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Feudal Survivals in Ionia

Author(s): D. W. S. Hunt
Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 67 (1947), pp. 68-76
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
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FEUDAL SURVIVALS IN IONIA


THETeian inscription CIG3064,1published by Boeckh from copies by Pococke and Guerin,
is followed in the Corpus by a long explanatory commentary and has since been the subject of
much discussion and controversy. It consists of a list of proper names, to each of which is
added the phrase TO (or EKTOO)- - - Trpyov and a family name. I give a representative
extract:
1. 12 2EIXrls (?), TO0j Mio-ro>)uvrrpyou, E0puVrPcxTopi5rs
avapXa
()5I[o]
[O]'pc6'v(co)v, EKToO 'lEpuos"nrrpyou
Zcopi~dr&s
1. 15 'A-roA\(cb>)v(it)o,K TOOAd655uTVrpyou, Ada(5)>Eos
KTOO
'Epp(60)ECTroS,
AECoViAr8S
'Icx01piou
"TrIpyou,
------

[-

-pyo[-

- ----]

avapXa (T>E)o(c)<>Ep)a
"Ap(>)tpi[]cov, TOOBljpcvos rnvpyou,AUK1Ki5rnI

There are thirty-fivelines more or less preserved,five of which have the entry 6avapxovor &vcapXcx
followed by a number; from the remainder we have the names of twenty-seven vrxipyol
and twenty-five family names. The family names often, but not always (in the certain cases the
proportion is ten to thirteen), represent the same name as that of the -rr'ipyos,e.g.,
TOO
1. 32, K<o)>Aco-rTov,
"'AKifpouTvrpyou, 'A2Klpi5rls. Ruge

points out that the text divides

itself up in a curiously symmetrical way: 1. 18, which reads avapXa mrEoEpa,


is exactly in the
middle; before and after it are four names followed by the entry &vcapXay
50o (11.13 and 23),
before and after these one name followed by 6avapXov(11. i and 25) and at the beginning and
end a solid block of ten names. Leaving this point for further consideration when I come to
discuss the nature and purpose of the inscription, I may complete the epigraphic material on
from Teos by two further inscriptions of Imperial date: CIG3081 and BCH IV, p. 174,
Trripyoi
no. 34. These run as follows:
(I)

Tip'pios KAcaiosIo MaciprdXou


'
vi6;, qatpoEI '8Eppoe'Tro

T
KupEivj ocrEaT[E]s

I-oOOtha~iou
rvpyou

o
[. ..]copp6Touuv6s I
[TiP3p]ios
~ 'Eppo0crTou
KAac'5ios,
[cP]cEt
[K]upEivq,Z1rv6o'ros T6
[T]o00ctAiov -rrpyou IKu&oMvirjls,
Ouj[ydtrT]p- - [KAc]uc5iaTtEpiou
It will be noted that these two men, Tiberius Claudius Philisteus and Tiberius Claudius
Zenodotus, are brothers,being both sons of the same man but adopted by differentpersons,and
that they belong to the same
that ' of Philaeus ' which is one of those already known from
TrrxVpyoS,
1.9 of the first-citedinscription.4
A peculiarity of both inscriptionsis the insertion of r6
O after
(2)

1 SGDI 5635 and Michel 666 (in part). The copies both
adds a query; since it is no longer extant and the only
of Pococke and of Gu6rin are extremely faulty, but between copies are so bad, I cannot see how we are to arrive at a date
them a reasonable text can be established as far as that is except on internal evidence, which will not allow even such
ever possible with a list of proper names. Collitz and modified precision.
Bechtel make three alterations: 1. 1 ()E(v)I(pVco for
2 Article ' Teos'
in PW V, 539 ff. This is the most
Pococke, EIAHF,Guerin. recent and best work on the subject.
i8lpnpc4[s],Boeckh; IEIAHPEQ2,
'
1. 5
Der
Name
ist fair
for roIKEco:
hergestellte
3 The same man occurs in CIG 3082 and 3083, cf. Le
r6(p)KE
zu belegen
und lisst sich aus griechischem Bas-Wadd. io8 and Rogers, AJA IX, 422 sqq.
Maroneia
4
in
Sprachmaterial deuten; vgl. "AvTru Mylasa (BCH XII,
Ti. Claudius
APTE'rP<c), TOO
00iAaiovu rvpyou,
cV;tarilS.
but Ku8vcvi8Is,
33, no. 14 (2)).' But IoiKrlscan be established for Teos, Zenodotus is not >xhai8rTS
and his brother
Strabo xiv 633 where F reads roiKfSl,x ?FKvrlSalii roiKvfls; Philisteus has apparently no family name after the -rrpyoSTzschucke, followed by most modern texts, alters, surely name as we should expect, though it is possible that the
to agree with Paus. VII, iii, 6. Trol{KS stone is broken at this point. These two
wrongly, to "ATrO1KOs
inscriptions
will be a hypocoristic form of "ATOlKos. L. 28 E(1)Kxa8ou
for show that what I have called the 'family names ' in these
after
1.
6.
The
and
first
last
of
CIG
these
not
do
the
name
of
the
man's
actual
'EKaGiou
inscriptions
3o89
give
father,
corrections seem unnecessary, the second clearly wrong. but that of the yivos.
Michel dates the inscription to the second century B.c., but
68

