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THE
OF
H ATE :
www.takeonhate.org
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.
Introduction
II.
III.
11
13
15
Conclusion
17
IV.
Audre Lourde
PART I | INTRODUCTION
___________________________________
Discrimination toward Arab Americans is still rising. Nearly fourteen years
after the September 11th terrorist attacks, which ushered in a rising tide of anti-Arab
and anti-Muslim animus, state-sponsored and society bigotry toward Arab
Americans is reaching even higher proportions. Although Arabs have been part of
the American milieu since the mid-nineteenth Century, state policy and embedded
stereotypes have jointly perpetuated an understanding of Arabs as un-American,
inassimilable, and justifiable targets of violence.
Anti-Arab sentiment and stereotypes that drive modern hate are anything but
novel. In fact, centuries old misrepresentations of Arab culture and identity seed the
discrimination and violence rising today.1 The old tropes that caricature Arabs as
violent and savage, primitive and foreign, permeate popular film and news
media,2 were endorsed by longstanding immigration laws,3 and re-deployed with
prevailing domestic and foreign policy.4 Indeed, anti-Arab animus and violence is
hardly a new phenomenon. But rather, a still live, dynamic and exacerbating phobia
that is deeply connected with long-entrenched tropes and stereotypes, and actively
bolstered through modern law and policy.
Recent tragedies highlight the surge in anti-Arab hate. The attack on the
Islamic School of Rhode Island,5 the targeted arson of a mosque in Houston,6 and
most notably, the execution of three Arab American students in Chapel Hill,7 point
to an alarming growth in anti-Arab bigotry and violence. These incidents also point
to the conflation of Arab with Muslim identity blending anti-Arab bigotry with
Islamophobia8 making anyone and everyone associated with either classification
vulnerable to discrimination and violence.
In fact, during a one-week span in mid-February, there were seven separate
violent incidents targeting Arab and/or Muslim victims in North America.
Indicating that hate crimes, or (racially or religiously motivated) violent acts,
targeting Arabs and/or Muslims are not aberrational. But rather, symptomatic of
entrenched and still rising anti-Arab psychosis and Islamophobia.9
Grassroots and organizational vigilance against anti-Arab bigotry developed
after 9/11 to counter the spike in state-sponsored discrimination and societal
animus. 10
But more
evidenced through recent and past tragedies, has many faces. This paper aims to
provide a snapshot of the most prominent ways anti-Arab discrimination and
violence is experienced in America; and second, launch a series of subsequent
papers that examine these divergent forms of hate, discrimination and violence
more closely.
Susan M. Akram & Kevin R. Johnson, Race, Civil Rights, and Immigration Law After
September 11, 2001: The Targeting of Arabs and Muslims, NYU ANNUAL SURVEY OF AMERICAN
LAW (2002), available at
http://scholar.valpo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1150&context=law_fac_pubs.
11 Nancy Leong, The Rights Cast: The Legal Construction of Arab-American Identity
(interview with Khaled A. Beydoun), February 19, 2015, available at
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3T0Sj9kD7A4#t=486.
12 Randa A. Kayyali, THE ARAB AMERICANS 49 (2006).
10
immigration laws spurred the entry of Arabs immigrants from throughout the
region, and facilitated the entry of more Arab Muslim newcomers.
A shifting racial and political construction, the emergence of Pan-Arabism in
the mid-twentieth Century shaped the contemporary contours of both Arab and
Arab American identity.13 Pan-Arabism was a political ideology formed in Syria
during the early 1930s, while the Ottoman province was under French rule. PanArabism framed a new brand of Arab identity along linguistic, cultural, political,
and economic lines. Today, Pan-Arabism still ranks as a salient baseline of Arab
American identity, in addition to shared language, culture, history, and perhaps
most critically, a kindred experience within America.
