Empire Builders

Neocon 101
Some basic questions answered.
What do neoconservatives believe?
"Neocons" believe that the United States should not be ashamed to use its
unrivaled power – forcefully if necessary – to promote its values around the world.
Some even speak of the need to cultivate a US empire. Neoconservatives believe
modern threats facing the US can no longer be reliably contained and therefore
must be prevented, sometimes through preemptive military action.
Most neocons believe that the US has allowed dangers to gather by not spending
enough on defense and not confronting threats aggressively enough. One such
threat, they contend, was Saddam Hussein and his pursuit of weapons of mass
destruction. Since the 1991 Gulf War, neocons relentlessly advocated Mr.
Hussein's ouster.
Most neocons share unwavering support for Israel, which they see as crucial to US
military sufficiency in a volatile region. They also see Israel as a key outpost of
democracy in a region ruled by despots. Believing that authoritarianism and
theocracy have allowed anti-Americanism to flourish in the Middle East, neocons
advocate the democratic transformation of the region, starting with Iraq. They
also believe the US is unnecessarily hampered by multilateral institutions, which
they do not trust to effectively neutralize threats to global security.
What are the roots of neoconservative beliefs?
The original neocons were a small group of mostly Jewish liberal intellectuals who,
in the 1960s and 70s, grew disenchanted with what they saw as the American
left's social excesses and reluctance to spend adequately on defense. Many of
these neocons worked in the 1970s for Democratic Senator Henry "Scoop"
Jackson, a staunch anti-communist. By the 1980s, most neocons had become
Republicans, finding in President Ronald Reagan an avenue for their aggressive
approach of confronting the Soviet Union with bold rhetoric and steep hikes in
military spending. After the Soviet Union's fall, the neocons decried what they saw
as American complacency. In the 1990s, they warned of the dangers of reducing
both America's defense spending and its role in the world.
Unlike their predecessors, most younger neocons never experienced being left of
center. They've always been "Reagan" Republicans.
What is the difference between a neoconservative and a conservative?
Liberals first applied the "neo" prefix to their comrades who broke ranks to
become more conservative in the 1960s and 70s. The defectors remained more
liberal on some domestic policy issues. But foreign policy stands have always
defined neoconservatism. Where other conservatives favored détente and
containment of the Soviet Union, neocons pushed direct confrontation, which
became their raison d'etre during the 1970s and 80s.
Today, both conservatives and neocons favor a robust US military. But most
conservatives express greater reservations about military intervention and so-
called nation building. Neocons share no such reluctance. The post 9/11-
campaigns against regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate that the neocons
are not afraid to force regime change and reshape hostile states in the American
image. Neocons believe the US must do to whatever it takes to end state-
supported terrorism. For most, this means an aggressive push for democracy in

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the Middle East. Even after 9/11, many other conservatives, particularly in the
isolationist wing, view this as an overzealous dream with nightmarish
consequences.
How have neoconservatives influenced US foreign policy?
Finding a kindred spirit in President Reagan, neocons greatly influenced US
foreign policy in the 1980s.
But in the 1990s, neocon cries failed to spur much action. Outside of Reaganite
think tanks and Israel's right-wing Likud Party, their calls for regime change in Iraq
were deemed provocative and extremist by the political mainstream. With a few
notable exceptions, such as President Bill Clinton's decision to launch isolated
strikes at suspected terrorist targets in Afghanistan and Sudan in 1998, their talk
of preemptive military action was largely dismissed as overkill.
Despite being muted by a president who called for restraint and humility in
foreign affairs, neocons used the 1990s to hone their message and craft their
blueprint for American power. Their forward thinking and long-time ties to
Republican circles helped many neocons win key posts in the Bush administration.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 moved much of the Bush
administration closer than ever to neoconservative foreign policy. Only days after
9/11, one of the top neoconservative think tanks in Washington, the Project for a
New American Century, wrote an open letter to President Bush calling for regime
change in Iraq. Before long, Bush, who campaigned in 2000 against nation
building and excessive military intervention overseas, also began calling for
regime change in Iraq. In a highly significant nod to neocon influence, Bush chose
the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) as the venue for a key February 2003
speech in which he declared that a US victory in Iraq "could begin a new stage for
Middle Eastern peace." AEI – the de facto headquarters for neconservative policy –
had been calling for democratization of the Arab world for more than a decade.
What does a neoconservative dream world look like?
Neocons envision a world in which the United States is the unchallenged
superpower, immune to threats. They believe that the US has a responsibility to
act as a "benevolent global hegemon." In this capacity, the US would maintain an
empire of sorts by helping to create democratic, economically liberal governments
in place of "failed states" or oppressive regimes they deem threatening to the US
or its interests. In the neocon dream world the entire Middle East would be
democratized in the belief that this would eliminate a prime breeding ground for
terrorists. This approach, they claim, is not only best for the US; it is best for the
world. In their view, the world can only achieve peace through strong US
leadership backed with credible force, not weak treaties to be disrespected by
tyrants.
Any regime that is outwardly hostile to the US and could pose a threat would be
confronted aggressively, not "appeased" or merely contained. The US military
would be reconfigured around the world to allow for greater flexibility and quicker
deployment to hot spots in the Middle East, as well as Central and Southeast Asia.
The US would spend more on defense, particularly for high-tech, precision
weaponry that could be used in preemptive strikes. It would work through
multilateral institutions such as the United Nations when possible, but must never
be constrained from acting in its best interests whenever necessary.
Key figures

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 To the left are some of neoconservatism's most
influential leaders. Click on a person to learn
about his background.

Irving Kristol
Widely referred to as the "godfather" of neoconservatism, Mr. Kristol
was part of the "New York Intellectuals," a group of critics mainly of
Eastern European Jewish descent. In the late 1930s, he studied at City
College of New York where he became a Trotskyist. From 1947 to 1952,
he was the managing editor of Commentary magazine, later called the
"neocon bible."
By the late 1960s, Kristol had shifted from left to right on the political spectrum,
due partly to what he considered excesses and anti-Americanism among liberals.
Kristol built the intellectual framework of neoconservatism, founding and editing
journals such as tTe Public Interest and The National Interest.
Kristol is a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and author of numerous
books, including "Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea." He is the
father of Weekly Standard editor and oft-quoted neoconservative William Kristol.
Norman Podhoretz
Considered one of neoconservatism's founding fathers, Mr. Podhoretz
studies, writes, and speaks on social, cultural, and international matters.
From 1990 to 1995, he worked as editor-in-chief of Commentary
magazine, a neoconservative journal published by the American Jewish
Committee. Podhoretz advocated liberal political views earlier in life, but
broke ranks in the early 1970s. He became part of the Coalition for a Democratic
Majority founded in 1973 by Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson and other
intervention-oriented Democrats.
Podhoretz has written nine books, including "Breaking Ranks" (1979), in which he
argues that Israel's survival is crucial to US military strategy. He is married to like-
minded social critic Midge Decter. They helped establish the Committee on the
Present Danger in the late 1970s and the Committee for the Free World in the
early 1980s. Podhoretz' son, John, is a New York Post columnist.
Paul Wolfowitz
After serving as deputy secretary of defense for three years, Mr.
Wolfowitz, a key architect of the Iraq war, was chosen in March 2005 by
President Bush to be president of the World Bank.
From 1989 to 1993, Wolfowitz served as under secretary of defense for
policy in charge of a 700-person team that had major responsibilies for
the reshaping of military strategy and policy at the end of the cold war. In this
capacity Wolfowitz co-wrote with Lewis "Scooter" Libby the 1992 draft Defense
Planning Guidance, which called for US military dominance over Eurasia and
preemptive strikes against countries suspected of developing weapons of mass
destruction. After being leaked to the media, the draft proved so shocking that it
had to be substantially rewritten.
After 9/11, many of the principles in that draft became key points in the 2002
National Security Strategy of the United States, an annual report. During the 1991
Gulf War, Wolfowitz advocated extending the war's aim to include toppling
Saddam Hussein's regime.