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FEUDAL SURVIVALS IN IONIA

69

the cognomen, which on the face of it cannot be construed with any of the words either
preceding or following it. Boeckh, commenting on no. I, suggests that the inscription came
from a statue base, that Philisteus had more than one statue erected in his honour, and that he
had the methodical, if rather ostentatious, habit of numbering his statues with his own hand.
He supports this by the fact that in the transcript of no. 308I there is a gap before Trbg which
'
makes it look like an addition; but this is not the case with no. 2 which shows -rO following
immediately upon Zrv6o'0ros. We must then reject, regretfully, Boeckh's picturesque
hypothesis, but I am unable to suggest any other explanation.5 These are all the references to
Trrxpyotat Teos to be found in inscriptions; but for the sake of completeness I may refer to
Michel 807 (cited by Ruge, op. cit., p. 554), which contains the family name 1-ohM5i8sknown
from 1. 20 of the list from which I started.
Boeckh considered the list to be one of annual eponymous archons: ' Catalogum habes
virorum, quos fuisse archontes eponymos annuos, patet inde quod vs. i i est avcpXov (sc. iTos).
Archon quis fuerit nisi Timuchorum princeps s. prytanis? Et habes prytanem eponymum
n. 3065.' This is the natural first impression and 'Tros is the natural word to supply with
avapXov. TTVpyoshe then regarded as equivalent to the Attic deme, which, as he points out,
was frequently called after persons or families; and the family name at the end of each entry
will be the name of one of the ovYupopial,into which the citizen body was divided and which
are usually compared to the Attic yivE.6 This interpretation was rejected by Scheffler De
Rebus Teiorump. 35; he held that the -rnipyotwere quarters of the town called after the actual
towers of the circumvallation (compare the use of the word 'ward' in London) and, attention
once directed to towers in the sense of military positions, subsequent explanations have seen
increasingly a military significance in the -rripyos-organisation. So Francotte,7 quoting
Aristotle, Pol. VII, p. 1331, a 19, considers that the citizens, both of the town and of the country,
were divided into groups or vuci-rTia,as Aristotle there recommends, to which were entrusted
the defence of the several towers of the city; though he supposes that at the time when the
inscription was cut these groups would have lost their military character and become diningclubs or associations for various religious cults and festivals. As for the nature of the list, he
also considers it to be a list of archons. B6quignon s develops this idea of Francotte, which he
supports by two inscriptions, from Smyrna (SIG 3 no. 961) and Stratonicea (Le Bas-Wadd.
no. 527; f. Wilhelm, Beitr. zu gr. Inschriftenkunde,p. 187; Robert, Etudes Anatoliennes,
pp. 529 sqq.) and by a passage of Aeneas Tacticus (III I-5 Hunter). Aeneas recommends that
the walls of a city should be divided into sectors corresponding to the division of the citizen
body into tribes, that the sectors should be allotted in time of peace, one to each tribe, and that
over each one should be appointed a commander or pvpdpX~rs.9 B6quignon therefore thinks
that this system was in force at Teos, and that in addition there was a supreme commander to
whom the captains of the -rrpyot were subordinate and that in CIG 3064 we have a list of these
annually succeeding commanders-in-chief.
This interpretation is open to several serious objections. The first, which is a point also
against Boeckh and all previous writers on the subject, is that this does not look like a list of
eponymous or important magistrates at all because of the frequent occurrence and (as noted
above) symmetrical distribution of the entry &vcapXovor &vcapXa
c5 0io or T-Erapca. Even if we
set aside the point about the symmetrical arrangement, a strange phenomenon surely in a list
ordered chronologically, we must find it very hard to believe that in a period of only forty years
the eponymous archonship or, on the other theory, the office of commander-in-chief was vacant
5 It might, however, be worth consideration whether,
since the expression occurs on inscriptions referring to two
brothers and on no other known Teian inscription, it may
not have some connexion with the relationship rather than
with the individual position of the two men.
6 For the
symmories of Teos cf. BCH IV, I75, no. 35,
CIG 3065; references in PYWIVa, I 165-6.
La Polis Grecque,137-8.
87 '
Les " Pyrgoi " de T6os,' Rev. Arch. XXVIII (1928),

185-208, where a fuller account of earlier views and


references to the relevant literature will be found.
' street' according to L and S, but it more
9 Pipn =
probably means a quarter of the town; cf. the word a?poSov
in the Stratonicean inscription referred to above and REG
is apoS#pXrls,
XXXVIII, 122. A parallel to pvu&pXrjs
Philo Belopoeicaxciii, 8 (Droysen Heerwesen,p. 262); other
references in L and S.

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70

D. W. S. HUNT

no less than ten times and on one occasion for four consecutive years. In the former case the
argument seems to me conclusive: to B6quignon'stheory it is perhapsnot entirelyfatal, though,
if we are to suppose a commander-in-chief elected annually 10 in time of peace, these gaps, so
elegantly and mathematically arranged, demand some explanation. But there is another
objection to B6quignon'sview, urged strongly by Ruge (op.cit., p. 555): presumably this was
an important office, and yet no two holders of it come from the same 'rrn'pyos,
a result which
cannot be attributed to coincidence, but could only be brought about by a specific provision of
the law. Is it in any degree likely that the commander-in-chiefshould be chosen not on merit,
but on a system of rotation? 11 There are some further small points which could be urged
against the view under discussion: the first is that thirty towers seems a large number for a
town like Teos in the Hellenistic period,2 and, secondly, that we have a fragmentary
inscription 13 which refers to the towers of the city without attaching any names to them. A
final point made by Ruge is that it would be strange to find an organisationfor defence against
external enemies apparently lasting into the first century A.D., as would seem to be indicated by
the two inscriptionsof the sons of Hermothestuscited above.
If we reject, as I think on these considerations we must reject, the solution proposed by
Biquignon, it will be natural to return to the view put forwardvery briefly and incidentally by
Eduard Meyer and by Wilamowitz.14 According to this the nvipyoiwere the estatesor fiefs of a
landed aristocracywho had divided between them the territoryof Teos, which we know to have
been both extensive and fertile.15 This division will have taken place presumably at the
foundation of the city, and the names of the -ripyot will represent,in a majority of cases at any
rate, the names of the original owners. A mixed multitude they were according to tradition:
Minyans, Athenians, Boeotians, and ' Ionians,' the last of whom will stand for an element so
mixed that the first framersof Teian history, or ratherperhaps the firstprofessionalgenealogists,
could not decide from what region of old Greece these wanderers had come. No doubt they
were broken men from all parts, who joined in the confused exodus of refugeesand adventurers
which we call the Ionian migration. The names of the v-rpyoi 16 give a picture of the confusion
of the Heroic age with their mixture of races, both Greek and barbarian; for there were chaos
and extensive migration in the barbarian world as well.17 For instance, in Erythrae to the
north and Samos to the south of Teos we have Carians mentioned as among the oldest
immigrants, and in Erythrae 18 again we have Pamphylians,a name which implies an even more
10 B6quignon does not actually use the word annual, but
since he thinks that T-ro is to be supplied with &vapXovI
suppose he must assume that the periods of service were of a
year each.