The U.S. Census places the population of Arab Americans today at 3,665,789
a figure believed to be much smaller than the actual number of citizens of Arab
heritage living in the U.S. today. 14 Although stereotypically understood to be a
Muslim-majority community, 63% of Arab Americans today identify as Christians.15
In fact, since the first immigrant waves from the region came to the U.S. in the midnineteenth century, Christians have always been a considerable majority of the Arab
American population.
Arab Muslims, on the other hand, began to migrate to the U.S. in large
numbers after 1965, and perpetually held the position of minority of the Arab
American population.
13
HASAN KAYALI, ARABS AND YOUNG TURKS: OTTOMANISM, ARABISM, AND ISLAMISM
including Iraq, Egypt and Morocco, is further diversifying the religious, phenotypic,
and cultural makeup of Arab American.
homogenous population, but a richly diverse and eclectic tapestry tied by culture,
language, and history.
The broadening diversity of Arab America along a range of existential lines
is, in turn, broadening the types of hate targeting the population. The following
section addresses prominent forms of discrimination endured by Arab Americans,
which provides a foundation not an exhaustive typology for better
understanding, and subsequently shaping, more responsive and comprehensive
advocacy strategies for addressing hate.
Nadia Tonova and Khaled A. Beydoun, Why Muslim Lives Dont Matter, ALJAZEERA ENGLISH, February 12, 2015, available at
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2015/02/muslim-lives-don-matter150212052018920.html.
16
Houston, Texas mosque, the Islamic Academy of Rhode Island, and a Dearborn,
Michigan father illustrate that the Chapel Hill executions were by no means an
isolated incident.17 But rather, another tragedy stemming from a rising underbelly
of anti-Arab bigotry and Islamophobia. Anti-Arab bigotry and Islamophobia must
be understood as a system that permeates every sphere of society and hall of power.
____________________________
Considerable segments of the aggregate Arab American population are either
poor or working class. One study held that 17% of Arab Americans were at or
below the poverty line 5% more than the number of the total population.18 The
numbers for recent immigrants are higher including the Iraqi American
community, which stands at 25% at or below the poverty line.
Furthermore,
In
addition to hosting sizeable indigent and working class communities, these cities are
Niraj Warikoo, Dearborn Woman: I Saw Muslim Man Attacked at Kroger, DETROIT
FREE PRESS, Feburary 13, 2015, available at
http://www.freep.com/story/news/local/michigan/wayne/2015/02/13/dearbornmuslim-attack/23388379/.
18 Angela Brittinham and G. Patricia de la Cruz, We the People of Arab Ancestry in the
United States, U.S. CENSUS BUREAU (2005).
17
that
provide cultural
comfort,
community,
and
readily
available
employment.
Indigent and working-class Arab Americans must also face the principal
challenges confronted by other communities within their socioeconomic strata.
Adequate housing, for instance, becomes less accessible when discriminatory
landlords refuse to rent property to Arab Americans.
discrimination also extends into the workspace, where employers may refuse hiring
a skilled or competent Arab American on account of race or ethnicity. The inability
to procure adequate housing, or employment, perpetuates the cycle of poverty for
indigent Arab Americans making discrimination endured along these intersecting
tracks acutely debilitating.
Indigent and working class Arab Americans also face an under-examined
form of employment discrimination. During the post-9/11 period, scholars and
practitioners have focused on employment discrimination suffered by professional
and educated, middle class and affluent Arab and Muslim Americans.19 However,
scarce attention was dedicated to the plight of indigent and working class Arab
Americans.
Particularly
discrimination faced by
medium-wage
workers,
undocumented Arab residents, Arab American men and women with felonies, and
blue-collar workers.
Sahar F. Aziz, Sticks and Stones, The Words That Hurt: Entrenched Stereotypes Eight
Years After 9/11, NEW YORK CITY LAW REVIEW (2009) available at
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1648306.
19
The alignment of
robust federal and local policing programming descending on Arab and Muslim
American communities, like Dearborn, Michigan or Brooklyn, New York, endanger
poor and working-class Arab Americans to enhanced threat. 22 And in many
instances, collateral and collective guilt.23
Arab Americans are stereotyped as a socioeconomically, similarly situated
population. This further obfuscates the distinct experiences of poor and workingclass Arab American communities, which are underserved by advocacy
organizations, and under-examined by scholars and practitioners. As a result, the
distinct forms of discrimination they experience are also neglected and an area of
primary concern for the Campaign to Take On Hate.
