. He intended that the inscriptions could
tell something about the accomplishments of the respectable admiral. Addison pledged to attack anything
that is senseless. Here too, he is attacking this senseless action of ignoring the achievements of the admiral
and projecting him in a incorrect way.
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7. The Dutch, whom we are apt to despise for want of genius, show an infinitely greater taste of antiquity
and politeness in their buildings and works of this nature than what we meet with in those of our own
country. The monuments of their admirals, which have been erected at the public expense, represent
them like themselves, beautiful festoons of sea-wood, shells, and coral.
This essay describes Addison in a solemn mood paying a visit to the Westminster Abbey, which was his
habit to ease his sadness and give a meaning to it. His observations in the Westminster Abbey are recorded
here for authentically. One such observation of Addison is that some epitaphs do not do justice with the dead
person as they do not provide a just and correct picture of the person of which he is a claimant. The
monument of great English admiral Sir Cloudesly Shovel is one such example. Addison feels greatly hurt by
the inscription on his monument which does not at all project him as the brave, gallant admiral. He feels that
the job of writing texts on the monuments should be given to the learned people. Here in this passage, he
gives the typical example of the Dutch who display their immense love for antiquity through their buildings
and monument. Although this is done at the expense of public money. The dig he has made on the Dutch
cannot be missed, though he is full of praise for their artistic taste. The most adorable thing about them is
their inscriptions present the dead as he actually was. In this way they justly honoured their dead person. All
the more they decorated their monuments with rostral crowns and naval ornaments, beautify it with pretty
festoons of sea-weed, shells and corals. In this way Addison conveys his opinion that the person should not
be deprived of the honour that he deserves, after his death. It is the sacred duty of men who are alive to take
care of this. Moreover, it is also important from the point of view of building the image of the country in the
eyes of the visitors who gather an impression of the cultural heritage of the country they have come to visit
through these very monuments and buildings.
8. I know that entertainments of this nature are apt to raise dark and dismal thoughts in timorous mind
and gloomy imaginations; but for my own part, though I am always serious, I do not know what it is
to be melancholy; and can therefore, take a view of nature in her deep and solemn scenes with the
same pleasure as in her most gay and delightful ones. By this means I can improve myself with those
objects with others consider with terror.
The essay reveals Addisons habit of visiting the Westminster Abbey whenever he is in a serious mood.
During one such visit, the impressions and observations of the writer are registered here in this essay. While
he was amusing himself by looking at the tombs of some famous people and was reading the inscriptions on
them, he starts meditating upon them. He says that this kind of amusement is quite peculiar and may not be
liked by all people. There may be some to whom the very idea of looking at the tombs and thinking of death
would be horrible. It would make them gloomy and push them into a melancholic mood. This he says,
happens with the persons who are weak and timid by nature and allow all sorts of rubbish ideas to enter their
imagination. In Addisons case it is just the contrary. He has been gifted with a temperament to be able to
appreciate nature in all aspects. He is likely to gain from those things, which most often generate a sense of
terror and fright in other people. On coming here, he learns that death is a leveller, it treats everyone
impartially that one has to accept the fact of death; that rich or beauty are short-lived are sure to be
consumed by death ultimately. This preaches him not to be arrogant. Here, Addison sticks to the role of the
preacher and reformist, and instruction that he had deliberately assumed. The instructions that the visit to
Abbey impart to him about death are serenely conveyed, not forgetting that Addison is above the common
people, superior to them. This sense of superiority is visible when he says that he does not know what
melancholy is. But, then, this is most characteristic of Addison.
9. When I see kings lying by those who deposed them, when I consider rival wits placed side by side, or
the holy men that divided the world with their contests and disputes. I reflect with sorrow and
astonishment on the little competitions, factions, and debates of mankind. When I read the several
dates of the tombs, of some that died yesterday and some six hundred years ago I consider that great
day when we shall all of us be contemporaries, and make our appearance together.
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Visiting the graves in Westminster Abbey, as an amusing way of spending ones time may not be taken
goodhumouroudly by may. But Addison found these visits quite educative and felt that one could improve
ones mind by seeing the inscriptions on the tombs and contemplating upon them. These tombs bring to mind
the phenomenon of death, which makes a man, shed many of his vanities, and superficialities of behaviour.
Seeing the tombs, Addison says, he is made to realise how death is the most vital reality of life, which one
must face in a bold way. He says that when he sees the tombs of the beautiful, all the feelings of envy die in
him. When he sees the tombs of the great, all the desires fade away in him as it makes him realise that all
desires are irrelevant in the face f death. When he watches how the kings lay besides those very people who
ousted them, when he sees the great theologians who divided the world into sects on the basis of religion
lying in their graves, Addison wonders at the futility of those trivial rivalries and quarrels and competition
which characterized their lives when they were alive. When he sees the dates of deaths inscribed on the
tombstones of various people, he thinks that these dates will be irrelevant on the doomsday when all will rise
from the graves and face God. Then the people who died centuries ago will become contemporaries.
Addisons contention that he should get rid of envy, inordinate desires, feeling of rivalry and opposition,
quarrels, religious dichotomy as they all will become useless in the context of death. The essay is a superb
example of Addisons meditative, contemplative mood.
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6. The Scope of Satire: Critical Summary

Addison begins by saying that the club of which he is a member contains the representatives of al the important
classes of the country who are also the members off the same club. With this it becomes quite convenient for
The Spectator i.e. Addison to collect information and material about what is going on in not only in the different
parts of the society but in the whole of London. It also provides an assurance to the reader that the rights and
privileges of no class are violated as almost all of them have their representatives in the club. Who will take care
of their respective interests and see to it that nothing bias will be written in The Spectator.
On night when they were all sitting together the members of the club started making comments on what The
Spectator has achieved so far. Will Honeycomb referred to some ladies who had felt offended at Addisons
adverse remarks about the opera and about the dress and the equipage of the upper classes. Sir Andrew
Freeport felt that the papers referred to by Sir Will Honeycomb had in fact did a great deal of good in the city. He
further said with a satirical tone that his (Will Honeycombs) wife and daughters must have attained a good
knowledge on reading its account. The city, he said, was much obliged to Addison for his genuine intention to
attack vice and folly in general and not condescend to particularise. He concluded his speech by saying that it
would be far better if Addison excluded Aldermen and citizens from the purview of his satire but attack the vices
of the court circles. The Templar disagreed with Sir Andrew Freeport by saying that the city has always been
the object of satire. He agreed that court follies should also be satirised but requested that lawyers should be left
out as there was no precedent in literature for lawyers being the subject of satire. Captain Sentry praised the
paper but said that it should continue to be discreet about the army. Addisons friend Sir Roger expressed his
contempt for the views of the other members and encouraged The Spectator to satirise whom he pleased but he
said that he should speak of the country squires with respect. Some of the members expressed their displeasure
with the frivolous treatment given to foxhunting by the paper.
In such circumstances when The Spectator was sadly wondering what to do as all the subjects of the satire
seemed to be exhausted, the clergyman Sir roger came to the rescue of Addison by expressing the view that
vice and folly ought to be attacked wherever they could be met with and especially when they were placed in
high and conspicuous stations of life. This learned man said that no walk of life was exempt from satire and
ridicule if there was some folly or vice in it. The Spectator, he said should continue in his work. He added that
The Spectator could be very useful to the public by reprehending those vices which are too trivial for the
chastisement of law and too fantastical for the cognizance of the pulpit. In simpler words, he meant to say that
the paper would be good to the public by condemning the vices which are below the range of law and too trivial
for the consideration of the clergy. This view was accepted by other members of the club.
The Spectator, therefore, decided that he would continue to carry his campaign against the vices and follies of
society and would not be discouraged by any hindrance that comes his way. He would criticise folly and vice
wherever he met it and in whichever rank he sees it. He would not spare anything that went against the dictates
of good manners or shocked modesty. In words of Addison himself I should be at liberty to carry the war into
what quarter I pleased provided that I continued to combat with criminals in a body and to assault the vice
without hurting the person. This much he promised to the readers that his satire will be general in nature and he
will not, in any case, hold up individuals to ridicule.
Critical Remarks
The essay firstly introduces us to the different members of The Spectator Club and secondly defines the scope
of Addisons satire, its range, its limitations etc. in his contribution to The Spectator. Sir Andrew Freeport, Will
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Honeycomb, Captain Sentry, Sir Roger de Coverley and certain other characters are representatives of their
class. This is quite humorous on the part of these characters to implore Addison to exclude their class from The
Scope of Satire. Addison makes a humorous dig at the human tendency to regard the particular class to which
he belongs as superior to others. That is why the members demand exemption from satire for the particular
classes to which they belong. But Sir Roger, the country squire, portrayed in the earlier essays as a sensible,
noble and learned man comes to the rescue of Addison. He presents a right perspective about The Scope of
Satire that Addison should follow in The Spectator. His views, being unbiased are appreciated by everyone. All
the members of he club agree to accept he spectators writings in the right perspective, being able to see the
sense behind them. However The Spectator makes certain commitments to his readers and draws certain
limitations for himself in his writings. Firstly, he promises to behave as a defender of good manners and modesty.
For that purpose, he treated all folly, vice and impertinence as the target of his ridicule. He would be free to
attack and expose to ridicule any transgression of these. He would not spare any rank or class of society which
suffers from vice and folly and crosses the limitations of modesty, decorum and good behaviour. The important
aspect is that he would attack those vices and drawbacks of society that were too petty for legal action or the
castigation of the clergyman. The only restraint on his freedom will be that he was not to attack individuals and
particular persons but multitudes and the whole classes of people. Addison promised never to draw a faulty
character, which does not fit at least a thousand people, thus showing his essential humanity and urbanity.
Addisons humanity is also seen in his assertion that he would not write a single paper that is not written in the
spirit of benevolence, and with a love of mankind.
Addisons humour is always dominant in all the essays in general and in this essay too in particular. There is the
humorous anecdote of the old man with two wives and then there is the humorous reference to the situation of
Roman Triumvirate. Such anecdotes and allusions add liveliness to an otherwise abstract and dull subject.
Another technique employed to yield liveliness to the essay is that the essay is made to evolve through the
opinions and suggestions as well as the critical remarks of the other members of the club. The Spectator that is
Addison himself remains as usual at a safe distance, watching the discussion as an objective onlooker. This gives
a dramatic effect to the essay and saves Addison from the blame of being authoritative or rude.
Explanations with Critical Comments

1. The club of which I am a member, is very luckily composed of such persons as are engaged in
different ways of life, and deputed as it were out of the most conspicuous classes of mankind. By this
means I am furnished with the greatest variety of hints and materials, and know everything that
passes in the different quarters and divisions, not only of this great city, but of the whole kingdom.
In this essay, Addison puts down the scope and range of his satire. Addison and Steelee started the paper
viz. The Spectator with a worthy intention of wiping out vice, folly, ill-manners, chauvinism, shallowness,
frivolities and other such deformities from the society and to make the texture of English society more solid
and beautiful. For achieving this aim, Addison uses the tools of irony, satire and humour in a most effective
manner to attack folly wherever it is located. In this particular passage Addison introduces us to The
Spectator Club and its members who belong to different classes and are representatives of the whole
section of society. This helps The Spectator to accumulate material and hints as well as suggestions. He
can get information regarding everything happening within each particular class. He gets the required
information not only about the city but about different parts of the country as a whole. Thus The Spectator
is well equipped and is quite qualified to satirise the follies and vices of the society.
2. I last night sat very late in company with this select body of friends, who entertained me with several
remarks which they and others had made upon these my speculations, as also with the various success
which they had met with among their several ranks and degrees of readers. Will Honeycomb told me,
in the softest manner he could, that there were some ladies (but for your comfort, says Will, they are
not those of the most wit) that were offended at the liberties I had taken with the opera and the
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puppet-show; that some of them were likewise very much surprised, that I should think such serious
points as the dress and equipage of persons of quality proper subjects for raillery.
He was going on, when Sir Andrew Freeport took him up short, and told him, that the papers he hinted at,
had done great good in the city, and that all their wives and daughters were the better for them; and farther
added, that the whole city thought themselves very much obliged to me for declaring my generous intentions
to scourge vice and folly as they appear in a multitude, without condescending to be a publisher of particular
intrigues. In short, says Sir Andrew, if you avoid that foolish beaten road of falling upon aldermen and
citizens, and employ your pen upon the vanity and luxury of courts, your paper must needs be of general use.
Addison sets out to settle the scope of his satire in his periodical essays. The members of The Spectator
Club give Addison a feedback on how and what they felt about his essays. This is a humorous passage in
which Addison makes a dig at the general tendency of every class to view itself superior from the other
classes and thus be spared from Addisons satire. Will Honeycomb tells him that some ladies had not taken
a good view of his remarks about the opera and the puppet shows. Here, Sir Andrew Freeport cuts him
short and says that on the contrary the wives and daughters of the merchants in the city had benefitted from
these papers. Sir Andrew felt that these essays were doing a great good to the society in suggesting better
habits or ways of spending time. Besides, the people of the city i.e. the merchant class appreciated Addisons
manner of attacking and criticising follies and vices in general and not exposing individuals or particular
scandals. Sir Andrew serves here as a spokesman through which Addison represents his own views about
The Scope of Satire. But then the humourous part follows when Sir Andrew says that it would be more
fruitful if Addison avoids hitting and satirising the alderman and the merchant class and instead make the
vice existing in the court circles a target of ridicule.
3. By this time I found every subject of my speculations was taken away from me, by one or other of the
club: and began to think myself in the condition of the good man that had one wife who took a dislike
to his grey hair, and another to his black, till by their picking out what each of them had an aversion
to, they left his head altogether bald and naked.
The members of The Spectator Club represented the different classes of society. Each member wanted his
particular class to be excluded from the sphere of Addisons satire. Addisons satire was appreciated by all
provided their particular class was spared. This is most humourous. In that case The Spectator felt that he
had been stripped of all the material for his satire, for he would not be allowed to satirise any class of society.
He likens his condition to a man who had two wives, one of whom disliked his white hair and plucked out all
the white hair from his head. The other one did not like black hair and plucked out all the black hair on his
head. As a result the husband was left bald. This humorous anecdote adds to the humorous intent of the
essay and also conveys the message of the author more effectively. The aptness of this anecdote is most
striking.
4. That vice and folly ought to be attacked wherever they could be met with and especially when they
were placed in high and conspicuous stations of life. He further added, that my paper would only
serve to aggravate the pains of poverty, if it chiefly exposed those who are already depressed, and in
some measure turned into ridicule, by the meanness of their conditions and circumstances.
Addison felt that he had been deprived of all the topics which he would take up for satirising because each
member of the club wanted his particular class to be exempted from satire. At this moment, when he was
feeling quite desperate, his worthy friend Sir Roger de Coverley, the clergyman came to his rescue and
supported Addisons cause. He said that no place was too high to be exempted from the preview of satire if
it suffered from some folly of general nature. Folly and vice, he emphasises, should be attacked, wherever
they are found. If the paper indulges in a practice of attacking the poor classes, it would be unfair on its part,
for in that case, it will make the already unhappy classes more depressed. This would in fact be the most
ridiculous thing about the paper itself. Folly, especially when it is located in the exalted and higher, prominent
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classes of society need to be attacked. The squire, Sir Roger here becomes the spokesman of Addison and
expresses his views with great proficiency. As also in the essay, Sir Roger at Church by Addison, or In the
Club by Richard Steelee we form a favorably respectable view of Sir Roger de Coverly. Here too in
expounding his views forcefully and rationally, he silences the whole group of people at the club. We are
made to appreciate the character of Sir Roger in this passage.
5. He afterward proceeded to take notice of the great use this paper might be of to the public, by
reprehending those vices which are too trivial for the chastisement of the law, and too fantastical for
the cognizance of the pulpit. He then advised me to prosecute my undertaking with cheerfulness and
assured me, that whoever might be displeased with me, I should be approved by all those whose
praises do honour to the persons on whom they are bestowed.
The Spectator i.e. Addison himself was left with no choice to exercise his satire on any class of the society
as everyone showed a strong desire to be excluded from the periphery of Addisons ridicule. This made him
quite confused and dazed. At this point of time, his learned friend, Sir Roger de Coverley, who was incidentally
present in the club that night when this discussion was taking place, came to the support of Addison. He said
emphatically that folly and vice must be attacked in whichever quarter they are found and no class can be
exempted from satire if it suffers from any blemish in behaviour or decency. He further encouraged the
author by saying that the paper could do a great service to the public. It would act as a reminder to the
people who indulged in these follies and check and rebuke those vices which are too trivial to be punished or
are beyond the scope of law, and those follies and ills of society which were not serious enough to be
rectified by religion too. Thus the scope of Addisons satire is clearly defined. He would attack and bring to
ridicule those vices, vanities, superficialities, foibles, follies and frivolities of society, which result from a
breach of decorum and decency. His area of operation would not be the heinous kind of crimes which the
law was supposed to deal with, nor the moral sins committed by a person which, it is more proper for religion
to take care of. He would perform the role of a preacher, an instructor who will focus mainly on bringing the
age out of a state of ignorance and sleepliness. It is for him to bring an awareness of the self in the general
public. The folly or discrepancy found in this sphere will not be spared by him. It is in the fitness of the things
that Addison does not champion his cause himself which would have presented him as a propagandist. He
uses Sir Roger as his spokesman to express his intentions and range of satire. This gives liveliness to the
essay. From the literary point of view too, it is a most effective artistic strategy of Addison to adopt an aloof
stance and yet expound his outlook about fixing the boundaries of satire in his essays.
6. If Punch grows extravagant, I shall reprimand him very freely. If the stage becomes a nursery of folly
and impertinence, I shall not be afraid to animadvert upon it. In short, if I meet with anything in city,
court, or country, that shocks modesty or good manners, I shall use my utmost endeavours to make
an example of it. I must, however, entreat every particular person, who does me the honour to be a
reader of this paper, never to think himself, or any one of his friends or enemies, aimed at in what is
said; for I promise him, never to draw a faulty character which does not fit at least a thousand
people; or to publish a single paper, that is not written in the spirit of benevolence, and with a love of
mankind.
The boundaries of the satire to be used by Addison as a literary strategy to bring forth his point of view, are
set in this essay. Sir Roger, the clergyman mildly chides the members of the club who insisted on being
exempted from the sphere of Addisons ridicule. His argument was quite reasonable and everyone agreed
to his point of view. The vice and folly are to be ridiculed in whichever quarter they are found. Addison here
declares that he as The Spectator, would not allow unfavorable reaction from a part of society to deter him
from ridiculing the follies and vices of society. Referring to the popular puppet show of Punch and Judy,
brought into the country by Martin Powel in 1710, he declares that if Punch crosses the limits of decency in
his exuberant and noisy speeches, The Spectator would not hesitate to criticize him. If the stage becomes
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the breeding ground of foolishness and insolence and incivility, he would speak out against it. He would
never be afraid of commenting on good manners. Whether the breach of decency and good behaviour is
indulged in by merchant class, the high society of the courts, or the countryside, he would bravely condemn
it and hold it up to ridicule. The Spectator, however, adds that his satire will not be directed against any
particular individual but a class on the whole. He will never point out a folly which does not fit at least a
thousand people. He expressed his intention behind the use of satire viz. the uplifitment, welfare and goodness
of society. The spirit of benevolence and a love of mankind, he says, will never be found missing in his use
of satire. This passage brings out the essential urbanity and humanity of Addison when he expresses his
genial feelings about the love of mankind and a spirit of benevolence. His satire is prompted by his inclination
to cure mankind of folly and superficiality. The aim is definitely noble and worthy.
Social and Literary importance of The Spectator