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Richard Perle
Famously nicknamed the "Prince of Darkness" for his hardline stance on
national security issues, Mr. Perle is one of the most high-profile
neoconservatives. He resigned in March 2003 as chairman of the
Pentagon's Defense Policy Board after being criticized for conflicts of
interest. From 1981 to 1987 he was assistant secretary of defense for
international security policy.
Perle is a chief architect of the "creative destruction" agenda to reshape the
Middle East, starting with the invasion of Iraq. He outlined parts of this agenda in
a key 1996 report for Israel's right-wing Likud Party called "A Clean Break: A New
Strategy for Securing the Realm."
Perle helped establish two think tanks: The Center for Security Policy and The
Jewish Institute for National Security. He is also a fellow at the American
Enterprise Institute, an adviser for the counter-terrorist think tank Foundation for
the Defense of Democracies, and a director of the Jerusalem Post.
Douglas Feith
The defense department announced in January 2005 that Mr. Feith will
resign this summer as undersecretary of defense for policy, the
Pentagon's No. 3 civilian position, which he has held since being
appointed by President Bush in July 2001. Feith also served in the
Reagan administration as deputy assistant secretary of defense for
negotiations policy. Prior to that, he served as special counsel to Richard Perle.
Before his service at the Pentagon, Feith worked as a Middle East specialist for the
National Security Council in 1981-82.
Feith is well-known for his support of Israel's right-wing Likud Party. In 1997, Feith
was honored along with his father Dalck Feith, who was active in a Zionist youth
movement in his native Poland, for their "service to Israel and the Jewish people"
by pro-Likud Zionist Organization of America at its 100th anniversary banquet. In
1992, he was vice president of the advisory board of the Jewish Institute for
National Security Affairs. Mr. Feith is a former chairman and currently a director of
the Center for Security Policy.
Lewis "Scooter" Libby
Mr. Libby is currently chief of staff and national security advisor for Vice
President Dick Cheney. He's served in a wide variety of posts. In the first
Bush administration, Mr. Libby served in the Department of Principal
Deputy Under Secretary (Strategy and Resources), and, later, as Deputy
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy.
Libby was a founding member of the Project for the New American Century. He
joined Paul Wolfowitz, William Kristol, Robert Kagan, and others in writing its 2000
report entitled, "Rebuilding America's Defenses - Strategy, Forces, and Resources
for a New Century."
Libby co-authored the once-shocking draft of the 'Defense Planning Guidance'
with Mr. Wolfowitz for then-Defense Secretary Dick Cheney in 1992. Libby serves
on the advisory board of the Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies of the RAND
Corporation.
John Bolton
In February 2005, Mr. Bolton was nominated US ambassador to the UN
by President Bush. If confirmed, he would move to this position from the

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Department of State where he was Under Secretary for Arms Control, the top US
non-proliferation official. Prior to this appointment, Bolton was senior vice
president of the neoconservative think tank American Enterprise Institute. He also
held a variety of positions in both the George H. W. Bush and Ronald Reagan
administrations.
Bolton has often made claims not fully supported by the intelligence community.
In a controversial May 2002 speech entitled, "Beyond the Axis of Evil," Bolton
fingered Libya, Syria, and Cuba as "other rogue states intent on acquiring
weapons of mass destruction."
In July 2003, the CIA and other agencies reportedly objected strongly to claims
Bolton made in a draft assessment about the progress Syria has made in its
weapons programs.
Elliott Abrams
In February of 2005 Elliott Abrams was appointed deputy assistant to
the president and deputy national security adviser for global democracy
strategy. From December 2002 to February 2005, Mr. Abrams served as
special assistant to the president and senior director for Near East and
North African affairs.
Abrams began his political career by taking a job with the Democratic Senator
Henry M. "Scoop" Jackson. He held a variety of State Department posts in the
Reagan administration.
He was a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute from 1990 to the 1996 before
becoming president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, which "affirms the
political relevance of the great Western ethical imperatives." Abrams also served
as chairman of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom.
In 1991, Abrams pleaded guilty to withholding information from Congress about
the Iran-Contra affair. President George H. W. Bush pardoned him in 1992. In
1980, he married Rachel Decter, daughter of neocon veterans Norman Podhoretz
and Midge Decter.
Robert Kagan
Mr. Kagan writes extensively on US strategy and diplomacy. Kagan and
fellow neoconservative William Kristol co-founded the Project for a New
American Century (PNAC) in 1997. Kagan signed the famous 1998 PNAC
letter sent to President Clinton urging regime change in Iraq.
After working as principal speechwriter to Secretary of State George P.
Shultz from 1984-1985, he was hired by Elliott Abrams to work as deputy for
policy in the State Department's Bureau of Inter-American Affairs.
He is a senior associate at the Carnegie endowment for International Peace
(CEIP). He is also an international affairs columnist for The Washington Post, and
contributing editor at The New Republic and The Weekly Standard. He wrote the
bestseller "Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order."
Kagan's wife, Victoria Nuland, was chosen by Vice President Dick Cheney as his
deputy national security adviser.
Michael Ledeen
Seen by many as one of the most radical neoconservatives, Mr. Ledeen
is said to frequently advise George W. Bush's top adviser Karl Rove on
foreign policy matters. He is one of the strongest voices calling for
regime change in Iran.