A February 2015 summit convened by the White House addressed counterextremism, popularly referred to as CVE, or countering violent extremism; White House
Press Release, February 18, 2015, available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-pressoffice/2015/02/18/remarks-president-closing-summit-countering-violent-extremism.
21 The SAR Program falls under the auspices of the Department of Homeland
Security (http://www.dhs.gov/see-something-say-something).
22 Dearborn, MI and New York City have the most people on the federal terrorism
watch-list Khaled A. Beydoun, US Top Terror Cities: Old Practice, New Discourse, ALJAZEERA ENGLISH, August 18, 2014, available at
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/08/us-top-terror-cities-old-practi201481875322766485.html.
23 Unlike middle-class or affluent Arab Americans, poor and working class Arab
Americans generally cannot access adequate legal counsel.
20
____________________________
Arab America is a fluid and dynamic community. While the first generation
of Arab American immigrants generally hailed from the Levant, new communities
are being pushed and pulled to the U.S. from various sections of the Arab World. In
addition to diversifying, Arab America is also a rapidly growing segment of the
broader American milieu. According to an Arab American Institute Foundation study,
The population who identified as having Arabic-speaking ancestry in the U.S.
Census Bureau grew by more than 72% between 2000 and 2010.24
Fluid and rising immigration from the Arab World is the primary catalyst of
the growing Arab American population. According to the 2010 U.S. Census, the
largest numbers of new Arab immigrants hail from Iraq, Egypt, and Lebanon. 25
However, sizeable Diasporas also come from Morocco, Sudan, Somalia, Syria, and
other nations stricken by war. As a result, an Arab American population once
dominated by an overwhelming Levantine presence is rapidly shifting into a far
more eclectic and representative sampling of the entire Arab World.
Arab identity is frequently linked to foreignness, outsider, and alien status.
This is true for longstanding residents and citizens. However, these tropes are
24
25
10
OxFam
America, combined with Somali American organizations, has highlighted the dire
impact remittances restrictions has on newcomers.26 But most direly, the impact
these prohibitions have on their families back home. This crisis vividly reveals an
issue acutely experienced by newcomers, which deserves greater awareness.
Indeed, as immigrants from the Arab World are continually pushed and
pulled from their native states, the forms of discrimination faced by this
demographic will continue to broaden and grow more acute. Immigration status is
also intimately tied with generational divisions, which differentiates how Arab
Americans identify politically, ethnically and existentially; which, in turn, effects
their experiences with discrimination.
Manuel Orozco and Julia Yansura, Keeping the Lifeline Open: Remittances and
Markets in Somalia, OXFAM AMERICA (2013), available at
http://www.oxfamamerica.org/static/media/files/somalia-remittance-report-web.pdf.
26
11
____________________________
Black and Arab identity, in America, are standalone racial constructions.
Thus, they are seldom if ever- integrated by law, policy, or even public discourse.
However, a segment of the Arab American population identify as both Black and
Arab. This is particularly true for individuals from North and Sub-Saharan African
states including Egypt, Sudan and Somalia,27 and also, communities in the Levant
and Gulf regions of the Arab World.28
Americans that identify as both Black and Arab are subject to both broad
societal racism, as well as intra-racism. With regard to the former, Arab and BlackAmericans face state-sponsored and societal forms of racism targeting both
dimensions of their identity. In addition, this demographic also faces acute antiBlack racism from within the broader Arab American community. In turn, exposing
this strand of the Arab American milieu to compounded racism that marginalizes
Take on Hates mother organization, the National Network for Arab American
Communities, includes several Somali-American organizations, including: the Somali
Family Service of San Diego (http://www.somalifamilyservice.org/); and the Somali Acton
Alliance Education Fund of Minnesota (http://saaef.org/).