(p. 20) 1. 98; Livy XXXVII, 284. On the question o


fertility cf. Athen. IV 16oa (barley); SGDI 5633 (sheep
and cattle). SIG 37, 38 (Tod GHI no. 23) shows that in
ca. 470 Teos had to import corn and had some difficulty in
11 The fact that a board like the ten
doing so (A 6/7); but this was surely due to the abnormal
Trpcrrrayofat Athens
was elected on a tribal basis provides no parallel; an circumstances of the time: in ca. 3o6-302, as we see from
important point is that individuals could be, and often were, Welles no. 3, 94-101, Teos and Lebedos appear as normally
re-elected.
exporting grain. The passage is from the first letter of
12 From SIG 344 = Welles, Royal Correspondence
in the Antigonus about the synoecism and runs as follows:
[-T(v 86
no.
HellenisticPeriod,
3/4 we know that at some time between airTCv] IK
I KaI oEIXyCyV Kai E ayoyfjv TraVTCOV
arroBEtXiXva[iv Tfi
and
306
302 (?304/3 Welles, p. 25) Antigonus proposed to
T
pA
EIS
yO] p&,
v
KaT&yOuOlg T-r
effect a synoecism of Teos and Lebedos which suggests that d[yop'v
6"rrc
T"ot
"TO',ri-o5drr6 TalTrrl rroiEol
T#V Al;kTEArI
ovUai
iji OEiwIV
taycyjvv,
I 8Gai
in his opinion Teos could with advantage be increased in rT&T0r1 Tri T&[ [iv alI yop xat
Iro6i ] I XevTCrV iEyEIv.
6yat'
size.
6V
&vK&,)Pali'lrraC ia cZ5ow
E'[CO Tf& rr6AECOS
I 'iP]Iv, vOPtO3PEV&TIv
jj
SGDI
jV
5636 1. 4
13
TO)TOJ
TOU
K&CUTCol
E'yyp[&q~c
t piv 6rr6Caous&v Kap[Tro]js

TOI [rrpo]aEXtos
-ToiKO8oilo(-V)
rrpoaaoplo~vcxVt
8~ k&yEIV
S6pot
TEiXOJVS
T6lS
I<I> I[TOO]
accfiTl
d'ypotKia5, E'rrayyEeIav[Ta-r
r-pyovKal
po0AT)raiKai -r&rIJA
Tdirr
vrIpyov6polK,I
~[],
0TpooeXEos
dyopav6pCol
810lopCo&PEvov
ixoPEVou
Ea&ysliv.
T[O-ro]
I
16
do
not
see
the
--EiXos
ai-rat,
remark
For full list, with parallels, see Appendix A.
86pot I
point of Ruge's

the fragmentary state of the inscription, it is possible


that, in[ajaapes.
that the name of the first tower may have been lost; there
is no room for it anywhere and the beginning of the text is
sufficiently well preserved. (['Emrrao-racTo'vrove)oyEidovoS
etc.). In any case, however, the second tower has no name.
14 Ed. Meyer, Gesch.desAltertums
(1937), III, 282 (= 1893
II, 307) ' das Gebiet von Teos zerfiillt in " Turme ", d.h.
offenbar Adelsburgen, die den Namen einzelner Personen
tragen.' Wilamowitz, Sitzber., Berlin 90o6, p. 63, n. 4
sind natiirlich villae, Landhliuser des grund'Die
"rrmpyot
besitzenden
Adels.'
15 For extent cf. Strabo, XIV 644: Welles, op. cit. no. 3

TC01

Wilamowitz, op. cit., 74-5.


is Paus. VII, iii, 4 EX6v'rcv 8 a0Trrfiv(sc. Erythrae) 6poG
17

Troi Kprai AuKiCOVKai Kap&v TE Kai flapqi6Cov, AUKicovpiv KxaT6


KprlTCV,Kai y&p ol AMOKOt
avyybveav
EK
Trb &PXai6v
Trv
Eltv iK
Kpirmns, o Ilaprnr86vt 6pciGE'uyov, Kapav 8U KTr& t(hiav
Mivco,
68i rt yEvou IveTEa-rTV
rroiahatoGnrrp6S
T1V ~rT
8?i KCd ol IlrA&pvAot
&7coRav
Kal TO-rOTl, aiti y&p FlapXApcov
'EAT.VIKOi0
'IRiou
7rnhavO1GVTCOv
r\ov KdAXaVTt. The fact of a mixture of races in

all the Ionian cities is well enough established, Erythrae is


merely a particularly good example. Teos in the tradition
is fairly pure, except for the rather suspect Minyans and the
undefined Ionians.

