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verlandBoatTransportationDuringthePharaonicPeriod:
O
ArchaeologyandIconography
PearcePaulCreasman
LaboratoryofTree-RingResearch,UniversityofArizona
NoreenDoyle
InstituteofMaritimeResearchandDiscovery
Abstract
Pharaonic Egyptian needs for waterborne transport surpassed the convenience of geography. Several obstacleschiefly the lack of a water passage from the Nile Valley to the Red Sea and the unnavigable waters of the Second Cataracthad to be overcome. The Egyptians achieved
this by techniques of hull construction, by architectural means, and by the employment of vehicles. Vehicles also functioned for the ceremonial
transport of boats and boat-shaped shrines. This paper is a survey of the methods of overland boat transportation during the pharaonic period,
with an emphasis on the archaeological and iconographic evidence.
or the ancient Egyptians, the material world of everyday
lifeencompassedthreemajorbodiesofwater:theNile,the
Mediterranean,andtheRedSea.WhiletheNileprovided
pharaonicEgyptwithitssuperhighway,greatlyfacilitatingthe
north-andsouthboundtransportationofcargoandpassengers,1
it also presented obstacles in the form of cataracts beyond the
Nubian border. Furthermore, until the creation of a canal during the Late Period,2 it provided no east/west corridor to the
Red Sea, which was the marine route not only to the nearby
SinaiPeninsula(withitsvaluableturquoise,malachite,andcopperores)butalsototheArabianandeastAfricancoasts.3 What
accident of geography omitted, the Egyptians themselves engineered to provide: where water could not be brought to boats,
boatswerebroughtoverlandtowater.eterrestrialgeography
ofEgypthadthusaprofoundeectonitsnauticaltechnology.4
earchaeologicalrecord,includingtexts,iconography,artifacts,andsitefeatures,providesavarietyofinformationonwhich
tobaseinterpretationsofthegeneralnatureandimportanceof
overland boat transportation during the pharaonic period.
However, just as with the transportation of stone,5 Egyptian
administrativerecordsandmonumentalinscriptionsomitmost
logisticaldetailsregardingtheconveyanceofwatercraoverland.
wasthefocusoftheRedSeatrade,andfromtherecamevaluable
exoticcommodities,includingfrankincenseandebony.6 eRed
Sea was, for the Egyptians, land-locked in pharaonic times,
accessible from the Nile Valley only through the wadis of the
Eastern Desert.7 Absence of sucient resources to support an
independent coastal boatbuilding industry made naval operationstheredependentupontheimportationofwatercra,either
astimber,asboatparts,orasmoreorlessconstructedwatercra.
AlthoughtheRedSeatradecoulddatefromasearlyasthe
Naqada II period,8 the earliest textual evidence suggesting the
transport of boats or boat timbers through the Eastern Desert
datestothereignofPepyII.PepynakhtcalledHeqaibrecordsan
expeditionundertakenduringthisreignintothecountryofthe
aAmw.9 Althoughtheinscriptiondoesnotspecifythelocationof
theexpedition,10 theaAmw aregenerallytakentobethepredecessors of Eastern Desert Bedouin.11 Pepy II charged Pepynakht
with fetching back the corpse of an ocer named Anankhet,
whomthe aAmw hadslain.Anankhetandhissoldiers,whowere
alsokilledintheattack,wereintheregiontoconstruct(spt,literally bind)12 a Byblos boat (kbnt) for a journey to Punt.
oughitwasformerlysuggestedthatByblosboatswerenecessarilybuiltontheSyriancoastbySyrianshipwrights,13 itisnow
generallyacceptedthatthetermderivesfromtheseagoingrun
onwhichsuchboatswererstemployed.14
Whileithasbeenconjecturedthatfullyconstructedwatercra could have been transported through the desert,15 the evidence(linguisticandotherwise)bettersupportsthemoreusual
contentionthatexpeditionsbroughttimbersandthatassembly
14
tookplaceontheshore.16 Ageneraldescriptionofsuchanexpedition,ledbytheKeeperoftheDooroftheSouth,Henu,dates
tothereignofMentuhotepIII.17 Insettingoonhisjourneyto
Punt, Henu went forth from Koptos upon the road (i.e., the
Wadi Hammamat) with an army of three thousand men (this
wasperhapsanideal,ifnotstandard,complement;aninscription
atAynSoukhnaalsomentionsthreethousandmen18).Donkeys
accompanied them, but their only listed burdens are sandals.
Onceonthecoast,Henumadethisship(iri Haww pn).Onthe
returnthroughthewadi,aerthenavalexpeditionhadsecured
the gis and completed the round trip, Henu and his men
pickedupblocksofstonehewnfromthehills.
elargenumberofmenandthevarietyoftheirtasks(security,transportation,boatbuilding,sailing,well-digging,andquarrying) indicate the logistical complexity of the expedition.