Addisons literary reputation rests mainly upon his essays and particularly upon those, which were written for
The Spectator. These constitute a new type of familiar, humorous and mildly philosophical essays. Addisons
definite purpose in writing for The Spectator was moral and ethical. He wanted to cure the England society of
the day of its vices and follies, frivolities and superficialities, vanities and shams. But he wanted to bring the
reform in the way and manners of society with a difference. He wanted to divert or amuse his readers along
with preaching them. For that he promised to make their instruction agreeable, and their diversion useful, to
enliven morality with wit, and to temper wit with morality. In his essay, The Aim of the Spectator, he declares
his aim as bringing philosophy out of libraries, schools and colleges to dwell in clubs and assemblies at tea tables
and in coffee houses. The Aim of the Spectator was clearly and frankly educative. Addison and Steele were
both moralists at heart and they set out to refine and reform the tastes of the contemporary society. In the essay
The Scope of Satire Addison makes his aim quite obvious when he says .In short, if I meet with anything
in city, court or country that shocks modesty or good manners. I shall use my utmost endeavors to make an
example of it. The aim is obviously social and reformative.
The essays in The Spectator cover a wide range of subjects. They are a faithful mirror of the life of the time
viewed with an aloof and dispassionate observation. Addison set out to be a mild censor of the morals of the age
and most of his compositions deal with topical subjects fashions, head dresses, practical jokes, drinking, swearing,
duelling etc. His aim was to point out those vices, which are too trivial for the chastisement of law and too
fantastical for the cognizance of pulpit. In the same essay i.e. The Scope of Satire, he expresses the aim of
assaulting vice wherever it is found. All agreed that he should be free to carry the war into what quarters he
pleased provided that he combated with criminals in a body, and assault the vice without hurting the person.
There has been a charge against Addison that his essay do not exhibit any profundity of thought that they deal
with trivial and common place follies and vices of the society. This is of course true and is perfectly in keeping
with the particular aim of the paper, which was to denounce the trivial follies. He deliberatly excluded politics
and only talks of matters of social and moral and literary interest. The Spectator was not intended to be a
periodical of information. The subjects were connected with various aspects of social life and the essays centre
around London. The city is clearly presented is various references to theatres, gardens, its different localities, its
narrow and crowded streets, its coffeehouses and other places, the solemn and dignified Westminster Abbey.
Besides the representation of the city life in London, we also get a clear picture of the country side in the de
Coverley papers, the vanishing of the feudal set up, superstitions, quarrels between the squires and parsons etc.
the paper, thus, became a mirror of the contemporary life and manners, both in city and countryside. At the same
time it became a humorous exposure of the follies and foibles of the fashionable eighteenth century society.
The Aim of the Spectator represents another aspect regarding the general environment in the age. The society
of that day was divided between two extremes of attitudes. There was the faction, which followed the Restoration
trend of loose thinking and behaviour, and there was the class, which followed the moral frigidity of the puritan.
For the first time, Addison and Steele made a sincere and bold attempt to shake the age out of these two
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extremities of attitudes by bringing a sweet blend between wit and morality. Wit had so far been linked with
profligacy and morality with dulness. The essays in The Spectator have made a significant contribution of
introducing the combination of wit with morality through an easy, supple and interesting style of writing.
In order to translate their vision into practice, it was essential to formulate a well-regulated plan. And The
Spectator was introduced with a definite plan. It was to be a series of literary essays about the morals and
manners. In the first essay, Mr. Spectator i.e. Addison gives an account of himself as a reserved but observant
person interested in looking at the human affairs from a distance rather than participating in them directly. He is
projected as a man who is not biased or prejudiced and is qualified for the task of teaching and advising the
readers. In the next essay, Of the Club we have a sketch of the other members of the club. It was in fact Steele
who first got the idea of The Spectator club, consisting of several types of characters who represented considerable
classes or sections of the community and were, men of strongly marked opinions, prejudices, and foibles. It was
Addison who developed the idea and enlarged the character sketches. Sir Roger de Coverley with his simplicity,
his high sense of honour, his scholarship reflects the country squire of the best kind. Sir Andrew Freeport
expresses the opinions of the enterprising moneyed interests. Captain Sentry speaks for the army. The Templar
stands for the world of taste and learning; clergyman for theology and philosophy; while Will Honeycomb, the
elderly man of fashion gives the spectator many opportunities for criticizing the tradition of morality.
One important social aspect of The Spectator was the attention it paid to women. Addison and Steele took it
upon themselves to work for the upliftment in the status of women by bringing a reform in their tastes. They
emphasised the fact that they were writing for men as well as women, as women play an important role in the
process of civilisation which the editors were striving to promote. There are none to whom this paper will be
more useful than to the female world wrote Addison in The Aim of the Spectator. It is commendable that they
tried to bring about a revolution of taste and create in women an interest in reading and improving their intellectual
powers instead of spending hours upon trivialities of fashion and dress and coquetry. There is a keen desire to
improve the condition of women and there is no doubt that Addison did much to improve the status of women.
Thackeray has pointed out that Steele did a great service to British society by his reverence for women and his
love for children. Here Steele is a better moralist than his collaborator.
The next significant contribution of The Spectator is that it marks a definite stage in the evolution of the English
novel. The de Coverley papers bring us within measurable distance of the genuine 18th century novel. In the
words of Hudson in this context: It is scarcely too much to say that in many of The Spectator papers, in which
scenes from the life of Sir Roger are described, we have the modern novel in germ. The papers written on Sir
Roger are most precious treasures of English literature.
The ethical importance of The Spectator could not well be overstated. Addison and Steele set themselves up as
moralists to break down two opposed influences that of the profligate Restoration tradition of loose living and
loose thinking on the one hand and that of puritan fanaticism and bigotry on the other.
Their method was adapted to their purpose. It is to their great credit that they brought wit and morality together.
Addison and Steele did much to set the conscience of their time right on the fundamental question of social and
domestic conduct and for this they occupy a high place in the history of English manners during the first half of
the eighteenth century. It was the accomplishment of The Spectator papers to have built up a public opinion
against excess of any kind. It is the first attempt made by journalism to give form and consistency to public
opinion; the first serious effort made to organize public opinion by clarifying and systematizing the infinite discussions
that went on at the clubs and coffee houses says the critic Compton Rickett. The Spectator played an important
role in bringing moral tone to British society which had been made frivolous and licentious by Restoration
traditions. The essays served as vehicles for the formation of common sense views in all matters -social, religious,
political. It was one of their aims to extend and popularise general culture. Thus they discussed art, philosophy,
drama and poetry and sought not only to interest general reader but also to guide and develop his taste. It was in
The Spectator, for instance, that Addison first published his series of eighteen papers on Paradise Lost, by
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which he helped to spread among the English people a better understanding of Miltons and his work. Addison
and Steele set themselves against the tendency of literature to make virtue ridiculous and vice attractive. To an
age which had degenerated to coarseness and fanaticism and artificiality, he came up with a wholesome message
of refinement and simplicity. Rightly points out Macaulay in this respect So effectively did he (Addison) retort
on vice the mockery which had recently been directed against virtue, that since his time, open violation of
decency has been considered a sure mark of a fool.
The contribution of The Spectator in the field of English literature cannot be overestimated. It is true that
Addison and Steele did not come up with any deep or profound thoughts and ideas in their essays and focussed
entirely upen exposing to ridicule the commonplace vices follies and downtrend moralities of the age. But they
are the first essayists to have published the essay form as an honorable genre of literature. If the periodical
essay gained in popularity, it was mainly due to The Spectator. It became a dominant form in the first half of the
eighteenth century. Another important contribution of The Spectator in the area of English essay is the development
of the personal note between author and reader. There is an intimacy in the essays of Addison, between the
reader and the writer for which Addison adopted a conversational method, fluent and easy style.
Finally, The Spectator did a great service to English prose. It represents truly the indispensable eighteenth
century. It introduced a style marked with neatness, lucidity and precision as a reaction against the idiosyncratic
styles of Milton and Brown. Steele and Addison brought through their essays sanity and restraint of thought and
clarity in expression. They are among the founders of English prose. It was Addison who is to be credited for
inventing a middle style- striking a balance between the grave stately diction of formal writing, and the free and
easy speech of every day. The style thus, suited a wide circle of readers on a wide variety of subjects.
Use of Irony
Before apreciating the nature of Addisons irony it would be worthwhile to consider what irony means. Irony is
often the use of words, which mean the opposite of what is said. The essence of comic irony is mockery or
deception of one kind or another and it proficiently derives strength from presenting a contrast between
appearance and reality. In other words, it involves the difference between what is said and what is meant.
Irony is involved in the instances where the writer seems to praise or approve of something while conveying
indirectly the reality which exposes it to ridicule. It can also be reinforced by describing a trivial or ridiculous
subject or object in a mock serious tone.
In the hands of Addison, irony gained prominence and force. His style of irony is that of pretending to be
sympathetic with a certain idea or manner while down the surface, he holds it to ridicule. He uses a serious and
sublime tone and words to heighten the ironical effect. The trivial and seemingly insignificant absurdities are
explained by him in grave manner, conveying the impression that they were reasonable and natural, but actually
attacking them under the cover of sympathy and gravity of manner. The irony as Lobban remarks, is all the more
deadly that it is delivered under the guise of friendship. Irony has been used differently by different writers.
Irony can be deadly in the hands of Swift; spiteful as it is often in the works of Pope; merciless as it is in Jane
Austen; cynical as in works of Thackeray. However, Addison gives it a mild and gentle touch by covering it with
humour. Also, his irony is general in nature. The combination of irony and urbanity is typical of Addison. He is
never harsh or hostile in his attack. His irony is mild, unhurtful, moderate and gentle. Irony, all delicious in its
gravity, forms a large, perhaps the largest, constituent of his humour says Deighton. His irony is not grim, but
truly amusing. This quality softens the edge of his attacks. Secondly, he shows a fine taste and his urbanity in his
irony. He wanted to combat with the criminals in a body and to assault the vice without hurting the person. He
expressed his ideas in The Scope of Satire where he promised that whatever he writes will be in a spirit of
benevolence and with a love of mankind. There was never any malice or cynicism in what he wrote. This
makes his irony free from the pain of sting. He did not, like Dryden or Pope, pick out individuals in order to
unleash malicious and pungent attacks on them.
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Illustrations of both these ingredients of his irony viz., being gentle and urbane are found in abundance in his
essays. In the essay The Scope of Satire, how humorously he satirizes the members of the club who quite
approved of what Addison was doing through his essays published in The Spectator, as long as he exempted
their particular class. Irony is used with a pinch of humour to describe the attitude of each member, which
deprives Addison of all the areas which the can hit through his satire. Then we have the instance of a pure
humour- the comparison of the spectators situation with the old man with two wives. One of the wives does
not like the black hair and plucks out all the black hair from her husbands head, the other wife does not like the
white hair and she plucks out all the white hair from the mans head and in this way, the poor husband was left
bald. Another humorous but ironical reference is made in the essay, the allusion to the Roman triumvirate who
first tried to exclude their friends from execution list but later decided to keep them in as otherwise they would
have been without anyone to execute! The satire is against being partial and prejudiced.
In Female Orators, we have another example of Addisons irony. It has been rightly said that nowhere else is
Addisons irony most effective and striking than in the essay where he deals with the foibles and fashions of the
female sex. Female Orators is a glaring example of Addisons use of pungent irony. We are told, in the essay, in
most serious aid grave terms that the chair for rhetoric in universities should be reserved for females since they
are so much more voluble then men. Addison ironically remarks that women are better orators, for men can talk
for hours on a particular subject whereas women posses the ability to talk for hours upon nothing. This is written
in a tone of praise and hence the ironic effect is heightened. Then, we are told that females can prove their worth
and superiority with respect to their power of argumentation in the court. As a proof, one has merely to observe
the fish wives arguing with their customers. Here is a dig at the loquacity of women as well as the bickerings in
the court between the lawyers. What can be more ironical than the reference to the fishwives as British fishery!
Towards the end, Addison uses the quotation by Ovid, the great Latin poet, to support his argument, which says
that the female tongue, even when it is cut off can continue to make some sound. The coinage of such terms as
Mrs. Fiddle-Faddle, for a most talkative women who have the guts to speak for hours on the wit of her boy who
has yet to learn how to speak, is a superb use of irony.
In yet another essay The Aim of the Spectator he directs humorous irony against the different sections of
society who need to improve their tastes and ideas. His description of the blanks of the society who are totally
unfurnished with idea and have to rely upon others to get the material for conversation is extremely ironical. His
assurance to such blanks of society that he would see to it that they are cured of their blank state of mind if they
took up reading his papers in which he would provide them with some ideas and thoughts enough for conversation
for the next twelve hours, is seemingly sympathetic, but actually ironical. In the same essay he says that his
paper will prove to be quite beneficial to the female world that had so far not been given adequate attention. He
ironically satirizes the trivial preoccupations which women take so seriously. He says The toilet is their great
scene of business and the right adjustment of their hair the principal employment of their lives. The intention of
Addisons irony is to bring the females out of their trivial affairs and join the intellectual stream of society.
Irony and humour is unmistakable in de Coverley papers. In the essay Sir Roger at Church, we have a delightful
combination of praise and ridicule. The ironical behaviour of Sir Roger cant be missed. Sir Roger is a kind
hearted and good-natured gentleman, but is full of oddities and eccentricities. These oddities are presented in an
ironical light. During the sermon, we are told, Sir Roger sees to it that no one dozes, exempting oneself from the
rule. His pronouncing amen, three or four times after the same psalm, is another example of his oddity of
character. His asking about the welfare of someones wife, or mother or father, or son is his indirect way of
reminding the person present that his family members have been absent. But the irony is good natured and free
from malice.
Urbanity, too, is recognized as one of the most striking and outstanding qualities of Addisons writings. the word
urbanity means politeness refinement courtesy etc. The same is true of Addisons use of irony too. Addisons
irony is typical of him because it goes hand in hand with an urbanity of language and expression. He is never
hostile, crude or rough even when he is ironical. His irony moreover is not directed towards any particular
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individual. It is general in nature. In The Scope of Satire he makes it clear that his object is not to attack
individual. He promises never to draw a faulty character which does not fit at least one thousand people. His
purpose was to combat with criminals in a body, and to assault the vice, without hurting the person. He is
ironical, pungently in the essays dealing with the fashions and foibles of females, but he is never virulent or
savage. Nowhere is his irony offensive or hurtful. Moreover the aim behind the irony is worthy. He himself
declares his intention never to publish a single essay, which is not written in a spirit of benevolence and with a
love of mankind. Macaulay rightly says, Of Addison it may be confidently affirmed, that he has blackened no
mans characters, nay, it would be difficult, if not impossible to find in all the volumes he has left us a single taunt
which can be called ungenerous or unkind.
Addisons Humour
Addison is undoubtedly one of the greatest humorists in English literature. His humour is of a rare order. It is
delicately ironical, gentlemanly, tolerant and urbane. Addison is at his best when he is humorous. Addison uses
humour in a subtle and exquisite way. According to a critic, the exquisite reserve, the subtle tenderness, the
geniality and the pathos of his humour are remarkable.
Humour may be defined as the kindly, amused contemplation of the incongruities of life, and the expression
thereof in literature. Humour arouses laughter and speaks of all that is comical, funny, ludicrous or diverting.
In the case of Addison, there is not a single case where humour loses its delicacy or refinement. Reading
Addisons essays people found themselves quite amused and they appreciated the genial intimacy that Addison
established with his readers while making them laugh and smile. Addisons humour is not of a false variety. In
one of his essays, he says that false humour and wit is produced from falsehood and non-sense whereas true wit
and humour come out of truth and good sense. False humour causes frenzied laughter of which Addison is quite
critical. He believes in creating that kind of humour which is divorced from sarcasm or arises out of bitterness
and malice. His humour evokes genuine smile and not note hatred or irritation.
It has been unanimously agreed by all the critics of Addison that there is not to be found in his essays pure
humour i.e. the humour that aims wholly at fun and entertainment without any extraneous or serious purpose.
Though Addison is aware of the value of laughter for its own sake, yet he has made humour as a means to the
end of imparting instruction and reform. Humour is seldom made an end in itself. There are no doubt stray
examples of pure humour, such as the anecdote in The Scope of Satire in which the author compares his plight
with that of an old man who was left bald because his two wives picked up the black and the white hair that they
dislike. Most of the humour in Addisons essays is purposive. I would not willingly laugh, but in order to
instruct, he says. And to achieve this purpose, he points out the foibles, follies, vices, manners, superficialities
of the people in a most humorous manner in order to bring them out of these incongruities. As his humour has
a corrective motive, it naturally gets converted into satire with irony as one of its principle weapons. Addison
clearly stated that his aim in writing the essays was to banish vice and folly and ignorance from the boundaries
of great Britain. For achieving this purpose, he declared his intention to enliven morality with wit and to temper
wit with morality. He was frankly didactic and concerned with social reform. Still, the didactic purpose does not
weigh down heavily on his writings.
Addison focussed on ridiculing the vices the foibles, the varieties and the affectations of his time. But he was
never hostile or pungent in his attacks. His humour was a humane one, and not cynical or misanthropic. As
Macaulay says He attacked all the little vanities and big vices of his time, not in Swifts terrible way which
make us feel hopeless of humanity, but with a keen ridicule and gentle humour which takes speedy improvement
for granted. Addison never aimed at degrading or denouncing anything great and sensible, anything amiable,
any moral duty. His aim was to assault the vice without hurting the person. He wrote even the most pungent
satires in the spirit of benevolence and with a love of mankind.
Humour, it has been seen, is a part of satire. This humour often takes the form of irony, the supreme weapon in
the hands of a satirist who is working for a corrective purpose, to bring a reform in the society. In fact, as
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Courthope says, irony is the very essence of Addisons humour. He could present irony in a moderate and
genteel manner only because it was veiled by humour. Addisons urbanity and instinctive humanity made him
resort to humorous and general irony. He achieves the ironic effect by treating in the most serious way, the
trivial, non-serious issues. This grave irony is revealed in the essay Female Orators and Fans. It is because of
the touch of fun and humour to irony that makes it modest and reformative in nature. Addisons irony is good
natured, always informed by suave humour.
In The Scope of Satire, Addison tells the readers that he would not make fun of any individual in particular, but
of general types. He ridiculed classes of people, never particular persons. He made fun of the vices and follies
of the society in a good humored and amusing way. For instance, he attacked different classes and sections of
his society in general. He satirizes the vanity of the landed gentry who preferred their younger sons to starve
rather then earn livelihood by trade. He makes fun of the country squires through the imaginary character Sir
Roger de Coverley. He desires to reform the existing tastes in drama and theatre through ridiculing the contemporary
stage. The fashions, vanities and artificalities of the female world also come under the purview of his humorous
satire. But everywhere, he is general and avoids directing attack on a specific individual. He is sophisticated and
refined in his humour against all the objects of satire.
It is possible to consider Addisons humorous essays in four distinct groups- the essays which deal with theatre
and the opera, the essays which deal with the manners and behaviour, Sir Roger de Coverley essays and lastly,
the essays with a purely didactic aim. The fourth category viz of the didactic essays are devoid of humour. So
we shall talk about the first three categories.
The essays Nicolini and the Lions and Stage Realism ridicule the absurdities which were the part of the stage
of the day. Both essays are full of irony and humour. We are greatly amused by the authors reference to the
hero and the lion smoking a pipe together behind the scene and his comparison of this friendliness with that
of two lawyers outside the courtroom is most humorous. Inside the court, the lawyers might try to tear each
other to pieces, but outside, they are friendly with each other. In Stage Realism, the anecdote about the use of
real sparrows on the stage and the comparison of the method by which bird music was produced behind the
scenes with the trick which Ssir Martin Marall practiced upon his mistress, are quite funny.
The second group of essays include, Valetudinarians, A Grinning Match, Female Orators, Coffee House
Politicians, Coffee House Opinions. The essay Valetudinarians is most amusing in its description of the type
of person who is obsessed with rules and principles of health. Exaggeration helps to make the essay A Grinning
Match humorous. In this essay we are told about a competition in grinning and why a Frenchman, Jacobite and
a ploughman are rejected from this competition. In Female Orators we are told about the vanities that females
indulge in. The remark that females are able to talk for hours upon nothing is rather humorous and ironic. There
is comic irony in the essays Coffee House Politicians and Coffee House Opinions. In these two essays, the
coffee house gossips are ridiculed for their ignorance and pretentious air.
Humour is at its best in the de Coverley papers. Sir Roger de Coverley, though a lovable character, has a comic
side. We laugh at him when his pocket has been picked by the gypsies, when he dozes off during the sermon,
when he spares his own fields in his shooting expedition, when he comments upon the difficulty of dealing with
a widow etc. Will Wimbles attainments and occupations are another source of humour in these essays. We
laugh at the excuse that Will Honeycomb offers for his wrong spellings. He says that he does not like the
pedantry in spellings and that he spelt like a gentleman and not like a scholar.
To conclude, one may point out that there is no blasphemy in Addisons humour anywhere, no violation of truth,
no coarseness, no vulgarity. His humour is dignified and refined, never cheap or low. He is always smooth,
decent, gentlemanly and suave. He is never bitter. Therein lies his greatness as a humorist.
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Addison as a Moralist
The object of Addison in contributing essays is The Spectator was to entertain the readers and at the same time,
to reform and educate them. For achieving these twin purposes, he declared his strategy and method in his
essay The Aim of the Spectator to enliven morality with wit and to temper wit with morality. In other words,
The Spectator had to fulfil a moral aim. In an age when people were badly affected by two extremities of
influences - the licentiousness and the Restoration trend of loose thinking and behaviour on the one hand, and on
the other, the moral rigidity of the puritans, Addison aspired to strike a balance between wit and morality.
Addison tried to inculcate moral ideas through the medium of satire. He ridicules the vanities frivolities, absurdities
artificiality of behaviour, vices and follies of the day and did his best through the essays to eliminate them from
the lives of the people. In the essay The Aim of the Spectator, he expresses his desire to bring philosophy out
of the closets and libraries, schools and colleges, to Dwell in clubs and assemblies, at tea tables and coffee
houses. He also says that The Spectator will not be a periodical of political information. It will aim at bringing a
sense of self-knowledge in the readers. The paper was obviously concerned with the art of living. In the same
essay he tells us that the women spend a major chunk of their time in the business of toilets and the right
adjusting of their hair. Their life is restricted to preparing jams, jellies and sweetmeats and doing embroidery and
sewing. He aims at bringing the women out of the trivial affairs of life to join the intellectual and exalted circle of
society. He hopes to increase the number of such women by publishing this daily paper which will divert their
minds from the numerous trifles that engage their attention.
In the essay The Scope of Satire, he strongly feels that vice and folly ought to be attacked wherever they are
to be met with, and especially when they are found in high and conspicuous stations of life. He feels that The
Spectator would be of great use to the public by reprehending those vices which are too trivial for the chastisement
of law and too fantastical for the cognizance of the pulpit. It is accepted by Sir Andrew Freeport, that The
Spectator is doing a commendable job in bringing an awareness in people and scourging vice and folly from the
society.
In most of the essays written by Addison, there is an obvious and explicit aim of eradicating ignorance from the
boundaries of Great Britain and to rid them of their follies and absurdities. In Female Orators, Addison holds to
ridicule the loquacity of women. He wants them to utilise their capabilities in same constructive field and exercise
some restraint upon their talkativeness. We are greatly amused by the reference to an old lady who made an
unhappy marriage the subject of a months conversation, got exhausted of the subject, visited the bride in person,
told her that she has made a right choice in selecting her husband, informed her how malicious people were
talking about their marriage and finally extended a hand of friendship to the young bride. The moral and didactic
aim of the essay is made evident by the author at the end when he tells us that while he is certainly not averse
to hearing the voice of a woman, he would like to cure it of several disagreeable notes. He is wonderfully
charmed by the music of this little instrument, but he would like to have it tuned by good nature, truth, discretion
and sincerity. Addisons avowed purpose to amuse as well as instruct the readers is clearly illustrated here in this
essay.
The essay Sir Roger at Church also presents, towards the end the moral leanings of Addison. The essay begins
on a light, and humorous note of the ritual followed in the village viz. people gather every Sunday to offer prayers
collectively in the church. The people, he says in his typical easy and supple style, meet together in their best
clothes, to converse with one another upon different subjects, hear their duties explained to them, and join
together in adoration of the supreme Being. Sunday, he says, clears away the rust of the whole week by
refreshing peoples notion of religion. After discussing at length the eccentricities of Sir Roger, the country
squire, to the great amusement of the readers, the essayist comes down to the reformative, moral purpose. In the
concluding passage, Addison dwells upon the desirability of cordial relations between the parson and the squire
of the village. Referring to a particular village, he observes that the parson is always preaching the squire and the
squire, to be revenged on the parson, never comes to church. The matters have reached such a worse state
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that the squire has not said his prayers for the last six months. Feuds of this nature, says Addison, are fatal to the
ordinary village people.
The closing lines of the essay Meditations in the Abbey present the moral of the essay in most effective may.
The sight of the tombs of great people fills the author with noble ideas and drives out all the mean, unworthy and
base feelings. The observations of Addison expressed here are most useful for the whole of humanity. They
have a great educative purpose. He says that when he looks at these tombs in the Abbey, every feeling of envy
dies in him. When he reads the epitaphs of the beautiful women every in ordinate desire vanishes. When he sees
the tombs of the kings and the holy men who brought conflict and fractions in the world he reflects the futility of
petty envies, competitions, factions and conflicts of mankind. When he reads the different dates at the tombstones,
he is reminded of the doomsday when all will become contemporaries. Addison appears in the role of lay
preacher in this essay. Moral improvement in himself as well as in others is reinforced through his meditation in
the abbey. The reflections about such a vital and unavoidable fact viz death have a universal appeal and are
recorded here for the benefit of the readers.
In all these essays we notice Addisons keen attention to bring a reforms. The didactic tone in all these essays
is unmistakable although all these essays abound in wit and humour. But wit and humour and irony have an
educative purpose. They are used for instruction and preaching. Addison has succeeded in making diversion
useful as he declared in the essay The Aim of the Spectator. Addison has in fact lived up to the role of a
reformer that he had carved for himself.
Addison as Social Reformer

A reading of Addisons essays reveal that the attack that Addison makes on the vices and follies of the society
in general and not directed towards any individual in particular. In the essay viz. The Scope of Satire, Addison
states that the members of The Spectator club unanimously agreed that in his papers, he should be at liberty to
carry the war into what quarter he pleased provided he took care to combat with criminals in a body and to
assault the vice without hurting the person. Addisons intention to ridicule vice and folly of multitudes of people
and never try to hurt the sentiments of a person are voiced by a member of the same club who pointed out that
people approved Addisons generous intentions to scourge vice and folly as they appear in multitude, without
condescending to be a publisher of particular intrigues. Accordingly, Addison had decided to make an example
of anything in city, court or country, that shapes modesty or good manners, and he appeals to each reader
never to think himself or anyone of his friends or enemies aimed at in what is said. In the same essay called
The Scope of Satire, he promised his readers that he will never cross the limitations that he has set for himself
and in keeping with this resolution never to draw a faulty character which does not fit at least a thousand
people, or publish a single paper that is not written in the spirit of benevolence, and with a love of mankind. This
is the unanimous view of the critics too that Addisons satire is not hurtful for it is directed against classes and not
persons, and is always on the side of virtue and religion.
One of the main reasons behind Addisons generosity and absence of malice or hostility for any person is his
humanity, urbanity and good taste, which are the essential outstanding traits of his character. He was not a
misanthrope like Swift. His irony is not either spiteful like Pope or merciless as it is in the works of Jane Austen,
or malicious as it is some times in Drydens works. Pope and Dryden often attack particular individuals in their
satires. Swift is relentless in his use of satire and does not spare anyone from the sphere of satire. But in the case
of Addison, he really loved the human society to which he belonged and he desired to mend and reform
whatever seemed to him ridiculous, artificial or obnoxious in the behaviour and habits of men and women. But he
achieved this effect in a moderate and mild way. Macaulay rightly says of Addison it may be confidently
affirmed that he has blackened no mans character, may, that it would be difficult if not impossible, to find in all
the volumes he has left us a single taunt which can be called ungenerous or unkind.
Addison sets out to attack the vices and follies, manners and habits in a tender and not in a fierce, violent way.
Secondly; his attack was directed against a class and not any person in particular. All his essays bear a testimony
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to this contention. For instance, in his essays Nicolini and the Lions, and Stage Realism, he does not attack any
closen individual but the absurdities and cynicism, which dominated the stage of the day, were the target of his
ridicule. The purpose was a noble one viz to improve the taste of the theatre going public as well as that of the
organisers and managers of the theatre houses. In another essay viz. The Trunk Maker, the ignorance and thick
headedness of the theatre going public becomes the object of ridicule as these people are incapable of appreciating
or applauding a situation in a play without a signal from the man in the upper gallery. That is, folly is attacked
here and the whole multitude of people who went to the theatre is the victim of satire. Hence, the general nature
of the satire. In yet another essay the Grinning Match, Addison attacks yet another folly practised by a number
of people. The author here condemns the organizers of this monstrous trial of skill (that is, a grinning match), for
their affront to human beings. The essay makes a hilarious reading and nowhere is any sign of bitterness for any
person. He calls competitions of this kind not only ridiculous but immoral too. In Coffee House politicians and
Coffee House opinions he exposes the hollowness and ignorance of the gossips of the time which carried no
weight and were also ingnuine and pretentious in nature.
Another area that comes under the preview of his criticism and satire is the frivolities, vanities, artificiality and
ignorance in the female world. He was very enthusiastic about the upliftment of the status of women and
bringing awareness in them. The essays like Fans and the Female Orators are apt illustration in this case. In fans
the coquetry of women in general is ridiculed. The accomplishment of a particular class of women with their
fans is pungently satirised. In Female Orators different categories and types of female orators are attacked those who stir up the passions, those who are censorious, those who can be described as gossips and those
who may be called coquettes. The essay is an attack on the general loquacity of women. In this essay even
when Addison cites the example of a certain woman who made an unhapping marriage the subject of conversation
for a month, it is quite explicit that he is not referring to any particular woman rather exposes to ridicule a
particular type of female volubility. Similarly when he mentions Sempronia, Cornelia or Mrs. Fiddle-Faddle,
we realise that these names represent a class and not individuals. In yet another essay France Fopperies, the
women of quality who went to see Macbeth on the stage and who displayed a childishness of behaviour represents
a class of aristocratic ladies of the time, ladies who had travelled abroad and had picked up certain ridiculous
ways.
Sir Roger de Coverley, as presented in the de Coverley series of papers, is a representative of a type of the
country gentleman or at times a noble and learned dictator of the manners of English country side. Even though
he is strongly individualised, yet he does not represent any particular individual. But as he is the central character
of Addisons essays he can best be explained as a curious blend of individual and type. But it is for sure that
he does not reflects any particular person that Addison had in mind; he is merely a crop of Addison mind who is
being used to expose and ridicule benevolently the eccentricities of behaviour in the people of his rank and
calibre. That is why he represented various aspects of his personality - as a magistrate, a squire, the Tory land
holder, the benevolent tyrant of the parish, occasionally absurd as a politician and churchman. On the whole he
is a lovable character and shines even when ridiculed.
Addison has been true to his commitment of attacking the vice without hurting the person. All the essays
discussed above verify this contention. His satire is general; it never intends to ridicule or offend any particular
person. Addison has kept himself away from any personal antagonism or rivalry. This is quite appreciable. The
difference becomes clear when Addison is being compared to Dryden who in Absalom and Achitophel and
Pope who in Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot attacked and exposed to ridicule particular individuals who could easily be
identified. This is, in fact, not true of Addison whose love of mankind in general, urbanity, modesty and kindheartedness kept him away from malicious attacks on persons. The follies of society are held up to ridicule to the
end that readers may see the absurdities of some social manners and laugh themselves out of their follies and
vices.
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Addisons Prose Style