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FEUDAL SURVIVALS IN IONIA

71

complicated and extensive mixture of races. It is, of course, possible that the Asiatic names
represent not strangers who had thrown in their lot with the Greeks but the original inhabitants
of the Teian hinterland, who were accepted on equal terms by the colonists as citizens, just as in
later and more ' race-conscious ' times the Greek settlers in Cyrene admitted to their community
a still more alien people, the Libyans.'9 Whatever may have been the racial origin of the
colonists of Teos, their descendants whom we see here were soon and thoroughly Hellenised, and
in the inscription they all have Greek personal names. For instance, a man who calls himself
An6SEloS and
T-roOi
Aw60ovuTrpyov, almost certainly an Asiatic family name,20 and, if I am
an
of
old-established
family, bears the personal name Apollonius.
right,
The theory, then, which I am putting forward is that this inscription gives the names of the
present holders of these estates or fiefs, together with the names of their families.21 It is, in fact,
a kind of Debrett or at least Burke's Landed Gentry. Some of the estates have passed out of the
hands of the original owners, but ten 22 certainly, and possibly others, are still in the possession of
families descended from the founding fathers of Teos. Ten out of the forty estates are
&vapxa,23
which presumably means vacant, and we should assume either that they had gone out of
cultivation, perhaps on the extinction of the family, or possibly were merely in dispute or owned
by a minor. Whether the purpose of this record was purely commemorative and ostentatious,
or whether it had some political reference, as in the case, for instance, of the Domesday Book, is
a point on which we can hardly be certain; but since I have been drawing parallels with
European feudalism, I would point out that that system had political as well as social
implications and that this Teian 'Peerage' may have political and military significance. I
shall deal with this point later in considering the general significance for Ionian history of the
institution which I am endeavouring to substantiate.
The whole value of my argument depends on whether Trr0pyoSdoes, in fact, bear the
meaning given it by Eduard Meyer and Wilamowitz and on whether I can show that such an
institution is likely at Teos. It seems proper to begin with etymology,24 and before diving into
the remote beginnings of the Greek language it may be relevant to mention that at the present
day in Chios the word is used for a country seat, in particular for the residences erected in the
'
Kampos ' by the half-Genoese aristocracy of the island. The latest article on the subject is by
Kretschmer in Glotta XXII, pp. Ioo ff., 'Nordische Lehnw6rter im Altgriechischen,' the
greater part of which is taken up by a discussion of the etymology of wrripyos. Kretschmer
believes that TrrvpyoSis directly related to the OHG and modern German word burg, Gothic
bairgs; but he can hardly be said to prove it or even attempt to prove it. He begins with the
disarming statement that it has long been supposed that there is some connexion between the
two words and then proceeds to show that there are parallels for this consonantal dissimilation
in Macedonian, and finally, if the word did enter Greek through Macedonian, that this could
only have taken it from a Germanic language. This point, which is the vital one, he tries to
prove (at least he arranges his argument in the form of a proof) from the following facts: that
burg in this sense only occurs in Germanic languages and, secondly, that the vocalism -ur- for
Indogermanic er is characteristic of Germanic languages, whereas Illyrian and Albanian have
the 'front' vowel. The first point is, of course, a pure petitio principii, the second he himself
Hdt IV, 159, I6I, I86.
the names of the Tmi'pyos
and of the yivos.
Cf. (i) Ad'Sas, founder of Themissos in Caria, Steph.
22 L. 21 is a doubtful case.
r
23 Since it is agreed that this list records a series not in
Byz. s.v. Cpicaa6s,
(ii) T Ad~acaa,a fortress in Cappadocia,
near Comana, Dio Cass. XXXVI, xii, 2, (iii) -r AaS&crrava, time but in space, we want a spatial expression rather than a
in
town
Amm.
Marc.
where
a
XXV, x, 12, (iv) AaS6KEpTa,temporal one to restore with avapXov and
Bithynia,
a fortress in Greater Armenia, Steph. Byz. s.v. (comparison they occur: the obvious word on any view is &vapX
xcopiov. This
AaSoshows
that
is
a
with, e.g., TIypav6KEp-ra
personal pre- is the ordinary word for a plot of land, for instance in
fix). For the form and its Asiatic connexions cf. Kretschmer, cadastration; cf. InschriftenvonMagnesia, no. 122 passim. In
in
die
Gesch.
der
no. 18, 1. 6) it
gr. Sprache,p. 337.
Einleitung
OGIS 225 1. I (- Welles, Royal Correspondence,
21 The omission of the father's name is strange and means an estate or fief in the sense in which I
interpret
it
thinks
an
these
used
for
Ruge, op. cit., p. 555,
argument against
interchangeably
pdpts, on which I
Twipyos,being
which
seems
to
be
On
shall
In
later.
Modern
Greek
a
people being high officials,
justified.
speak
Xcopiovmeans village.
24 I must express my gratitude to Dr. Onions and Mr.
my view they will be fairly important people and would be
expected to have a father's name, but if I am right this is a C. E. Bazell for assistance on the philological side of this
strange inscription in any case and the important things are paper.
19
20

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D. W. S. HUNT

72

shows to be not binding by pointing out that the same vocalisation occurs in Thracian. The
historical implications of Kretschmer's theory are obviously very startling by reason of the
remoteness of the epoch (the second millennium B.c.) at which all these borrowings and
juxtapositions of races must have taken place, but we are fortunately not obliged to consider
them, for the philological arguments which give them birth are not accepted by any other
philologist.25 A more useful parallel 26 is that with Pergamos or Pergamon, the citadel of Troy
and the name of a city and district of Asia Minor.27 It has long been recognised that this word
is connected with wrrpyosand is probably identical in meaning with it; in Greek poetry 28 the
neuter plural -rrEpyapais used as a common noun in the sense of 'citadel.' This parallel
supportsBoisacq'ssuggested etymology: that the word is borrowedfrom some Asiatic language
in which perhaps the form was more like poipKioS.The latter is given in Hesychius without
indication of origin and glossed TrEXoS,
which is to be taken as meaning 'fort' rather
than ' wall.'
Together with the word -ripyos we should also consider other cognate words which appear
to be used in the same sense. To begin with there is the word rE-rpc-rrvpyia
or
TETrpawrpylov.
This occurs in the well-known passage in Plutarch'sLife of Eumenes,Chapter 8, where
Eumenes,
E
in order to pay his troops, ETriTrpatKEV
Asti
Kc
Kxai
cOXUOTiS
Trd Tx-rarjv Xcopacv w
TETrpaTrvpyias
yEPovjc(as.29 That these were fortified places is shown by the fact that

coc(arcovKCXi

POC(K&Tprcov
he lent his men
his siege-train to reduce them. This was in Phrygia near Celaenae, and the
same word, and institution, turns up also in Syria, where we have mention of a TrE-rpa-Trrpyt6v
Ti
near Antioch in which Demetrius I of Syria took refuge (Jos. Ant.Jud. XII, ii, I) and
p3caiEov
where
the name seems to have lingered.30 It also occurs in Cappadocia 31 (doubtfully) and in
Cyrenaica.32 The word implies a square building with four towers at the corners, as it is
described by Procopius, Aed. IV, i, p. 266: -rOXcOpiov v ppaXEiTE11Xiad1Evos
KaT(Tro TrETpaycovov

)X(i1a][KCJU
yGcVi(g

vsiEvos,
TlrpyOV V

TETpcXTraupyiXav
EiXvatTEKCx1
K(chEiTOa(lTEwroilKE.