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In 2001, Ledeen co-founded the Coalition for Democracy in Iran. He served as
Secretary of State Alexander Haig's adviser during the Reagan administration.
Ledeen is resident scholar in the Freedom Chair at the American Enterprise
Institute, where he works closely with Richard Perle. he is also a member of the
Jewish Institute of National Security Affairs' advisory board and one of its founding
organizers.
He was Rome correspondent for the New Republic magazine from 1975-1977, and
founding editor of the Washington Quarterly. Ledeen also wrote "The War Against
the Terror Masters," which advocates regime change in Iraq, Syria, and Saudi
Arabia.
William Kristol
Son of "godfather" of neoconservatism Irving Kristol, Bill Kristol is
currently chairman of the Project for a New American Century, which he
co-founded with leading neoconservative writer Robert Kagan. He is also
editor of the influential Weekly Standard.
Like other neoconservatives Frank Gaffney Jr. and Elliott Abrams, Kristol
worked for hawkish Democratic Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson. But by 1976, he
became a Republican. he served as chief of staff to Education Secretary William
Bennett during the Reagan administration and chief of staff to former Vice
President Dan Quayle during the George H. W. Bush presidency.
Kristol continuously called for Saddam Hussein's ouster since the 1991 Gulf War.
With the like-minded Lawrence Kaplan, Kristol co-wrote "The War Over Iraq:
Saddam's Tyranny and America's Mission." He is on the board of advisers of the
Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, established as a counterterrorist
think tank after 9/11.
Frank Gaffney Jr.
Mr. Gaffney is the founder, president, and CEO of the influential
Washington think tank Center for Security Policy, whose mission is "to
promote world peace through American strength."
In 1987, President Reagan nominated Gaffney to be assistant secretary
of defense for international security policy. he earlier served as the
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear Forces and Arms Control Policy
under then-Assistant Secretary Richard Perle. In the late 1970s, Gaffney served as
a defense and foreign policy adviser to Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson.
He is columnist for the Washington Times and a contributor to Defense News and
Investor's Business Daily. He is a contributing editor to National Review Online,
WolrdNetDaily.com and JewishWorldReview.com. Gaffney is also one of 25 mostly
neoconservative co-signers of the Project for a New American Century's
Statement of Principles.
Q&A: Neocon power examined
The Monitor asked award-winning author, US military historian, and self-
described neocon Max Boot to discuss the extent of neocon power.
How much power do neoconservatives have within the Bush
administration? Within Washington?
The power of neocons is much exaggerated – unfortunately. On the question of
Iraq their views generally won the day. Not because they were all-powerful but
simply because 9/11 brought various doubters including Bush and Cheney around
to the neocon point of view.

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But on many other issues the administration policy remains unsettled and
neocons are by no means in the drivers seat.
One example: Iran. The neocon position is to push for regime change by
encouraging Iranian democrats. Is this the administration position? Hard to say;
some elements in the administration clearly favor this view – the Defense
Department for one – while others, like the State Department, favor a more status
quo policy. The president hasn't made a clear policy decision.
The reason why neocons are said to have so much influence is that their ideas are
clearly and forcefully articulated – and they were proven right about so many
things – such as the need to remain engaged in the world in the 1990s. I do think
they have a lot of influence on the foreign policy debate but that doesn't mean
that even in this administration they're going to win every argument over policy.
How does the push to implement a neoconservative vision affect the war
on terrorism? Would a neoconservative America breed more terrorist
attacks, as some critics fear?
A neocon approach to terrorism would address the "root causes" more, that being
the lack of liberal democracy in the Muslim world and the surfeit of hate-spewing
regimes. Encouraging democracy in Iran and other places would a centerpiece of
this strategy. This would be combined with military attacks on obvious terrorist
outposts like the Taliban in Afghanistan.
Over time this dual-prong approach is more likely to deliver "victory" in the "war
on terrorism" than any other strategy I'm familiar with. I don't see any evidence
that it will breed more terrorists; on the contrary, it should reduce their number.
What type of foreign policy/security strategy would an Al Gore
administration have set after Sept. 11? How different would it have been
from the one that emerged from the Bush White House?
I think it's likely that the Gore administration would have invaded Afghanistan
after 9/11. I think it's unlikely they would have invaded Iraq. That's the big
difference.
The Gore administration probably would have deferred to the doubts of various
European countries, the UN, etc. – everyone who was opposed to intervening in
Iraq. In the short term, this might have been a smart strategy politically, in that
the consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power would not immediately be
obvious (it would take him years to acquire nuclear weapons) while the costs of
intervening (such as the continued guerrilla attacks on US soldiers) are
immediately apparent.
But long term, I think the Gore approach would have been a continuation of the
Clinton approach of letting dangers fester, and that this would have been an
irresponsible policy from the longterm security needs of the United States. Of
course there would be many similarities between the Gore and Bush foreign
policies. Both would try to promote democracy, free markets, etc. Both would be
willing to undertake humanitarian interventions in places like Liberia, both would
try to get along with China and Russia, both would clash with some European
nations over issues like Kyoto, etc.
How significant is the emergence of neoconservative thought within the
broader history of American foreign policy? What kind of shift are we
witnessing? Which American president best embodied neoconservative
beliefs?

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I think the emergence of neocon thinking is very significant. In essence, I think
neocons combine the best of the two dominant strains of US foreign policy
thinking: Wilsonian idealism and Kissingerian realpolitik. They have Wilson's
devotion to promoting democracy while at the same time recognizing ” as Wilson
did not – that this often requires force and that the US cannot rely on international
treaties alone. Many presidents have embodied this thinking: both Roosevelts,
Truman, Reagan, George W Bush.
What's next for the 'axis of evil'? How do neocon strategists intend to
confront N. Korea and Iran? What about China?
I think North Korea and Iran are the two biggest threats to the United States at
the moment because of their nuclear weapons programs and tyrannical
governments. Our policy in both cases should be preemption –: not necessarily
military preemption, which is a last resort, but rather seeking to democratize
those countries so that they no longer seek to threaten their neighbors or the US.
In the case of Iran, we need to do more to back the democracy demonstrators
who want to overthrow the mullahs. In the case of North Korea we need to more
to bring pressure on the government to cause its collapse. Among the steps we
should take: apply more pressure to South Korea and China to cut off all subsidies
and fuel shipments to the North and also undertake selective intercepts of North
Korean ships carrying illicit weapons and drugs, a main revenue source for the
regime. Only if democracy eventually prevails in Pyongyang and Tehran can the
West breathe easy.
China is a much more cautious state and not an immediate threat. Here, too, we
should encourage the forces of democracy. Recent developments in Hong Kong
are very positive. Eventually China may become a serious competitor to the US
militarily but this won't happen for decades. We don't need to worry about China
nearly as much as we worry about N. Korea or Iran.
Will neoconservative policies endure after Bush is out of office?
Yes. In the case of Iraq, regime change is something that both Democrats and
Republicans are committed to. More broadly, I think there is a wide consensus in
US politics in favor of what are essentially neocon policies of promoting US ideals
while keeping America strong.
Is America comfortable taking on the role of empire?
It's hard to speak for all Americans. Some are, some aren't. I would say most are
comfortable with the role but not the actual title "empire." America has been an
empire of liberty – Jefferson's phrase – since at least the Louisiana Purchase.
Now we are acting like a liberal empire by getting involved in the internal
workings of Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Iraq, and other countries. I think most
Americans realize this is vital to our national security broadly interpreted – that if
we don't address sources of terrorism, ethnic cleansing, instability, nuclear
proliferation, etc., we will suffer a heavy price, as we already did on 9/11.
• Max Boot is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.
Q&A: Neocons' niche in American history
The Monitor asked a leading US foreign policy expert, Walter Russell Mead, to
place neoconservative beliefs in historical context.
Which leaders in US history would be neocons today?
It's possible that Teddy Roosevelt would be a neocon. I think it's almost certain he
would have supported the war in Iraq. And he wouldn't have cared about the lack