Addisons contribution in evolving a different style in English prose is in fact applaudable. Addison is rightly
admired for introducing a dignified graceful and flexible style of writing which is in fact expressive of his
character. His love of moderation, reasonableness, kind-heartedness, delicacy and modesty are reflected in the
purity, regularity, lucidity and felicity of his style. Few English writers have revealed themselves more accurately
and exactly in their writings than Addison, says Hugh Walker. The views of another critic Deighton also bear
a worthy and true picture of Addison style. Deighton says that Addisons style is inimitable because in order to
write like Addison, one must possess the qualities of character which Addison possessed - his loving nature his
placid temper, his careful avoidance of excesses of any kind, deep yet simple piety, the discipline of travel and an
inherited love of literature. These personal character traits of Addison account for precision, fluency, sombreness
in tone, and an unerring sense of proportion in his style.
The most striking thing about his style is clarity, lucidity, simplicity and spontaneity. Addison shuns superficiality,
complexity, pompousness, artificiality and pretentiousness in his style. He expresses his thoughts in most simple
way and never strains after effects. One has a feeling of natural flow of feelings while reading his essays. But
this natural flow of feelings is made compact and rational through the restraint, which is fundamental to Addisons
character too. It is far from being like wordsworthian spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings. It is rather
exquisite observation put spontaneously and in straightforward and reasonable way. The qualities of his style
reflect the qualities of his character like sincerity, honesty, modesty, reserve, and piety. His is not a laborious
style, not an involved style. It is a style marked by felicitous choice of vocabulary and an equally felicitous
arrangement and combination of words.
The felicity of expression can be very well illustrated in the following lives from the essay Meditations in the
Abbey: upon this I began to consider with myself what innumerable multitudes of people lay confused together
under the pavement of that ancient cathedral, how men and women, friends and enemies, priests and soldiers,
monks and prebendaries, were crumbled amongst one another, and blended together in the same common mass;
how beauty, strength and youth, with old age, weakness, and deformity, lay undistinguished in the same promiscuous
heap of matter This sentence reveals many stark traits - the choice of words, the easy flow of language, the
purity and clarity of expression. Apart from these qualities, this passage also shows Addisons power of evoking
an atmosphere of melancholy contemplation. The other striking feature of this sentence is its length, but it is
handled deftly and efficiently and as such presents little difficulty in understanding to the reader. But when the
occasion demands, Addison can write short, precise, compact sentence too, with equal ease. For instance in the
essay Fans we have an example of the short and neatly compact sentence. Women are armed with fans as
men with swords, and sometimes do more execution with them. That vice and folly ought to be attacked
wherever they could be met with, and especially when they are placed in high and conspicuous stations of life
{The Scope of Satire). I shall endeavour to enliven morality with wit and to temper wit with morality, that my
readers may, it possible, both ways find their account in the speculation of the day. (The Aim of the Spectator)
Addisons style is not highly figurative. There is not an abundant or high-flown similes or metaphors of other
figures of speech. But a moderate use of similes and metaphors can not be denied. They are used in an effective
way to project a point of view to the readers. These figures of speech are neither elaborate nor detailed. He uses
terse expressions for conveying his point of view. In the essay Female Orators, there is a use of simile when
tongue is being compared to a race horse which runs the faster the lesser weight it carries. An essay writer
must practice in the chemical method, and give the virtue of a full draught in a few drops. (Periodical Essays).
Mirth is short and transient, cheerfulness fixed and permanent. (On Cheerfulness).
Addison uses abundant of allusions in his essays- historical, mythological, biblical, and literary. Quotation from
various sources, fables, anecdotes, and analogies are freely employed to reinforce and project his argument in a
better may. In Female Orators we have the quotation their untired lips a wordy torrent pour. In the essay The
Aim of the Spectator, we have an allusion to Socrates and Sir Francis Bacon. In Female Orators, we have the
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a reference to Socrates, Hudibras, the wife of Bath and Ovid. In The Scope of Satire, there are allusious to
Horace, Juvenal, and Boileau. There is also a historical reference to the Roman triumvirate.
Humour is an indispensable part of his style and the essence of humour is irony. Female Orators are a masterpiece
of humorous satire. The volubility of female sex is ridiculed in pungent way but the description amuses the
readers and does not fail to evoke the corrective aim too. The ironical effect is enhanced by exalting the trivial,
by treating in a most serious way the trivial and non-serious issues. Thus he seems to be praising the volubility of
women when he says: With what fluency of invention and copiousness of expression will they enlarge upon
every little slip in the behaviour of another; with how many different circumstances, and with variety of phrases
will they tell over the same story! Sir Roger at Church is another example of the ironical description of the old
knight who does not let anyone doze off in the congregation except himself. His habit of pronouncing Amen
many times if he liked a particular poem is also presented humorously. Thanks to his character his humour or
irony are never hurtful or pungent. Like his individual character his humour and satire are also urbane and
moderate. He never became cynical or misanthropic or sarcastic in his satire. He attacked vice and folly without
writing the person. He throughout remained committed to the cause of directing his irony against a class, groups
or types of persons and never against any particular man or woman.
Addison was extremely careful in his choice of words and put in a great deal of effort in polishing and balancing
his phrases. He is said to be so fastidious in his composition that he would often stop the press to alter a
preposition or a conjunction. He was an elegant craftsman who chiselled his sentences till they achieved the best
possible finish. His style is characterised by dignity, flow of movement, an absence of exaggeration or extravagance,
spontaneity, lucidity, purity, humour, and terseness. Dr. Johnson praised Addison for his middle style - a style
which is not too informal, it is not rigidly formal either. In his words: Addison is a master of a middle style,
familiar but not coarse, elegant but not ostentatious, on grave subjects not formal; on light occasions not grovelling,
pure without scrupulosity, and exact without apparent elaboration; and always equable and always easy, without
glowing words or pointed sentences. Almost every critic has lavished praise on Addison for his style. Dr
Johnsons tribute to it has become classic : whoever wishes to attain an English style must give his days and
nights to the volumes of Addison.
Addison as a Thinker
In the judgement of the worth and greatness of any literary work, form, expression or style are important no
doubt but equally important is the content or matter of that work. It is in fact the blend of these two - style and
content that goes a long way to make a work worthy from the critical point of view. Sir Thomas Browne, John
Carlyle, John Ruskin, Dr. Johnson etc are considered among the greatest English prose writers not only because
of the innovation in their respective style but also due to the intensity of their thinking. So far as Addison is
concerned he has a great contribution in the development of English prose style. Dr. Johnson in his classic
statement has showered immense praise on him regarding his prose style. But so far as the intensity and depth
with respect to thinking is concerned the same is not true of Addison. Addison has no doubt brought a revolution
in the field of English prose by setting a trend of the style that is neat, precise, lucid, pure, spontaneous, exact,
rational, elegant and moderate and humorous. But he doesnt enjoy the same reputation with regard to depth
and richness of thought. He is certainly not a great or original thinker. The profundity of outlook on the world, the
philosophical leanings or spiritual cognition are starkly missing from his essays.
There is no doubt that Addison is amazingly correct in his thinking. His observation about a particular matter
or individual are so exact, precise and rational that one cant disagree with him. In other words his thinking is
balanced and just and there can be no controversy about it. But the other aspect of the whole picture, that the
originality or profundity of thought is missing, also true.
At the same time, it is also true that Addison started writing for The Spectator with an avowed purpose of
bringing reform in the modes and manners of the society and free it from the shackles of artificiality, vanity, folly
and vice. For achieving this end, he selected satire and irony veiled in humour as his weapon.
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Now, satire, by its very nature, is not profound form of writing. It is merely a vehicle of carrying out the purpose
of reform in eradicating the absurdities and affectations by exposing them to ridicule and laughter. Satirical
writings do not hold the promise of profundity in thought. The role carved by Addison for himself that of a
preacher, an instructor and a moralist deprives him of the possibility of deep thinking. His interests were
restricted to ridiculing the behaviour of certain classes of people of his time, their love of cheaper forms of
entertainment like grinning matches, the hollowness and pretentious air of coffee house gossips, the want of
taste and judgement in the theatre going public etc. He ridicules the absurdities of women as their love of French
fopperies, their use of Fans, their ridiculous head dresses and hoods, their loquacity etc. Addisons comments on
all these issues are unmistakably correct and exact. He can put his finger on the right spot. He combines an alert
mind with a keen sense of humour and wit to achieve this effect. The irony and satire, the mode of representation
of the follies with a pinch of salt, taking a dig into erring people and their manners, all that is quite enjoyable and
interesting even today. But this does not ensure depth or any philosophical thought. Even the subject chosen in
the essay Meditation in the Abbey i.e. death is not given philosophic colour. One perceives Addison more in a
meditative and contemplative mood rather than expressing the intensity of thought.
The group of moral or didactic essays present him as a sordid preacher. The lessons he teaches in these essays
could be summed up in the following maxim like: Be steadfast, not be fickle or inconstant. Be cheerful, always
be charitable. Do not hurt others with your ridicule. Be contented with whatever you have got. Do not be self
centred. etc. There is nothing original or remarkable about these pieces of advice. These suggestions and
morals are though covered with the mask of eloquent language, supported with anecdotes and metaphors and
with reference to great thinkers and writers. But they do not reveal any creative or innovative powers on part of
Addison. Hugh Walker even denies to Addison any energy in thinking, thus endorsing Dr. Johnsons verdict.
The greatest style, says Hugh Walker, is the expression of the highest energy, intellectual and moral, which
Addison did not possess. We cannot but endorse the opinion of Dr. Johnson that Addison thinks justly, but he
thinks faintly.
Short Notes
The spectator papers as a mirror of society.
The Spectator is a valuable social document as it gives an exact and clear picture of the life and manners of the
times. We get a subtle picture of the country life as well as the city life of London at that time. In particular we
get a faithful projection of the life of the country squires, their tastes and habits, their modes of diversion, we also
get an accurate picture of the vanities and foibles of the fashionable women of London of the time. Addisons
assumed role of spectator of life and manners enabled him to describe the picture of society in a minute and a
detailed manner. The life of London dominated by its clubs and coffee houses comes alive in the pages of The
Spectator. The fashions of the time regarding dress or manners have been conveyed, authentically in the essays
contributed to this periodical, especially those by Addison.
Sir Roger represents the life of the country squire and through him; we get a clear notion of life in the country.
The feudal system was still prevalent in the countryside, though it was slowly vanishing. Sir Roger is representative
of this feudalism but an idealised version of his relationship with the naive country people is being described for
the purposes of instruction and didacticism.
A faithful portrayal of the social and political activity in the city of London is also to be found in the essays.
Addison criticises the coffee house politicians, the people who gathered in such places and expressed their
opinions and passed their judgements about all the matters without having a substantial knowledge or qualification
to do so. Another important aspect of the fashionable London life was theatre and drama. In a number of essays
we get a fairly detailed and critical account of the theatre of the day with its entire drawbacks held up to ridicule.
The essays in this group are Nicotine and the Lions and Stage Realism.
A fair idea is given about the fashionable women of the city of London. The female habit of loquacity is exposed
in the essay Female Orators; their vanity of using fan as a weapon to capture and kill the gallants of the time is
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typical of the fashions of the age, highlighted very well in the essay Fans. In The Aim of the Spectator, we get
to know the trivial occupations of the ladies of the day.
There might is a certain exaggeration in Addisons account of the follies and foibles of the society, which he set
out to reform. But inspite of this, Addison has not given a distorted picture of the society in England. Dr. Johnson
rightly comments, As a describer of life and manners, he must be allowed the first of the first rank. he copies
life with so much fidelity, that he can be hardly said to invent; yet his exhibitions have an air so much original, that
it is difficult to suppose them not merely products of imagination.
Addison as a critic of the contemporary society.

Although Addison assumed the role of a spectator - an objective onlooker, detached from the world but taking
pleasure in looking on it, yet his real object was to play the role of a critic of the life and manners of his time. He
set out to be a mild censor of the morals of the age and most of his compositions deal with topical subjects fashions, head dresses, practical jokes, indecency in conversation, the trivialities of life, and the follies and foibles
of dress, manners, or of thought. His aim, in his own words, was to point out those vices which are two trivial for
the chastisement of law and too fantastical for the cognizance of pulpit. His purpose therefore, was to bring
social reform. But it is through the modes of humour, wit and satire that he wanted to laugh them out of their
vices and follies. He worked avowedly for the purpose of banishing and ignorance from the territories of Great
Britain. He wanted to enliven morality with wit and to temper wit with morality. But he was not an aggressive
of fierce moralist, nor the quaint moralist, nor the stern or stately moralist, but the happy moralist. Accordingly he
employed humour and wit for conveying his disapproval and displeasure of prevailing absurdities and follies.
The essays of Addison have been regarded as a faithful reflection of the life of the time viewed with an aloof
and dispassionate observation. They are the best pictures we posses of the new social life of England with its
many new interests. He wanted to enforce certain ideals of civilisation. Cazamian calls Addison an informed
observer and a judicious critic of manners and character. In the essay The Grinning Match, he satirizes the
triviality of people who found interest in an ass-race or in a controversy of faces. In The Trunk Maker he
pokes fun at the theatre audience for their lack of taste and judgement. In the essays Coffee House Politicians
and Coffee House Opinion he exposes the hollowness of the gossips of the time, who talked glibly and in a
pretentious manner about public events. Contemporary women are ridiculed for their coquetry in Fans, for their
excessive love of fashion in French Fopperies, for their fantastical accomplishments in Womens Head
Dresses and for their volubility and loquacity in Female Orators. He exposed the absurdities of Sir Roger de
Coverley who represents the landed aristocracy of the time. In Stage Realism, he condemns the absurd devices
used on the English stage for producing terror and pity. In Nicolini and the Lions he criticises the Italian opera
of the time for its forced thoughts, cold conceits and unnatural expression.
Thus Addison criticises the manners and affectations of the English society of the eighteenth century but in a
moderate, mild and urbane way. Humour, satire, ridicule and irony are the weapons used to expose the vices and
follies of the society. But his satire is prompted by a purpose of reform and teaching. It is not spiteful as in the
works of Pope, deadly and dangerous as in Swift, merciless as in Jane Austin, pungent and individual as in
Dryden. Addisons achievement as a mild critic and a reformer of society cannot be overestimated.
Character sketch of Sir Roger de Coverley
The idea of Sir Roger de Coverley the country squire and the member of The Spectator club was Steeles
creation. But it was Addison who developed this rough sketch into a vivid and life like portrayal. Macauly rightly
says Addison took the crude outlines into his own hands - retouched them, coloured them, and is in truth the
creator of Sir Roger de Coverley with whom we are all familiar.
Sir Roger is a man of very singular behaviour as we have been told by Steele that conceived the character.
Addison continues to lay emphasis on this singularity. We are told that Sir Roger is simple minded and kind
country squire but at the same time he is slightly eccentric and cynical. It would not be wrong to say that the
eccentricities of Sir Roger are rather borne out of the innate goodness of the knight. They are contradiction to
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the manners of the world, only as he thinks the world is in the wrong. When we read about Sir Roger, we like
him and respect him even while we are aware of his weaknesses. As Hugh Walker remarks He never becomes
so absurd as to lose our respect.
Sir Roger at Church shows clearly the ability of Addison to evoke respect and laughter together for Sir Roger.
There is no doubt that Sir Roger is a good churchman, and a good landlord who is keenly interested in the
welfare of his tenants. Sir Roger took great interest in the village church and also saw to it that his tenants
attended the church regularly. For this purpose, he took great pains to attract the tenants to church every Sunday
to attend the sermons. He had got the church decorated with quotations from the Bible, which he selected
himself. He had presented the church with a new pulpit cloth in order to beautify it. He had gifted the parishioners
with a Common prayer Book and a hassock to kneel on in church to encourage them to attend church regularly.
Further, he got a travelling musician to come and instruct the parishioners to sing the psalms in the right tune.
But there is another aspect to his character. Sir Roger being the landlord of the entire congregation felt personally
responsible for their behaviour and exerted his authority to keep them disciplined. He allowed no one to sleep in
the church except himself. If by chance, he fell asleep during the sermon, on waking up he would look around
and if he found anyone dozing off, he would immediately wake up that person or send his servants to make him
up. Many of his oddities come out in the church. He would continue singing a verse long after the others had
done with it. It he liked a particulars prayer he would say amen three or four times at the end of that prayer.
Often when the rest of the congregation was kneeling, he would stand to count the number of people present to
locate anyones absence. It he felt any one was disturbing the service; he would not hesitate calling that person
to order in the middle of service. The parishioners were too simple and naive to find anything ridiculous in
behaviour of the knight. On the contrary, these oddities only served to make his virtues seem all the more
striking.
The oddities of Sir Roger are exposed during the church service. There is much humour in his behaviour at
church, touchrd with delicate irony. But the knights intentions for the church and the parishioners are noble,
worthy and genuine. Therefore he commands the respect of the readers despite being cynical. Sir Rogers
amicable relationship with the parson bears a testimony to his good nature. This cordiality between the squire
and the parson is starkly missing in the next village. Addison gives the example of Sir Roger as the ideal to be
followed.
Types of female orators

The essay Female Orators is a satire on the loquacity and talkativeness of women. Addison exposes the foible
of women who talk incessantly upon trivial matters in an amusing way. The essay is a fine example of irony that
was typical of Addison. But the use of irony is not pungent or hurtful or indecent. Rather, he exposes the
volubility of the females without any bitterness, and in an elegant way. The purpose of Addison is not to offend
the sentiments of women, but to bring a reform in them. He wants them to develop their intellectual capabilities
along with their interest in make up, dresses and making of sweetmeats.
Addison has classified the female orators into many categories. The first type was the one that aroused the
passions. An example of this kind is Socrates wife. The second type indulged in all kinds of invectives. Such
women are endowed with a fertile imagination and power of invention. These women can be most eloquent
upon the faults of other women. They are able to tell different versions of the same story by using different
figures and forms of speech. Addison quotes an example of particular old women who made an unhappy
marriage the subject of conversation for a month. She showed pity, anger, amusement and other different
reactions to the same bride in her different versions at several places. She exhausted a pair of coach horses by
going around from one place to another expressing her anxiety about the bride. When she exhausted her inventive
power to speak against the marriage, she went to the bride herself, complimented her upon her choice of
husband, and told her that malicious people were criticising her unreasonably. Women of this type could not be
taken seriously for their blame or praise was merely a device to keep the conversation going.
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The third type of female orators can best be described under the term gossips. This type could describe in
great detail the most trivial of things. Women belonging to this category could describe ladys head dresses or
about christening with equal case and felicity of expression. They have a complete knowledge of each and every
dish served in the neighborhood. They could describe the wit of a small child as yet unable to speak. The irony
here is unmistakable. Addison sustains the tone of gravity and by this means, enhances the ironic effect. The use
of the term Mrs. Fiddle-Faddle to describe such women is extremely amusing.
The fourth type was the coquette. These women love and hate in the same breath so as to give herself more
scope for conversation. She sighs when she is not sad and laughs when she is not merry. She invents quarrels
and obligations with all the men she knows so as to have opportunities to talk to them. She seems to speak mainly
to get a chance to stir her limbs in the different movement. The utter vanity of this class of women is ridiculed
here.
Addison declares at the end of the essay that he means to give a wholesome advice to his female readers by
exposing the foible their tongues were subject to. This is in keeping with The Aim of the Spectator which was
to entertain while instructing.
Aims of The Spectator

Addison and Steele had clear corrective moral intentions in mind when they launched the periodical The Spectator.
They aimed at social reformation, an improvement in the manners and behaviour of the people and the removal
of the rampant ignorance. In the paper, The Aim of the Spectator, Addison sets out the objectives of The
Spectator clearly. These were, firstly to provide the readers with enough of reading material which would help
to eradicate the deep rooted ignorance and promote certain ideals of civilization like tolerance, restraint, self
discipline, rationality, manner of conversation, freedom from vanities and superficialities etc. The paper aimed at
bringing a self awakening in the readers that is why Addison clearly states, that The Spectator will not be a
periodical of information on political matters which breed hatred and enmities among the people. Secondly, The
Aim of the Spectator was to instruct people constantly and tirelessly so that the mind that lies fallow for a
single day, sprouts up in follies that are only to be killed by a constant and assiduous culture.
Thirdly, The Aim of the Spectator according to Addison, was to combine instruction and diversion. In other
words, the journal aimed at providing both entertainment and guidance to conduct in society. It was the effort of
the authors to enliven morality with wit and to temper wit with morality. Addison wished to recover his readers
out of that desperate state of folly and vice into which the age is fallen. For this purpose he wanted to bring
philosophy out of the closets and libraries, schools and colleges to dwell in clubs and assemblies, at tea tables and
coffee-houses. Thus Addisons object in writing for spectator was to serve as a censor of the follies of the age.
He assumed the role of a moralist, or preacher who wanted the society to get rid of the absurdities, affectations,
superficialities and vanities and at the same time entertain them also. There would also be matter to entertain as
well as instruct the fair sex. This brings out another important aim of The Spectator papers - to improve the
status and Intellectual level of the females of the society.
In the essay Female Orators, Addison has made a serious attempt to make the females realize the futility of their
talkativeness over trivial issues. In Fans, he attacks the whole class of fashionable ladies who exhibited their
coquetry in the manner in which they moved their hand fans. In Sir Roger at Church, Addison exhorts all
country squires to emulate the example of Sir Roger and thus maintain amicable relationship with parsons. In the
essay Mediations in the Abbey, we have Addison fulfilling another aim of The Spectator, that of bringing
philosophy out of closets to dwell at tea-tables and coffee houses. The reflective mood of Addison when he
meditates upon the phenomenon of death is educative as well as amusing.
Meditative mood of Addison in the essay Meditations in the Abbey.
The essay Meditations in the Abbey is supreme example of how Addison can handle not only comic and light
subjects excellently but also the serious subjects as death with equal ease and dexterity. Further more, the essay
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reveals that such a serious subject can be dealt with in humorous and satirical tones in the hands of a writer like
Addison. This is a reflective or meditative essay recording Addisons thoughts as he surveyed the tombs of the
great, celebrated kings, warriors, divines and other persons lying buried in their graves in Westminster Abbey.
The visit to the Abbey serves to pinpoint the fact that death is a leveller, it treats everyone equally and impartially.
Contemplating all these things, a sense of solemnity descends upon him. The moral bias of the essay is brought
forth for the benefit of the readers. Addison again adopts the role of preacher and instructor recording his
impressions about the subject of death in a philosophic way. He says that when one visits the tombs of the great
dead, all envy and all inordinate desire dies in him; the sight of kings, wits and holy men lying by the side of their
adversaries and opponents makes one reflect upon the vanity of all ambitions, all contentions and all dissentions.
It teaches him to discard envy for the great and desiring great things because all will one day end in death.
Addison reveals his inner nature in this essay when he says. Though I am always serious I do not know what
it is to be melancholy. Addisons treatment of death reminds is of what others like Steele, Defoe or Leigh Hunt
have written about it. The satire is unmistakable in this essay too. Referring to the inscriptions on the tombs he
says, most of them recorded nothing else of the buried person but that he was born upon one day, and died upon
another and the whole history of his life being comprehended in these two circumstances that are common to all
mankind. The use of phrases like registers of existence, magazine of mortality, promiscuous heap of
matter shows Addisons felicity of expression. Addison observation that the inscriptions on the tombs should
not be extravagant and should do justice to the dead person by expressing correct and just thoughts are important.
The reflections in the essay usher the reader in a contemplative mood. Herein lies the success of Addison as a
creator of an appropriate atmosphere for the readers.
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7. Select Literary Criticism