Unfortunately,asthisisacommemorativeinscriptionandnot
an administrative document, Henu omits details critical to
understandingtheorganizationandexecutionoftheexpedition.
e text indicates specics of neither boat transport nor boat
construction,andthereisnocorrespondingiconographyfrom
anyperiodrelatedtooverlandtransporttowardorboatassemblyontheRedSeacoast.19
However,twocoastalsites,MersaGawasis/WadiGawasis
and Ayn Soukhna, provide direct archaeological evidence.
Scholars have known of the pharaonic site at Mersa
Gawasis/WadiGawasisforatleastyyears20 butdidnotfully
understanditssignicanceuntilthelastdecade,whenitbecame
thefocusofrevivedattentionthatremainsongoing.21 esiteis
located at the eastern end of the Wadi Gawasis, north of the
WadiHammamat.Atleastsevenchambershewnfromthelimestone terrace served as warehouses.22 Evidence of occupation
hasbeenconrmedfortheOldandMiddleKingdoms,when
thesitelikelyservedasaseasonalharborforexpeditions,especially to Punt. Here too are found disarticulated ship timbers
andahostofothership-relatedcomponentsdisplayingthecharacteristics of the Nilotic boatbuilding tradition: unpegged
mortise-and-tenonjoinery,dovetails,andlashingchannels.23
epharaonicsiteatAynSoukhna,whichincludesatleast
ninegalleriesdugintothebaseofamountainoverlookingthesea,
presentssimilarevidence.24 Nofewerthanthreegalleriesdateto
theOldKingdom,25 andothersareoftentativeMiddleKingdom
date.Numerouscedarshipplanks(andatleasttwooakplanks)
with characteristically Nilotic unpegged mortise-and-tenons
(Figure1)yieldcarbondatesofapproximately2000 bce.26
esiteshavenotyetyieldedtheprecisemeansbywhichtimbersinitiallyarrived.Noneoftheinscriptionsindicateanymeans
ofconveyance,althoughworkingscenesattesttotimberscarried
inhand(Figure2)27 andslungfromcarryingpoles(Figure 3).28
Denitive traces of construction on the shore are also lacking,
andindeed,asWardandZazzaropointout,itishardtoimagine
whatmightindicateship-assemblyratherthandisassemblyata
15
Figure 4. Funerary procession, after Naville, Das gyptische Totenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie I (1971), Taf. III.D.a.
sitesuchasWadiGawasis.29 AtboththissiteandAynSoukhna,
stored timbers represent the end (or at least intended middle)
stageintheexistenceoftheseagoingshipsfromwhichtheycame.
AtWadiGawasis,damagedtimbersweremarkedbeforedisassembly of the vessel, and workers removed barnacles and other
marineincrustationsbeforestoringtimbersinthecavesallindicationsofintenttoreuse.30 LikethedisassembledKhufuIboat
interred at Giza, the Ayn Soukhna timbers were stacked in an
organizedmanner,readyforfutureapplication.31
Ship-breaking with the aim of preserving the utility of at
leastsometimberswasmadepracticalbytheprevalentformof
constructionemployedinthehulls;thiswas,toallevidence,a
deliberategoalofpharaonicshipbuilders.32
Evidence of lashings (cordage run from plank to plank in
ordertoessentiallysewtheboattogether)ontheinboardfaces
oftimberscanbefoundontheremainsofmostpharaonicvessels,
beginningnolaterthantheEarlyDynastic,asrepresentedbythe
boatburialsatAbydos.33 Repurposedboattimberswerefoundin
theFirstDynastycemeteryatTarkhan,34 whiletimbersrecycled
for the construction of a Twelh Dynasty ramp appeared at
Lisht.35 All of thesein addition to the timbers from Ayn
SoukhnaandWadiGawasis,theFourthDynastyKhufuIvessel
at Giza,36 and possibly the boats from the pyramid complex of
SenwosretIIIatDahshur37likelydemonstrateevidenceoflashing. is would have made the boats easily disassembled (or,
indeed,asevidencedbythemodernreconstructionofKhufuI,38
easilyreassembled)usingafewspecializedtools.39
e second key element of hull joinery is characterized by
whatitlacks:pegged mortise-and-tenons.Inabsolutetermsofhull
integrity,peggedmortise-and-tenonjoineryismoreeectivethan
unpegged;lockingtenonsandplankstogetherbymeansofapeg
preventstheplanksfromslippinglaterallyorlongitudinallywhen
subjected to stresses.40 In the construction of other objects,
Egyptiancarpentersdidlocktenonsinthismannerandhadsince
asearlyastheNaqadaIIIperiod,41 andevenusedthetechniquefor
boatdeckhouses(KhufuI)andrudders,42 buttheyseemtohave
entirelyavoideditforhullconstruction.43 Nevertheless,beginning
inaboutthefourteenthcenturybce,peggedmortise-and-tenon
jointsprovedsoeectivethattheybecamethedominantshipbuildingtechnologyintheMediterraneanforaboutthenexttwothousandyears.44 Suchjoineryismeanttobepermanent:disassembly
ofapeggedhullwouldhaverequiredbreakingtimbers,oratleast
drillingorhammeringouthundredsofpegspervessel,appearsnot
to have suited the pharaonic Egyptian shipwrights purpose.