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of a UN resolution. I'm not sure who else would be a neocon in foreign policy. In
some ways [neocons] are very original.
Is there a particular point in the history of US foreign policy that reminds
you of today's foreign policy environment?
In some ways, it reminds me of the period around 1946-47 when we were trying
to figure out what the cold war was going to mean. The country realizes we have
a challenge on our hands, but we're not quite yet sure how we're going to meet it
ultimately.
There's also the period in the early part of the 20th century when it was clear that
the British empire was not going to be as strong and the United States was
growing. And you had people like Teddy Roosevelt and others beginning to
think ... "What if America is going to become an imperial nation? What does that
look like?"
What makes neocons unique throughout the history of US foreign policy?
When we think of Wilsonianism now, we tend to think of secular, humanist ideas -
building a world government - sort of a Europeanist foreign policy. If you went
back a hundred years or so, Wilsonianism was carried out by people like
missionaries who thought that the way to make America safe was to make the
rest of the world believe the way we do and act the way we do. But they weren't
as concerned about the institutional aspect.
The neocons of today have sort of revived this older Wilsonian tradition. They are
no longer concerned, say, about the United Nations, which is what we think
Wilsonians are mostly thinking about ... or the World Court. In fact, they think that
stuff gets in the way to some degree. But they are more concerned about basic
American values and spreading those.
So it's a different Wilsonianism from what we've all grown up thinking about. It's
non-institutional and it's values-based. To some degree, it's a conservative
Christian value base. Even though many conservatives are Jews, the sort of basic
values that they are promoting are very much the sort of Protestant, Christian
values that were dominant in 19th-century America.
Do you think neoconservatives have had their "moment in the sun" with
their successful push for a preemptive war against Iraq? Do you think
that the broad support they might enjoy now will wane?
I think they're still in business. The weak spot, obviously, for them, is that ... if we
are taking 20 casualties a month in Iraq a year from now, there may not be a lot
of people thanking them for this. But, on the other hand, we were in the [Vietnam
War] for years before people really turned against it. And even then, I think ...
other than elite opinion ... the thing that bothered most ordinary Americans
wasn't that we were fighting or that our strategy was too hawkish, but they
couldn't see that we had a strategy for victory ... that it looked like it was going to
be a deadlock forever.
It may well be that if the American people remain convinced that the war in Iraq is
necessary for national security ... and even if the war goes on for a long time ... if
they feel that we have a strategy that will win and that is necessary, people may
support it for a very long time. It's hard to say. If it goes well, even after a while,
the neoconservatives will be strengthened.
What would be some other factors that would put the neoconservatives
out of business, or enhance their standing even more?

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I think failure is always bad.... If the public judgment is, "We took their advice and
we've ended up in a hell hole," then we won't be asking [neocons] for advice for a
while. I think it's the public judgment on the success of the policies that they've
proposed.
Where does world opinion factor into this?
Probably not very much. Except if you reached a point where the unpopularity of
American foreign policy was in some way making it impossible for the US to
conduct the policy that it wanted to. It's hard for me to see how that would
happen.
What do you see as the neocons' biggest obstacles in the future?
They have the problem that all Wilsonians have. Wilsonians always want more
foreign policy, in a way. If you think about democratizing the Middle East ... that's
an incredibly tall order. That could take us a very long time. And it's not
completely sure that everybody in the US is going to want to make those
sacrifices ... especially if it involves troops, maybe not just in Iraq, but in other
places ... some of whom will be getting shot at from time to time.
• Walter Russell Mead is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.
Spheres of influence
Neoconservative think tanks, periodicals, and key documents.
Top neocon think tanks
Project for the New American Century (PNAC)
Established in 1997 by William Kristol and Robert Kagan, PNAC's goal is "to
promote American global leadership." Creating a blueprint for the US' current role
in the world, PNAC's original Statement of Principles called for the US to return to
a "Reaganite foreign policy of military strength and moral clarity."
American Enterprise Institute (AEI)
Founded in 1943, this influential Washington think tank is known as the
headquarters of neoconservative thought. In a crucial speech in the leadup to the
war in Iraq, US President George W. Bush said this to an audience at AEI: "You do
such good work that my administration has borrowed 20 such minds."
Jewish Intitute for National Security Affairs (JINSA)
Based in Washington, JINSA "communicates with the national security
establishment and the general public to explain the role Israel can and does play
in bolstering American interests, as well as the link between American defense
policy and the security of Israel." Some of the strongest supporters of Israel's
right-wing Likud Party in the already pro-Israel neoconservative circles are on
JINSA's board of advisers.
Center for Security Policy (CSP)
CSP's 2001 annual report boasts of its influence saying it "isn't just a 'think tank' –
it's an agile, durable, and highly effective 'main battle tank' in the war of ideas on
national security." Securing neoconservatives' influence at the nexus of military
policymakers and weapons manufacturers, CSP's mission is "to promote world
peace through American strength."
Others...
The Hudson Institute
The Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies
Ethics and Public Policy Center
The Foundation for the Defense of Democracies

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Top neoconservative periodicals
Commentary
Describing itself as "America's premier monthly journal of opinion," Commentary
magazine is widely regarded as the leading outlet for neoconservative writing.
Founded in 1945, this American Jewish Committee publication steadily gained
ideological influence under the editorships of Iriving Kristol and Norman
Podhoretz, two of neoconservatism's founding fathers. Today, Commentary
advocates passionate support for Israel, and regime change in at least half a
dozen countries deemed hostile to US and Israeli security and interests.
National Review
Founded in 1955 by precocious conservative William F. Buckley, National Review
promised to stand "athwart the path of history, yelling Stop!" AntiCommunist in
stance, Catholic in judgment, Republican in preference, the magazine has weaned
generations of conservative leaders. Its continued emphasis on traditional moral
values and limited government put it outside the neoconservative camp, but in
recent years, the magazine has increasingly adopted neocon attitudes.
The Weekly Standard
Weekly Standard editors comprise a "who's who" of neoconservative figures.
Currently led by William Kristol and Fred Barnes, the magazine has, since its
founding in 1995, encouraged the cultivation of an American empire.
The New Republic
Like neoconservatism's own founding, The New Republic's roots tap into an
unlikely intellectual resevoir. Begun as a progressive oriented journal in 1914, the
magazine initially supported the Soviet Union and opposed the Vietnam war, but
later supported President Reagan's foreign policy and both Gulf Wars. Today, its
advocacy of a muscular, pro-Israel, pro-interventionist US foreign policy -coupled
with its embrace of Democratic centrist domestic policies -make it a leading
neocon voice.
The National Interest
The National Interest claims "it's where the great debates begin." Founded in
1985 by Irving Kristol, the quarterly journal examines international relations from
a broad perspective that embraces social issues, religion, and history. Though it
does not always promote neocon causes, the journal's editorial board is
dominated by some of the movement's most influential voices, including Midge
Decter, Samuel P. Huntington, Charles Krauthammer, Richard Perle, and Daniel
Pipes.
The Public Interest
When he founded the magazine in 1965, Irving Kristol defined the aim of The
Public Interest: "to help all of us when we discuss issues of public policy, to know
a little better what we are talking about – and preferably in time to make such
knowledge effective." The Public Interest focuses more on American domestic
culture and politics rather than international affairs. As a result, its contributors
reflect a wide diversity of ideological perspectives.
Key Documents
Draft of the 1992 "Defense Planning Guidance" [excerpts]
This classified document, which called for US military preeminence over Eurasia
and preemptive strikes against countries suspected of developing weapons of
mass destruction, circulated for several weeks at senior levels in the Pentagon.