1. W.H. Hudson on the Ethical Importance The Spectator: The ethical importance of what Addison and
Steele did through the medium of the periodical essays could not well be over-stated, while their method too
is highly significant. They set themselves as moralists to break down two opposed influencesthat of the
profligate Restoration tradition of loose living and loose thinking on the one hand, and that of Puritan fanaticism
and bigotry on the other. Their method was admirably adapted to their purpose. They did not indulge in
sweeping condemnations and unqualified invectives, as, greatly to the damage of their cause, the Puritan
moralists habitually did; they wrote good-humouredly, met all classes of readers on their use of wit, humour,
and satire that they consistently advocated the claims of decency and sound sense. It was, moreover, by
their use wit, humour, and satire that they scored most. In post-Restoration literature these had commonly
been employed in the service of vice and to make decency and sound sense look ridiculous. Addison and
Steele turned the tables upon the scoffers, and got the laugh on the other side; and the gain was enormous.
Thus they did much to set the conscience of their time right on the fundamental questions of social and
domestic conduct, and for this reason they occupy a high place in the history of English manners during the
first half of the 18th century. Nor is this all. They wrote with an educational as well as with a purely moral
aim, and it was always one of their aims to extend and popularize general culture. Thus they discussed
(always in a light and engaging way) art., philosophy, drama, and poetry and sought in so doing not only to
interest the general reader in such subjects, but also guide and develop his taste.
2. Dr. Jonson on Addison as a painter of life and as a teacher of wisdom:As a describer of life and
manners, he must be allowed the first rank. His humour, which Steele observes, is peculiar to himself, is so
happily diffused as to give the grace of novelty to domestic scenes and daily occurrences. He never outsteps the modesty of nature, nor raises merriment or wonder by the violation on truth. His figures neither
divert by distortion, nor amaze by aggravation. He copies life with so much fidelity, that he can be hardly said
to invent; yet his exhibitions have an air so much original, that it is difficult to suppose them not merely
product of imagination.
As a teacher of wisdom, he may be confidently followed. His religion has nothing in it enthusiastic or
superstitious: he appears neither weakly credulous, nor wantonly sceptical; his morality is neiher dangerously
lax, nor impractically rigid. All the enchantment of fancy, and all the cogency of argument, are employed to
recommend to the reader his real interest, the care of pleasing the Author of his being. Truth is shown
sometimes as the phantom of a vision; sometimes appears half veiled in an allegory; sometimes attracts
regard in the robes of fancy; and sometimes steps forth in confidence of reason. She wears a thousand
dresses, and in all is pleasing.
3. Louis Cazamian on the character of Sir Roger : The outline of this figure, traced out by Steele, is filled
in by Addison with delicate touches; it is bathed in a light of indulgent irony which gives it a family likeness
to the delightful, smiling portraits by means of which Dickens, with an art that is richer but not finer, will
suggest his instinctive philosophy of cordiality. The group of which he is the center forms with him a discreetly
idyllic picture of English society; and as Addison preaches the reciprocal goodwill of classes, the toning
down of party rivalry, he does show some preference for representative of the trading upper middle class,
Sir Andrew Freeport, the symbol of the new order of things, but he borrows an element of the social virtue
which he teaches from the patriarchal spirit of old agricultural England. These minute, carefully executed
sketches form a series of vignettes in which each has its own individual worthwhile all gain an added value
through their grouping. In them the essay attains one of its perfect forms; a short-lived perfection, in keeping
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with an age when, on the one hand the number of readers is increasing, when modern journalism comes into
existence, and when serious themes can already be treated so as to suit the cursory attention that will be
bestowed upon them; when, on the other hand, reading remains enough of a privilege, when the readers
mind still lends itself readily enough, and moral themes keep enough of their prestige, for reflections of a
didactic nature to be willingly listened to, and the artistic care bestowed upon them not to seem out of place.
There is here a just balance that is for once established, but which, in this literary kind, will not again be
found. The Essays of Elia, in the following century will be equally successful achievement, but a different
one.
4. H. V. Routh on Addisons Influence: Addison taught his age restraint, good manners, good sense,
forbearance, and mutual esteem. Some of the most valuable papers for his contemporaries were those,
which showed the middle class how to think. He pointed out that the drama was decaying under the influence
of French scenery and stage effects. He distinguished between true wit, which deals with ideas, and false
wit, which plays only with words. He recalled literary men to the sprit and simplicity of old ballads, and social
thinkers with the rising and importance of commerce. He taught a more humane and sympathetic religion
than former generations had cultivated. He encouraged and guided self-culture by contending that English
readers will find in Paradise Lost as high a standard of excellence as was consecrated by the Iliad and the
Aeneid: and that the enjoyment of landscapes, art, and literary imagery cultivated the mind.
5. H.V. Routh on Addisons Satire: Unlike Dryden, Pope, and the Tatler, in its earlier numbers, Addison
never satirized, but he ridiculed customs and prejudices with exquisite banter. His method was to collect as
many examples as possible of some prevailing absurdity, gravely crowd them all into some anecdote or
illustration, and then leave the reader to laugh at the incongruous result. In this way, he ridiculed the staging
of the opera and the monstrosities painted on sign-posts, head-dresses which make the wearers hideous,
hoop petticoats which distort the figure and riding-dresses which make the female wearer look like a man
While on the subject of womens affectations, he ridiculed those who collect books for show, who are
Gallophile to the pitch of absurdity, who exact worship from men which ought to be reserved for the Deity
and so constitute themselves idols, who express their political opinions by the position of a beauty-spot or by
the colour of their head-dress. He was just as humorously critical of men who fill their letters with French
military terms, who caricature their own faces in grinning matches, who make a living by breaking records
by sleeping or by seeking a profitable marriage, or do so little that a diary of their daily activities would
contain only entries of eating, drinking, and sleeping.
6. Saintsbury on Addisons Satire: He attacked all the little vanities, and all the big vices of his time, not in
Swifts terrible way which makes us feel hopeless of humanity, but with a kindly ridicule and gentle humour
which take speedy improvement for granted. Addisons attack was not front so much as flank attack the
indirect exposure of vulgarity and inelegance by the practice of elegant and refined writing.
True satire is always humorous. Besides, true satire is inspired by a desire to correct or to reform, not to
slander, or degrade, human beings. True satire, therefore, produces in the readers an aversion for an
objectionable or obnoxious tendency or custom or practice, while at the same time arousing laughter and
mirth. Addisons satire fulfils both these conditions. But in addition to this, Addison imposes two other
conditions on the satirist which also he fulfils. Firstly, he believes that the satirist should attack vice, folly and
impertinence, but never virtue and good sense: If the talent of ridicule, he says, were employed to laugh
men out of vice and folly, it might be of some use to the word.; but instead of this, we find that it is generally
made use of to laugh men out of virtue and good sense, by attacking everything that is solemn and serious,
decent and praiseworthy. (On Ridicule). Secondly, he would not allow the satirist to hurt or to inflict a
wound ; and for this reason he would feel much troubled to see the talents of humour and ridicule in the
possession of an ill-natured man(Malicious Wit).This view made him decide (as he tells us in The Scope
of Satire) to combat with criminals in a body, and to assault the vice without hurting the person. To soften
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the edge of his satire, he promises never to draw a faulty character which does not fit at least a thousand
people; or to publish a single paper, that is not written in the spirit of benevolence, and with a love of
mankind. Accordingly, Addisons satire never hurts or wounds: Addisons darts are as free from the
poison of Voltaires and Popes as they are different from the devastating sweep of Swifts artillery. They
did not even cut or pierce very deeply; but they seldom missed their mark, and they always flashed as they
flew. Moreover their flashes illuminate a curious various and interesting world.
7. Dr. Johnson on Addisons Style: His prose is the model of middle style; on grave subjects not formal on
light subjects not grovelling; pure without scrupulosity and exact without apparent elaboration; always equable
and always easy, without glowing words or pointed sentences. Addison never debiates from his track to
snatch a grace; he seeks no ambitious ornaments, and tries no hazardous innovations . His page is always
luminous, but never blazes in splendors. It was apparently his principle endeavour to avoid all harshness and
severity of diction; he is therefore sometimes verbose in his transitions and connections yet if his languages
has been less idiomatical, it might have lost somewhat of its genuine Anglicism. What he attempted, he
performed; he is never feeble, and he did not wish to be energetic he is never rapid and he never stagnates.
His sentence have neither studied amplitude nor affected brevity; his periods, though not diligently rounded
are voluble and easy .
8. Cazamian on Addisons Style : it is fair to trace to Addison the most solid merits of these little masterpieces,
in which Steele has a substantial share. Addison possesses a firmer sense of composition, a more compact
style ; the quality of his prose is more equal; and it is under his guidance that Steele seems to have regularized
an often delightful but defuse verse. With the chosen proportion of whole, the simple elegance, the distinguished
ease of a language that benefits without effort by the progress of classical prose, one must above all praise
the gift for expressing shades and conveying hints, and the delicacy of the suggestions. These half tones suit
the aim of papers which though playful, are often concern with morals and implicitly follow the model of
fashionable conversation; they are also in keeping with a discreet from or sermonizing; lastly they supply the
matter, the usual medium for a sly spirit of comedy, a humour which radiates over everything.
9. K. Deighton on Addisons humour: Of the various gifts that fitted him for his self-imposed task, the most
perfect was his sense of humour; humour that while free from all bitterness was yet exquisitely penetrative,
a humour, like Jacques melancholy, compounded from many simples, extracted from many objects. Amiable
and urbane, laughing at his fellow-men but laughing with no scorn rather as one who understands and
sympathises- with gentle pressure he puts his fingers on their foibles, and cajoles as much as argues them
out of their propensities. Popular superstitions, personal whims, caprices, idiosyncrasies, social manners,
pursuits, fashions, in their turn find themselves within this hold, to be examined, handled, caressed, rebuked,
sentenced. Irony, all delicious in its gravity, forms a large, perhaps the largest, constituent of his humour;
pathos of the truest ring is seldom far off. Argument is pointed by analogy and a sprightly cheerfulness
quickens what is serious. Pervading everything we have an imaginative faculty such as belongs to the poetic
mind alone; an appreciation of the ludicrous that must have demanded constant self-restraint, a delicacy of
feeling that made coarseness as impossible to his use as it was painful to his own sensitive organization, an
absolute purity of object, a far seeing philanthropy, a serene dignity of soul and conduct .
10. J.B Macaulay on Addisons humour: But that which chiefly distinguishes Addison, from Swift, from
Voltaire, from almost all other great masters of ridicule is the grace , the nobleness, the moral purity which
we find even in his merriment. Severity, gradually hardening and darkening into misanthropy, characterizes
the works of Swift.
11. Louis Cazamian on Addisons Philosophy of Life : Like Steel he has a desire, and feels the urgent need
for a reform in morals, he agrees with the deep-felt longing after a more decorous order of things ,after a
better regulated conduct, which is being evidenced since the time of Collier and while he dose not, like
Steele, reap the knowledge of human weakness from his own inward frailty; he has a natural leniency, a
180
tolerant gentleness of soul, which temper a rather puritanical severity of principle. It is greatly to Addisons
credit that where he might have judged life above all from books, he showed himself an informed observer,
a judicious critic of manners and characters. This he owes to a natural finesse, and a tact of thought; the
habit of analyising which his literary studies had developed, here finds itself directed through a rare and
felicitous harmony, towards the intelligence of soul; Addison fully realises the doctrine of classicism because
he possesses a lucid and exact notion of the matter which is henceforth to be his: the humours the moral
shades of human beings living in company within certain limits, but with precision and safety, he is a
psychologist.
12. J.B Macaulay on Addisons Morality: Of the service which his essays rendered to morality it is difficult
to speak too highly
So, effectually did he retort on vice the mockery which had recently been directed against virtue, that, since
his time, the open violation of decency has always been considered as the mark of a fool. And this revolution,
the greatest and most salutary ever effected by any satirist, he accomplished without writing one personal
lampoon.
13. J.H. Fowler on Addisons Qualities of his Style : (i) Clearness was a virtue which Addison esteemed
highly, and in which his own writing excels. (ii) The ease of Addisons manner has been mentioned: Professor
Courthope calls it that perfection of well-bred ease which arises from a complete understanding between
an author and his audience (iii) The delicious humour of the Coverley papers and of others that describe
contemporary manners, has contributed more than anything else to Addisons permanent popularity (iv) A
special feature of this humour is the irony with which absurdities are gravely related as if they were quite
natural and reasonable (V) The rich and delicate fancy of the loftier allegories, of the best Coverley Papers,
of The Adventures of Shilling, is closely akin to poetic imagination. (vi) Pathos he uses with great effect;
though with admirable restraint.
Select Bibliography
1. A.Compton Rickett :A History of English Literature
2. David Daiches: A Critical History of English Literature
3. J H Lobban : Selections from The Spectator
4. Hugh Walker: English Satire and Satirists
5. Hugh walker: English Essays and Essaists
6. J H Fowler: Essays from Addison
7. W J Courthope: Addison
8. W M Thackeray: English Humorists of the Eighteenth Century
9. G E Hadow: Essays on Addison
M.A. Previous (English)

Paper II: Literature in English 1660-1798
Section D; Unit 9: Rousseaus Confessions
ROUSSEAU: HIS LIFE AND WORK
Some readers of Rousseau reach his writings through his life. And if they
happen to dislike his unconventional conduct, they also form an unfavourable
opinion of his work. No doubt, as in the case of so many writers, his life and his
work are near allied, but we always need to possess a certain discretion in
seeing life as life and art as art. It is important, therefore, in the case of
Rousseau, more than in the case of any other writer, to know what his life was
like and how it enters into his work. However, even when we embark upon an
account of his life, it is not possible to ignore his work and its importance to the
world of letters and the world of ideas. Let us cast a glance at the great work he
accomplished in the world, at the revolution he wrought in the intellectual and
imaginative life of Europe. Think, first of all, of the more imaginative side of
his achievement. Think of the vast space which he fills in the purely literary
movement of his time. He was the one who gave a new and most fruitful turn to
the European novel, just as Flaubert did a century after him. He brought a
keener observation, a more searching analysis, of incident and character than
had been known until his time. It is widely acknowledged that he was the
fountain-head of the English Romantic Movement. Wordsworth and Coleridge,
Byron and Scott, all are considered his spiritual children.
In the related field of reflection and abstract thought, call it philosophy,
he has left a yet deeper mark behind him. He is considered a great moral and
spiritual teacher. He is also considered the father of all that has since been done
for educational reform. He was the one who gave an impulse to social and
political progress, of which the world has still cause enough to be thankful. He
was the one who recast the whole fabric of political philosophy from top to
bottom. It was his Contract Social that dealt the first deadly blow to the
individualism, which since the day of Locke had swept everything before it.
From the publication of the Contract Social, that theory has tottered slowly to
its fall. There are a very few men, indeed, in the entire history of Europe whose
influence upon subsequent generations has been so strong and so definite as that
of Rousseau. Except perhaps Plato and Aristotle, no one else compares more
favourably with him in the annals of western philosophy.
It is quite natural with us that whenever a great task has been
accomplished in the world, we are instinctively driven to ask: Of what sort was
the man who did it? Does his own life, his personal character, offer any mirror
of the qualities which give strength and enduring value to his great
achievements? The simple assumption is that if someone has done great deeds,
he must also be a great man. We must learn from his life the qualities that go
into the making of a great man. We must seek inspiration from him. Such
thoughts and such expectations and such curiosities are quite understandable
among us. In the case of certain great men, such as Rousseau and Voltaire, the
readers do not find everything ideal, and all that they expect in the lives of great
men. Hence the debate as it has been in the case of Rousseau. The debate has
been so vehement in the present case that the picture of his life drawn by
different debaters are so dissimilar that one remains wondering as to the
authenticity of each. In between the glorious and the sinister portraits of
Rousseau stand his abiding confessional writings, his own Confessions and
other autobiographical writings, which are unsparing in the evil they record, but
also rich in touches, both conscious and unconscious, which make strongly for
the good. In the light of all that has been revealed about the life of this great
writer let us try to reconstruct his portrait as near the facts (not maliciously or
marvelously interpreted) as we can possibly remain.
Jean Jacques Rousseau was born in 1712 and lived upto 1778. He was the
son of a Genevan watchmaker. Since his mother died at his birth, he was
brought up by his father until the age of eight or nine years. As he himself
reveals, during these years Rousseaus chief amusements were the Grand Cyrus
and such other romances of the preceding (that is, the seventeenth) century and
the Lives of Plutarch. While from the romance he drew the delight in storytelling, from the Lives he certainly drank in that admiration for the great states
of antiquity. What interested him in particular in Plutarch were the republics of
Rome and Sparts. These kingdoms left a strong mark on the Contract Social and
his whole work in political philosophy. In 1720, his father got embroiled in a
quarrel with a fire-eating officer. Even otherwise, he was known to be a rolling
stone. As a result, he hastily left Geneva and handed over the care of his son,
Rousseau, to his brother. This uncle of Rousseau sent him to board with a Pastor
on the outskirts of the city. After spending some years with the pious Pastor,
Rousseau was apprenticed first to a Notary; then, on proving utterly unfit for
such a work, to an Engraver. His new life was all the more hateful to him. He
lost in this rough rearing all the refinement which birth and early training had
given him. He now began to run wild. One Sunday evening, finding the city
gates shut on him, and knowing that he would be flogged by his master, he
decided on the spot that he would never submit to that disgrace. The only option
available to him now was to run away, which he did. This was the year 1728,
when he was only 16 years of age. Thus he found himself adrift upon the world
on the threshold of his manhood. In fact, this made him a wanderer for all his
life, as he was never thereafter able to settle for long at any one place.
After having aimlessly wandered for some days, Rousseau was directed
by the Priest of a neighbouring village to seek the help of a benevolent lady.
This lady was a convert to the Catholic faith, who lived at Annecy. Her name
was Mme de Warens, to whom, far more to his father or to any other of his early
benefactors, he owed all that went into the shaping of his personality. It was
from her that he drew the love of calm and the love of outward nature, which
were to become the strongest of his passions. It was during this very life with
her that the foundation of his meditative habit was laid. Also, it was during
these very years that he developed his strangely varied intellectual and artistic
tastes, which lasted with him all his life. In certain other respects, her influence
was not so healthy. The dreamy and impressionable youth as Rousseau was at
that stage, many of her not so healthy notions of life were instinctively absorbed
by the youth. He was under great spell of her charms and her style of life. She
left on his personality some indelible marks. For instance, her notions of love
were both extensive and peculiar. After a few years of his quasi-religious
devotion to her person, she insisted on making him her lover. She said she did it
to preserve him from the corruptions of the world. During this seed time of his
growth between 1728 and 1741, his life was truly that of a vagrant, a lover, and
a student. In relation to her, all these three roles stood combined. He did her
bidding without questioning.
After a short absence from Annecy, when Rousseau returned he felt that
his place in the affections of Mme de Warnes had been taken by another. So, in
1741, at the age of twenty nine, he set forth once more to make his fortune. This
time he went to Paris to try his luck. He did make a few false starts there. But
finally in 1743, he settled down as a struggling aspirant in literature and music.
It is to this period in Paris that belongs what has been considered by some the
worst deed with which his memory has been charged. Soon after settling in
Paris, he formed a connection with a wholly uneducated woman, whom with
pathetic constancy he never ceased to cherish as the child of nature. Her
name was Therese Levasseur. Why should it sound the worst deed of his life
is rather intriguing to the present writer. She may have been a great source of
education for him about man and nature. In the European critical credo, to be
wholly uneducated is also a grave moral flaw. At least, that seems to be the
import of the critical judgment concerning the worst deed. He had five
children by her. He lodged each of these children, immediately after birth, in the
Foundling Hospital at Paris. It has been called an abominable act, about
which most critics have been either apologetic or not ready to defend at all. It
has been considered by these moralists a gross misdeed. In our time, this
Victorian hypocrisy of self-righteousness may not find many sympathizers
among the intelligentia. Voltaire, around the same time, exposes such moral
shams in European society. Rousseau has the upright conscience to hold a
mirror to his life; an act his detractor would shudder to perform.
A short new life came upon Rousseau in the year 1749. Nothing short of
a chance, he received the offering of a prize by the Academy of Dijon. For the
first time, now, his genius was revealed to the world and to himself. The prize
came for his first publication, Discourse on the moral influence of the Arts and
Sciences. It became the literary event of the year 1751. from then onward
Rousseau became the marked man of Europe. As he himself has described, the
next twelve years of his life were full of delirium and fevers. During this period
Rousseau continued to pour forth the works which changed the face of thought,
feeling, and imagination of the entire Europe. Seldom has fame come to a great
writer so late in life as it did to Rousseau. He was almost 40 years of age in
1751. His next four publications second Discourse, the Nouvelle Heloise,
Emile, and the Contract Social all these were crowded into the short space
between 1753 to 1762. A landmark in history of Europe, this period was equally
so in the life of Rousseau himself. To these years belong his breach with Mme
dEpinay, Grimm and Diderot (1757-58). To these years also and this is far
more important belongs what he himself calls his inward reformation. It was
almost sudden and complete like the conversion in religion. This brought a
complete revolution in his whole moral outlook. That is how biographers view
it. But can there be any thing so sudden and so complete in life? Nothing is so
sudden and so complete in any ones life. Rousseaus forty years were full of his
honest exposure to life experiences. If anything grew or developed, it had to be
a result of that long ordeal of forty years. The habit of making sweeping or
sensational statements makes bad criticism. Such habits are better avoided.
At this point of time, he did, of course, resolve to apply unsparingly to his
own life and conduct the principles which, in a reflective form, he had forged,
with ever-increasing clarity, in his writings. He was determined now to follow
the path he was asking others to pursue, and follow it unflinchingly. This
resolve and determination was to free himself, once and for all, from that
enslavement to public opinion, to those alien codes of conduct, which he was
denouncing in others. His aim now was to square his own life and conduct with
the exacting standard of honesty and truth which he had acquired through
toilsome meditation. In others, his entire effort now was to return, as far as
possible, in his inward thinking and outward action, to the state of nature.
With this end, he abandoned at once and for ever all attempts to make his way
in this world. He discarded the gentlemans laced-coat and sword, lived as a
plain bourgeois, and set out to make his livelihood by copying music at
sixpence a sheet. Rousseau made this change at a time when his worldly
prospects were far brighter, and the temptation to pursue wealth and social
status far stronger, than they had been ever before. It was an act of asceticism,
denying oneself the worldly treasures well within reach.
Now since Rousseau had undergone a radical change, it makes us look
back at his past life in a new light. Our estimate of them, as an index to his
character, gets signally changed. As we shrink from judging St. Paul by the acts
done before his conversion, so should we hesitate to judge Rousseau by his acts
before his change. The first response to his Emile and the Contract Social was a
storm of persecution upon the authors head. Within a month decrees of arrest
or banishment were launched against him, first by the Parliament of Paris, and
then by the Council of Geneva and of Bern. It was only owing to the openmindedness of Frederich the Great, a friend of Voltaire, that at last he found
refuge in the Cauton of Neuchatel, then an appendage of Prussia. After three

years of comparative calm, he was driven out from here also by a rising of the
populace. Eventually, on the invitation of Hume, he turned his steps to England
in 1766. But because of his breach with Hume, England also became a country
of torment for him. Just after a year and a half of his arrival in England, he fled
back to France in 1767. it became evident from now onward that Rousseau had
undergone a sea change. His courage was no longer to be seen for any action.
For the rest of his life there was nothing left him but to endure. The hostility of
the philosophers, which had smoldered ever since his quarrel with Grimm and
Diderot, was now fanned into a flame by his rupture with Hume. Seeing an
unmistakable conspiracy of philosophers against him, which was decidedly
there, he became oversuspicious of their hand in every happening in his life
adverse to his expectations. He became susceptible to delusions and
hallucinations. The storm of the last five years had been too great to weather.
On certain points and at certain moments, his mind gave way beneath the strain.
However, these delusions and hallucinations should not be mistaken for a
general ill health of his mind. They were confined within very narrow limits,
beyond which his mind was as clear and sound as ever. The Dialogues, which
shew the cloud of suspicion more clearly than any of his other writings, remains
a masterpiece of dialectic. In them, as well as in the other writings of this
period, can be found a knowledge of the human heart and a power of poignant
description which were a new thing in the European literature.
Rightly indignant at the treachery of his assailants, it was only natural
that Rousseau should look for weapons of defence. From the men of his own
day there was hardly any hope of redress. His only hope was to clear his
character in the judgment of posterity. It was with this objective in view that he
composed his Confessions and, after a short interval, the Dialogues, which form
an inseparable sequel. The Confessions were completed in 1770, but during the
next winter readings were, however, stopped on the application of Mme
dEpinay to the Lieutenant of Police. Thus, he was not able to draw his enemies
into the open, while he was there to answer them. The only thing he had gained
was to have cleared his conscience by giving his enemies the fair notice that
there would be a posthumous defence. The fate of the Dialogues (1772-6)
appears to have struck him far more closely to his heart. As far as possible, he
had avoided in this work all reference to detail. His object here was not to tell
the outward story of his life, but to reveal the innermost working of his mind.
Therefore, he went far more nearly to the heart of the matter than he had done in
the Confessions. The picture that he now paints of himself is far more personal
and intimate. This being the case, he was naturally yet more concerned to secure
for it some measure of publicity. The plan he decided upon for the purpose was
to lay the completed copy solemnly upon the high altar of Notre Dame (a
church in Paris). However, when he made his way to the famous cathedral, he
found his approach to the altar blocked by a barrier. He took it for a token that
the will of God was against the fulfillment of his design. So, after a bitter
struggle, he bowed his head in submission (1776).
Perhaps this was the last conflict of his troubled life, and it was also the
most cruel. But his defeat was complete. From then onward he abandoned all
hopes of justifying his ways (character) even to the men of posterity. Buried
alive among the living, he made no further attempt to strike against the triple
wall of darkness that surrounded him. I resigned myself, he says, without
reserve, and once more I have found peace. Thus, his last link with life was
broken. All that was left him was to prepare himself by stern self-discipline for
the death. This is the spirit that informs throughout the Reveries, the last of his
writings, and surely not far from the best. It was begun within two months of the
final mortification of his hopes. It was left unfinished at his death. His own end
came quite suddenly in the summer of 1778. There is no ground for the often
repeated assertion that it was self-sought. Not much is known, however, about
the manner of his death.
SUMMARY OF CONFESSIONS
Confessions is an autobiography written by Jean Jacques Rousseau. It

covers the period between 1712 and 1765. The locale includes Switzerland,
France and England. It was posthumously published in 1784, as Rousseau had
died in 1778. The book is an acknowledged attempt by the famous French
writer to speak honestly and fully of his own life. It has been considered, by
generations of critics, an important work of literary merit. It is an expression of
a writers remembrance of things past, more revealing through its signs of
passion and prejudice than through its recording of the facts of his experience.
The book serves as autobiography only to the extent that it can be checked
against other, more objective, reports. However, whatever be its bias, it remains
Rousseaus work which reflects the man as he was at the time of its writing.
Rousseau has undoubtedly been successful in his attempt to write an
autobiography of such an authenticity that he could confidently present himself
before the sovereign Judge with this book in my hand and loudly proclaim,
Thus have I acted; these were my thoughts; such was I. with equal freedom and
veracity have I related what was laudable or wicked, I have concealed no
crimes, added no virtues . Only a person of supreme honesty and integrity,
of courage of conviction, would have revealed so frankly the most private
experiences of his life. Gandhi is another example who revealed everything
about himself freely and frankly, without fear and inhibition. Rousseau knew he
was inviting trouble by doing so. But he would not be deterred from speaking
out the truth, whatever be the consequences. Think, for example, of his
revelation about the sensual satisfaction he received from the spankings
administered by Mlle. Lambercier, the sister of the pastor at Bossey, who was
his tutor. Only a writer of Rousseaus inclination towards seeking satisfaction
either in truth or self-abasement would have gone on to tell that his passion for
being overpowered by women continued throughout his adult life: To fall at

the feet of an imperious mistress, obey her mandates, or implore pardon, were
for me the most exquisite enjoyments; and the more my blood was inflamed by
the efforts of a lively imagination, the more I acquired the appearance of a
whining lover. Having made this confession, Rousseau probably found it easier
to tell of his extended affair with Mme de Warens at Annecy and of his
experiences with his mistress and commonlaw wife, Therese Levasseur.
Confessions opens with Rousseaus recording that he was born at Geneva
in 1712, the son of Isaac Rousseau, a watchmaker, and Susanne Bernard. His
mother died at his birth, which fact Rousseau calls the first of my misfortunes.
According to the sons account of his fathers grief, Isaac Rousseau had mixed
feelings towards his son, seeing in him an image of Susanne and, at the same
time, the cause of her death. Rousseau writes: nor did he ever embrace me,
but his sighs, the convulsive pressure of his arms, witnessed that a bitter regret
mingled itself with his caresses . When he said to me, Jean Jacques, let us
talk of your mother, my usual reply was, Yes, father but then you know we
shall cry, and immediately the tears started from his eyes. Rousseau then
describes his first experiences with reading. He turned to the romances that his
mother had loved. At times, he and his father spent the entire night reading
aloud alternately. His response to books was almost entirely emotional, but he
finally discovered other books in his grandfathers library. These ones
demanded something from the intellect. These works included those of Plutarch,
Ovid, Moliere, and others. He also describes with great affection how his Aunt
Suzanne, his fathers sister, moved him with her singing. He attributes his
interest in music to her influence. He loved music as much as he loved books.
After his stay at Bossey with Pastor Lambercier, Rousseau was
apprenticed to an angraver, Abel Ducommum, in the hope that he would
succeed better in the engravers workshop than he had with city Registrar
Masseron, who had fired him after a brief trial. Rousseau describes Ducommum
as a young man of a very violent and boorish character. He was something of
a tyrant, punishing Rousseau if he failed to return to the city before the gates
were closed. According to his own account, Rousseau was by this time, a liar
and a petty thief. He stole without reluctance his masters tools in order to
misplace them. Once, returning from a Sunday walk with some companions, he
found the city gates closing an hour before time. He ran to reach the bridge, but
was too late for an entry. Reluctant to be punished by the engraver, he suddenly
decided to give up his apprenticeship. After leaving Geneva, Rousseau
wandered aimlessly in the environs of the city, finally arriving at Confignon.
There he was welcomed by the village curate, M. de Pontverre, who gave him a
good meal and sent him on to Madame Louise de Warens at Annecy.
On reaching Annecy Rousseau expected to see a devout, forbidding old
woman. However, he saw instead a face beaming with charms, fine blue eyes
full of sweetness, a complexion whose whiteness dazzled the sight, the form of
an enchanting neck . Rousseau was sixteen then, she was twenty-eight. She
became something of a mother to him (he called her Maman) and something
of a goddess. However, within five years he became her lover, at her instigation.
Her motive was to protect him and to initiate him into the mysteries of love.
First, she explained to him what she intended, and gave him eight days to think
it over. Her proposal was intellectually cool and morally motivated. Since
Rousseau had long imagined the delights of making love to her, he spent the
eight days enjoying thoughts more lively than ever. But when he finally found
himself in her arms, he felt miserable: Was I happy? No: I felt I know not what
invincible sadness which empoisoned my happiness: it seemed that I had
committed an incest, and two or three times, pressing her eagerly in my arms, I
deluged her bosom with my tears.
Madame de Warens was at the same time involved with Claude Anet, a
young peasant with a knowledge of herbs, who had become one of her
domestics. Before becoming intimate with Rousseau she had confessed to him
that Anet was her lover. She revealed it after having been upset by Anets
attempt to poison himself after a quarrel with her. Despite her generosity to the
two young men, however, she was no wanton. Her behaviour was more a sign
of friendship than of lust. Her pursuit was to become an intelligent and gracious
woman of the world. Through her good offices Rousseau had secured a position
registering land for the king in the office at Chambery. His interest in music,
however, led him to give more and more time to arranging concerts and giving
music lessons. He finally gave up his job in the survey office.
This proved a turning point of Rousseaus life. This decision threw him
into the society of his times and made possible his growing familiarity with the
world of music and letters. His alliance with Madame de Warens continued, but
it no longer remained an intimate affair. The reason was that he had already
been replaced by Winzenreid de Courtilles during their stay at his Charmettes.
Wizenreid came on the scene after the first idyllic summer, a period in his life
which Rousseau describes as the short happiness of my life. He tells of rising
with the sun, walking through the woods, over the hills, and along the valley.
His delight in nature is evident here. His later theories concerning natural man
become comprehensible. On his arrival Winzenreid took over physical chores
and was for ever walking about with a hatchet or a pickax. For all practical
purposes, Rousseaus close relationship with Madame de Warens was finished,
even if a kind of filial affection on his part survived. He describes other
adventures in love. Although some of them gave him extreme pleasure, he never
found another Maman.
On having invented a new musical notation, Rousseau went to Paris,
hoping to convince others of its value. But his system was dismissed as
unoriginal and too difficult. Rousseau had been introduced, by that time, to
Parisian society and had come to be known a young philosopher as well as a
writer of poetry and operas. He received an appointment as secretary to the
French ambassador at Venice. But he and M. de Montaigu irritated each other,

so he left his post about a year later. Returning to Paris, Rousseau became
involved with the illustrious circle containing the encyclopedist Diderot,
Friedrich Melchoir Grimm, Mme Louis dEpinay. Later, he became involved in
a bitter quarrel with these three, stemming from a remark in Diderots Le Fils
naturel. But Rousseau was reconciled with Diderot and continued the novel he
was writing at the time, La Nauvella Heloise. His account of the quarrel
together with the letter that marked its progress is one of the liveliest parts of the
Confessions.
Another important event in Rousseaus life was his meeting with Therese
Levasseur, a needle woman between twenty-two and twenty three years of age,
with a lively yet charming look. Rousseau reports that At first, amusement
was my only object, but in making love to her he found that he was happy and
that she was a suitable successor to Maman. Despite the difficulties put in his
way by her mother, and despite the fact that his attempt to improve her mind
were useless, he was satisfied with her as his companion. She bore him five
children who were sent to the foundling hospital against Thereses will and to
Rousseaus subsequent regret. To describe the movement on the road to
Vincennes, when the question proposed by the Academy of Dijon Has the
progress of science and arts contributed to corrupt or purify morals? so struck
him that he seemed to behold another world. The discourse that resulted from
his inspired moment won him the prize and brought him fame. However, it may
be that here, as elsewhere in the Confessions, the actual circumstances have
been considerably altered by a romantic and forgetful author.
The Confessions covers the account of Rousseaus life to the point,
when, having been asked to leave Bern by the ecclesiastical authorities as a
result of the uproar over Emile, he set off for England, where David Hume had
offered him asylum. Rousseaus Confessions offers a personal account of the
experiences of the great writer. Here the events which history notes are
mentioned his literary triumphs, his early conversion, his reconversion, his
romance with Madame dHoudetot, his quarrels with Voltaire, Diderot, and
churchmen, his musical successes but they are all transformed by the
passionate perspective from which Rousseau, writing years after most of the
events he describes had happened, imagines own past. Confessions leaves the
reader with the intimate knowledge of a human being, full of faults and
passions, but driven by ambition and ability to a significant position in the
history of literature.
ROUSSEAU AND ROMANTICISM
In his famous book Rousseau and Romanticism, Iriving Babbit calls