Althoughitwouldhaveresultedinimprovedseaworthiness,peggingwouldhavelimitedthereuseoftimbersandwouldhavemade
the regular disassembly of hulls an excruciating and impractical
task.econcessionseemsclear:moretimeinvestedinconstruction(andperhapsmaintenance)oflashedandunpeggedhullswas
exchangedforsavingswhenthevesselswereinuse.ereturnson
theinitialconstructioninvestmentwouldhavecompoundedeach
timeavesselwasdisassembledandreassembled.
Easeofdisassemblyshouldalsobeconsideredinthecontext
oflargeNiloticvessels,particularlyobeliskbarges.evolumeof
timber required to transport such architectural elements downstreamfromthequarrieswouldhavebeenastounding,andtowing a vessel of such large proportions upstream to the quarries
(eitherfromtheshipyardwhereitwasconstructedorbackfrom
itslastportofcall)mightnothavebeenpractical.erivercurrent,whichcouldreach4knots,45 couldhaveprovedimpassable
when the barge was headed southward. Disassembly of a barge,
forsubsequenttransportofthetimbersonsmaller,morestreamlinedvessels,mighthavebeenabetteroption.46
Slipways and Vehicles
e wooden runners of sledges, with their characteristic
bluntandusuallyupturnedforwardends,oenappearinpaintingsandreliefsshowingthetransportoflargeorheavyobjects.
Itemstransportedbythismethodincludedstoneblocksandnished architectural features such as colossal statuary, columns,
and obelisks,47 as well as considerably less massive but no less
unwieldystatuary.48 Boatscomposedanothersignicantclassof
objectstransportedinthismanner.
Mostoftheiconographicevidenceforsuchboattransport
comesfromthecontextofceremony49 ratherthandepictionsof
workingwatercrainscenesofdailylife.Ashrineaboardaceremonialcra,whichmightbealargemodelratherthanaworking
vessel, houses an image of the deity or the mummy of the
deceased,whichistakeneitheralongaritualcircuit(inthecase
ofagod)orfromtheembalmingstationtothetomb(inthecase
ofamummy;seeFigure4).Modelbarquesarebornealoonthe
16
Figure 5. Portable sacred barque of Amun. O. BAM 21 446, Deir elMedina, after Emma Brunner-Traut and Hellmut Brunner, Osiris,
Kreuz und Halbmond: die drei Religionen gyptens (Mainz am
Rhein: von Zabern, 1984), 52 fig. 36.
shouldersofpriests(Figure5),aloierversionofthepresumably
originalpracticeofdrawingboatsalongonsledges(suggestedby
thefactthattwoormorehorizontalcarryingpoles50 commonly
supportasledgeuponwhichthebarquesits).
Intheiconography,funeraryvesselslargeenoughtoaccommodate the mummy and its con are the ceremonial cra far
morelikelytobeshownbeingdraggedonsledges.51 Althoughfrequentlyreferredtoasboats,manyoftheobjectsrepresentedin
theiconographyhaveanaturethattranscendsthenautical:they
are,rather,atypeofwoodenfuneraryshrine.Boatlessversions
of these shrines appear mounted on sledges or wagons
(Figure 6).52 In some cases, the shrine encases the hull; that is,
onlystemandsternpostappear(suchasinFigures7and8).ese
instances may represent shrines tted with nials to give the
appearanceofaboat.Althoughexcavationhasrevealednoexamples of these boat-shaped shrines, two such nialsa matching
set of stem and stern of New Kingdom dateare known.53 A
sceneofcarpentersatwork(Figure7)showsthatshrine,boat,and
sledgewereconstructedaselementsofasingleobject.isisfurtherunderscoredbyaninstanceinwhichatow-ropeistiednotto
thesledgeorothervehiclebuttothebowoftheboatbeingtransported(Figure9).Insomecases,thesledgerunnersmightnever
havebeenintendedtofacilitatetransportoftheobject;ithasbeen
noted, for example, that neither the little golden shrine of
Tutankhamen54 norasmallsledgefromLisht(probablyintended
foracanopicchest55)hasbeendragged.Inrareinstances,wagonmountedsledges(discussedfurtherbelow)havetransversebeams
beneath therunners(Figures8and9),whichwould,ofcourse,renderasledgeimpracticalfordragging.Whilethesecouldbetaken
forelementsofthewheeledvehiclethatcarriesthesledge(alsodiscussedbelow),inonecaseparticularly(Figure9),itisevidentthat
the beams (or blocks?), being outside the wheels, are associated
with the sledge runner and not the wagon body, which seldom
appearsintheiconography.esewoodenmemberswereprobablyaddedtofacilitateliingtheshrinefromtheground.56
17
Figure 12. Sledge from Dahshur, from Reisner, Models of Ships and Boats (1913), 89 fig. 326.