11
After it was leaked to the media in 1992, it proved so shocking that it had to be
substantially rewritten. Many aspects of this document are included in the US'
2002 National Security Strategy
"A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm"
Prepared in 1996 by a group led by Richard Perle for Israel's right-wing Likud
Party and published by the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies,
an Israeli think tank, this report called for "a clean break" with the policies of
negotiating "land for peace" with the Palestinians. It also advocated
"reestablishing the principle of preemption."
"Toward a Neo-Reaganite foreign policy"
Published by Foreign Affairs in the summer of 1996, this neoconservative
manifesto by William Kristol and Robert Kagan set the course for the modern
neocon cause. By linking Reagan's foreign policy approach with neoconservative
ideas, the authors energized Republican foreign policy and moved it away from
both Pat Buchanan's "neoisolationism," or Henry Kissinger's "realism."
PNAC letter to Clinton
Leading conservatives, many of whom became senior officials in the Bush
Administration, wrote this open letter to then-President Bill Clinton in 1998. The
letter, sponsored by the Project for a New American Century, expressed the
urgent need to topple Saddam Hussein's regime.
PNAC letter to Bush
Written just weeks after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, this open letter from PNAC to
President George W. Bush urging Saddam Hussein's ouster marked the beginning
of a concerted effort by neoconservatives to persuade President Bush to take
action against Iraq. The letter stated, in part: "...even if evidence does not link
Iraq directly to the [9/11] attack, any strategy aiming at the eradication of
terrorism and its sponsors must include a determined effort to remove Saddam
Hussein from power in Iraq." The relentless campaign worked. Within two years
years, US forces would occupy Iraq.
President Bush's speech to AEI
Less than a month before the US-led coalition launched its attack on Saddam
Hussein's regime, President Bush symbolically chose the de facto headquarters of
neoconservative thought, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), as a venue to
outline his vision for a new Iraq – and a new Middle East. AEI had been arguing for
regime change in Iraq and democratization of the Middle East for over a decade.
"Beyond the Axis of Evil"
In this controversial May, 2002 speech to the Heritage Foundation, a conservative
think tank, US Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security John
Bolton accuses Libya, Syria, and Cuba of actively developing weapons of mass
destruction programs.
In their own words
A collection of quotes by neoconservatives
"A neoconservative is a liberal who's been mugged by reality. A neoliberal is a
liberal who's been mugged by reality but has refused to press charges."
- Irving Kristol
"Change - above all violent change - is the essence of human history."
- Michael Ledeen

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"Ultimately, this WTC/Pentagon attack is anchored to a terror network embedded
in Saudi royal politics. I don't think we will win this war if we do not begin to
honestly examine the full nature of Saudi politics and behavior. This is truly the
key issue."
- David Wurmser
"American power should be used not just in the defense of American interests but
for the promotion of American principles."
- William Kristol
"The President of the United States, on issue after issue, has reflected the
thinking of neoconservatives."
- Richard Perle
"It is time to stop pretending that Europeans and Americans share a common
view of the world, or even that they occupy the same world."
- Robert Kagan
"Iraq is just one battle in a larger war, bringing down the regime in Iran is the
central act, because Iran is the world's most dangerous terrorist country."
- Michael Ledeen
"On the outcome of the confrontation with Tehran, more than any other, rests the
future of the Bush Doctrine - and, quite possibly, the Bush presidency - and
prospects for a safer world."
- William Kristol
"Republicans are good at wielding power, but they're not so wonderful when it
comes to the more idealistic motives of liberal internationalism. The Democrats
are better at liberal internationalism, but they're not so good at wielding power. I
would say that if there were a Joe Lieberman/John McCain party, I'm in the Joe
Lieberman/John McCain party."
- Robert Kagan
"We are going to have to take the war against [the terrorists] often to other
people's territory, and all of the norms of international order make it difficult to do
that. So the president has to reshape fundamental attitudes toward those norms,
or we are going to have our hands tied by an antiquated institution [the
traditional international system] that is not capable of defending us."
- Richard Perle
Birth of a superpower
Timeline of key events in the history of US foreign policy.
1783 - The Paris Peace Treaty
The Paris Peace Treaty formally ends the American Revolution. Some historians
consider it - and not the Declaration of Independence in 1776 - the true birth of
the United States of America. The treaty recognizes the USA as a sovereign nation
and officially defines its borders. The US is a young nation without the military and
economic clout to oust European powers from all the territory it would like to
claim in North America. Leaders such as Benjamin Franklin and John Adams used
diplomatic finesse to exploit the longstanding rivalry between Britain and France.
Thanks in part to a British attempt to lure Americans away from an alliance with
the French, Adams and Franklin win generous boundaries for the US.
1823 - The Monroe Doctrine
President James Monroe declares European countries are not to interfere in the
Americas or attempt to re-colonize them. Such intervention, he asserts, would be