Rousseau the father of romanticism. No one has ever disputed it. It has
become an acknowledged truism of literary criticism. Although he died eleven
years before the French Revolution, and some of his books could see the light of
10
the day only after his death, and those that did were banned and burned, his
ideas attracted people like the forbidden fruit and became responsible for the
greatest change in Europe. Let us see in short what he wrote and which seminal
ideas of the romantic movement his writings contained. Rousseau was thirty
eight years old, when his essay on a subject proposed by the Academy of Dijon,
Discours sur les sciences et les arts (1750) was awarded the first prize and
published. In the Discours, the first of many works in which the natural man is
preferred to the civilized counterpart, Rousseau argued that the development
and spread of knowledge and culture, far from improving human behaviour, had
corrupted it by promoting inequality, idleness, and luxury. The Discours sur
lorigine de linegalite (1755) contrasts the innocence and contentment of
primitive man in a state of nature to the corruption and discontent of the
civilized man. He argues that the primitive mans mode of existence is
determined by none but genuine needs, whereas there is dissatisfaction and
perpetual agitation of modern social man, the majority of whom are condemned
to the legally sanctioned servitude necessary to preserve the institution of
private property. Rousseaus work, the Lettre sur les spectacles (1758), was
provoked by the suggestion of dAlembert that a theatre should be established at
Geneva. In this work, the passive nature of playgoing, the preoccupation of
modern plays with love, and the consequent unnatural bringing forward of
women are seen as dangerous symptoms of the ills of society.
Rousseau was aware of the fact that a return to primitive innocence, after
so many centuries of civilization, was just not possible. The ills of modern
society, he thought, could only be remedied by reducing the gap separating
modern man from his natural archetype and by modifying existing institutions
in the interest of equality and happiness. His next work, therefore, entitled Emile
(1762), lays down the principles for a new scheme of education in which the
child is to be allowed full scope for individual development in natural
surroundings, shielded from the harmful influence of civilization, in order to
form an independent judgment and a stable character. The Profession de foi du
vicaire Savoyard, contained in the fourth book of Emile, sets against
institutional Christianity a form of deism grounded in religious sentiment and
guided by the divine instinct of conscience. The year 1762 also saw the
publication of Du contrat social, his theory of politics, in which he advocated
universal justice through equality before the law, a more equitable distribution
of wealth. In that work, Rousseau defined government as fundamentally a
matter of contract providing for the exercise of power in accordance with the
general will and for the common good, by consent of the citizens as a whole,
in whom sovereignty ultimately resides.
Rousseau also wrote a novel called Julie, ou la Nouvelle Heloise (1761),
which was his greatest popular success. The work is a critical account of
contemporary manners and ideas, which is interwoven with the story of the
passionate love of the tutor St. Preux and his pupil Julie, their separation, Julies
11
marriage to the Baron Wolmar, and the dutiful, virtuous life shared by all three
on the Barons country estate. Rousseaus posthumously published
autobiographical works Les Confessions (1781-88) and Les Reveries du
promeneur solitaire (1782) were written towards the end of his life as exercises
in self-justification and self-analysis. As expressions of the complex
individuality of a personality, and a sensibility, unexampled in their time in
candour, detail, and subtlety, they remain landmarks of the literature of personal
revolution and reminiscence.
The ideas contained in these books became the basis for the French
Revolution as well as for the Romantic movement. The work of Rousseau has
been so pervasive that everybody knows enough to cite him, and some even to
abuse him. He has affected in one way or another all those who have come after
him, so that to speak of his influence without further word is not enough. We
must know what influence. With Rousseau and the Romantics, precisely
because they are architects on a large scale, nothing less than the tendency of
whole works or movements will supply correct conclusions. But the uncertainty
about Rousseau tells us something besides, which may be even more important.
Because of his widespread influence, everybody thinks he knows what
Rousseau said. He is hotly arraigned and seldom read. If we can forget
catchwords for a moment, we may be able to recover the impression Rousseau
made on his contemporaries and near successors in time. He was glorified by
Robespierre and the Revolution. He was of the eighteenth century and yet not
with it. He wrote his Confessions, unusual and uncommon for a writer of his
age. It was only in the next century that the romantics wrote autobiographical
poetry and prose, including Wordsworths The Prelude, Keatss Letters,
Coleridges Biographia Literaria, and Byrons Childe Harold.
Rousseaus Confessions alone can show the centrality of his influence in
the writings of the Romantics who followed him half a century later. On reading
this autobiographical work, what do we gather from it beyond the authors
opinion about his own character? It holds an important but neglected clue, not
only to Rousseaus work, but to the history of the old regime. We can see from
this work that Rousseau was the only man of genius who traversed eighteenth
century society from the bottom to the top. He was the only one who did not
take root and stay fixed. The same cannot be said of any other eighteenth
century writer. But the same cannot be said of almost every Romantic writer. In
the course of his career, he was by turn a vagrant, a seminarian, a composer, a
musician, an artisan, and a hundred more things from the lowest servant to the
distinguished guest, friend as well as enemy of great philosophers and
statesmen. Thus, by the accident of fortune, he was forever being dislodged
from the society that his mind examined and condemned. The same can be said
of Byron and Shelley, Wordsworth and Coleridge, Blake and even Keats. He
was in effect, and so were the Romantics, outside his society. As such, he was
bound to become the prophet of Revolution, and the prophet of a new world.
12
In short Rousseau achieved by chance and genius that sense of primitive

nakedness in the face of nature which Pascal had felt a hundred years before,
and which the generation of the Romantics was to feel half a century later. With
them all it was of course a primitivism born of ethical judgment. History proved
Rousseau right about what was alive and what was dead. The eighteenth century
rationalists had tried to define man as within the laws of physics. But Rousseau
saw man as a political being acting upon impulse and emotion . No doubt he
knew more about politics and society than all the Enlighteners taken together.
His view of man in society was realistic. By 1762, the date of Rousseaus Emile
and Social Contract, the rationalists looked belonging to the past, doomed with
the society in which they held the position of critical and destructive profiteers.
Rousseau can he said to have enjoyed a unique position as a man whose youth
belonged to the Enlightenment but whose maturity was of a later age.
Returning to the slogans associated with his ideas, the most famous is
certainly Back to Nature. Although Rousseau himself never used this phrase,
it does serve as a condensed way of putting his objection to the artificialities of
a superannuated society or regime. He never intended that we should return to
living in caves and wearing skins. He clearly saw that this was neither possible
nor desirable. But he also saw that the complication of life resulting from
civilization disturbs or destroys in man something serious and valuable;
something that cannot be flouted with impunity. This he calls nature. He found
that children were dressed and reared as if they were miniature men. He found
the mothers of well-to-do families sending their infants to baby farms. This
resulted in neglect and high mortality of children. He saw a useless nobility and
clergy given over to gambling, intrigue and etiquette. He saw a widening gap
between the idling rich and toiling poor. Tragic or trivial, these were social
symptoms as indicative of the precarious state of France as the inefficiencies of
public finance or the 285 different codes of custom law which defined the rights
and controlled the relations of men. Now all this can be called artificiality and
complexity without suggesting that its extreme opposite the absence of all
laws is what Rousseau desired.
The moot question is: if Rousseau attacks existing conventions as
artificial and yet declines to return to savagery, what does he propose; what is a
natural society or a natural man? The symbol of the tree, which Rousseau often
uses, and so do the Romantics, gives a standard by which we can apprehend
what he really means by nature. The tree is a natural product. It remains natural
product. It remains natural even if artificially watered, and tended, and
protected by the hand of man. But suppose the hand of the same man started
twisting the growing plant into fanciful shapes for topiary ornament, the tree
does become artificial. In other words, what Rousseau means by nature is the
given norm that we can discover under any deformation, like the eighteenthcentury gentlemans hair under his wig.
13
Of course, this discovery of the nature of anything is always tentative,

never absolute. But the desire to discover it is a guide which western civilization
had come to neglect. Layers of conventions act as a cushion which society
clings to, and never attempts to reach the nature underneath. Whoever
proposes to penetrate these layers is termed an anarchist, as Rousseau and the
Romantics were. Established societies, especially those civilized by science and
cultural sophistications, neglect the claims of whole classes of men of life,
liberty, or the pursuit of happiness: Reason, custom, legality, all resist any
change. But something in man breaks through the crust. As we have it said in a
Frost poem (Mending Wall) Something there is that doesnt loke a wall;
This something is nature in man. It is in pointing out this presence and its
necessity for expression, which call for planning a new society, that Rousseau is
a revolutionary, that he is regarded an individualist and an apostle of freedom.
He, and after him, the Romantics attack legality in the name of human nature,
just as man have always done where social conditions become absurd, or
unbearable or both.
The opening sentence of Rousseaus Social Contract, man is born free;
and everywhere he is in chains, has been misunderstood to mean a call of
anarchism. The romantics like Byron and Shelley were also labled as anarchists
for that very reason. What Rousseau is trying to say here, and what the
romantics followed, is only to mean that the newborn infant has no notion
whether he is a prince or a pauper, but he grows up into one or the other. But it
does not mean that Rousseau wants to break all chains. We may recall here the
sentence that follows the first on in his social contract: One man thinks himself
the master of others, but he is even greater slave than they. In other words,
society binds all the freeborn in a network of duties and compulsions. His Social
Contract is thus an attempt to make clear under what conditions social chains
are legitimate, to reconcile the rights of free individuals with the requirements
of society. In his view, men have a will to be free. To renounce liberty is to
renounce being a man, he says. But he also says that man by nature is a social
animal; and men always have an urge to live together. This dichotomy between
solitude and society is one of the major themes of Romantic poetry. From Blake
to Keats, all of them remain preoccupied with these contrary pulls in human
nature. The also try, as Rousseau does, to reconcile the conflicting claims of the
contraries. For without contraries is no progression, as Blake says.
Therefore, in Rousseaus view, society as such is not bad. Here is what
Rousseau says about the passage from an imaginary pre-social conditions to the
civil state; It produces a very remarkable change in man, by substituting justice
for instinct in his conduct, and giving his actions the morality they had formerly
lacked. Then only, when the voice of duty takes the place of physical impulses
and the right of appetite, does man, who so far had considered only himself, find
that he is forced to act on different principles, to consult his reason before
listening to his inclination. Although in this state he deprives himself of some
14
advantages, which he got from nature, he gains in return others so great that
did not the abuses to this new condition often degrade him below that which he
left, he would be bound to bless continually the happy moment which took him
from it for ever, and, instead of a stupid and un imaginative animal, made him
an intelligent being and a man.
The fact of the matter is that Rousseau is both reasonable and creative,
revolutionary and practical. What makes it hard for some to conceive the
contraries together is that some of us approach him with a series of unhistorical
images in the minds eye. He is considered a romantic who loved country walks,
jumping to the conclusion that he was unable to see reality. Similarly, he is
considered an old man with a persecution mania, which blinds to the thousands
of accurate observations that he made not only in political science, but in
education, philosophy, botany, and music. Rousseau, even though he owes
something to Locke and Montesquieu, actually belongs to the tougher school of
Hobbes and Machiavelli, whom he supplements and perfects by showing that
they do not go far enough. They show the necessity of government at all costs.
Rousseau shows the possibility of reconciling government with individual
liberty. This is the distinctive contribution Rousseau made, and which the
Romantics embodied in their poetry. He, like most Romantics after him, is a
proponent of balance, not an advocate of any extreme, of contradiction if you
will, rather than of unity achieved at the cost of one or the other legitimate
claim.
Thus, Rousseau inspired the Romantics with his ideas of primitive
naturalness, childs innocence, individual literty, primacy of emotion over idea,
all of which the English poets of the nineteenth century imbibed and illustrated,
dramatized and lyricised in their prose writings as well as poetic compositions.
It changed the outlook of writers and thinkers on history and civilization, on
man and nature, on child and primitive, on emotion and imagination, on state
and society. It turned upside down the neoclassical concepts on these subjects
and made possible the advent of the modern world. The idea of organic
universe, of integrated personality, of harmonious society, all flow from the
writings of Rousseau.
CONFESSION AS A LITERARY FORM
Rousseaus Confessions cannot be said to be without a precedent. We

have under the same title the work of St. Augustine, written at the close of the
fourth century. It is considered, on the one side, a culmination of the classical
mode of giving an account and justification of ones life. However, Augustine
converts the classical procedure of putting oneself forward as the representative
of a cultural idea, performing overt deeds on a public stage, into a circumstantial
narrative of the private events of the individual mind. Rousseaus Confessions is
also a work of this type in which private, not public, circumstantial, not
culturally representative narrative, reveals the individual life. While Augustines
15
work can be said to be the first sustained history of an inner life, Rousseaus can
be said to be the last in that order. Augustine expanded in great and fine detail
the tendency to individualize and internalize the pattern of Biblical history, in so
doing, he imposed on the flux of experience, the randomness of events, and the
fugitive phenomena of memory, the enduring plot-form and the standard
concepts and imagery of the unique and characteristic genre of the spiritual
autobiography. Rousseaus Confessions, too, is a spiritual autobiography of the
author, and follows the same pattern that Augustine had laid down in the
seminal work of this new literary genre.
Rousseaus work, like its predecessor, is not merely the presentation of an
individual life for its inherent interest. It is decidedly written from a special
point of view and for a specific purpose. However, Rousseaus confession is not
addressed to God, rendered in the form of colloquies with himself, which
constitutes the form of Augustines Confessions. Rousseau addresses the readers
of future generations, and adopts the form of communication rather than selftalk. Since the work is written about a period of the authors life which lapsed
several years ago, it begins in the present time with a sort of reminiscence of the
earlier life. Then it proceeds to take up the narrative proper, opining with the
events in the authors infancy. Hence, there emerge two distinctive selves in the
work what the author once was, and what the author is now at the time of
writing. Throughout the book, Rousseau evokes his life explicitly as the present
recollection of the past, in which Rousseau as he was in co-present with
Rousseau as he is at present:
I have entered upon a performance which is without precedent,
whose accomplishment will have no imitator. I intend to present
my fellow-mortals with a man in the integrity of nature; and this
man shall be myself.
The performance may not be without a precedent Augustines Confessions
having appeared fourteen hundred years before Rousseau But in a sense it is
first of its kind in that while Augustine confessed before God, Rousseau does it
before his fellow-mortals. Another significant difference is that while
Augustine presented himself as a fallen man before the Supreme Authority,
Rousseau presents himself as a man in the integrity of nature. St. Augustine
may make confessions as a private individual, he still takes himself to be a
representative Christian; Rousseau is an individual through and through, with
his identity defined in terms of difference with others, not in sharing a common
destiny with other fallen individuals:
I know my heart, and have studied men; I am not made like any
one I have met, perhaps like no one in experience. If not better, I at
least claim originality, and whether Nature did wisely in breaking
the mould with which she formed me, can only be determined after
having read these books.
16
Even Wordsworth and Whitman consider themselves representatives of

mankind in its prime, Adam-like, innocence. Rousseau alone insists upon his
complete difference with others. And it is this very unique individuality which
becomes the basis for the unique individuality of his ideas on man, nature, and
society. It must also be noted here that unlike Augustine, he does not use the
word God; instead, he prefers nature.
Even when Rousseau talks of the supreme power in the universe, he
avoids using the word God. Instead, he prefers to use the expression, sovereign
Judge:
Whenever the last trumpet shall sound, I will present myself before
the sovereign Judge with this book in my hand and loudly
proclaim, thus have I acted; these were my thoughts; such was I.
With equal freedom and truth have I related what was laudable or
wicked, I have concealed no crimes, added no virtues; and if I have
sometimes introduced unessential ornament, it was merely to
occupy a void occasioned by defect of memory: I may have called
that certain, which I only knew to be probable, but have never
asserted a truth, a conscious falsehood. Such as I was, I have
declared myself; sometimes low and despicable, at others virtuous,
generous and sublime; even as thou hast my inmost soul. Power
eternal! Assemble round thy throne an innumerable throng of my
fellow-mortals, let them listen to my confessions, let them blush at
my depravity, let them tremble at my sufferings; let in each his turn
expose with equal sincerity the failings, the wanderings of his
heart, and, if he dare, aver, I was better than that man.
Once again, even though Rousseau speaks of the last trumpet sounding,
meaning death, he does not use the Christian terminology of the Judgment Day,
etc. He only vows to reveal himself honestly, without withholding anything
good or bad done in life. Of course, he does not promise to narrate every inane
details; he only promises to record the laudable and the wicked acts of his life
and include in the autobiographical narrative only those that, in his life and
view, matter in the growth of his personality. One can recall here Wordsworths
The Prelude, which relates events indicating the growth of his mind. He is
committed fully to reveal his innermost soul, showing all that is there, showing
it in all its hues. Like Whitman, he does invite the reader to make a similar
exposure of his soul; but, unlike Whitman, he does not offer to be a guide or
teacher to the reader. He places himself at par with other individuals.
Since Rousseaus interest is greater in his inner life than in the outer, not
all the outer events are for their own sake; most are meant to indicate what
happens to the inner self, his spiritual life. From the multitude of the post
events, therefore, he selects, orders and dwells upon only those few which are
heavy with spiritual significance, as indices of a stage in his hazardous journey
from sensual involvement and conventional commitments to intellectual
17
understanding and unconventional or revolutionary ideas, but the emotional or

intellectual impact they make on the person of Rousseau that count, and that
alone count, in the spiritual history of the author. As the author himself states,
I have but one faithful guide on which I can depend: this is the
chain of the sentiments by which the succession of my existence
has been marked, and by these the events which have been either
the course or the effect of the manner of it, I easily forget my
misfortunes, but I cannot forget my faults, and still less my
virtuous sentiments. The remembrance of these is too dear to me
even to suffer them to be effected from my mind. I may omit facts,
transpose events, and fall into some errors of dates; but I cannot be
deceived in what I have felt, nor in that which from sentiment I
have done; and to relate this is the chief end of my present work.
The real object of my confessions is to communicate an exact
knowledge of what I interiorly am and have been in every situation
of my life. I have promised the history of my mind, and to write it
faithfully I have no need to other memories: to enter into my own
heart, as I have hitherto done, will alone be sufficient.
Thus, very clearly it is an inner biography of Rousseau the man and writer. As
he says, it traces the development of his mind, just as Wordsworths The
Prelude does the development of the poets mind. In the case of Augustines
Confessions, it is the growth of his spirit in relation to God. Here, it is the
growth of mind and heart in relation to the social and natural world. The
transcendental is replaced here by the transient, the spiritual by the contingent.
In the Confessions of Rousseau, there is an element of self-reflectiveness.
For the very act of writing confessions also becomes a theme of the book. Time
and again the writer returns to it. He keeps examining the act of writing as to its
being what it ought to be, always remaining alert about the possible lapses in the
effort. Note, for instance, the following:
I come to one of the critical moments of my life, in which it is difficult to
do anything than to relate, because it is almost impossible that even
narrative should not carry with it the marks of censure or apology. I will,
however, endeavour to relate how and upon what motives I acted, without
adding either approbation or censure.
Or
I have promised my confession and not my justification; on which
account I shall stop here. It is my duty faithfully to relate the truth, that of
the reader to be just; more than this I never shall require of him.
Thus, there is a good deal of self-consciousness on the part of the author. He is
all the time conscious of the fact that he is writing confessions, and all the more
conscious that his case must be properly understood and that it must be properly
judged by the reader. His difficult and to peculiar circumstances explain it all.
He very much needed to be understood from the view point of the facts of his
18
case, not from the viewpoint of slanderous propaganda about him. He has
naturally to work hard to clear the clouds of vicious prejudice and conventional
attitudes to whatever he was doing by being thoroughly honest with himself. He
was acting as his feelings dictated. Later, on maturity, he was acting as truth
demanded. In the interest of the truth, he sacrificed wealth and fame, friends and
patrons, even mother and mistress. However, his too much self-consciousness
as a writer of confession betrays a certain desperation for appreciation of his
position in relation to his detractors and the society at large. The self-awareness
and self-consciousness at times seems to stand face to face with each other
spoiling the natural flow of the narrative. At times, it makes the narrative
contentious, bringing out the man in the fore, pushing the artist behind.
CONFESSIONS AS GROWTH OF THE WRITES MIND
As in the case of Wordsworth, so in the case of Rousseau, the

impressions of early youth have done a good deal in the shaping of his mind. No
wonder that he returns to his childhood and early youth quite often in the
narrative. Also like Wordsworth, he not only narrates the events of his early life
but also goes behind them to know the impact these events had on the growth of
his mind. Note, for instance, the following;
The long details of my early youth must have appeared trifling and
I am sorry for it: though born a man, in a variety of instances, I was
long a child, and am so yet in many particulars. I did not promise
the public a great passage: I promised to describe myself as I am,
and to know me in my advanced age it was necessary to have
known me in my youth. As, in general, objects that are present
make less impression on me than the remembrance of them (my
ideas being all from recollection), the first traits which were
engraven on my mind have distinctly remained those which have
since been imprinted there, have rather combined with the former
than effaced them. There is a certain yet varied succession of
affections and ideas, which continue to regulate those that follow
them, and this progression must be known in order to judge rightly
of those they have influenced. I have studied to develop the first
causes, the better to show the concatenations of effects. I would be
able by some means to render my soul transparent to the eyes of
the reader, and for this purpose endeavour to show it in every
possible point of view, to give him every insight, and act in such a
manner, that not a motion should escape him, as by this means he
may form a judgment of the principles that produce them.
Here is emphasized, in the first place, the importance of youth for the
understanding of the age. As in Wordsworth, so here, the idea is of the organic
growth of the human personality. It is just like the growth of a tree, a natural
object, where the seed becomes the plant, and the plant the tree, without any
19
separable division of the different stages. One grows out of the other, thereby
making a complete whole. Further, we are told how it is, not so much the event,
as its recollection which has been a significant factor in the growth of the
writers mind. It reminds us of Wordsworth once again, his insistence upon the
remembrance or recollection of things that happened to him. This process led to
the imaginative creation of his poetry. Here too, the process of composition
takes the same course. Rousseau explains at length here how the impressions
make a chain in themselves and get interrelated to each other to make an
autonomous whole. The mind of man and the composition of literary work take
shape on the same lines.
Rousseaus concern, more than Wordsworths is as much with the art of
writing as with the subject of writing. He is a very conscious artist. He is
always, and all the time, conscious of the reader he is addressing, never
forgetting his commitment to the reader of giving the whole, and nothing but
the whole, truth about himself. He goes on to show also how the whole truth
includes presenting a picture of his soul from all sides, from all view-points, so
that nothing remains unseen, and the soul becomes entirely transparent to him.
Note, for instance, the following:
Did I take upon myself to decide, and say to the reader, such is my
character, he might think that if I did not endeavour to deceive him, I at
least deceived myself; but in recounting simply all that has happened to
me, all my actions, thoughts, and feelings, I cannot lead him into an error,
unless I do it willfully, which by this means I could not easily effect,
since it is his province to compare the elements, and judge of the being
they compose; thus the result must be his work, and if he is then
deceived, the error must be his own. It is not sufficient for this purpose
that my recitals should be merely faithful, they must also be minute; it is
not for me to judge of the importance of facts; I ought to declare them
simply as they are and leave the estimate that to be formed of them to
him. I have adhered to this principle hitherto, with the most scrupulous
exactitude, and shall not depart from it in the continuation, but the
impressions of age are less lively than those of youth; I began by
delineating the latter; should I recollect the rest with the same precision,
the reader may perhaps become weary and impatient, but I shall not be
dissatisfied with my labour, I have but one thing to apprehend in this
undertaking. I do not dread saying too much or advancing falsities, but I
am fearful of not saying enough or concealing truths.
Here again, the subject and the manner of writing are inseparable. Rousseau
prefers to give to the reader the account of his actions, thoughts, and feelings
rather than an intellection of these. He believes that these are concrete things
that should speak to the reader themselves, and the reader should see them as he
wishes, rather than the author impose his own view of himself. In other words,
Rousseau does not wish to act as an omniscient author; rather; he chooses to
20
stay as a neutral narrator. The only thing he insists upon is to give the reader all
the wealth of actions, thoughts and feelings that he can recollect so that noting is
concealed wilfully or otherwise from the reader who is to judge the man on the
basis of the evidence produced before him. Here, he would not mind to indulge
in excesses; he would feel guilty if anything remains unsaid. Of course, the
narrative is not without a strict sense of relevance. Nothing that would not shed
any light on the person being presented has to be included in the narrative,
however cumbersome it might be otherwise. Like Wordsworth, when Rousseau
recalls his experiences of youth, he recalls mainly those relating to the theodicy
of the private life, of the landscape, and the redemptive imagination. For it is
these and in response to these that the mind or person of the author has grown
from youth to age.
THEODICY OF PRIVATE LIFE
In the opening of his Confessions, when Rousseau declares his intent to