Infuneraryscenes,suchboat-bearingsledgesarepulledby
a team of men,62 cattle,63 or both (men following cattle,64 or
menandcattleondierentropes65).Liquid(perhapsmilk?)was
poured in advance to purify the way,66 but pouring sucient
quantities of water would also have the eect of slicking the
roadway for readier passage of the sledge runners.67 Nile silt
makesahighlyeectivelubricant:oncemoistened,itbecomes
as slippery as ice.68 Iconography attests to the fact that the
Egyptianstookadvantageofthispropertyfortheoverlandtransportationofheavyobjects.69 Indeed,ithasbeenobservedthat
theundersideofatleastoneoftheextantsledgesdidnothave
scratches,whichindicatesthat,ifitwasdraggeditall,itwasnot
pulledover(oratleastnotdamagedby)roughsurfaces.70
Innauticalterminology,slipwayreferstoaslopingsection
ofshoreonwhichshipsandboatscanmoreeasilybemovedto
andfromthewater.etermhasbeenmorewidelyappliedto
any path across which an object may be dragged, pushed, or
towed.71 Kemp denes the term more narrowly as a mudlubricatedroadway,72 whichmayormaynotbereinforcedwith
stone,timber,ormudbrick.Slipwayswithoutsomekindofreinforcementarelikelytohavebeenoverlooked,reclaimedbythe
Nile or desert, or otherwise obscured from the archaeological
record.Mostwereprobablyconvenientpathsreinforcedasnecessaryforthetaskathandandlaterdisassembledtoreusethematerials,thusleavinglittle,ifany,evidence.Occasionally,morepermanentfacilitiesweredevised,suchasthelaunchingslipwayat
thequayatKarnak73 andtheportageslipwayatMirgissa.74
18
Figure 13. Slipway around the Second Cataract at Mirgissa, after Vila, Les vestiges de la plaine, in Vercoutter, Mirgissa I (1970), 193 fig. 1.
Figure 14. Transverse section of the Mirgissa slipway, after Vila, Les vestiges de la plaine, in Vercoutter, Mirgissa I (1970), 209 fig. 16.
Aptlyconceivedasaboatroad,75 theMirgissaslipway,the
only known example of its type, was constructed to avoid the
leastnavigableportionoftheSecondCataract(Figure 13);76 in
thevicinityoftherockofAbuSir,southofWadiHalfa,theNile
becamescarcelynavigableforaconsiderabledistance.iswas
the customary end-and-return point for nineteenth- and early
twentiethcentury European tourists venturing up the Nile.77
During the inundation, the rocks and islands of the cataract
might be submerged, turning this portion of the river into a
stretchofrapids;whenlow,fromroughlyDecembertoJuly,the
riverranveryshallow.78
Because neither trade, exploration, nor war wait for high
waters,slipwaystoensuresafeportagewereprudentinvestments
ofpotentiallygreatstrategicadvantage.atlaborandresources
wereinvestedtoconstructsuchanelaborateportagesuggeststhe
signicance,inqualityorquantity,ofthetrac.Itiscertainlyby
intentthatthesouthernendoftheslipwaywasincloseproximitytothefortofMirgissa(formonitoringandprotection),with
thenorthernendperhapsatMatugaorAbuSir.79 Itranstraight
fornolessthan1.5andperhapsasmuchas4km.80
UsedatleastaslateasthereignofAmenemhatIIIandpossibly into the New Kingdom,81 the slipway was not a simple
ditchorrut,buthadasupportstructureofmudbricks,packed
mud, and lateral wooden ties rather like [a] railroad
(Figure 14).82 e slipway itself is approximately 3 m wide,83
morethanenoughtoaccommodatethemaximumbeam(width)
of the Twelh Dynasty Dahshur boats (2.152.43 m84) and
wouldprovideampleclearanceforthewidthofasledgesuchas
19
Figure 15. Surface of Mirgissa slipway with features labeled, after Vila,
Les vestiges de la plaine, in Vercoutter, Mirgissa I (1970), 207 fig. 13.
20
Figure 17. Funerary procession, after Corteggiani, The Egypt of the Pharaohs at the Cairo Museum (1987), 92 no. 53.
Figure 18. Funerary procession, tomb of Sobeknakht (II), from Tylor, Wall Drawings and Monuments of El Kab (1896), pl. II.