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"dangerous to [US] peace and safety." In return, the US would not interfere in the
existing colonies or internal affairs of Europe. The doctrine represents one of the
first examples of US unilateralism: James Monroe and John Quincy Adams refuse a
British alliance agreement to keep the other Europeans out of the Western
hemisphere. It is also unprecedented in that it proclaims an enormous amount of
land as a US protectorate. Ironically, the British fleet enforces the doctrine, since
the US lacks strong naval capability until the end of the 19th century.
1898 - Spanish-American War
The US declares war on Spain on April 25, 1898, two months after the USS Maine
battleship sinks in Havana. By war's end, just eight months later, Spain loses
control of its overseas empire, including Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippine islands,
and Guam. Victory in what President Theodore Roosevelt would later dub "the
splendid little war" shows the world that the US has global interests. While some
Americans question what they view as imperialism, Mr. Roosevelt's "big stick"
approach guides US foreign policy for years to come. In 1904, Roosevelt claims
that the US is "the policeman of the Western Hemisphere," and says the US will
intervene in the affairs of any nation that threatens US interests. This declaration
would later be known as the "Roosevelt Corollary" of the Monroe Doctrine. In
1907, the president flexes the country's new naval muscles by sending the "Great
White Fleet," 16 new battleships painted white, around the world to demonstrate
the US has arrived as a major power.
1899 - Open Door Policy
Throughout the 19th century, Europeans and Americans covet the opening of
Asia's markets. European powers crave formal control over Asian colonies, but
Americans believe that formal control, or even "spheres of influence," is the
wrong approach, especially toward China, seen as an enormous trade and
investment opportunity. Threatened by its own weakness and European
aggressiveness, the US maintains that China should remain open to all countries.
In 1898, President McKinley expresses his desire for an "open door" policy with
China. A year later, the US and European powers agree to respect the territorial
integrity of China. The US policy of free trade would later become one of the most
important principles in US diplomacy.
1915 - Sinking of the Lusitania
The sinking of the luxury liner Lusitania by a German U-boat on May 7, 1915 while
en route from the US to England, sets the stage for the US entrance into World
War I. Some 1,200 people are killed in the attack, including 128 Americans. Until
then, most Americans had demanded neutrality in the intensifying European
conflict. In fact, President Woodrow Wilson had pushed for a neutral stance in
1914. But the news of the Lusitania's sinking, prompted by a retaliation-minded
press, helps fuel anger toward Germany and by 1917 pushes the US to join the
World War.
1920 - Defeat of Versailles Treaty
After the horrors of World War I, President Woodrow Wilson seeks to prevent
another world war by creating an international alliance called the League of
Nations (the precursor to the United Nations). His principles are revolutionary
because they institutionalize a new world order, and are embraced by the global
community. But the US Senate defeats the treaty in 1920, symbolizing American
isolationism during the 1920s and 30s. Though unilateralists strongly opposed to

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binding the US to the treaty's security commitments win the day, Mr. Wilson's
larger ideas, about self-determination and the rule of law in international affairs,
eventually become the cornerstone of global foreign policy.
1941 - Pearl Harbor
From the end of World War I, through the Great Depression, and into the
beginning of World War II, the US withdraws from much of the rest of the world.
This rise of isolationism is due in part to the sense that US participation in WWI
was a failure. In addition, the complex domestic problems of the Great Depression
cause the US to look inward. The US signs several neutrality acts between 1935 to
1941, preventing US involvement in international disputes. But on the morning of
December 7, when Japanese airplanes attack the US naval base at Pearl Harbor,
killing 2,300, Americans are thrust onto the international stage. The following day,
President Roosevelt calls Dec. 7 "a date which will live in infamy," and signs a
declaration of war. A day later, Germany and Italy, as partners of Japan in the
Tripartite Pact, declare war on the US.
1947 - Truman Doctrine/Marshall Plan
The atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 end World War II,
and set off the arms race that would characterize the cold war. In 1947, President
Truman, aiming to challenge Soviet ambitions, asks Congress for $400 million in
aid for Greece and Turkey, a move that would become known as the Truman
Doctrine. Secretary of State George C. Marshall, convinced that the poverty-
stricken nations of post-World War II Europe need US support, develops a $13.3
billion plan (more than $100 billion in today's dollars) for economic revival in
Western Europe, later dubbed the Marshall Plan. Both policies sought to stifle
Soviet involvement in weakened countries in Europe. For the next half century,
the US would commit enormous amounts of money and military power in the
name of protecting its national interests and containing Soviet influence. The US
would become involved in regional conflicts in Latin America, North Korea, and
eventually Vietnam - making the cold war a global political, economic, and
military struggle.
1962 - Cuban Missile Crisis
The Cuban missile crisis of October 1962 is a cold war turning point. In the fall of
that year, the Soviet Union denies installing nuclear weapons in Cuba, only 90
miles from the US. But US aerial reconnaissance confirms the contrary. For two
weeks in October, the world sits on edge, as President John F. Kennedy and
Premier Nikita Khrushchev struggle to divert a nuclear standoff. Afterwards, both
countries intensify the nuclear arms race, even as they sought to prevent the use
of nuclear weapons. But while direct military confrontation between the two
superpowers is averted, the US commits itself to standing firm against the spread
of Soviet communism.
1972 - Nixon's visit to China
In 1972, the staunchly anticommunist President Richard Nixon shocks the world
by becoming the first American president to visit mainland China while in office.
That visit, and subsequent diplomatic meetings between high-level officials in
both countries, would later be dubbed "triangular diplomacy," as the US exploits
divisions between the Soviet Union and China to better its relationship with both.
The visit exemplifies the Nixon-Kissinger "realpolitik": Veering from earlier notions
that the US is obliged to spread its values around the globe, Mr. Nixon's

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administration bases its foreign policy on realist principles. Nixon believes the US
should pursue its interests, restoring a balance of power among the world's major
players. The perception that Nixon minimized moral considerations in foreign
policy produces a backlash from the right and left in the 1970s and 1980s; both
sides suggest he is abandoning American values.
1973 - OPEC boycott
Since the discovery of oil in Saudi Arabia in the 1930s, the relationship between
the US and the Middle East has revolved around oil, along with, after World War II,
the status of Israel. Ensuring access to abundant and cheap oil has topped the
foreign policy agenda ever since. The catalyst for the 1973 boycott by the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) is the Yom Kippur War and
US support for Israel. Saudi Arabia leads a boycott against countries supporting
Israel and oil prices go through the roof. Boycotters demand a complete Israeli
withdrawal from all occupied territory. The boycott causes major economic
upheaval worldwide, and pushes the US to the forefront of Israeli-Arab peace
negotiations. After OPEC's boycott, every US president acts compelled to take an
active role in Mideast politics and policy.
1979 - Iran Hostage Crisis
US support for Iran's Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlevi by an Islamic revolutionary
government in 1979 leads to a steady deterioration of Iran-US relations. In
November, Iranian students seize the American embassy in Tehran and hold 52
people hostage for two years. Both diplomacy and a military attempt fail to
release the captives. US impotence in the face of the students' demands
underscores US military weakness. In fact, the US failure to resolve the crisis
contributes to Ronald Reagan's victory over President Jimmy Carter in the
presidential election. The hostages are released in 1981, the same day Reagan is
sworn into office. The Iran hostage crisis engraves terrorism into the American
public consciousness and forces US policymakers to grapple with Islamic
extremism.
1982 - Reagan's Evil Empire Speech
President Ronald Reagan considers foreign policy a moral issue, and throughout
his presidency targets the Soviet Union. By the time he steps into office, he is in a
race to reclaim American power. He blames the administrations before him for
allowing the Soviet threat to grow while American defense waned. He launches
the largest peacetime military build-up in American history, pulls back on arms
control talks with the Soviets, and pushes anticommunist guerrilla movements
around the world. A centerpiece of his presidency is the Strategic Defense
Initiative, dubbed Star Wars, a plan that reverses two decades of US defense
policy by challenging the Soviet Union to a technological competition. Targeting
the Soviet Union as the "evil empire" reshapes the world's strategic landscape.
From then on, US foreign policy focuses more intently on the "evil" communist
sphere that threatens US preeminence, underlining a "them against us"
syndrome. This stark depiction would resurface 20 years later with President
George W. Bush's "axis of evil" speech.
1989 - Fall of Berlin Wall
The ultimate symbol of East versus West, the Berlin Wall was constructed in 1961
at the height of cold war tensions. The wall was intended to stop the flow of
people under communist rule from escaping to the more prosperous economies of