present his fellow mortals with a man in the integrity of nature, it becomes his
version of Miltons undertaking to justify the ways of God to men.
Rousseaus argument, like Miltons, is a theodicy which locates the justification
for human suffering in the restoration of a lost paradise. In Miltons view, thus
events will not occur till one great Man/Restore us, and regain the blissful
seat. Rousseaus paradise, however, can be achieved simply by a union of
mans mind with nature, and so is a present paradise in this world, capable of
being described without recourse, that is, either to an intervenient deity or to a
heavenly kingdom to redress any imbalance between the good and evil of our
moral state. In Rousseaus work the ultimate goodness governing the course of
his life brought into question by his suffering and crisis of spirit. It is then
established by the outcome of his experience. His assumption is that of life is to
be worth living there cannot be a blank unreason or mere contingency at the
heart of things. There has to be meaning, in the sense of good and intelligible
purpose, in the occurrence of both physical and moral evils. The Christian
theodicy of the private life, in the long lineage of Augustines Confessions,
transfers the locus of the primary concern with evil from the providential history
of mankind to the providential history of the private self, and justifies the
experience of wrongdoing, suffering, and loss of a necessary means towards the
greater good of personal redemption. But in the case of Rousseau, it is a secular
theodicy a theodicy without an operative theos which retains the form of the
ancient reasoning, but makes the process coterminous with our life in this
world, and justifies suffering as the necessary means towards the end of a
greater good which is no other than the stage of achieved maturity. In other
words, Rousseaus theodicy of the private life belongs to the distinctive
Romantic genre which translates the painful process of Christin conversion and
redemption into a painful process of self-formation, crisis, and self-recognition,
21
which culminates in a stage of self-coherence, self-awareness, and assured

power that is its own reward.
In this process of maturation from youth to age, the Romantic self regains
the lost paradise in a composed self that is not easily moved by the challenge of
evil. Everything comes to be placed in an integrated picture of life, with the
equipoise of mind accepting it without commotion. Here is a piece from the
Confessions showing that sort of equipoise of maturity:
The facility with which I forget past evils, however recent they
may be, is astonishing. The remembrance of them becomes feeble,
and, sooner or later, effaced, in the inverse proportion to the greater
degree of fear with which the approach of them inspires me. My
cruel imagination, incessantly tormented by the apprehension of
evils still at a distance, diverts my attention, and prevents me from
recollecting those which are past. Caution is needless after the evil
has happened, and it is time lost to give it a thought. I, in some
measure, put a period to my misfortunes before they happen: the
more I have suffered at their approach the greater is the facility
with which I forget them; whilst, on the contrary, incessantly
recollecting my past happiness, I, if I may so speak, enjoy it a
second time at pleasure. It is to this happy disposition I am
indebted for an exemption from that ill humour which ferments in a
vindictive mind, by the continual remembrance of injuries
received, and torments it with all the evil it wishes to do its enemy.
Here is the Wordsworthian neglect of evil done to ones self and the recollection
instead of the emotion of joy in tranquility, leading the possession of to the
thing of beauty which remains a joy forever. Here is the picture of a positive
(good) mind becoming poised.
On the one level Rousseau tells this story, in his Confessions, in terms of
his literal experience of error, pain, misery, suffering, climaxed by his crisis in
the storm provoked by his publications and the consequent malicious
propaganda against him. He then justifies these experiences as, to borrow
Wordsworths words, bearing a part/And that a needful part in making him a
man, in making him a writer, and in making him exactly the kind of writer he is.
But through out the Confessions there is a double story being told a story of
Rousseaus life in the world and a correlative story of his life in nature. And on
this second narrative level Rousseau incorporates the problem of suffering
within his overarching myth of the interaction between mind and nature, in
which fostering nature conducts the mind through successive stages of growth,
while nature defines and imparts to the mind that degree of self-knowledge
which its stage of cumulative experience has prepared it to receive.
22
THEODICY OF LANDSCAPE
Very much like Wordsworth, more familiar to us, Rousseau also begins
the story of his life as a child unusually attracted to the pleasures of the
countryside. He correlates this to showing his soul, also like Wordsworth, in
direct engagement with nature. Throughout his Confessions, as he recalls his
experiences of life, he repeatedly represents his mind as developing by a
sustained interchange with different, even opposing, attributes of nature. Note,
for instance, the following:
The idea of this walnut tree, with the little anecdotes it gave rise to
have so well continued, or returned to my memory, that the design
which conveyed the most pleasing sensation during my journey to
Geneva, in the year 1754, was visiting Bossey, and reviewing the
monuments of my infantile amusement, above all, the beloved
walnut tree, whose age at that time must have been verging on a
third of a century, but I was so beset with company that I could not
find a moment to accomplish my design. There is little appearance
now of the occasion being renewed; but should I ever return to the
charming spot; and find my favorite walnut tree still existing, I am
convinced I should water it with my tears.
It is this kind of emotional, even sentimental, attachment that Rousseau in his
childhood and youth felt with nature. Whenever he could find time from his
hard life, he would quietly withdraw into the lap of nature and seek solace there
to sooth his mind and heart. This remained a habit with him all his life.
However, it were not just the beauties he saw in nature and abandoned himself to
their enjoyment. Like Wordsworth he also experienced in the same nature scenes
of fear and awe. Here, for instance, is one such experience:
I have frequently fatigued myself running after and stoning a cock, a
cow, a dog, or any animal I saw tormenting another, only because it
was conscious of possessing superior strength. This may be natural
to me, and I am inclined to believe it is, though its lively impression
of the first injustice I became the victim of was too long and too
powerfully remembered not to have added considerable force to it.
This occurrence terminated my infantile serenity; from that
moment I ceased to enjoy a pure unadulterated happiness, and on a
retrospection of the pleasure of my childhood, I yet feel they ended
here. We continued at Bossey some months after this event, but
were like our first parents in the garden of Eden after they had lost
their innocence; in appearance our situation was the same, in effect
it was totally different.
As Rousseau moves from natural setting into the urban centers of civilization,
moving from one country to another, it is a movement, from the rural milieu into
the variegated life of the city. He represents himself as coming to terms with his
experience in periodic accountings with the natural scene. At such moments,
23
what the mind brings to nature is the hitherto inchoate product of its experience
of man and the world since it had last come to an understanding with nature.
Although carrying with him the antithetical images of the natural worlds,
he always felt drawn to it compared to the city world.
I felt a natural inclination to retirement and the country; it was
impossible for me to live happily elsewhere. At Venice in the train
of public affairs, in the dignity of a kind of representation, in the
pride of projects of advancement, at Paris in the vortex of the great
world, in the luxury of suppers, rivulets and solitary walks,
constantly presented themselves to my recollection, interrupted by
thoughts, rendered me melancholy, and made me sigh with desire.
All the labour to which I had subjected myself, every project of
ambition which by feet had animated my ardour, all had for object
this happy country retirement, which I now thought near at hand.
Rousseau, like Wordsworth, is committed to a procreative marriage between man
and nature. He finds his mind is exquisitely fitted to the natural world, and the
natural world to the mind, and the two in union begetting a new world. Although
the childs bliss or paradise is no longer possible, its being a force that
recomposes the stressed and strained mind of the author after having been in the
hub of urban life in Paris or Venice remains a reality even in his later life. As
Rousseau calls it, the rural delirium enables him to face afresh the devastating
onslaughts of the city life. He still finds in himself the capacity to abandon
himself to the joys of county life:
Although the weather was cold, and the ground lightly covered with
snow, the earth began to vegetate, the trees began to bud, and the
evening of my arrival was distinguished by the song of the
nightingale, which was heard almost under my window, in a wood
adjoining the house . and I exclaimed in my transport: At length,
all my wishes are accomplished? The first thing I did was to abandon
my self to the impression of the rural objects with which I was
surrounded . The more I examined this charming retreat, the more I
found it to my wishes. The solitary, rather than savage, spot
transported me in idea to the end of the world. I had striking beauties
which are just seldom near cities,
Thus, theodicy of nature, of landscape, became a sort of substitute religion for
Rousseau as well as Wordsworth. His pantheism may not be mystical like that of
Wordsworth; it is no less committed to the powerful impressions of nature. The
impression may be ennobling, hypnotizing or terrifying, it is acknowledged as the
strongest force in the shaping of the mind of man. Of course ,not all can respond
to the beauties and powers of nature. Only men of imagination like Rousseau and
Wordsworth have the capacity to open themselves to its influences.
Rousseau shows difference with Wordsworth in his mood of indolence,
which brings him closer to Keats, in so far as it relates to creativity, or even as a
24
mood that prevents participation in the worldly pursuits of appetites. See how he
goes out to woo one kind of indolence, and flees from another kind:
I have observed the indolence of great companies made them
unsupportable to me, and I am now seeking solitude for the sole
purpose of abandoning myself to inaction. This however is my
disposition; if there be in it a contradiction, it proceeds from nature
and not from me . The indolence of company is burdensome
because it is forced. That of solitude is charming because it is free,
and depends upon the will.
It is in this indolence of solitude that, like most remnants, he feels the
independence and autonomy of self, a sort of theodicy of private life. Rousseau
explains further the precise nature of his indolence as under:The indolence I love is not that of a lazy fellow who sits with his
arms across in total inaction, and thinks no more than he acts, but
that of a child which is incessantly in motion doing nothing, and that
of a dotard who wanders from his subject. I love to amuse myself
with trifles, by beginning a hundred things and never finishing one
of them, by going or coming as I take either in my head, by
changing my project at every instant, by following a fly through all
its windings, in wishing to overturn a rock to see what is under it, by
undertaking with ardour the work of ten years, and abandoning it
without regret at the end of ten minutes; finally, in musing from
morning until night without order or coherence, and in following in
everything the caprice of a moment.
The caprice of a moment explains it all. The writer comes closer to Keats here,
not in his mood of utter inaction, but in the action of the negative capability, in
ones ability to get lost in the momentary pleasure of an object or activity, just as
the childh does, fully identifying itself with whatever object or activity it happens
to get involved with. This quality, too, is one of the essential aspects of the
Romantic sensuality which finds solace in solitude rather than society, in silence
rather than noise, in inaction rather than action, in caprice rather than care or
concern. In a way, Rousseaus Confessions constitute a kind of preparation for
the writing of his great works, just as Wordsworths Prelude is. However, in
describing that preparation both Rousseau and Wordsworth achieve the
masterpiece itself. For his Confessions is no less an important work in terms of its
literariness than say Miss Julia or Emile.
THE CONFESSIONS A REFLECTION OF ITS TIMES
Although Rousseaus Confessions is an autobiographical work, narrating

the events of the authors life, it is not narrowly focused on the individual life
alone. After all, the author was not an ordinary person; he moved from village to
city, from city to city, from country to country, meeting and interacting with
various important personalities of the day. Hence his life embraces or expands
25
into the life of its times. No doubt, his character is at the centre of the work. But
his long journey of life through various countries of Europe, involving friends
and foes of continental prominence, holding positions of political or literacy
consequence, gives the work the form of a picaresque novel, in which the journey
motive is used for showing what lies on either side of the road that is traversed by
the picaro. Incidentally, the parallel with the picaresque novel becomes all the
more pertinent when we find Rousseau qualifying for the status, placed as he is in
the unenviable position of an outcast for several reasons, and for most of his life.
Besides, the subjects and issues in which Rousseau got interested and involved
were public, not private, carrying social, political, religious, cultural, and literary
ramifications. So, his comments, his works, his life responses to the climate of his
times creates a picture of the eighteenth-century Europe. He breathed that
environment, was brought up in that atmosphere, got on the wrong side of the
society of the time, and consequently suffered and reacted and revolted and in the
process came out with radical views expressed in his books on politics,
education, literature, etc., which ultimately ignited the French Revolution and
changed the order of the day. He became the force that initiated the political as
well as literary and educational movements. Let us therefore put together some of
the images and reflections that the Confessions makes available to us about the
age in which it was produced.
The six volumes of the Confessions, grouped in two parts, are given the
following titles, which indicate how the personal life history of the author is
entangled with the impersonal history of the eighteenth century Europe. Each
volume consists of two books, both parts having six books each. Opening with
childhood, followed by youth, Studies and Love, Journeys, Manhood,
the first part closes with Music and Amours. The second part opens with
Theresa, followed by Misfortunes, Passions and Politics, Hotel de
Luxembourg, Exile, closing with Persecutions. Thus, the chapter headings
clearly show how the authors personal history is mixed with the political history
of France and Europe. No chapter, in fact, is exclusively focused on the authors
self; each reflects life around this growing self. Even the first chapter, dealing
with the authors childhood, and least reflective of things larger, is not without
the tinge of life around the author; his milieu, so to say, in which he was brought
up. Here is a glimpse of Rousseaus way of making his narrative inclusive, rather
than exclusive.
In my native country, in the bosom of my religion, family and
friends, I should have passed a calm and peaceful life, in the
uniformity of a pleasing occupation, and among connections deard
to my heart. I should have been a good Christian, a good citizen, a
good friend, a good man. I should have relished my condition,
perhaps been an honour to it, and after having passed a happy
obscurity, surrounded by my family, I should have died at peace.
26
Soon it may be forgotten, but while remembered it would have been

with tenderness and regret.
Instead of this what a picture am I about a draw Alas!
Why should I anticipate the miseries I have endured? The reader
will have but too much of the melancholy subject.
Thus in the opening itself, the relationship between the individual self of the
author and the society around him is shown in clear terms. Seemingly concerned
only about the author, the passage cited above defines indirectly the ethos of the
society. What the author might have been religiously, socially, professionally,
culturally implies in fact the reigning norm of the society. Rousseaus being a
non-conformist from the start, being committed to truth rather than convention, to
reason rather than ritual, to nature rather than culture had to be at odds with his
environment. And so he was, and so he suffered. The last chapter of the work
deals with persecutions.
In the next chapter, Youth, also we get a few glimpses of the kind of
society there was in France at the time, and what were the issues of the day in
Europe. First, a brief passage about the King:
The King, who was fond of appearing a zealous promoter of the
catholic faith, took her [Madam de Warens] under his protection,
and complemented her with a pension of fifteen hundred livres of
Piedmont, which was a considerable appointment for a prince who
never had the character of being generous; but finding his liberality
caused some conjecture that he had an affection for the lady, he sent
her to Annecy escorted by a detachment of his guards, where, under
the direction of Michael Gabriel de Bernex, titular bishop of
Geneva, she abjured her former religion at the Convent of the
Visitation.
Here is a reflection about the King, the bishop, the conversion of religion, all the
three of which were powerful institutions of the time, which governed the lives of
the masses. The stranglehold of religion was greater than that of politics. None
was beyond the control of the church. Madam de Warnes, for instance, could not
exhort me [Rousseaus] to return to Geneva, being too well aware that her words
were strictly scrutinized, and that such advice would be thought high treason
against Catholicism. One had to adopt the religion of the city or country on
reaching there, or you would face trouble. Rousseau himself had to undergo such
an ordeal. He describes how, along with certain strangers, he had to accept
conversion:
In this hall of audience were assembled four or five ill-looking
banditti, my comrades in instruction, who would rather have been
taken for trusty servants of the devil than candidates for the kingdom
of heaven. Two of these fellows were Slavonians, but gave out they
were African Jews, and (as they assured me) had run through Spain
27
and Italy, embracing the Christian faith, and being baptized

wherever they thought it worth their labour.
Thus, the racial and religious identities were important passports for entry and
accommodation in the small town or village societies. Here, of course, the
instance relates to the big city of Paris.
While in Geneva, Rousseau was a catholic. Now in Paris, he is converted
to Protestantism. He makes a significant remark at this occasion on the
importance of religion in the education of children and men:
It is understood, I believe, that a child, or even a man, is likely to be
most sincere while persevering in that religion in whose belief he
was born and educated; we frequently detract from, seldom make
any additions to it: dogmatical faith is the effect of education. In
addition to this general principle which attached me to the religion
of my forefathers, I had that particular aversion our city entertains
for Catholicism, which is represented there as the most monstrous
ideology, and whose clergy are painted in the blackest colours. This
sentiment was so firmly imprinted on my mind, that I never dared to
look into their churches
This goes on through several pages as to how his contempt was overcome in
Geneva by the enticement for attractive meals offered by the country parishes,
and how he felt guilty on conversion for convenience, finally ending in a
comparison between the two chief sects of Christianity: Protestants, in general,
are better instructed in the principle of their religion than Catholics; the reason is
obvious; the doctrine of the former requires discussion, of the latter a blind
submission; the Catholic must content himself with the decisions of others, the
Protestant must learn to decide for himself The running, and never ending,
fued, so to say, between these two sects poses problems of conscience for
millions of individuals who have to undergo the ordinals of unwilling
conversions if they moved form one place to another, only to buy peace with the
dominant group. Rousseaus own ordeal is worth our attention:
I was not absolutely resolved to become a Catholic, but, as it was
not necessary to declare my intention immediately, I gradually
accustomed myself to the idea; hoping, meantime, that some
foreseen event would extricate me from my embarrassment. In order
to gain time, I resolved to make the best defense I possibly could in
favour of my own opinion; but my vanity soon redered this
resolution unnecessary, for on finding I frequently embarrassed
those who had the care of my instruction, I wished to height on my
triumph by giving then a complete overthrow. I zealously pursued
my plan, not without the ridiculous hope of being able to convert my
converters; for I was simple enough to believe, that could I convince
them of their errors, they would become Protestants; they did not
find, therefore, that facility in the work which they had expected, as
28
I differed both in regard to will and knowledge from the opinion

they had entertained of me.
Thus is contained the picture of the contemporary society in the individual picture
of the author. The individual and society here are like the fish and ocean: one
contains the other. The individual is shaped by the environment through
conformation or defiance of the social codes and conventions, norms and notions.
Either way, the interaction has to be an act of the living process; there is no way
to escape it. These trials and ordeals of conscience relate to the authors period of
youth, all figuring in Book II of the Confessions.
The second powerful social force in the age of Rousseau, the eighteenth
century, was politics. The author of the Confessions was as much at odds with the
politics of the time as he was with the religion of the age. It was so much to his
disliking that it compelled his revolutionary response to this force finally
resulting in the writing of his radical book, the Social Contract, or Contract
Social, which became the guide book for modern democracies of the world. It
generated altogether new ideas about individual constitution, social structure, and
power pyramid. Some of the reflections of the political life of the age need to be
cited to have an adequate idea of what it was like. Rousseau had become
painfully aware that the most powerful force in shaping the destiny of a society is
politics. Neither any individual nor any group had any escape from it. Therefore,
if we wished to change our destiny, we had to change our government. Note, for
distance, the following:
Of the different works I had upon the stocks, that I had longest
resolved in my mind which was most to my taste, to which I
destined a certain portion of my life, and which, in my opinion, was
to confirm the reputation I had acquired, was my Institutions
Poliliques. I had, fourteen years before when at Venice, where I had
an opportunity of remarking the defects of that government so much
boasted of, conceived the first idea of them. Since that time my ideas
had become much more extended by the historical study of morality.
I had perceived everything to be radically connected with politics,
and that, upon whatever principles these were founded, a people
would never be more than that which the nature of the government
made them; therefore, the great question of the best government
possible appeared to me to be reduced to this: What is the nature of a
government the most proper to form the most virtuous and
enlightened, the wisest and best people, taking the last epithet in its
most extensive meaning? I thought this question was much if not
quite of the same nature with that which follows: What government
is that which, buy its nature, always maintains itself nearest to the
laws, or least deviates from the laws. Hence, what is the law? and a
series of questions of similar importance. I perceived these led to
great truths, useful to the happiness of man kind, but more especially
29
to that of my country, wherein, in the journey I had just made to it, I

had not found notions of laws and liberty either sufficiently just or
clear. I had thought this indirect manner of communicating these to
my fellow citizens would be least mortifying to their pride, and
might obtain me forgiveness of having seen a little further than
themselves.
No volume of history, with all its wealth of details, can compare with this cryptic
account of the conditions that prevailed at the time on the political map of
Europe, of which Rousseau was a real citizen. As his own biography covers only
the essentials that went into the shaping of his mind and morals, so does he
choose to give us the essential picture of politics on the continent. His indirect
way of describing it of making it a matter for comment through an alternate
model rather than of giving a detailed direct critique of the existing model is
much more effective than the reformists account of contemporary political
scene.
Rousseaus meditations on his times were very thorough which covered all
aspects of life religious, political, social educational, biological, environmental,
cultural, literary, etc: and on all these he brought out books which changed the
face of the world, of letters as well as lives. Note, for instance, his meditation on
morals:
The striking and numerous observations I had collected were beyond
all manner of dispute, and by their natural principle seemed proper
to furnish an exterior regimen, which varied according to
circumstances, might place and support the mind in the state most
favourable to virtue. From how many mistakes would reason be
preserved, how many vices would be stifled in their birth, were it
possible to force economy to favour moral order, which it so
frequently disturbs! climate, seasons sounds, colours, light,
darkness, the elements, ailments, noise, silence, motion, rest, all act
on the animal machine and consequently on the mind: all offer a
thousand means, almost certain of directing in their origin the
sentiments by which we suffer ourselves to be governed. Such was
the fundamental idea of which I had already made a sketch upon
paper, and whence I hoped for an effect the more certain, in favour
of persons well disposed, who, sincerely loving virtue, were afraid
of their own weakness, as it appeared to me, easy to make of it a
book as agreeable to read as it was to compose. I have, however,
applied myself but very little to this work, the title of which was to
have been Morale Sensitive ou le Materialisme du Sage.
Here one can clearly see the foundation for Darwinian Theory of the origin of
species; for the effect of environment in shaping the conduct of species is what
both Rousseau and Darwin talk about, with the only difference that while
Darwins theory includes all animal species, that of Rousseau includes only the
30
human species. But the germinal idea is very much there in what Rousseau has
said in the above observation. Similarly, his preceding observation on politics
can be said to be a clear foundation for the Marxist political theory. The latter
may be more economics based, but it does endorse Rousseaus idea of the
system of governance being the determining factor for the moral and manners of
men. The idea is that mans social behaviour is modulated by the system that
governs him.
Rousseau makes an equally radical observation on the system of
education as it prevailed at that time; of course, here again the method adopted
is indirect in which an alternate model is framed and presented as a sort of
comment on the prevailing. Note, for instance, the following:
Besides this, I had for some time meditated a system of education,
of which Madam de Chenonceaux, alarmed for son by that of her
husband, had desired me to consider. The authority of friendship
placed this object, although less in itself to my taste, nearer to my
heart than any other. On which account this subject, of all those of
which I have just spoken, is the only one I carried to its utmost
extent.
He speaks of it later at length, in a subsequent chapter of the Confessions. The
result was his Emile, which provoked, along with Social Contract, violent
reaction from people and parliament. Here is a glimpse of the long narration the
author gives us of the violent reception of these books:
My tranquility still continued. Roumours increased and soon
changed their nature. The public, and especially the parliament,
seemed irritated by my composure. In a few days the fermentation
became terrible, and the object of the menaces being changed,
these were immediately addressed to me. The parliamentarians
were heard to declare that burning books was of no effect, the
authors also should be burned with them; not a word was said of
the booksellers .
Today, we are grateful to Rousseau for the new ideas he gave us on the subject
of child education. He based his theory of education on his concept of human
nature, and recommended a natural growth of the child fostered by free will and
self-expression. The earlier method or system based on spare the rod and spoil
the child was condemned in his book; and so was the old concept of human
nature which, in Popes words, was considered to be always the same: Static
and standard to be tutored, for there was nothing in it to begin with that was to
be allowed expression. In the eighteenth century, these ideas were not less
radical than Copernicuss discovery that earth moves round the sun, which
reversed the earlier belief in the static centrality of the earth. In a subtle way, it
undercuts the Biblical theory of the creation of the world in which earth was
created by God as the centre of earthly existence and man as the special creation
31
to rule other species. From Copernicus to Rousseau there is a radical erosion of

the Biblical theory, which could not be tolerated by the old establishment.
Rousseau being a versatile genius, his contributions were not confined to
the subjects of religion, politics, and education. He made equally important
contributions to the subjects of music and literature. He was a practicing
musician as well as a man of letters. His interest was keen in these subjects, as
keen as in morals and manners of societies and governments:
These different objects offered me subjects of meditation for my
walks; for, as I believed I had already observed, I am unable to
reflect when I am not walking: the moment I stop, I think no more,
and as soon as I am again in motion my head resumes its workings.
I had, however, provided myself with a work for the closet upon
rainy days. This was my dictionary of music, which my scattered,
mutilated, and unshapen materials made it necessary to rewrite
almost entirely.
He was not only a noted musician of his day, but was also an inventor of a new
note in music. His dictionary of music was no less a contribution to the
subject. More than the music, however, it was literature of ideas, social, moral,
or literary, that attracted his attention. His views, however, as in all other areas,
were very strong on literature. He would not make any compromise on any
account so far as his ideas were concerned. That brought him into conflict with
all those who stepped into his life for one reason or another. Some of them
turned even vicious, leading to the famous Conspiracy against him that
plagued him until the end, bringing on him the worst possible man-made
misfortunes, never suffered by any other man of letters.
Some of the important involvements with his contemporaries include
Rousseaus unfortunate confrontation with Voltaire, Hume, Diderot and Grimn.
The last two, along with a female writer of sorts, one Madam de Chenonceaux,
were the conspirators who, through their most unscrupulous means, brought
about meanest occurrences in the life of Rousseau. Inflamed by his unethical
opponents, plagued by public fury, he might have been a little less than just to
them in his report (or confession) about them. But his observations, all the
same, on men of letters and their works are valuable in more ways than one.
One of the more important of his comments is the one he made on Voltaires
poem about the Lisbon earthquake. The long piece of criticism runs as under:
Struck by seeing this poor man overwhelmed, if I may so speak,
with prosperity and honour, bitterly exclaiming against the misries
of this life, and finding everything to be wrong, I formed the mad
project of making him turn his attention to himself, and of proving
to him that everything was right. Voltaire, while he appeared to
believe in God, never really believed in anything but the devil;
since his pretended deity is a malicious being, who, according to
him, had no pleasure but in evil. The glaring absurdity of this
32
doctrine is particularly disgusting from a man enjoying the greatest