ApurportedexamplefromtheNewKingdomcanbefound
in a vignette from the funerary papyrus of Maiherpri
(Figure 17).102 efunerarybarquesitsonitscustomarysledge
andisdraggedbyacombinedteamofmenandcattle.esledge
doesnotrestonthegroundline,butinsteadontwosmallsolid
circles that have been interpreted as rollers.103 A similar scene
from a New Kingdom linen at Dartmouth College Museum
(no. 39-64-6623), in which a team of cattle drag a boatless
funerarysledgewiththreecirclesbeneathit,hasbeensimilarly
interpreted(Figure6).104
euseofthewheelinEgypthasbeendismissedasimpracticalonaccountofthenatureofthegroundinbothoodplain
and desert.105 However, additional evidence reveals that this
scene almost certainly represents wheels rather than rollers;106
althoughspokedwheelswerewellknownbytheNewKingdom,
diskwheelsmadetheirrstidentiedappearanceintherecord
inEgyptatthebottomofasiegeladderinapaintingoflateFih
orearlySixthDynastydate.107
AnotherparallelroughlycontemporarywiththeMaiherpri
vignetteappearsonanEighteenthDynastysteleinthecollection
oftheUniversityofLiverpool(no.E.30).108 Hereitisnotaboat
beingtransportedbutasledgebearingwhatappearstobeacompartmentalizedcrateforavarietyofagriculturalproduce.Pulled
by a team of at least two oxen tended by a drover, the vehicle
rides low to the ground. ere is no sign of a separate wagon
frame beneath the sledgeonly a pair of circles. Kitchen con-
cedesthatthesecouldrepresentwheels,butstronglyprefersto
interpretthemasrollers.109 Whetherthearrangementofcaptive
rollers(i.e.,axedtothesledge)110 wouldinEgyptbeanymore
eectivethanwheelsseemsdubious.Italsobearsnoting,regardingtheutilityofwheelsinEgypt,thatchariotssometimesappear
inagriculturalandgardenscenes.111
Furthermore, among the Karnak talatat, fatted cattle
appearonwhatareindisputablywheeledwagons.112 Unlikechariotsoftheperiod,thesewagonshavediskwheels;theaxleand
linchpinsecuringeachwheelareclearlyportrayedinrelief,distinguishingthemfromrollers.Eachvehicleisequippedwiththree
pairsofwheelstoconveytheenormousweightofthelivestock.
Similarly, barque-shrines with nominal stem and stern (associatedwiththeburialoftheBuchisbullinthePtolemaicperiod)
havewhatappear tobefourpairsofdiskwheels.113
Other examples of solid wheels exist in association with
boats.EarliestoftheseisthewallpaintingintheSeventeenth
Dynasty tomb of Sobeknakht (II) at el Kab (Figure 18),114 in
whichashrinecontainingthemummysitsaboardasmallboat
of typically funerary form. The vessel sits on a sledge that in
turnisprovidedwithsolidwheelsthroughwhichtheaxleterminalsprotrude.115 AswiththewheeledvehicleintheLiverpool
stele,thereisnoevidenceforawagonbody.Whetherthesledge
itselfhasbeenfittedwithwheelsorrestsuponawagonundepictedexcept foritswheelsisimpossibletosay.Aswithscenes
of sledge-dragging (and also paralleling evidence from the
21
Figure 19. Wheeled boat model, after Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob (1927), pl. LII.
22
Figure 21. Model wagon from the tomb of Ahhotep, after von
Bissing, Ein Thebanischer Grabfund aus dem anfang des neuen reichs.
Neudruck der Ausgabe (1900), Taf. X.
wheels125 onxedaxlesthatrunundertheextremeendsofthe
wagonframe.Atoptheframesitsablockofwoodtowhichone
ortheotherofthehullswasfastened;bothblockandhullshave
protruding, horizontal metal eyes, two on each side, with the
blockhavinganadditionaleyeononeshortside.
Thereisdebateastowhichmodelboatbelongsmounted
onthewagon.Ascurrentlydisplayed,thegoldmodelisplaced
there.126 It has the characteristics of a funerary barque with
papyriformfinialsturnedinboard,butbearsnochapel,hasa
single quarter rudder (extremely unusual for the period127),
and includes a complement of oarsmen. Unlike t wodimensional representations of vehicle-borne boats or any
other boat models, both metal hulls are provided with rings
by which each could be fastened to corresponding rings on
the(ora)wagon.Furthermore,thepresenceofthecrewswith
theiroarsorpaddles128 callsintoquestionthepurposeofsettingeitherboatontoawagon.Possiblytheyaretoys,afunctionthatrelievesthemofanyneedtoaccuratelyrepresenta
working, real-world arrangement; in no known representationsofceremonialoverlandboattransportfromtheperiodis
rowing or paddling portrayed, although this would not, of
course,beimpossible.