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the West. When it topples on November 9, 1989, citizens across the world cheer
for what they believe will be the emergence of a new world order. But by the time
the cold war ends with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the US has
already emerged as the world's sole superpower. The new world order would be
crafted largely in America's image and likeness.
2001 - 9/11
American economic might and global clout in the 1990s seemed uncontested.
President Bill Clinton used US forces quite often in his two terms, virtually all for
limited combat operations in regional conflicts. The cumulative effect of these
deployments gives rise to the idea of the US as "global policeman." The stunning
terrorist attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001
shatters America's confidence in its security, bringing the US into a full-scale "war
on terrorism." The Bush doctrine of targeting terrorists - and states that harbor
them - leads the US into two wars, the first to end the Taliban regime in
Afghanistan, the second to oust Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq. America's
aggressive new foreign policy, marked by a willingness to "go it alone," and a
"you're with us, or you're with the terrorists" mentality, could signal new battles
against "rogue" states and dramatic changes in long-standing alliances.
Neocon quiz
Are you a neoconservative? Take this quiz to find out.
http://www.csmonitor.com/specials/neocon/neoconQuiz.html
1. Which best describes your attitude about US efforts to secure peace
between Israelis and Palestinians?
The US has compelling strategic interests in the region. America must be an
"honest broker" between Israelis and Palestinians. By working with regional
partners, the US can help bring about a secure Israel and a free state of
Palestine. US efforts in the Mideast help its diplomatic standing in the world
immensely.
It's an arrogant fantasy to think the US can "bring peace" to the Mideast. US
reliance on foreign oil has embroiled it in crisis after crisis there. The people
of the Middle East must set their own course.
Recent history shows that Arab countries respect power, not paper treaties
that purport to trade "land for peace." In many ways, the road to peace in
Jerusalem had to pass through Baghdad. In the wake of America's victory
over Saddam Hussein, US negotiators have new leverage to demand steps
toward peace. But the US can never tolerate terror. There will be no
compromise on Israel's borders or security.
The US is morally obligated to stop Mideast violence. It's clear there is no
military solution to the conflict. In order to broker the peace, the US must be
more neutral. This means stop giving billions in aid to Israel, and start
condemning its preemptive assassinations of Palestinian leaders.
2. The US campaign in Vietnam was...
A disaster. What threat did Vietnam pose to American security? More than
50,000 US troops died in support of a theory about "dominoes."
A failure. The American objective was strategically and morally bankrupt.
A quagmire. The US had the right strategy - it was important to contain
communist expansion into Asia - but executed the wrong tactics. High
casualty rates and low public support put the US in an unwinnable war.

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 A hard-won victory. US forces paid a high - but necessary - price to contain
Communism in Southeast Asia.
3. What type of relationship should the US form with China?
The US must hedge China's rise to great-power status. The policy of
preemption includes China, and US military leaders must strategically contain
China's armed forces, while US policymakers maintain America's economic
preeminence. Above all else, China must not be encouraged to think it can
challenge America's superpower status.
China's bullying - of Tibet, Falun Gong, and Taiwan - is atrocious. America's
"normalization" of trade with China has allowed it to continue its human
rights abuses, while costing countless American jobs. The US must not
sacrifice its moral high ground at the altar of trade.
China presents great potential dangers - and rewards - to American interests
in the 21st century. While the US must affirm China's progressive steps and
opening economy, it cannot ignore its repressive human rights behavior,
trade violations, and bullying of Taiwan. Ultimately, opening China to
American goods and services spreads American values that will influence
China for the better.
The US should neither appease nor aggravate China. China is a bellicose
regional power and its human-rights record is appalling. But it doesn't
threaten US interests. The US must stop giving China preferential trade
treatment and do more to protect American jobs, but it needn't contain or
confront China.
4. How should the US approach relations with Iran?
The US must remember its history with Iran. Pro-West reform efforts -
including the 1953 CIA coup that installed the Shah - incited the Islamic
Revolution. US-led regime change would once again empower the most
backward and hardline elements of radical Islam. The people of Iran must set
their own course for freedom. Meanwhile, the US must turn to its EU partners
to push for stricter inspections of Iran's nuclear facilities.
The US is simply not positioned to stop Iran's seemingly inevitable drive to
acquire nuclear weapons. But as it did with the Soviet Union and China
before, America can contain and deter Iran's mullahs and their nuclear
leverage. Hard-line Islamic rule in Iran is bankrupt and doomed to failure -
democratic reformers will eventually seize the day. Patience and pressure,
not preemptive war should guide America's approach toward Iran.
Iran's hardline Islamic regime, proven connections to terrorists networks, and
obvious desire for nuclear weapons make it a particularly dangerous threat.
The mullahs who run Iran have repressed freedom at every turn, and show no
evidence of ending ties to terrorism. To ensure that Iran does not threaten US
security, American forces must be prepared to do to Tehran what they did to
Baghdad.
Iran presents a serious foreign policy challenge. Most Iranians clearly
embrace democratic reform, but its hardline Islamic government seems
intractable. Aggressive support for reformer efforts may be unwise at this
time. The US must make a concerted effort with its European and regional
allies to pressure Iran's regime to cease its nuclear ambitions.
5. How should the US deal with the North Korea nuclear threat?