EKcOUT1I
In Egypt the word T-rrpyos
alone seems to be used for a square house built round a central

court.33
Before leaving vrrpyos and its cognates, I should mention the Hesychius gloss
-rrEpy'ptov"
8,inpov. It seems clear that these are two common nouns, diminutives, and the meaning is that
somewhere (probably Asia Minor) the word -rrepy&apov
was used as meaning a small estate or
a
small
'Manor'
is
the
best
translation.
perhaps
township.
probably
In Xenophon, AnabasisVII, viii, 8 sqq., we have rrivpyosused alternatively with the word
T-rpos3 to describe the fortified house in which lived a rich Persian of Mysia surroundedby
his retainers.35 T'poi is used frequently by Xenophon in this sense, for instance of the
'
25 Schuchardt, Sitzber.,Berlin 1935, p. i86 calls it
gewiss
eine erstaunliche Sache,' but claims to have known it all
or at least suspected it.
along
26 Cf.
Kretschmer, op. cit., I 13 and Boisacq s.v.
27 It also occurs as the name of a fort in Pieria, on
Pangaeum, Hdt. VII, 112, and as a place-name in Crete,
Plin. N.H. IV 59, cf. Plut. Lyc.
3'I.
28 Stesichorus fr. 28
iCrpyapaTpoias; Aesch., PV 956
v?ot
viot
Eur.,
KpaCtTEiTKaI iOKETTE B8I1VaiEIV &dTrEVfiTripyapa;
Phoen. I098, I 176, where it refers to the citadel of Thebes.
29 On this see Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, 286,
Cities and Bishoprics, I, part ii, p. 419; Rostowzew,
Romisches Kolonat, 253 sq., Anatolian Studies presented to
Sir William Ramsay,374 n. i. These comments of Ramsay
and Rostowzew were the starting point for this paper,
but I think they give too great a political importance
to Eumenes' action. Ramsay (Cities and Bishoprics,420)
says: ' Eumenes regarded the territorial aristocracy as the
supporters of King Antigonus, and tried to strengthen his
cause by enlisting the sympathy of the lower classes . . .
Eumenes and the Attalid kings allied themselves with the
people; and apparently the great nobility was weakened or
destroyed by them.' Rostowzew goes so far as to describe
as a ' Kampf der hellenistischen Herrscher gegen die feudale
Struktur Kleinasiens ' what was surely in essence merely the
action of a condottiere temporarily at a loss for funds.

30 Cf. Ramsay, Hist. Geog., p. 357 (Acta SS. Sergii Bacchi,


7th Oct., 842 sq., Anal. Bolland. XIV, 385). This place,
called Tetrapyrgium, was near the Euphrates.
31 Ramsay, op. cit., p. 286.
32 Polybius XXXI, xviii,
I I, Strabo XVII, iii, 22. Now
the most famous of all.
33 Pap. Ox. II, 243, 1. 15; Preisigke, HermesLIV, 423 sq.,
Ed. Meyer id., LV, Ioo sq.; A. Alt. id., LV, 334 sq.;
Hasebroek id., LVII, 621 sq. The vripyosin the vineyard in
the parable of the Wicked Husbandmen (S. Mark XII, i) is
more probably. to be taken as a watch tower, with Alt, than
in Preisigke's meaning of Wirtschaftsgebdiude.
34
Schuchhardt, Sitzber., Berlin 1935, p. 186 considers
that Kretschmer (op. cit.) has proved that the Greeks
distinguished between Trrpyoy and Trpois, the former
standing for the 'nordische Volksburg,' of which he thinks
Mycenae and Tiryns are examples, and the latter for preIndogermanic towers indigenous to the Mediterranean
area, which he conceives as similar to these of Sardinia and
Malta. There is no evidence of any sort for this and it is no
more likely than the Germanic origin of the word.
35 This well-known passage gives a vivid picture of the
kind of feudal life to which I am referring. For remains of
such towers in Mysia cf. Schuchhardt' Ursprung und Wanderung des Wohnturms' (Sitzber.,Berlin 1929, Pp. 448-9).