Representationsofwagonsatleastnominallybearingaboat
orboat-shapedshrinebecamemorecommonduringtheird
IntermediatePeriodandthereaer.129 Someareprocessionsassociatedwithgodsandtemples,whichare(alongwiththefestival
ofOpet)probablyancestraltothefestivalofthelocalsaint,Abu
el-Haggag,celebratedannuallyeventodayatLuxorwithawagonborneboat.130 However,mostofthepost-pharaonic,pre-Islamic
examplesoccurinassociationwithfuneralprocessions.
ewagonsthemselvesarenotwelldenedintwodimensions,andseldomprovideanyinterpretivelyusefulinformation.
ey appear most commonly as sledges perched atop wheels,
withlittleclearevidenceofanystructuralconnectionbetween
thetwoelements.Asdiscussedpreviously,itispossiblethatwhat
appear to be beams parallel to the axles in two examples
(Figures 8and9)mightbelongtotheshrinebeingcarriedrather
thantothewheeledvehicle:notethatsuchbeamsdonotappear
onthemodelsortheMedinetMadiwagon.Anotherpossibility
isthatthecartbodyitselfisdeliberatelyarchaizedasasledge.131
OnthefunerarywagoninthetombofPetosirisatTunael-Gebel
(Figure22),132 abarappearsrunningbetweenthetwowheels;it
passesbehindthefelloeoftherearwheelbutrunsoverthe
felloeandspokestothehuboftheforwardwheel,almostasifit
wereintendedtorepresent(insomekindofperspective)theaxle.
But it seems highly doubtful that this is a two-wheeled cart
ratherthanafour-wheeledwagon.ezigzaglinesbetweenthis
barandthebottomofthepolesthatsupporttheboat(whether
decorativeorintendedtoindicatesomestructuralelement)are
likewisediculttointerpret.133
Evenifmostofthesewheeledprocessionalwagonsnevercarriedworkingboats,anotableaccountofthetransportofworking (as opposed to ceremonial) watercra by wheeled conveyance does exist. e Gebel Barkal Stele of utmoses III
describestheeventaspartofthatkingseighthAsiancampaign,
inhisthirty-thirdyear,whentheEgyptianarmyhadtocrossthe
Euphrates.134 ekingorderedboats(aHaw)tobemadeorhewn
(mDH)135 inthehillsneartheMistressofByblos.etermaHaw
isacommontermusedtorefertoNileboatsusedforpurposes
asdiverseasshingandwar.136
ese vessels were transported to the river by ox-drawn
carts(wrrywt).Faulknersclaimthatthisistherstrecordeduse
bytheEgyptiansofwheeledtransportasdistinctfromthelight
two-wheeledchariot137 isincorrect,asthepreviouslydiscussed
iconographic evidence of wheeled vehicles (some predating
utmoses III)attests.eterm wrrywt is,infact,usuallytranslated as chariot. Chariots occasionally appear in agricultural
scenes, apparently to transport ocials into the elds,138 but
sometimes also to haul loads. Ox-drawn chariots are known
too,139 butinthiscontext,cart(meaningatwo-wheeledvehicle
otherthanachariot)isprobablyintended.140 eymighthave
generally resembled those that appear later in the Battle of
Kadeshreliefs(Figure23)141 or,morenearlycontemporarywith
theinscription,thetwo-wheeledox-drawncartwithrailedsides
knownfromafragmentaryreliefofanagriculturalscene.142
23
Figure 23. Carts at the Battle of Kadesh, after Wreszinski, Atlas zur
altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte II (1935), 170.
Faulknersuggeststhat,giventhedistanceandroughnessof
theterrainthatutmosesIIIsarmywouldhaveencountered,
its boats must have been transported in sections.143 is is certainlypossibleandevenprobable;sometimesevenchariotshad
to be disassembled for mountain crossings.144 For most watercra, timbers approaching 4 m in length would probably have
beenrare.Forexample,ofthe99structuraltimbersusedinthe
constructionoftheCairoDahshurboats,onlyoneexceeds4m
inlength,withonlyeightexceeding3m.emajority,51,are
lessthan2m,andanadditional39timbersare23m;allsuch
lengthscouldeasilybetransportedontwo-wheeledcarts.Over
rougherterrainunsuitableforwheeledvehicles,asingletporter
wouldnda2mtimbermanageable,andcertainlydonkeysor
teamsofporterscouldtransportlongertimbers(Figures2and3);
fewtimberswouldhaverequiredspecialoverlandtravelarrangements.145 is account strongly suggests that whoever hewed
theboatsatByblosdidsousingNiloticbuildingtechniques.
Conclusions
While there is insucient evidence to indicate that the
need for overland transportationespecially as disarticulated
timbersinhibitedthedevelopmentofboatandshipconstruction and technologies, it was at least a consideration for the
pharaonic shipbuilder. is consideration (or necessity) may
havehadfurtherramicationsonEgyptsprowessasaseafaring
power, especially from the New Kingdom onwards, as other
Mediterranean cultures adapted more ecient construction
technologiessuchaspeggedmortise-and-tenons.
For working watercra of relatively modest size, portage
withoutdisassemblywascertainlypossiblebyseveralmeans,but
the available evidence suggests this practice was probably connedtoexceptionalregions(suchastheSecondCataract)and/or
circumstances(e.g.,ritualcontexts).Inthelattercase,portagepreservedtheEgyptianidealofwatertransport,eveniftheboatcarryingthedeceasedtothetombwasmoresemblantthanauthentic.