prosperity; who, from the bosom of happiness, endeavours, by the
frightful and cruel image of all the calamities from which he is
exempt, to reduce his fellow creatures to despair. I, who had a
better right than he to calculate and weigh all the evils of human
life, impartially examine them, and proved to him that of all
possible evils there was not one to be attributed to Providence, and
which had not its source rather in the abusive use man made of his
faculties than in nature.
Here, one thing apparent is that while Rousseau, like any other romantic,
believes in literature being the true voice of its author, Voltaire remains an
eighteenth-century neoclassical writer composing, in verse and prose, satirical
pieces, taking a philosophic or literary or moral position as a matter of
convention, keeping his personal self out of the composed work. Another thing
that becomes equally clear is that Rousseau seems to believe firmly that if a rich
man writes about poverty, or a happy man finds life miserable, the writer is only
being hypocritical. In fact, an obvious inference from his criticism of Voltaires
poem on Lisbon calamity is that only the poor and miserable has the right, or is
at least better qualified, to write about poverty and miseries of life. One can see
Rousseaus premise, which is typically romantic, but it is difficult to entirely
agree with him. Voltaire only uses the Lisbon natural calamity only to draw the
attention of those who preached that all is well with the world and that it was
the best of all the possible worlds. If he happened to be rich, it does not deny
him the sensitivity to feel a human tragedy or to see the absurdity of a
philosophic position. One can only understand from Rousseaus personal life
why he felt so about Voltaires position, but it does not necessarily compel us to
agree with him.
Responding to critical reactions to his novel Heloise, Rousseau not only
defends his own work but condemns that of Richardson. The work is by no
means proper for the species of men of wit who have nothing but cunning, who
possess no other kind of discernment than that which penetrates evil, and see
nothing where good only is to be found. This brings out Rousseaus strong
prejudice against the neoclassical writers, whose pessimism or cynicism about
the nature and potential of man always irritated him. A romantic like Rousseau,
who was far ahead of his times, had to fight a lone battle against the entire
establishment of the eighteenth century writers of wit. Defending his novel
against the hostile criticism from the line of wit, he makes some very interesting
observations:
The thing least kept in view, and which will ever distinguish it
from every other work, is the simplicity of the subject and the
continuation of the interest, which, confined to three persons, is
kept up throughout six volumes, without episode, romantic
adventure, or anything malicious either in the persons or actions.
33
Diderot complemented Richardson on the prodigious variety of his

portraits and the multiplicity of his persons. In fact, Richardson has
the merit of having well characterized them all; but with respect to
their number, he has that in common with the most inspired writers
of novels who attempt to make up for the sterility of their ideas by
multiplying persons and adventures. It is easy to awaken the
attention by incessantly presenting unheard of adventures and new
faces, which pass before the imagination as the figures in a magic
lantern do before the eye; but to keep up that attention to the same
objects, and without the aid of the wonderful, is certainly more
difficult; and if, everything else being equal, the simplicity of the
subject adds to the beauty of the work, the novels of Richardson,
superior in so many other respects, cannot in this be compared to
mine. I know it is already forgotten, and the cause of its being so;
but it will be taken up again.
Once again, one can see how Rousseau is pitted against the popular taste of his
times. Character and adventure were the key elements of the eighteenth century
novel, not the element of thought. Its chief interests sprung from the variety of
characters and novelty of incidents. Novel of ideas, of serious probing of an
idea, theme, or character came later in the nineteenth century, that too in
America with Hawthorne, Melville, and James, not in England. In Rousseaus
own country, too, it appears a century after him with Flaubert, extending right
up to Sartre. Here again, Rousseau was ahead of his times, and was sailing
against the powerful tide of the popular taste.
In the midst of this popular distaste for Rousseaus novel, Helois, there
was something exciting that encouraged the author. It was the Princess of
Talmonts response to his new novel, and similar enthusiasm from majority of
female readers (who were, of course, not many compared to male readers), that
Rousseau found heartening in his otherwise depressing days. The account of the
princess that Rousseau gives reads like fiction; it is so well narrated:
It [Heloise] appeared at the beginning of a carnival; a hawker
carried it to the Princess of Talmont on the evening of a ball night
at the opera. After supper the princess dressed herself for the ball,
and until the hour of going there, took up the new novel. At
midnight she ordered the horses to be put into the carriage, and
continued to read. The servant returned to tell her the horses were
put to; she made no answer. Her people perceiving she forgot
herself, came to tell her it was two oclock. There is yet no hurry,
replied the princess, still reading on. Some time afterwards, her
watch having stopped, she rang to know the hour. She was told it
was four oclock. That being the case, she said, it is too late to
go to the ball; let the horses be taken off. She undressed herself
and passed the rest of the time in reading.
34
Ever since I came to the knowledge of this circumstance, I

have had a constant desire to see the lady, not only to know from
herself whether or not what I have related be exactly true, but
because I have always thought it impossible to be interested in so
lively a manner in the happiness of Julia, without having that sixth
and moral sense with which so few hearts are endowed, and
without which no person whatever can understand the sentiments
of mine.
Here, one can see an instance of romantic egotism. A romantic is a rare, an
uncommon being, a person with superior sensibility, and as such beyond the
reach of those with inferior or no sensibility. Rousseau is making here a similar
case for himself as do most romantics when it comes to their works not being
appreciated by the common reader. Decidedly, romantic art is not conceived to
be a popular art. It is an expression of deeply felt emotions and seriously
meditated thoughts. As such, obviously, it cannot receive popular appreciation.
Only the female readers like the Princess would get attracted to emotional art
but surely for wrong reasons. Rousseau knew it as well, but he did not mind
(common human weakness with writers) being misunderstood so long as he
received appreciation, that too, from women:
What rendered the women so favourable to me was, their being
persuaded that I had written my own history, and was myself the
hero of the romance. This opinion was so firmly established.
Everybody thought it was impossible so strongly to express
sentiments without having felt them, or thus to describe the
transports of love, unless immediately from the feeling of the heart.
This was true, and I certainly wrote the novel during the time my
imagination was inflamed to ecstasy; but they who thought real
objects necessary to this effect were deceived, and far from
conceiving to what a degree I can at will produce it for imaginary
beings. I was unwilling to confirm or destroy an error which was
advantageous to me.
Romantic literature, being more emotional in its tenor, has always had special
appeal with women, especially the young. Rousseaus own life having been full
of affairs with women was also responsible for this extraordinary female
curiosity in his private life.
Thus through the personal life history, or autobiography, of Rousseau we
get to know a good deal about the age in which he lived and wrote. A fairly
wide variety of the various aspects of eighteenth century European world are
brought home to the reader in their essential characteristics. It is decidedly not
the kind of picture one finds in Chaucers Canterbury Tales, or in Thackerays
or Dickenss novels. There, the picture drawn is in terms of width and variety of
characters and incidents both being representative in social terms. Here in
Rousseau, as well as elsewhere in any romantic work such as Wordsworths The
35
Prelude or Hawthornes The Scarlet letter, the picture is presented to us in

terms of the essentials of that life rather than in terms of width and variety of the
social spectrum. Here, just an instance, a glimpse, a gesture, a comment, can do
what long descriptions in a realistic work may not achieve. In other words, the
level of presentation is different and deeper; it is more on the spiritual, rather
than social, plain. We can conclude our discussion of the Confessions showing a
mirror to its age despite its being an autobiography of an individual with a short
citation which reveals as much of the conservative bigotry of the age as the
radical humanism of the author:
After the departure of Madam de Verdelin the fermentation
increased, and, notwithstanding the reiterated rescripts of the King,
the frequent orders of the council of state, and the cares of the
chatelain and magistrates of the place, the people, seriously
considering me as anarchist, and perceiving all their clamours to be
of no effect, seemed at length determined to proceed to violence;
stones were already thrown after me in the roads, but I was
however in general at too great a distance to receive any harm from
them. At last, in the night of the fair of the Motiers, which is in the
beginning of September, I was attacked in my habitation in such a
manner as to endanger the lives of everybody in the house.
Thus, the age depicted here in its essentials is done through characters, who
stand for certain ideas or beliefs, and incidents, which reflect those beliefs and
ideas. In that sense, the Confessions can be considered more a reflection of the
beliefs and ideas of its times than a social history giving a wide range of social
reality. Here, this autobiography of Rousseau has the same difference with the
ordinary realistic biography as the romance has with the novel. The difference
comes across quite clearly through this comparison. The personal history of the
authors spiritual life and the impersonal history of the periods beliefs and
ideas are inextricably interwoven into the fabric of the Confessions; neither can
be comprehended in full without simultaneously taking into account the other.
ROUSSEAU ON LOVE AND WOMEN
As Rousseau himself says in the Confessions, for him living meant

loving; life without love was meaningless for him. Also, the love he talks about
is the love of women. He was naturally, and automatically, attracted to women.
He was extremely sensual right from childhood. His hunger for womens love,
in whatever form, may have stemmed from the death of his mother just when he
was born. May be what he missed as a child, he kept seeking all his life. All of
these women whom he loved at different stages of his life contributed towards
his mental and spiritual growth. His concept of love as well as his relationship
with women are both quite complex in nature. Only through our close reading
of his narrations of his love affairs can help us understand both these as well the
true personality of the author.
36
Rousseaus experience with women begins as early as 1720 when he was

only eight years of age. Now under the care of his uncle he is sent to Bossey, a
village, to board with the Minister Lambercier for learning Latin. Here he
comes in contact with the Ministers wife, Mademoiselle Lambercier, who, as
she felt a mothers affection, sometimes exerted a mothers authority. All
this affection, aided by my natural mildness, was scarcely sufficient to prevent
my seeking, by fresh offences, a return of the same chastisement; for a degree of
sensuality had mingled with the smart and shame, which left more desire than
fear of a repetition. Benevolence, aided by the passions, has ever maintained
an empire over me which has given law to my heart. The touch of the female
personality, which begins with chastisement, finally effects an incalculable
influence on his growth. Rousseau gives us a graphic account of his complex
response to this woman of his mothers age:
This event, which, though desirable, I had not endeavoured
to accelerate, arrived without my fault; I should say without my
seeking; and I profited by it with a safe conscience; but this second,
was also the last time, for Mademoiselle Lambercier who doubtless
had some reason to imagine this chastisement did not produce the
desired effect, declared I was too fatiguing, and that she renounced
it for the future. Till now we had slept in her chamber and during
the winter in her bed; but two days after another room was
prepared for us, and from that moment I had the honour (which I
could very well have dispensed with) of being treated by her as a
great boy.
Who would believe this childish discipline, received at eight
years old, from the hands of a woman of thirty, should influence
my propensities, my desires, my passions, for the rest of my life
and that in quite a contrary sense from what might naturally have
been expected? The very incident that inflamed my senses, gave
my desires such an extraordinary turn, that, confined to what I had
already experienced, I sought no further, and, with blood boiling
with sensuality, almost from my birth, preserved my purity beyond
the age when the coldest constitutions lose their insensibility; long
tormented, without knowing by what, I gazed on every handsome
woman with delight; imagination incessantly brought their charms
to my remembrance, only to transform them into so many
Mademoiselle Lambercier.
Although vulnerable to female attraction, and amenable to female influence,
Rousseau was never very enterprising with women. His natural timidity would
not permit him to easily disclose his wishes. He would pass days in languishing
in silence for those he most admired, and would not dare ask the overwhelming
question. One is reminded of Eliots Prufrock. He would, in fact, love to fall at
the feet of an imperious mistress, obey her mandates, or implore pardon. These
37
remained his most exquisite enjoyments. Hence, the senses, in concurrence

with a mind equally timid and romantic preserved his morals chaste, and
feelings uncorrupted. This always prevented him from excesses to which he
could otherwise be vulnerable.
Rousseaus next encounter with a woman takes place at the age of eleven.
While at school, he comes in contact with his mistress named Madam de
Vulson, who loaded him with caresses, and whose daughter made him her
gallant. The girl, too, was twice his age. With Mademoiselle Vulson, he felt
flattered by the circumstance and went into it with my whole heart, or rather
my whole head, for this passion certainly reached no further, though it
transported me almost to madness, and frequently produced scenes sufficient to
make even a cynic expire with laughter. At the same school, he came into
contact with another mistress named Mademoiselle Goton. Although he was so
absolutely in the power of both these mistresses, that when in the presence of
either [he] never thought of her who was absent, his regard for the former was
much greater: if Mademoiselle Vulson was ill, I suffered with her; would
willingly have given up my own health to establish hers. I loved her with a
brothers affection only, but experienced all the jealousy of a lover. But even
this innocent attachment to these mistresses was not without a danger: I would
not have offended Mademoiselle Vulson for the world; but if Mademoiselle
Goton had commended me to throw into the flames, I think I should have
instantly obeyed her. Happily, both for her and myself, our amours, or rather
rendezous, were not of long duration: and though my connection with
Mademoiselle Vulson was less dangerous, after a continuance of some greater
length, that likewise had its catastrophe; indeed the termination of a love affair
is good for noting, unless it partakes of the romantic, and can furnish out at least
an exclamation.
Rousseaus much longer and more serious affair appears at the age of
sixteen and goes on for eleven years, taking a strange course from the woman as
mother to woman as mistress. In Rousseaus own words, Louisa- Eleanora de
Warnes was of the noble and ancient family. She was married very young to a
Monsieur de Warnes there were no children by this marriage, which was far
from being a happy one. Some domestic uneasiness made Madam de Warnes
take the resolution of crossing the lake, and throwing herself at the feet of
Victor Amadeus thus abandoning her husband, family, and country by a
giddiness similar to mine, which precipitation she, too, has found sufficient time
and reason to lament. When Rousseau joins her, as a sort of orphan, at Annecy,
just six years after her arrival there, she is twenty-eight, and he is only sixteen.
At their very first meeting, he is struck by her beauty, presenting his letter of
introduction with a trembling hand, and she speaking in a tone of voice
which made every nerve vibrate. To Rousseau, Her beauty, consisting more in
the expressive animation of the countenance, than a set of features, was in its
meridian; her manner soothing and tender; an angelic smile played about her
38
mouth, which was small and delicate; she wore her hair (which was of a ash
colour, and uncommonly beautiful) with an air of negligence that made her
appear still more interesting; she was short, and rather thick for her height,
though by no means disagreeably so; but there could not be a more lovely face,
a finer neck, or hands and arms more exquisitely formed.
Rousseau seems to believe in the philosophy of love at first sight. He
challenges those who do not accept it as a fact of life: let those who deny the
existence of a sympathy of souls, explain, if they know how, why the first
glance, the first word of Madam de Warnes inspired me, not only with a lively
attachment, but with the most unbounded confidence, which has since known no
abatement. Say this was love how could this passion be attended with
sentiments which scarce ever accompany its commencement, such as peace,
serenity, security, and confidence. Is it possible to posses love, I will not say
without desires, for I certainly had them, but without inquietude, without
jealousy? there was, certainly, something extraordinary in my attachment to
this charming woman and it will be found in the sequel, that some
extravagances, which can not be foreseen, attended it. Here is, then, a
relationship which is love not without desire, and yet more than love. It borders
devotion along with desire; it is spiritual as well as sensual. It is based on
attraction of beauty, and yet transcends the domain of physical beauty. It is a
relation also between a soul and a soul, as well as between a body and a body,
even though unspeaking.
Made as he is by nature to fall for a woman at first sight even his highest
regard and deepest love for Madam de Warnes does not come in his way of
getting passionately involved with another woman, when he is on a short visit to
Italy. The woman this time is Madam Basile. Though an Italian, and too pretty
to the entirely devoid of coquetry, she had so much modesty, and I so great a
share of timidity, that our adventure was not likely to be brought to a very
speedy conclusion, nor did they give us time to make any good of it. I can not
recall the few short moments I passed with this lovely woman without being
sensible of an inexpressible charm, and can yet say, it was there I tasted in there
utmost perfection the most delightful, as well as the purest pleasures of love.
All this just on a casual visit to Italy. Somehow, he finds any good-looking
woman irresistible, provided she shows an inclination to oblige him, to respond
to his uninterrupted hungry gaze. Madam Basile is a married woman, her
husband considerable older than herself, who has consigned her, during his
absence, to the care of a clerk, too disagreeable to be thought dangerous.
Rousseau falls for her at first sight, follows her helplessly, irresistibly. He does
not completely forget Madam de Warnes. She does occur to him for
comparison, but is not cause enough to prevent him from his present pursuit:
I did not feel the same real and tender respect for her as I did
for Madam de Warnes: I was embarrassed, agitated, feared to look,
and hardly dared to breathe in her presence, yet to have left her
39
would have been worse than death: How fondly did my eyes
devour whatever they could gaze on without being perceived! The
flowers on her gown, the point of her pretty foot, the interval of
round white arm that appeared between her glove and ruffle, the
least part of her neck, each object increased the force of all the rest,
and added to the infatuation. Gazing thus on what was to be seen,
and even more than was to be seen, my sight became confused, my
chest seemed contracted, respiration was every moment more
painful. I had the utmost difficulty to hide my agitation, to prevent
my sighs from being heard, and this difficulty was increased by the
silence in which we were frequently plunged.
Several more such opportunities come his way, he prepares himself to seize
every opportunity, suspense is built up, climax is reached, and just when he is
about to go into it, the anti-climax follows, and the scene terminates in
freezing the emotion at the boiling point. And yet whatever remains as a fringe
benefit of a touch or a look undoes him wholly: get up! Heres Rosina!
Rising hastily I seized one of her hands, which she held out to me, and gave it
two eager kisses; at the second I felt this charming hand press gently on my lips.
Never in my life did I enjoy so sweet a moment; but the occasion I had lost
returned no more, this being the conclusion of our amours. He may not have
experienced consummation of love, but the memories are nonetheless sweeter,
perhaps for that very reason: Never did I taste with any other woman pleasures
equal to those two minutes which I passed at the feet of Madam Basile without
even daring to touch her gown. I am convinced no satisfaction compares to that
we feel with a virtuous woman we esteem; all is transport! A sign with the
finger, a hand lightly pressed against my lips, were the only favours I ever
received from madam Basile, yet the bare remembrance of these trifling
condescensions continues to transport me.
This was only an interlude on his tour of Italy. But it was not the end of
his adventures in Italy. He runs into another woman, named Madamoiselle de
Breil, who was about his own age, tolerably handsome, and very fair
complexioned, with black hair, which notwithstanding, gave her features that air
of softness so natural to the flaxen, and which my heart could never resist.
Being just a domestic in her establishment, he could not afford to forget his
status, but his desire for her remains: my ambition, confined to a desire of
waiting on her, never exceeded its just rights. At table I was ever attentive to
make the most of them; if her footman quitted her chair, I instantly supplied his
place; in default of this I stood facing her, seeking in her eyes what she was
about to ask for, and watching the moment to change her plate. What would I
not have given her to hear her command, to have her look at, or speak the
smallest word to me but no, I had the mortification to be beneath her regard; she
did not even perceive I was there. As can be seen from this relationship,
Rousseau just cannot resist a pretty woman, whatever her position, and
40
whatever his own station; his sensuality makes him stick around whatever
woman happens to come in his way. If nothing more, even a sight of beauty
would be a gratification. Somehow, there is a certain abjectness in his attraction
for women. Be it as it may, we better return to his most important relationship in
the world of women with Madam de Warens.
As Rousseau returns from Italy, and approaches the habitation of Madam
de Warens, The first glance of Madam de Warens banished all my fear [of
starvation] my heart leaped at the sound of her voice; I threw myself at her
feet, and in transports of the most lively joy, pressed my lips upon her hand .
Poor child! said she, in an affectionate tone, art thou her again? I knew you
were too young for this journey; I am glad, however, that it did not turn out so
bad as I apprehended. She gives him a room in here own house, which thrills
him. She is heard saying, they may talk as they please, but since Providence
has sent him back, I am determined not to abandon him. On his part, I dare
affirm, that those who only love, do not feel the most charming sensation we are
capable of: I am acquainted with another sentiment, less impetuous, but a
thousand times more delightful; sometimes joined with love, but frequently
separated from it. This feeling is not simple friendship; it is more enchanting,
more tender; nor do I imagine it can exist between persons of the same sex; at
least I have been truly a friend, if ever a man was, and yet never experienced it
in that kind. This distinction is not sufficiently clear, but will become so
hereafter: sentiments are only distinguishable by their effects. Here is an
instance of how Rousseau tries to understand in full the complex character of
sentiments that he experiences in his relation with various women. In the case of
Madam de Warens it is the most complex. She is his patroness, shows affection
for him, a little indulgence also. He has reverence for her, is infatuated by her
charms, regards her as a mother and yet his sensuality draws him to go beyond
that feeling.
That the relationship is very complex between them becomes clear from
the fact that in his long struggle to comprehend and define it Rousseau makes
and amends and remakes so many statements, always remaining incomplete one
way or another. Some of these statements may be cited here for our own benefit:
The sudden sight of her, on our first interview, was the only truly
passionate moment she ever inspired me with; and even that was
principally the work of surprise. With her I had neither transports
nor desires, but remained in a ravishing calm, sensible of a
happiness I could not define, and thus could I have passed my
whole life, or even eternity, without feeling an instant of
uneasiness.
But a little later,
I know not when I should have done, if I was to enter into a detail
of all the follies that affection for my dear Madam de Warens made
me commit. When absent from her, how often have I kissed the bed
41
on a supposition that she had slept there; the curtains and all the
furniture of my chamber, on recollecting they were hers, and that
her charming hands had touched them; nay, the floor itself, when I
considered she had walked there. Sometimes, even in her presence,
extravagancies escaped me, which only the most violent passions
seemed capable of inspiring, in a word, there was but one essential
difference to distinguish me from an absolute lover, and that
particular renders my situation almost inconceivable.
The two quotations show how Rousseau is caught up in his own complex of
conflicting emotions, having at different levels different feelings for the same
person. How complex this equation between the two is can be gauged from the
following: absent or present I saw in her a tender mother, an amiable sister,
a respected friend, but nothing more; meantime, her image filled my heart, and
left room for no other object. The extreme tenderness with which she inspired
me excluded every other woman from my consideration, and preserved me from
the whole sex: in a word, I was virtuous, because I loved her. We have seen
how vulnerable he is to women, given an opportunity of close proximity. His
affair in Italy with Madam Basile, if it did not reach the stage of consummation,
it was not because of any lack of willingness on his part. Only the time so
conspired that it was interrupted at the crucial moments. Here again, his
unconscious mind is deeply craving for a physical closeness with his madams
he has started calling mama.
When two members of opposite sex are thrown together in close
proximity, and if the situation continues for a sufficient period of time, the
inevitable has to follow. And it does in this case as well. And just before it
happens, he states: I always loved her as passionately as possible, but I now
loved her more for herself and less on my own account; or, at least, I rather
sought for happiness than pleasure in her company. She was more to me than a
sister, a mother, a friend, or even than a mistress, and for this very reason she
was not a mistress; in a word, I loved her too much to desire her. He may not
be aware of it, but his love for her, which is more than every other love, is the
real danger. And it happens, the more overtakes all other feelings. The two
find themselves in each others arms:
This day, more dreaded than hoped for, at length arrived. I have
before observed, that I promised everything that was required of
me, and I kept my word: my heart confirmed my engagements
without desiring the fruits, though at length I obtained them. Was I
happy? No: I felt I know not what invincible sadness which
empoisoned my happiness, it seemed that I had committed an
incest, and two or three times, pressing her eagerly in my arms, I
deluged her bosom with my tears. On her part, as she had sought
pleasure, she had not the stings of remorse.
42
Well, it is not less than an incest, and yet a romantic like Rousseau is bound to
find it irresistible. Similarly, adultery is another compulsive urge in such
figures. In fact, the Romantic concept of love does not accept social institutions,
including marriage. It accepts love on its own terms, love for loves sake, not
for any other consideration. Rousseau is no exception; he freely enters into
sexual relations with several women, without carrying any sense of uneasiness,
leave aside sense of sin or guilt. Even in this case, the initial awkwardness is
easily overcome, and the intimacy goes on smoothly, sensually as well as
sexually: we got into the habit, though without design, of being continually
with each other, and enjoying in some measure, our whole existence together,
feeling reciprocally that we were not only necessary, but entirely sufficient for
each others happiness. Accustomed to think of no subject foreign to ourselves,
our happiness and all our desires were confined to that pleasing and singular
union, which perhaps had no equal, which is not, as I have before observed,
love, but a sentiment impressively more intimate, neither depending on the
senses, age, nor figure, but an assemblage of every agreeable sensation that
composes our radical existence and which can cease only with our being.
Here again Rousseau makes a typically romantic response; for it is a
romantic trait to think that there is no equal to your kind of love; that you are an
exceptional person and so is your affair. Also, a romantic would always
consider his love as something different from the ordinary human love; it is
viewed as something higher, something special, something uncommon,
something close to the divine. It may be called the Romantic fallacy, which is
incorrigibly available in romantic writers as well as their romantic creations.
The romantic has to be a hero among men. Rousseaus conception of his own
self also measures up to the same romantic model of the hero:
and myself, by an assemblage of misfortunes of all kinds, was
to become a striking example to those who, inspired with a love of
justice and the public good, and trusting too implicitly to their own
innocence, shall openly dare to assert truth to mankind,
unsupported by cabals, or without having previously formed parties
to protect them.
Undoubtedly, here is the self-portrait of a romantic, who is at odds with the
conservative society for the sake of saying the truth as he perceives it. His
alienation from society is also an essential trait of the romantic self. Like
Wordsworth, his recalling the blissful past is also a way of forgetting the
unhappy present. Left disillusioned by the failure of the French Revolution, one
great hope for humanity, Wordsworth turns to or returns to his blissful
childhood to seek solace. Rousseau finds the same use of imagination now that
he, as well as his madam, are facing despondence:
here I remember all as distinctly as if it existed at this moment.
Imagination, which in my youth was perpetually anticipating the
future, but now takes a retrograde course, makes some amends by
43
these charming recollections for the deprivation of hope, which I