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 Seattle or Pyongyang? At some point soon, President Bush must decide which
city he values more. The N. Korea nuclear threat is for real, and even tough
negotiations with the US, China, Japan, and South Korea won't deter Kim Jong
Il. The unpleasant, but only, option the US has is to prepare to launch a
preemptive strike against select N. Korean targets.
The nature of the North Korea crisis makes the Bush doctrine inoperative. The
region is such a tinderbox that military action taken against N. Korea could
lead to a full-blown conflagration. However, China, Japan, and South Korea -
working together - can apply enough pressure on Kim Jong Il to contain the
nuclear threat he poses. For now, the US must rely on multilateral talks while
it repositions US forces in the peninsula to make them less vulnerable.
The US has a moral obligation to battle both the starvation of North Korea's
people and deter Kim Jong Il's nuclear threats. There's no easy solution, but
the US can make progress with a carrot-and-stick approach of foreign aid and
tough diplomacy. The US must work with the UN to keep Pyongyang in check.
US policy in the Korean peninsula is outdated. Why should US troops be
sitting ducks for Kim Jong Il's million-man army and nuclear threats? After 50
years, it's time South Korea protected itself. There's no point in "talking" with
N. Korea, and all-out war is unthinkable. The US must move its troops out of
the demilitarized zone.
6. The war against Saddam Hussein's regime was...
Not America's finest hour of diplomacy, but a necessary and righteous action.
A political and intelligence farce, a diplomatic disaster, a human tragedy, and
now, a growing quagmire.
Another example of America's costly imperial aims.
Long overdue. Bringing democracy to Iraq is the first great step in
democratizing the Middle East.
7. What do you think of America's superpower status?
Unrivaled US power is crucial to America's defense. But using power to
"Americanize" the world, act as policeman in the far corners of the globe, or
to leverage trade agreements is sheer imperialism.
US superpower status was key to warding off Soviet aggression during the
cold war. Today, however, that power is increasingly a liability. 9/11 was a
vicious blowback to the US bullying around the world, especially its trampling
on the Middle East.
American power was vital to the victory of freedom over totalitarianism. In
the post-cold war world, American power is equally necessary to preserve
peace, foster freedom, and expand global trade. To be effective, this power
must be used selectively, with clear, pragmatic aims, and carry the weight of
allied consensus.
American power can spread peace and democracy across the globe. The
world can't put its faith in the United Nations to thwart terrorists and tyrants.
Diplomatic history shows that all regimes recognize power. Only unrivaled US
power, and the demonstrated willingness to use it, can create the conditions
that allow peace and prosperity to flourish.
8. How should the US approach alliances with foreign powers?
When the US leads, the world follows. The world is too full of danger for the

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 US to take its foreign policy cues from the UN Security Council, or even the
consensus of European allies. American security and interests must not be
compromised to mollycoddle US allies unwilling or unable to face up to evil
threats.
To preserve this country's sacred sovereignty, Americans must heed
President George Washington's warning against "entangling alliances."
Washington knew then, and we must understand now, that ceding control to
foreign nations, let alone a world bureaucracy like the UN, chips away at the
essence of the American Republic.
The US needs its allies now more than ever. The UN may not be perfect, but it
remains humanity's best hope of creating world peace. America's unilateral
actions are hurting vital relationships with traditional allies in Europe, Asia,
and across the globe.
The US must march to the beat of its own drum, but its power is sapped when
it marches alone. Healthy multilateral relations are vital to effective US
diplomacy. America may not always agree with UN policy or even its best
allies, but it can't afford to act alone.
9. How can the US win the war on terrorism?
American hypocrisy and hubris led to the Sept. 11 attacks. To answer the
question "Why do they hate us?" Americans must question the "might makes
right" approach of US foreign policy. To win the war against terrorism, US
leaders must remove the conditions that breed anti-American hatred.
Terrorists can't be negotiated with. They must be killed or captured. "They
hate us" because they - Muslim extremists - hate freedom. In the post-9/11
world, the US cannot wait for "imminent" threats. It must aggressively - even
preemptively and unilaterally, if necessary - wipe out terrorist networks and
the governments that support them. At the same time, the US can work to
emasculate terrorism by aggressively promoting the cause of freedom and
democracy around the world.
As 9/11 so viciously illustrates, terrorism knows no boundaries. To win the war
against terrorism, the US must lead a truly global effort to root out terror
networks and compel broad-based reform for regimes that harbor terrorists.
The US should not apologize for spreading American values around the globe,
but its imperial behavior helped inspire the terrible Sept. 11 attacks. The US
must relentlessly prosecute terrorists and work to undercut regimes that
support them, but to prevent another Sept. 11, the US must stay truer to its
founding as a republic by protecting the American people and staying out of
other nations' business.
10. Does the US have the right balance between foreign and domestic
priorities?
President George W. Bush rightly made the nation's security his No. 1 priority
after 9/11. The growing deficit is unfortunate, but increased spending is
certainly justified. The US didn't start the war on terrorism, but it will finish it,
even if that moves some domestic concerns to the back burner.
The US is spending billions per month to help Iraqis, but millions of US
workers can't find jobs. Managing a global empire is unconscionably costly.
The billions spent on homeland security and far-flung bombing campaigns
haven't made the US any safer. With the money it wastes killing civilians

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 abroad and chipping away at civil liberties at home, the US government could
provide health insurance to all Americans.
If the cold war was World War III, 9/11 began the opening shots of World War
IV. This is no time to "go wobbly" by whining about the federal budget deficit.
Compared with the sacrifices Americans made in WWII, there is little to
complain about. The cost to win the war on terrorism may be quite high, but
the US truly cannot afford to lose this fight.
Quiz results

[ Results are not scientific. ]

Neocon quiz results
Based on your answers, you are most likely a neoconservative. Read below to
learn more about each foreign policy perspective.
Isolationist
The term isolationist is most often used negatively; few people who share its
beliefs use it to describe their own foreign policy perspective. They believe in
"America first." For them, national sovereignty trumps international relations.
Many unions, libertarians, and anti-globalization protesters share isolationist
tenets.
Isolationists…
• Are wary of US involvement in the United Nations
• Oppose international law, alliances, and agreements
• Believe the US should not act as a global cop
• Support trade practices that protect American workers
• Oppose liberal immigration
• Oppose American imperialism
• Desire to preserve what they see as America's national identity and
character
Historical isolationist: President Calvin Coolidge
Modern isolationist: Author/Commentator Pat Buchanan
Liberal
Liberals…
• Are wary of American arrogance and hypocrisy
• Trace much of today's anti-American hatred to previous US foreign policies.
• Believe political solutions are inherently superior to military solutions
• Believe the US is morally bound to intervene in humanitarian crises
• Oppose American imperialism
• Support international law, alliances, and agreements
• Encourage US participation in the UN
• Believe US economic policies must help lift up the world's poor
Historical liberal: President Woodrow Wilson
Modern liberal: President Jimmy Carter
Realist
Realists…
• Are guided more by practical considerations than ideological vision
• Believe US power is crucial to successful diplomacy - and vice versa
• Don't want US policy options unduly limited by world opinion or ethical
considerations

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 • Believe strong alliances are important to US interests
• Weigh the political costs of foreign action
• Believe foreign intervention must be dictated by compelling national
interest
Historical realist: President Dwight D. Eisenhower
Modern realist: Secretary of State Colin Powell
Neoconservative
Neoconservatives…
• Want the US to be the world's unchallenged superpower
• Share unwavering support for Israel
• Support American unilateral action
• Support preemptive strikes to remove perceived threats to US security
• Promote the development of an American empire
• Equate American power with the potential for world peace
• Seek to democratize the Arab world
• Push regime change in states deemed threats to the US or its allies
Historical neoconservative: President Teddy Roosevelt
Modern neoconservative: President Ronald Reagan

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