1. eeaseofNilenavigationisoenoverstatedbyscholars,thoughseldombytravelers,whoseaccountsareoenlledwithfrustrations
occasionedbystorm,lackofwind,andotherdelaysandhazards.
Forareviewofthechallenges,seeAngusGraham,PlyingtheNile:
Not Plain Sailing, in Kathryn Piquette and Serena Love (eds.),
Current Research in Egyptology 2003: Proceedings om the Fourth
Annual Symposium (Oxford:Oxbow,2005),4156.
2. Carol A. Redmount, e Wadi Tumilat and the Canal of the
Pharaohs, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 54 (1995): 127135.
Belief in such a canal prompted, for example, Carl Slver
(EgyptianShippingofabout1500b.c.,e Mariners Mirror 11
[1936]:430469) tosuggestthatitwouldhavebeenmucheasier
tobuildshipsontheNileandsendthembyitseasternarmtothe
RedSeathantotransportmaterialsforshipbuildingfromtheNile
by land to the coast of the Red Sea (454). Torgny SveSderbergh (e Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty
[Uppsala: Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1946], 13) also believed
thatHatshepsutsPuntexpeditiontraveledfromtheRedSeato
the Nile by some water passage, because no desert traveling is
depictedinthescenesoftheeventatDeirel-Bahri.
3. EvidenceofamaritimecorridorbetweentheNileandtheOases
andtheFaiyumtothewestisscant.Anotableexceptioncould
betheLahun-HawaragapconnectingtheriverandLakeMoeris,
especially during the annual floods; see James Harrell and
Thomas Bown, An Old Kingdom Basalt Quarry at Widan elFaras and the Quarry Road to Lake Moeris, Journal of the
American Research Center in Egypt 32(1995):7191.
4. For a discussion of the development of ancient Egyptian waterborne transportation from a geoarchaeological perspective, see
Fekri A. Hassan, The Dynamics of a Riverine Civilization:
A Geoarchaeological Perspective on the Nile Valley, Egypt,
World Archaeology 29(1997):5174.
5. Barbara G. Aston, James Harrell, and Ian Shaw, Stone, in Paul
Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and
Technology (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000),577.
6. Foracurrentreviewoftheliteratureandsummaryoftheevidence
regardingPuntanditslocation,seeKathrynA.BardandRodolfo
Fattovich,Introduction,inK.A.BardandR.Fattovich(eds.),
Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt: Archaeological
Investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis Egypt, 20002005 (Napoli:
UniversitdegliStudidiNapoliLOrientale,2007),1727.
7. See, for example, Lanny Bell, Janet H. Johnson, and Donald
Whitcomb, e Eastern Desert of Upper Egypt: Routes and
Inscriptions,Journal of Near Eastern Studies 43(1984):2746.
8. JurisZarins,AncientEgyptandtheRedSeaTrade:eCasefor
ObsidianinthePredynasticandArchaicPeriods,inA.Leonard
andB.Williams(eds.),Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to
Helene J. Kantor (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1989), 339368.
Zarinssuggeststhatforeignobsidiancouldhavefounditswayinto
EgyptviaRedSeatradebasedatKoptos,attheendoftheWadi
Hammamat,asearlyastheNaqadaIIperiod.
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17. Breasted 1906, 429433; Jules Couyat and Pierre Montet, Les
Inscriptions hiroglyphiques et hiratiques de Oudi Hammmt
(Cairo: lInstitut franais darchologie orientale, 1912), 8184,
pl. XXXI;Lichtheim1988,5254.
18. Mahmoud Abd el-Raziq, Georges Castel, and Pierre Tallet,
Lexploration archologique du site dAyn Soukhna (20012004),
inJean-ClaudeGoyon(ed.),Proceedings of the Ninth International
Congress of Egyptologists/Actes du Neuvime Congrs International des
gyptologues, Grenoble, 612 septembre 2004 (Leuven: Uitgeverij
PeetersenDepartementOosterseStudies,2007),1:6168.
19. For Nilotic boat construction scenes, see Edward M. Rogers, An
AnalysisofTombReliefsDepictingBoatConstructionfromtheOld
KingdomPeriodinEgypt(mastersthesis,TexasA&MUniversity,
1996), nautarch.tamu.edu/eses/pdf-les/Rogers-MA1996.pdf
(accessedDecember16,2008).
20. LeoA.Tregenza,Egyptian Years (London:OxfordUniversityPress,
1958), 182. See also the following by Abdel Monem A. H. Sayed:
1997; e Recently Discovered Port on the Red Sea Shore,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 64 (1978): 6971; Observations
on Recent Discoveries at Wadi Gawasis, Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology 66(1980):154171;1983.
21. See,forexample,BardandFattovich2007andWardandZazzaro2010.
22. TrinaArpinetal.,Fieldwork,inBardandFattovich,Harbor of the
Pharaohs to the Land of Punt,3799.
23. See Ward and Zazzaro 2010 and also Ward and Zazzaro, Finds:
ShipEvidence,inBardandFattovich,Harbor of the Pharaohs to
the Land of Punt,135164.