have lost for ever. I no longer see anything in the future that can
tempt my wishes, it is a recollection of the past alone that can
flatter me, and the remembrance of the period I am now describing
is so true and lively, that it sometimes makes me happy, even in
spite of my misfortunes.
And the happiest moment, he recalls, is the one with Madam de Warens: My
dearest friend, this day has long since been promised me: I can see nothing
beyond it: my happiness, by your means, is at its height; may it never decrease;
may it continue as long as I am sensible of its value then it can only finish
with my life.
Rousseaus tendency to live in the present was, at times, a dangerous
principle or inclination. As he himself admits, I have never been so near
wisdom as during this period, when I felt no great remorse for the past nor
tormenting fear for the future; the reigning sentiment of my soul being the
enjoyment of the present. His explanation is that such a pleasure, like that of a
child, is another name for paradise. For a child, yes. But not for the adult, whose
mind is developed to see implications of the momentary enjoyment, if it relates
to humanity, not nature. Just a little while after his movement away from
Madam de Warens Rousseau runs into another named Madam de Larnage, who
also has a daughter fifteen year old. His feeling in the moment is: I saw
nothing but Madam de Larnage, or what related to her; the whole universe
besides was nothing was to me even Madam de Warens was forgotten! But
soon comes a stage when reflection on the pleasure principle begins just as it
does in the case of Wordsworth when he turns to reason and duty. This is the
turning point, I would say, in the life of Rousseau; the child in him is being
replaced by the developed mind. He describes this change in detail which need
to be noticed and understood the growth of a writers mind being the subject
of both Wordsworths Prelude and Rousseaus Confessions:
Not thoroughly satisfied in my own mind on the rectitude of
this expedition, as I advanced towards the Bridge of St. Esprit I
began to reflect on Madam de Warens, the remembrance of whose
letters, though less frequent than those from Madam de Larnage,
awakened in my heart a remorse that passion had stifled in the first
part of my journey, but which became so lively on my return, that,
setting just estimate on the love of pleasure, I found myself in such
a situation of mind that I could listen wholly to the voice of reason.
Besides, in continuing to act the part of an adventurer, I might be
less fortunate than I had been in the beginning; for it was only
necessary that in all Saint-Andiol there should be one person who
had been in England, or who knew English or anything of their
language, to prove me an imposter. The family of Madam de
Larnage might not be pleased with me, and would, perhaps, treat
44
me unpolitely; her daughter too made me uneasy, for, in spite of

my self, I thought more of her than was necessary. I trembled lest I
should fall in love with this girl, and that very fear had already half
done the business. Was I going, in return for the mothers kindness,
to seek the ruin of the daughter? To sow dissension, dishonour,
scandal, and hell itself, in her family? The very idea struck me with
horror, and I took the firmest resolution to combat and vanquish
this unhappy attachment, should I be so unfortunate as to
experience it . This reproach at length became so keen that it
triumphed over every temptation I formed the resolution to burn
my whole magazine of letters from Saint Andiol, and continue my
journey right forward to Chambery.
I executed this resolution courageously, with some sighs I
confess, but with the heart-felt satisfaction, which I enjoyed for the
first time in my life, of saying, I merit my own esteem, and know
how to prefer duty to pleasure. This was the first real obligation I
owed my books, since these had taught me to reflect and compare.
Perhaps, after all, pride had as much share in my resolution as
virtue; but if this pride is not virtue itself, its effects are so similar
that we are pardonable in deceiving ourselves.
No sooner was my resolution confirmed than I became
another man, or rather, I became what I was before I had erred, and
saw in its true colours what the intoxication of the moment had
either concealed or disguised.
This growth of the writers mind is rightly placed at the centre of the work.
What is crucial to remember here is the agent of change. It is his books, not
nature or its pleasures, which brought about this change in Rousseau. These
books, we may recall, are the ones which he speaks of reading during this
period a little earlier in this book 6 of Part I itself, books of western philosophy
from Plato to the present, and books of modern science. The books rightly ends
Part I, the early phase of the writers life. The second will begin after this
growth that has taken place in his personality.
The irony of situation takes place now at this critical point of time in
Rousseaus life. Just as he has resolved to regulate my future conduct by the
laws of virtue, and dedicate myself without reserve to that best of friends, to
whom I vowed as much fidelity in future as I felt real attachment, just has he
contemplate only innocence and happiness through life, he touches on the
fatal period that was to draw after it the long chain of my misfortunes. Just
when he has resolved to be fidel for life to Madam de Warens, he finds on
return from this fateful journey that the same Madam has turned infidel to him.
Like Hamlet, he gets the shock of his life, gets totally unsettled, knowing not
where to go next. But life must go on. You have to learn to cope with its
vicissitudes. After his initial violent reaction, he does find his feet and decides
45
upon the future course of action: I resolved, therefore, to quit the house,
mentioned it to her, and she, far from opposing my resolution, approved it. She
had an acquaintance at Grenoble, called Madam de Deyhens, whose husband
was on terms of friendship with Monsieur Mably, chief Provost of Lyons.
Monsieur Deybens proposed my educating Monsieur Mableys children; I
accepted this offer, and departed for Lyons without causing, and almost without
feeling, the least regret at a separation, the bare idea of which, a few months
before, would have given us both the most excruciating torments.
The last meaningful relation with a woman that Rousseau came to have
was with Theresa, totally illiterate whose mind was as nature formed it, who
could not count, read or write, would not know even hours and months. But she
was the kind of woman Rousseau wanted in the particular situation in which he
was placed at the moment.
In the place of extinguished ambition, a life of sentiment, which
had entire possession of my heart, was necessary to me. In a word,
I wanted a successor to mama: since I was never again to live with
her, it was necessary some person should live with her pupil, and a
person, too, in whom I might find that simplicity and docility of
mind and heart, which wanted nothing more than another heart to
fill it up.
It was apparently quite a mismatch a man of revolutionary ideas and a woman
without intellect and education, a mere body. But, as Rousseau remarks, With
persons whom we love, sentiment fortifies the mind as well as the heart; and
they who are thus attached have little need of searching for ideas elsewhere.
He produced five children by her, but was not in a position to support them.
Hence he sent them to asylum for care: My third child was therefore carried to
the foundling hospital as well as the two former, and the next two were disposed
of in the same manner; for I have had five children in all. Rousseaus
explanation for this act, which his friends-turned-foes used for slander, is worth
the mention: I will satisfy myself by observing that my error was such that in
abandoning my children to public education for want of the means of bringing
them up myself; in destining them to become workmen and peasants, rather than
adventurers and fortune-hunters, I thought I acted like an honest citizen and a
good father, and considered myself as a member of the republic of Plato.
At this point of time, when he has had a long life with Theresa, Rousseau
makes a terrible confession about his involvement with women:
When it will be known, that after having done everything, braved
everything, not to separate from her; that after passing with her
twenty years in despite of fate and men; I have in old age made her
my wife, without the least expectation of solicitation on her part, or
promise, or engagement on mine, the world will think that love
bordering upon madness, having from the first moment turned my
head, led me by degrees to the last act of extravagance. What,
46
therefore, will the reader think when I shall have told him, with all
the truth he has ever found in me, that, from the first moment in
which I saw her, until that wherein I write I have never felt the
least love for her, that I never desired to process her more than I
did to possess Madam de Warens, and that the physical wants
which were satisfied with her person were, to me, solely those of
the sex, think and by no means proceeding from the individual? He
will think that being of a constitution different from that of other
men, I was incapable of love, since this was not one of the
sentiments which attached me to women the most dear to my heart.
Denying that physical love was ever the basis of his affairs with women,
especially the closest Madam de Warens, Rousseau goes on to elaborate the
reason for his still, and ever, wanting to have intimacy with women, especially
the beautiful: The first of my wants, the greatest, strongest and most insatiable,
was wholly in my heart; the want of an intimate connection, and as intimate as it
could possibly be: for this reason especially, a woman was more necessary to
me than a man, a female rather than a male friend. This singular want was such
that the closest corporal union was body, without which I felt a void. Thus, this
void drove him from one woman to another. None could fill it completely, but
each must be placed there to make it less sensible. As he himself remarks, Not
having it in my power to take in all its plenitude the charms of that intimate
connection of which I felt the want, I sought for substitutes which did not fill up
the void, yet they made it less sensible.
Incorrigibly inclined as he was to fall for women, one of whom he must
have all the time to fill his void, yet another time he falls headlong for one
Madam d Houdetot, who already had a husband and a lover. But once attracted,
nothing could easily stop him from falling: she came; I saw her; I was
intoxicated with love without an object. I saw my Heloise [the heroine of his
novel with that title] in Madam d Houdetot, and I soon saw nothing but Madam
d Houdetot. He tries very hard to resist and restraine and ruin the instinct, but
to no avail: What powerful motive did I not call to mind to stifle it? My
morals, sentiments, principles; the shame, the treachery and crime, of abusing
what was confided to friendship, and the ridiculousness of burning, of my age,
with the most extravagant passion for a object whose heart was pre-engaged.
On her part, she also tried to stay away from such a course: she pitied my folly
without encouraging it, and endeavoured to restore me to reason. Finally, I
became pressing: the step was delicate. It is astonishing, and perhaps without
example, that a woman having suffered herself to be brought to hesitate should
have got herself off so well. She refused me nothing the most tender friendship
could grant; yet she granted me nothing that rendered her unfaithful, and I had
the mortification to see that the disorder into which the most trifling favours had
thrown all my senses had not the least effect upon her.
47
Thus Rousseau experienced yet another relationship with the opposite

sex, and a relation of yet another type. Here was an intimacy almost without
example between two friends of different sexes who contain themselves within
the bounds which we never exceeded. In this strange relationship, yet love
was equal on both sides, but not reciprocal. It ends romantically, as usual with
Rousseau:
It was the first and only time of my life; but I was sublime. What
intoxicating tears did I shed upon her knees! how many did I make
her involuntarily! At length in an involuntary transport she
exclaimed: No, never was a man so amiable, nor ever was there
one who loved like you! But your friend Saint Lambert hears us,
and my heart is incapable of loving twice. I exhausted myself with
sighs; I embraced her what an embrace! But this was all. She had
lived alone for the last six months, that is absent from her husband
and lover; I had seen her almost every day during three months,
and love seldom failed to make a third. We were alone, in the
grove by moonlight, and after two hours of most lively and tender
conversation she left this grove at mid night, and the arms of her
lover, as pure as she had entered it.
Thus, Rousseaus relation with women was of a natural attraction, of a natural
necessity, and as passionate as it can ever be. Like a true romantic love, it would
not admit any social or moral restrictions, remaining completely
unselfconscious about questions of social obligations or moral responsibilities.
It only looked for purity of emotion, bordering devotion, a necessity of being. It
does not remain attached to any one particular woman for a life time. It is not
the love of an object so much as it is love without any object; it is love of love,
or love for its own sake. Hence not one but several women appear in the single
life of our author. Rousseau is the prototype of romantic love which gets its
illustrations in Shelley, Keats, and Byron; in Childe Harold and Don Juan. For
Rousseau, love was more than love; it was a spiritual experience over and above
the sensual and sexual, which too were necessary components of its order; it
was through the experience of love that he developed as man and writer. This
individual experience, while it offered a model of romantic love, it exposed the
shams and hypocrisies of the unromantic lovefor-marriage institution of
society.
ROUSSEAUS PROSE STYLE
Since we are dealing with Rousseau in translation, and not in original, it

is not possible to speak of some of the aspects of his style, which can be
considered only in the original French language in which he wrote the
Confessions. However, since style reflects the way of thinking of a writer, his
manner of putting things or presenting ideas and emotions, even translation
would reflect, at least in part, that manner peculiar to each individual author. It
48
is with this premise in mind that we shall approach the prose of the Confessions
as it is available to us in English translation. As Cardinal Newman said in the
Victorian age, style is a thinking out into language. And no translation worth
the name would falsify a writers thinking, nor obliterate it. In this sense of style
it is something ingrained in writing and not stuck on top like a veneer. It follows
from this view that a mans way of writing will be an expression of his
personality and his way of looking at life. This explains the famous and mostquoted definition of style given by Buffon, a French writer and naturalist of the
eighteenth century, style, it is the man himself.
Rousseaus prose is not merely representative of the romantic prose, it is
the prototype for that sort of writing; he became a model for the romantics that
came after him, not merely for his ideas on man and nature, but also for his
prose. Since a romantic is an individualist, wanting to explore his own thoughts
and experience, not content with the general truths and standardised diction and
expression, he follows his own individual resources of language and gives
expression to his own experiences of life in the most expressive language
possible. In prose, as well as in poetry, the romantic spirit reflects itself in
questioning the authority, in asserting individual freedom, in being natural and
spontaneous. Both Coleridge and Hazlitt, two leading prose writers of the
English Romantic period, attacked the eighteenth century stalwart, Dr. Johnson,
accusing him of the Augustan habit of dressing up trite thoughts in elaborate
and grandiloquent language. Note, for example, the following piece from
Coleridge: Style is, of course, nothing else but the art of conveying the
meaning appropriately and with perspicuity, whatever that meaning may be, and
one criterion of style is that it will not be translatable without injury to the
meaning. Johnsons style has pleased many from the very fault of being
perpetually translatable; he creates an impression of cleverness by never saying
anything in a common way. Here, translatability means availability as formula
or trick which can be imitated by anyone and everyone. And since it is trick or
formula, it does not belong to any individual. The only difference between one
and another writer is that of being or not being or being in more or less degree
the master of that trick or formula. Such a style of writing does not reflect what
we call the personality of a writer, his own authentic and genuine feelings and
thoughts.
Thus, in romantic writing, prose or poetry, sincerity and authenticity,
simplicity and spontaneity, individuality and emotionality are some of the
distinctive features of style. It is an aesthetics of experience, not of rules.
Personality of the author permeates every word and sentence, every passage and
chapter, giving the composition the unique flavour of the individual self and
individual experience which is peculiar only to that personality. And yet, like
any other literary movement, romanticism also showed a set of common
qualities, habits of mind, and manners of expression, which are characteristic of
the writers of that movement. For instance, the romantic habit of considering
49
ones self unique, different from all others, the habit of relying on feeling or
emotion as the true expression of ones self as well as of truth, the habit of
going ecstatic about things of beauty expressing it in superlative form, the habit
of imparting sanctity to the autonomous self as well as to individual experience,
for example, making love a divinity by it self. All of these habits get reflected in
the prose style of these writers, which would be emotive rather than discursive,
spontaneous rather than studied, ecstatic rather than economical, rambling rather
than regimented, flowing rather than fabricated, pictorial rather than precise.
The greatest emphasis upon the personal is one of the prominent features
of the Romantic prose, which is also a conspicuous aspect of Rousseaus prose
in the Confessions. Note, for instance, the following:
The manner in which I passed my time at Bossey was so agreeable
to my disposition, that it only required a longer duration absolutely
to have fixed my character, which would have had only peacable,
affectionate, benevolent sentiments for its basis. I believe no
individual of our kind ever possessed less natural vanity than
myself. At intervals, by an extraordinary effort, I arrived at sublime
ideas, but presently sunk again into my original languor. To be
loved by every one who knew me was my most ardent wish. I was
naturally mild, my cousin was equally so, and those who had the
care of us were of similar dispositions. Everything contributed to
strengthen those propensities which nature had implanted in my
breast, and during the two years I was neither the victim nor
witness of any violent emotions.
Here, we can see how an individual, a highly personal response is made to a life
situation. The writer is describing his life at a new place where he has been sent
in his early boyhood. We hardly get to know anything about the place or people.
We only get to know the feelings of the writer towards the place and people
there. Also, what is agreeable or not agreeable about the place and people is
again a matter of individual inclinations and personal preferences. All that
comes about the places comes only in the form of the narrators emotional
response to his surroundings. Nothing objective is motioned about any thing in
the description.
Rousseaus prose is highly charged with emotion. Of course, it is
emotional when the experience being described is emotional. For, if style is the
man, it is also the subject. It has to remain in consonance with the subject it is
handling. The subject and style harmonise to form a unified communication.
Note, for instance, the following:
She came; I saw her; I was intoxicated with the love without an
object; this intoxication fascinated my eyes; the object fixed itself
upon her. I saw my Heloise in Madam d Houdetot, and I soon saw
nothing but Madam d Houdetot, but with all the perfections with
which I had just adorned the idol of my heart. To complete my
50
delirium she spoke to me of Saint Lambert with a fondness of

passionate lover. Contagious force of love! while listening to her
and finding myself near her, I was seized with a delirious
trembling, which I had never before experienced when near to any
person whatsoever. She spoke, and I felt myself affected; I thought
I was nothing more than interested in her sentiments, when I
perceived I possessed those which were similar; I drank freely of
the poisoned cup, of which I yet tasted nothing more than the
sweetness. Finally, imperceptibly to us both, she inspired me for
herself with all she expressed for her lover. Alas! It was very late in
life, and cruel was it to be consumed with a passion not less violent
than unfortunate for a woman whose heart was already in the
possession of another.
Here is the romantic subject, an emotional scene between a man madly in love
with a woman married to someone else. And here is typically romantic prose, in
which imagination and passion transform a real woman into a perfect beauty of
the lovers (the writers) dream. We have known just a little earlier that The
Countess of d Houdetot was nearly thirty years of age, and not handsome; her
face was marked with the smallpox, her complex-on coarse, she was shortsighted, and her eyes were rather round. But this description came when the
subject was the real woman and the writer was not yet aroused in his fit of
passion. Here, the real woman gets transformed into the imaginary Heloise. The
prose also becomes panting, throbbing with aroused passion, expressed through
exclamations and short phrases, highly charged with delusion. It is a delirium
rendered in functional prose style. Rousseau, however, the great writer as he is,
modulates his style to tune with the change of subject. It can be matter-of-fact
narration when the occasion so requires. Note, for instance, the following:
I was born at Geneva, in 1712, son of Isaac Rousseau and
Susannah Bernard, citizens. My fathers share of a moderate living,
which was divided among fifteen children, being very trivial, his
business of a watchmaker (in which he had reputation of great
ingenuity) was his only income. My mothers circumstances were
more affluent; she was daughter of a Monsieur Bernard, minister,
and possessed a considerable share of modesty and beauty; indeed,
my father experienced some difficulty in obtaining her hand. The
affection they entertained for each other was almost as early as
their existence; at eight or nine years old they walked together
every evening on the banks of the Treille, and before they were ten,
could not endure the idea of separation.
Here, there is no romantic subject, nor romantic emotion; hence no passionate,
panting prose. It is a simple clean narrative without any kind of exaggeration or
heightening of expression. No exclamation because no sighs. So, the prose is in
tune with the subject.
51
But the prose goes lyrical the moment the writer comes upon the
description of beauty in a natural scene or a human figure. It gets loaded with
epithets, images, and emotions. The narrative stops in time, gets focused on a
spot, human or natural, and attempts only a close-view of the object in sight.
The writers emotional involvement in the scene gives it lyrical qualities of
rhythm and alliteration. Note, for example, the following:
These were my meditations during the finest season of the year, in
the month of June, in cool shades, to the songs of the nightingale,
and the warbling of brooks. Everything concurred in plunging me
into that too seducing state of indolence for which I was born, and
from which my austere manner, proceeding from a long
effervescence, should forever have delivered me. I presently saw
myself surrounded by all the objects which, in my youth, had given
me emotion. My blood became inflamed, my head turned, not
withstanding my hair was almost grey, and the grave citizen of
Geneva, the austere Jean Jacques, at forty-five years of age, again
became the fond shepherd.
Or the following:
I however wanted a lake, and I concluded by making choice of that
which my heart has never ceased to wander. I fixed myself upon
that part of the bank of this lake where my wishes have long since
placed my residence in the imaginary happiness to which fate has
confined me. The native place of my poor mamma had still for me
a charm. The contrast of the situations, the richness and variety of
the sites, the magnificence, the majesty of the whole, which
ravishes the senses, affects the heart, and elevates the mind,
determined me to give it the preference, and I placed my young
pupils at Verney.
In both these citations one can see how for the romantic Rousseau, it is not the
object in itself which gets the attention, but the writers own emotional response
to that object. What we get in the prose here is not the actual landscape, but the
emotion and associations, memories and recollections attached to that
landscape. In other words it is the landscape of the writers mind and heart
which fills the space, not the natural scene. The object acts as merely a peg on
which the writer hangs his emotions, memories, recollections. Even the object,
thus, becomes an excuse to reveal ones own self. That is what Rousseau has
done in these two pieces.
Sentimentality is another standard trait of romantic writing, in prose and
poetry. The writers emotionalism, his sentimentality, always outweighs the
response required by a scene or a situation. The emotion is always in excess; the
sentiment is always sizzling. It always remains much above the normal
temperature. There are always sobs and sighs, torrents of tears, expressed freely
52
in any situation demanding slightest expression of emotion. Note, for instance,

the following:
When absent from her, how often have I kissed the bed on a
supposition that she had slept there; the curtains and all the
furniture of my chamber, on recollecting they were hers, and that
her charming hands had touched them; nay, the floor, when I
considered she had walked there. Sometimes even in her presence,
extravagancies escaped me, which only the most violent passions
seemed capable of inspiring.
Such adolescent conduct, even child-like attachments, are quite common to
romantic characters, and the prose of the romantic writers becomes equally
sentimental with highly-charged emotional expression, touching images,
moving recollections. It becomes drenched with wet words carrying heavy
emotional burden. Just like branches bend with the bunches of fruit on them, so
do the sentences in romantic prose loaded with cluster of images. The epithet
gets the better of the verb.
Rousseaus prose is not, of course, monotonous at all; it varies from
passage to passage as the subject or the sentiment changes. The same sentimal
and lyrical prose can become stately and analytical, even ironical and satirical,
if need be. We do have quite a few portions of the Confessions which are
analytical or critical, discursive or expository. Note, for instance, the following:
My work therefore was to be composed of two parts absolutely
distinct: one, to explain, in the manner I have just mentioned, the
different projects of the author; in the other, which was not to
appear until the first had had its effect, I should have given my
opinion upon these projects, which I confess might sometimes have
exposed them to the fate of the sonnet of the misanthrope. At the
head of the whole was to have been the life of the author. For this I
had collected some good materials, and which I flattered myself I
should not spoil in making use of them.
Now, here, there is no sentimentality, nor superlative expressions; all we have is
clean expository prose, without any ornamental epithets or emotional images. It
is completely free from all these. Rousseau goes even beyond the expository,
and uses sharp irony when it comes to retort to a rivals remarks or composition.
Note, for instance, his comments on Voltaires poem:
Struck by seeing this poor man overwhelmed, if I may so speak,
with prosperity and honour, bitterly exclaiming against the miseries
of this life, and finding everything to be wrong, I formed the mad
project of making him turn his attention to himself, and of proving
to him that everything was right. Voltaire, while he appeared to
believe in God, never really believed in anything but the devil;
since his pretended deity is a malicious being, who, according to
him, had no pleasure but evil. The glaring absurdity of this doctrine
53
is particularly disgusting from a man enjoying the greatest

prosperity; who, from the bosom of happiness, endeavours, by the
frightful and cruel image of all the calamities from which he is
exempt, to reduce his fellow creatures to despair.
Thus, Rousseau can always rise to the occasion a subject, situation, or scene
demands, and modulate his prose to bring it in tune with the mood or
atmosphere to be created in a given situation, or to make it serviceable to the
expository, analytical, lyrical, or narrative purpose or the passage in hand. His
Confessions being an autobiographical work carries greater stamp of his
personality than any of his other works, although no work of his can be said to
be completely free from that stamp of his personality.
BOOKS FOR FURTHER READING
1. Jacques Barzun. Classic, Romantic and Modern. New York: Doubleday

& Company, Inc., 1961.
2. Irving Babbit. Rousseau and Romanticism. London, 1919.
3. M.H. Abrams. Naturalism Supernaturalism: Tradition and Revolution in
Romantic Literature. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1971.
4. Alan Warner. A Short Guide to English Style. London: Oxford University
Press, 1961.
5. Cleanth Brooks and Robert Penn Warren. Fundamentals of Good
Writing. Dobson, 1952.
QUESTION BANK
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Discuss Rousseau as the father of Romantic Movement.

Examine Rousseaus concept of man.
Examine Rousseaus concept of nature.
Discuss Rousseaus Confessions as a literary biography.
Write a note on Rousseaus view of love.
Write a note on Rousseaus relationship with Madam de Warens.
Discuss Rousseaus prose style in the Confessions.
Discuss Rousseaus women in Confessions.

Literature in English 1660-1798-Final

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Literature in English 1660-1798-Final

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1

LITERATURE IN ENGLISH 1660-1798

M.A. English (Previous)

Directorate of Distance Education

Maharshi Dayanand University

Copyright 2003, Maharshi Dayanand University, ROHTAK

Max. Marks : 100

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

Robert Burns (1759-1796)

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

Burns as A Farmer Poet

Burns as Love Poet

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Wild send thee Pleasures devious way,

Literature in English 1660-1798

Burns as Scottish Poet

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Burns as A Regional Poet

Literature in English 1660-1798

Burns as A Song Writer

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

When fevers burn, or agne freezes,

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

(ii) Holy Willie's Prayer

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

(iii) The Jolly Beggars

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Literature in English 1660-1798

Burns as A Poet of Freedom

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Burns's Excellence as Poet

Literature in English 1660-1798

The ready measure rins as fine,

A.R.Humphreys. The Augustan World. London, 1954.

Robert Burns and Thomas Gray

Discuss Gray as a poet of nature.

M.A. English (Previous)

Grays poetry is often a remarkable tissue of the phrases he borrows from

ELEGY WRITTEN IN A COUNTRY CHURCHYARD

Their growing virtues, but their crimes confined;

manifested in the balanced structure of the poem as a whole, as well as in the

(ii) THE PROGRESS OF POESY: A PINDARIC ODE

Metres at so great a distance from one another, to make it succeed, I am persuaded

Grays The Progress of Poesy, as the litle itself suggests, is a progress

And frantic Passions hear thy soft control.

ODE ON THE SPRING

A broader browner shade;

Poor moralist! And what art thou?

His silver-winding way.

Literature in English 1660-1798

Literature in English 1660-1798

Coachman. Three Gentlewomen in the coach would speak with him.

Literature in English 1660-1798

Chief Exponents of Comedy of Manners

Literature in English 1660-1798

Summary of the Play the Way of the World

Literature in English 1660-1798