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FEUDAL

SURVIVALS

IN IONIA

73

residence of Seuthes (An. VII, ii, 21), and for the fortified villages of the Carduchi (An. IV, iv,
2, and cf. id. V, ii, 5, near Trapezus). Apart from these Anatolian instances the word turns up
in the West, for example in Diodorus XI 384, where Gelon is described as buried KaTX
TOV &ypbv
"rTf yuvalKxb v Tcats KC1xAouivacS
'"Evva TIIOpaEIv. The diminutive -ruppiftov occurs in the
famous Halaesa inscription (SGDI 5200, col. II, 1. 65) following closely on the mention of a
T'r'pyos. The best-known occurrence 36 of the word in literature,37 in Pindar, is of something
far off and magical and is also connected with the West, for Pindar uses it of the 'tower of
Kronos ' in the islands of the blest, 01. II, 77. Now when we have a word at home in Asia
Minor on the one hand and in the West on the other, we cannot fail to think of a people of Italy
who derived their origin from Asia Minor, especially when the word is -rirpats and the people
are called Tupacrqvoi. This had not escaped Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who says (Ant. Rom. I,
TCV ipUpTCOV a
TEWiT
xxvi, 2) KcXi
TlV ETRCvupicv CXO-rTOts
Oi
P1 V CjOlyEVE'g
Tr OVOST[O10V'VTES
Tupprvo1s
C'p'CErol
TCOvT 1E OiKOOjVTCOV
TlpoCElS y&p xcAi-rrcap
KaCTEYKEUaOOVTO,
T'fi VclaiMy0OUO'"
cdtiv-EiXtol KcXicTEycXvcXl
oiiK'EiS 6vo~~30ovrTal
c CrEp arcxp'"EAArciv.38 As a parallel for the
name of a people being derived from their houses Dionysius compares the Mossynoeci of Pontus,
who also lived in towers which they called 16acuvES,39and perhaps we may add the Pergamenes
who have the same Asiatic termination in the ethnic. I am not here concerned with the
question of the origin of the Etruscans 40 but merely with the origin of the word rjp0Pts,and,
whatever its connexion with the Etruscans may be, that connexion, if it exists, speaks for rather
than against its Anatolian origin.41
The third word with the same meaning is PptS.42 On this I need say little, as all the
requisite information is to be found in Welles, Royal Correspondence,
p. 320. The word occurs in
the series of inscriptions relating to the sale of land to Laodice, the divorced wife of Antiochus II
(Welles, nos. 18-20). Welles renders it ' manor-house' and quotes a parallel use of the same
word from Josephus, Ant. Jud. XII, iv, i : 6 86 'YpKcxv6b . .. c Ko86[PrlcrE PptIv icFXupd'v, iK
risc
Xieou AWEKO0
KcrrcTaKEOIacaGS
&wTrcyOV
PXPI Kai
crTEylS.43 The Anatolian origin of this
36 It is also used by Hippocrates, de Articulis XLIII, 27 apparently, there are no morphological objections. The
(= Foesius 808) -rav
KOcraKeUc&aOT-rCoSVKEiv point is clearly a very fine one.
- i -rairac
41 That Latin turris,Oscan tiurri,is a loan word seems to be
TIV& i~rlj2jv i 1Tp65 &'rTCopa O KOlV.
Tiip KxlMtI
i Tp65 TOpaIV
This is the only place in Greek where it is used for some- accepted, but it is almost certain that it was not borrowed from
thing ordinary and not out of the way. The de Articulis Greek, for -rpots is very rare in Greek (outside Xenophon,
whether by Hippocrates or not, is an Ionian work of the who uses it to describe a foreign phenomenon) while rivrpyos
fifth century and so does not upset the contention that Asia is common. It is natural to assume it was borrowed from
Minor is the only place where
could be used of a Etruscan and Dion. Hal. says the Etruscans did have the
"ripoai
common object.
word; Kretschmer, since he rejects this, has to say that it
3 It was popular at Alexandria, where it was seized on by
was part of the language of the primitive inhabitants of both
writers in search of an 'elegant variation' for vrr6Asor Italy and the Greek peninsula. But the connexion with
Asia Minor is much better based. For this see further the
1273; Nicander
Kxp6-rroks,cf. Lycophron 717, 834, 1209,
Alex. 2; Ps. Orpheus Argonautica I53; Anth. Plan. 279 letter of Attalus, brother of Eumenes II of Pergamum, Ath.
1. 2; SEG VIII 497 1. 7 (I am indebted to Mr. M. N. Tod for Mitt. XXIV (1899), 212-14 no. 36= Welles, Royal
the last reference. It comes from a poem on the tomb of a Correspondence,
-to
no. 47 where we have; 1. 2 [6 &pX]tEpEis
native of Apamea, but its occurrence is more likely due to TapoaivoO['Alrrd6?covos] and MOVaEiov Kci Bi to01eK'l T-rj( iV
the love of literary ornament on the part of the writer which Xipvip
EviayyEAuhlKi Xohis III, p. 162, no. 325; 'Arr677covt
is evident throughout the poem than to Anatolian reminis- Tapoica KaiMl-rpi
Apollo Tarsios or Tarseus occurs
cences of the subject of the epitaph).
in Lydian inscriptions (cf. Kruse, PW s.v.
fairly frequently Tapovij.
38 This last statement is denied by Kretschmer, Glotta 'Tarseus') and this may mean 'of Tarsus,' but Taporv6sor
XXII, I I I, n. I ' Im Etruskischen ist -ripois nicht Taparlvil is more probably to be interpreted as meaning
nachgewiesen.' It is doubtful whether our knowledge of Tyrrhenian.
Etruscan is extensive enough for such a negative judge42 The existence of this word
Papts suggests a misreading
ment; and it is in any case likely that Dionysius knew or misunderstanding by Diodorus of his source in the
more about the Etruscan language than we do. It is passage quoted above (XI, xxxviii, 4). Referring to the
perhaps more important that the port of Caere was called by estate given by Gelon to his wife where he was himself later
the Greek name fnIpyot; on the other hand archaeology buried, Diodorus says:
. . v
'Evvia
r9aprl ..
"raT-Kchoutivtai
shows that it was almost a Greek port, cf. Blakeway, BSA TopaEaiv,o0(aaisIt is surely
pEt r6ovEpycovOBaluct-rrai.
to
to
refer
the
of
XXXIII, 170 sqq.; JRS XXV, 129 sqq.
very odd in TC
any language
weight
buildings
3 The word also occurs as a place-name in Thrace,
and it seems likely that Diodorus' source used the word
M6auvvosAthen. VIII 345c, and in Macedonia in Byzantine P3pis to describe them and that this was misunderstood. If
that source was Ephorus, who is Diodorus' main source for
times,
Mouv6rrohXs.
40 Kretschmer,
op. 'cit., I I says that the derivation of Books XI-XV, he may well have been acquainted with the
Tvpoarv6sfrom -rtpoi has long been rejected on morpho- word from the country near his home in Cyme.
43 Cf. also Jos., Ant. Jud. I, iii, 6; X, xi, 7; XI, iv, 6;
logical grounds,' and prefers to derive it from Tyrra, a city
in Lydia. He adds, however, 'm6glich ist aber, dass LXX, 2 Chron. XXVI, ig; Psalms, XLIV, 9; Dan.,
dieser Ortsname zu -rTpais geh6rt' and quotes a form VIII, 2; Inschr.vonMagnesia I22d 4-8, the cadastral survey
reipaos from Hesychius,
Phot., p. 612,
13 to which,
quoted above where there are five P&PEISlisted as Xc)pia.

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D. W. S. HUNT

74

word seems certain; E. H. Sturtevant, quoted by Welles, finds parallels in Hittite, though he
suggests that the word was not borrowed directly from Hittite, but through the medium of some
such related language as Luwian. In this connexion we may refer to building-inscriptions
from Khorsabad and Kujundjik, quoted by Schuchhardt,44in which Sargon or Sennacherib
speaks of building himself a strong house 'after the fashion of the Hittite lands'; and the
remains at both sites do indeed show fortresses built on the lines which Procopius says
distinguished the

TETpc(Trupyica.

Once more, as so often in Anatolian history, we are sent back

for our origins to the Hittites.