24. MahmoudAbdel-Raziq,GeorgesCastel,andPierreTallet,Dans
legolfedeSuez,lesminesdecuivredAynSoukhna,Archologia
414 (2004): 1021; Ayn Soukhna et la mer Rouge, gypte,
Afrique et Orient 41(2006):36;Lexplorationarchologique
dusitedAynSoukhna(20012004),inGoyon,Proceedings of
the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists,6168;Institut
franais darchologie orientale Le Caire, Ayn Soukhna.
Travaux archologiques. www.ifao.egnet.net/archeologie/aynsoukhna (accessedMarch15,2010).
25. Pharos: Newsletter of the Alexandria Centre for Maritime
Archaeology & Underwater Cultural Heritage 1(2009):2.
26. PatricePomey,APharaonicSea-GoingShipoftheMiddleKingdom
(c.2000b.c.)fromAynSoukhna(paperpresentedattheTwelh
InternationalSymposiumonBoatandShipArchaeology,2009).
27. Forexample,theplankcarriedinassociationwiththetransportof
the colossus depicted in the tomb of Djehutyhotep (Percy E.
NewberryandGeorgeWilloughbyFraser,El Bersheh Part 1, e
Tomb of Tehuti-hetep [London, Egypt Exploration Fund, 1895],
20,pl.xv).Compare,too,thetransportofamummycasecradled
in the arms of four men who carry it to the tomb (TT277,
Ameneminet; Jeanne Marie Vandier dAbbadie, Deux tombes
ramessides Gournet-Mourra [Cairo: Imprimerie de lInstitut
FranaisdArchologieOrientale,1954],pl.XIV,XV.2,XVI.12).
28. NormandeGarisDavies,W.E.Crum,andGeorgeAlbertBoulenger,
e Rock Tombs of Deir el Gebrwi I (London:EgyptExploration
Fund,1902),pl.XVI,XXIV;KlausP.KuhlmannandWolfgang
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26
27
78. H. E. Hurst, The Nile: A General Account of the River and the
Utilization of Its Waters (London:Constable,1952),73.Before
theNilewasdammed,thefloodstypicallybeganinJune,reaching their apex in September. The waters would quickly recede,
ultimately reaching their lowest levels in May (John Ball,
Contributions to the Geography of Egypt [Cairo: Survey and
Mines Department, Ministry of Finance, 1939], 204; Harrell
andBown1995,83).
79. Vercoutter1965,69.
80. etotallengthoftheslipwayisunknown.eFrenchconcession
only included the southernmost 1.5 km (Vila 1970, 193, g. 1;
Vercoutter 1970, 1213, g. 4), and the remaining portion was
notsurveyedpriortotheoodingoftheregion.
81. Alessandra Nibbi, A Group of Stone Anchors from Mirgissa on
the Upper Nile, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
21.3(1992):259267;Vercoutter1970,1823.
82. Vercoutter1965,69;Vercoutter1964,37.
83. Vercoutter1965,68.
84. Creasman,forthcoming,table1;Ward2000,84,table8.
85. Reisner1913,88.
86. Vila1970,209,gs.13,15,16.
87. See Vila 1970, 207, g. 13 (Les traces de patins de traneau sont
indiquesparlesechesblanches);209,g.16(empreintesdes
patins);215,g.22,atbottom.
88. Note that the carcasses of dra cattle were found in the builders
debrisfromtheEleventhDynastycomplexofMentuhotepatDeir
el-Bahri(Lehner1997,203;Arnold1991,64).
89. Vercoutter1965,68.
90. See,especially,Vila1970,gs.13,22.
91. For hull plank dimensions, see Creasman 2005, 37 (table 1), 49
(table2),85(table7),92(table8).
92. See,especially,Vila1970,g.13.
93. Onthesideofarishi coffinintheMetropolitanMuseumofArt
(William Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt: A Background for the
Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art II [Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1959],31,fig.14),
two cattle, driven by a man with a stick, drag a funerary boat
directlyontheground.ItshouldbenotedthatHayesdescribed
the style of painting on this coffin as somewhat crude; the
absence of the sledge could be merely an artistic oversight, or
even the result of concern for fitting the entire scene into the
narrowregister.
94. RenvanWalsem,TheTombofMeryneithatSaqqara.Results
of the Dutch Mission 20012003, Bulletin of the Australian
Centre for Egyptology 14(2003):117134,pl.12.
95. Norman de Garis Davies, Alan H. Gardiner, and Nina de Garis
Davies, The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the Reign of
Tutankhamun (No. 40) (London: Egypt Exploration Society,
1926),pl.XVIII.
96. FirstproposedverybrieyinNoreenDoyle,Iconographyandthe
Interpretation of Ancient Egyptian Watercra (masters thesis,
Texas A&M University, 1998), nautarch.tamu.edu/eses/pdfles/Doyle-MA1998.pdf (accessed December 16, 2008), 32. If
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