It is not necessary to accumulate instances to show the ancient origin and long persistence
of what we may call a Feudal system in Asia Minor. We have hereditaryland-ownersliving in
castles with a following of armed retainers and with extensive estates worked by serfs. Pythius
the Lydian in Herodotus (VII, 28) is an example, though he is probably exceptional, for much of
his great wealth must have been made by trade; but he was a feudal magnate as well, for after
giving all his ready money to Xerxes he could still live on his estates: acTrr486 pot dnrr6av8paTr68koV
K'ciyEcok)r5cov&pKiCoV
Vcr rtPios. Asidates in Mysia (Xen. An. VII, viii, 9 sqq.) also had
flocks and herds and slaves and wide domains and a strong tower that six hundred of Xenophon's
veterans were unable to take by storm. These men were Asiatics, but Greeks could also hold
fiefs from the king: Gongylus the Eretrian, for instance, and Damaratus the Spartan (Xen.
Hell. III, i, 6), though their possessionswere more extensive than a tower and the land round it,
were yet part of the same system. When the king's land came to the successorsof Alexander,
we see that the system was continued though Greeks might replace Asiatics, like the
Mnesimachus to whom Antigonus gave such wide estates in the plain of Sardis.45 That it was
simply a substitution of new masters and no new departure is shown by the documents in the
case of Laodice to which I have already referred; in the ' bill of sale ' the estate is referred to
simply as -rT Xcopiovor 6 o-r6ros; not something new, therefore, but an estate which had
existed before and probably ' from time immemorial.'
If then under Alexander and his successorsin Asia Minor the new Greek rulers could take
over the old feudal system which they found there, there is no reason to deny that the same
might have been done by the first Greek settlers in the land. It is, on the contrary, far more
likely, because there was much less difference in political and social ideas between the Greeksof
the Heroic age and their Anatolian contemporaries than was the case in the Hellenistic age.
Achilles on his estates in Phthia is blood-brotherto Glaucus and Sarpedon
Ev AuKid,TVT'vES8E eEojS WSEIOopCocOCY,
KCalTrEVOS VEO6
EPOOc( pyaC E'veoto -rraCp'
6X0Ca
i'S
Krai
poiprjS
KcaiV
Trrupoq6polo.46
pqUTOcA

The. earliest settlers in Asia Minor continued the same kind of life, a feudal life based on
agriculture, or rather based on the possessionof Asiatic serfsto carry on that agriculture. Even
Miletus 47 once lived by subsistence cultivation of her unfertile peninsula, worked by the
Gergithes, who were liable to sudden outbreaksof revolt-like the Bauernkriegein Germany or
the Peasants' Revolts in England and suppressed with the same or greater brutality.48 But
Miletus soon chose a different way; she broke with the chivalrous ideals of her past and, to use
a phrase which must have carried as great a condemnation then as in England in the last
In LXX, Psalm CXXI, 7 occurs the word wrpy6papis,
AEy. There is a city called Baris in Pisidia,
apparently ax&r.
Plin., NH V 147, and also one near Parium which Jones
the
Eastern Roman Provinces,91) thinks may have
(Cities of
grown out of Laodice's estate.
44 op. cit., 444.
45 But he was forced to mortgage them to the temple of
Artemis in Sardis, to which misfortune we owe the record of
Antigonus' bounty, cf. SardisVII (I), 1-7.
46 II.M 312-14.
47 I cannot refrain, in this connexion, from quoting a
passage from Hasebroek which does not seem to have

received the attention it deserves (GriechischeWirtschafts-und


bis zur Perserzeit, 120-1): 'When in
Gesellschaftsgeschichte
the sixth century Alyattes invaded the territory of Miletus
his sole strategic aim (das Ziel seiner ganzen Kriegsffihrung)
was, according to Herodotus (I, 17), to ruin her agriculture
and horticulture, which therefore formed the basis of
Miletus' prosperity.' It is hardly necessary to point out
that the Herodotus passage quoted proves precisely the
opposite, that Miletus' prosperity was almost entirely
unaffected by this campaign though it was carried out
scientifically for a period of twelve continuous years.
48 Heraclides Ponticus ap. Athen XII 26.

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FEUDAL SURVIVALS IN IONIA

75

century, she 'went into trade.' Only a few laudatorestemporisacti like Phocylides 49 could be
found to recommend the old-fashioned agricultural economy, and only after severe political
crisis could the land-owing class become, and then only temporarily, a power in the state once
more.50 But for the true ideal of the feudal state we must look to Colophon, which for so long
was the chief city and glory of Ionia, with the richestland, the finest cavalry, a close oligarchic
constitution, and the best text of Homer. Insolence was another Colophonian characteristic,
the insolence of turbulent barons like Roger Bigod ' in my castle of Bungay on the Waveney ':
as Mimnermus, their own poet, put it:

S 8' paT-rVKohog~pcva
13Pirv
wiTrpo-rrhovXOVTES
51
E36pE0'apyaXrl O3ppios
fIYEp6VE

Yet this insolence destroyed them in the end, says Theognis (I


103).
The Feudal System will explain two phenomena which we find in Asia Minor in the
Archaic period, cavalry and oligarchy. The cavalry is clearly drawn from the retinues of the
feudal lords, raised on the wide estates which the fertile plains and river-valleysof Ionia made
possible. I need not press the point; cavalry and feudalism are always closely associated.
As for oligarchy, that, too, is associated with feudalism in many periods of history. It is true
that it usually begins under a monarchy of a sort, but it is a monarchy of the type we have in the
Iliad, which everyone can see is bound to disintegrate when the immediate need for unity of
command is removed. At Colophon we find an oligarchy of a thousand, like that of the
Bacchiads at Corinth, with a ' cavalry franchise.' 52 Xenophanes,53 in the days when the
glory of Colophon was departed, draws a picture of the Thousand, marching to the assemblyin
their purple cloaks, for Colophon was as famous for -rpupvas for Oppts. A thousand seems a
great number for an oligarchy, and Aristotle explains that it was due to the high level of wealth
which enabled so many to equip themselves as complete cavalrymen; hoplites, like the man
Mimnermus praises in fr. 14, had no say in the government, and no doubt there were cavalrymen who could not quite reach the legal requirements-' demi-lances ' we might call themwho also had no higher political standing than was given them by their feudal relations to their
lords. The fall of Colophon is still in the same feudal scheme: like is destroyed by like, the
feudal cavalry of Colophon by the feudal cavalry of Lydia.
I must resist the temptation, strong though it is, to speak at greater length on Colophon,
for that city was introduced merely as an illustrativeparallel to Teos to which at length I return.
Colophon is the great antithesis to Miletus in Ionia, and Teos is on the side of Colophon. She
is an agricultural not a commercial state, she produces poets like Anacreon rather than
scientists like Thales, and I hope that this paper has shown that she was dominated by a landAn example of this may be
owning aristocracynot by a commercial party like the
seen in the attitudes adopted by Teos and Miletus to the&ErvcdTrtrat.
Persian menace: Teos, with the pride,
and perhaps stupidity, of an aristocratic state, offers a hopeless resistance; Miletus, more
cannily, makes terms beforehand. If we had no positive evidence, we should have been
justified in conjecturing that Teos had a constitution on the same lines as Colophon, though no
doubt on a smaller scale; from this inscriptionwe can be certain.
D. W. S. HUNT

60

Cf.fr. 7:

S ypo
rrhorroU ~MEX
XPiTf3wv
Trlv EXE
Trrovo

&yp6v
yYp rEMyouvav'Ata60Eifl~ KpaS Elvatl.
Hdt. V, 28, the arbitration of the Parians.

Fr. 12,
51
3-4.
52

Aristotle, Politics IV, i29ob, cf. Wilamowitz, Sappho und


Simonides,277.

53 Fr. 3 ap. Athen. 526:


dXPpoai'va B aa86v-rES
d&cVWq)EMa;
rrap' AvSciv
pa -tupavvils
EVu oT-ryEpTIS,
6.
icraav
ES
fliaav &yOpflVTravaovupyia Cpe' E'XOVTES
00 I.&iouS BorrEPXEiAtolEi~rirWav,
acrxaXEoti,

dyacX6VIEv' ErrpETECralV,

Xairrilartv
v
oatl-roil' 6pixi Xpipaac BEV6p.EVOt.

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FEUDAL SURVIVALS IN IONIA

76

Names of theJl-opyoi
The following list gives the names preserved in CIG 3064 with such parallels from literature and
epigraphy as I have been able to find. It will be noted that in the case of such names as are definitely
Greek the literary parallels come mainly from the Heroic age and the epigraphic from Arcadia,
Thessaly, and Boeotia. This fact, together with the presence of non-Greek names, supports, as far as
it goes, the main hypothesis.
"AAKIpo&
is a common enough name, but note that it was the name of one of the sons of Nestor,
schol. II. A, 692.
'AA~lvcop,Naxian sculptor at Orchomenos, IG VII, 3225.

B'pcov,surely non-Greek. Compare an Aetolian deuaXiadecree for Miletus, Sitzber.,Berlin 1937,


p. 156, 1. 5 (B6pcov),where it is the name of one of the Milesian commissioners.
Bolos,Paus. III, xxii, I I, a Heraclid, founder of Boialin Laconia, clearly an invention; Ath. IX 49
a Thessalian name, Xen. An. V, viii,
(393e) a Cyclic poet; possibly a form of Boc-r6o's,but cf. BoiayKo,
23; Polyaenus IV ii II (Larissa); IG IX (2) 57 (Larissa); 68 (Lamia).
has western connexions, a river near Tarentum, Pol. VIII, 35, Virg. GeorgIV, 126 (cf.
FdAaciaoS
is the name of an Athamanian, Diod. XXX, ii, 20 (it may be
Aen. VII, 535 sqq.); rFcXcXiarrls
relevant to recall that Athamas was the legendary founder of Teos).
is Asiatic, cf. Kretschmer, Einleitungin dieGesch.dergr. Sprache,337, and no. 20 above.
Ad880os
IG V (1), 1425 (Messene); FIKtGlos IG V (2), 27I (Mantinea); EiKcx8{ov
'EK6loS.: cf. "IKcxeiiS
IG IX (2), 73 (Lamia).
"Hpcovis a fairly common name.
"lEpvShas a Lydian termination.
Paus. IV, iii, Io, son of Glaucus king ofMessenia; son of Temenos, id., c. 8.
"loaepios,
and is probably Asiatic; cf. the city
in
Kiugvhas the same Lydian termination as "lEpus
Ki80rauis
Phrygia, BMC Phrygia,150, but we have a Ki8osfrom Boeotia, IG VII, 2732, on the kourosfrom the
Ptoion.
Ki3cov,unparalleled and doubtfully Greek.
Kiva6Pcxos appears to incorporate the name of Baal; anyway non-Greek.

K6Oos,a common Heroic name, son of Xuthus and founder of Chalcis, Plut., Q.G., 22 and cf. IG

XII (9), 406 (Eretria). Strabo (VII 321) calls it pre-Greek, like Pelops.

also Heroic, cf. 11. 0, 639 where the scholiasts connect him either with Argos as son of
KoTrpEJS,
Pelops and herald of Eurystheusor with Boeotia as son of Haliartus; IG XII (9), 56, no. 198 (Styra).
IG IX (2), 381 (Pagasae).
MaAiosprobably from the ethnic and cf.
Macx,&
looks a fine Heroic name, but
is only recorded from late writers, Xen. Eph. I. 2 and
MEyacrL5is

II, iv, Io.


Apollodorus

suggests Meriones the Cretan.


Mrlpd&Sns

Mo'arosshould perhaps read M'alos.

F'oiKisStrabo XIV, 633 (Teos).


an odd name, cf., perhaps, UpuvaTos,
IG V, 1231, 1236 (Taenarum).
UporTls,
well-known
a
connected
with
name,
Argos in the Heroic age.
I0vAos,
It1pEvse,a good enough Greek formation, but unparalleled.
XivTrus,again the same Lydian ending, but liv-rTC occurs at Argos in the same inscription
and other heroes.
(IG IV, 614) which mentions also
leOvhos
Ptol.
V, ii, 8, Tpoylhia vficos, Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Tpbyilos '; these are
cf. Tpcoylhia iKp'pa
off Mycale, but Stephanus says the name occurs also in Sicily and Macedonia.
bothTpcyios,
at Athens, Plut. SolonIO, Paus. I
*dimaos,son or grandson of Ajax and ancestor of the 0chJatscai
xxxiv, 2; cf. IG IV, 82 (Argos), IG IV, (2) D II (Pheneus in Arcadia).

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