28 Khaled A. Beydoun, Color Me Bad: An Indigenous and Pluralist Reclamation of ArabAmerican Identity (2008), available at http://works.bepress.com/khaled_beydoun/1/.
27
12
from within and without. The Muslim Anti-Racism Collective (Muslim ARC),29 an
organization allied with Take On Hate, has been a leading voice on issues linked to
intra-Muslim and Arab American racism.
It is crucial to note that the first Muslims in the U.S. were Black. Enslaved
African Muslims comprised 15% to 20% of the aggregate slave population the
Antebellum South. 30 Furthermore, nearly one-fourth of the Muslim American
population is Black, with a non-negligible segment of this population claiming both
Arab and Black identity.31 However, despite both presence and prominence within
both Arab and Muslim America, a recent killing of a Somali Canadian highlights the
marginalization of Black lives within, and without Arab American boundaries:
While #MuslimLivesMatter trended for Deah, Yusor and Razan, there were
sporadic tweets linked to [Mustafa] Mattan's story, and few questions as to why
Mattan's death received little attention. The Chapel Hill shootings have inspired a
broad, diverse and lurid chorus of support and solidarity; Mattan's name, however,
has been met with relative silence.32
13
of participants from the Arab and African American communities, setting a key
precedent for prospective bridge-building, candid communication, and for
Americans that identify as both Arab and Black, an invaluable space.
____________________________
Discrimination oftentimes overlaps with others forms of animus, and
therefore, intensifies the hate experienced by the target. This is especially true
today, as rising Islamophobia is reaching unparalleled and frightening degrees.
As discussed above, Arab and Muslim identity are pervasively conflated and
viewed synonymously. Although there are more Arab American Christians than
there are Muslims, embedded tropes assigned to Arab identity are identical to those
ascribed to Muslim identity.
14
In the post-9/11 era, Muslim [and Arab] women donning a headscarf in America
find themselves caught at the intersection of bias against Islam, the racialized
Muslim, and women. In contrast to their male counterparts, Muslim [and Arab]
women face unique forms of discrimination not adequately addressed by Muslim
civil rights advocacy organizations, women's rights organizations, or civil liberties
advocates.33
Arab American men who don beards, traditional attire, or visible markers
associated with Islamic piety are also targets of a combined brand of religious and
race-based hate. Expressions of religious observance and piety, in the U.S. today,
signal prima face evidence of radicalization of Muslim-Americans, according to
state actors.34 The nexus between Islamic identity and threat, both domestically and
internationally, drives the infliction of violence on Arab and/or Muslim-American
bodies.
Indeed, the gravity of this violence in America is alarming, leading Take On
Hate representatives Nadia El-Zein Tonova and Khaled A. Beydoun to comment:
Between media misrepresentation and neglect, and systematic state surveillance
and suppression of Muslims, the facts in the US lead to the undeniable conclusion
that Muslim lives don't matter.35 Without question, the conflation of Arab with
Muslim identity makes both strands of discrimination nearly identical, particularly
with regard to motive.
The alarming spike in Islamophobia, therefore, will concomitantly ignite antiArab bigotry. Consequently, making this brand of hate, and its ancillary forms, a
leading concern for Take On Hate programming, interventions, and advocacy. Take
Sahar F. Aziz, From the Oppressed to the Terrorist: Muslim American Women in the
Crosshairs of Intersectionality, HASTINGS RACE & POVERTY LAW JOURNAL (2012), available at
file:///Users/KhaledBey/Downloads/SSRN-id1981777.pdf.
34 Amna Akbar, Policing Radicalization, UC IRVINE LAW REVIEW (2013), available at
http://www.law.uci.edu/lawreview/vol3/no4/Akbar.pdf.
35 Nadia El-Zein Tonova and Khaled A. Beydoun, Why Muslim Lives Dont Matter,
AL-JAZEERA ENGLISH, February 12, 2015, available at
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2015/02/muslim-lives-don-matter150212052018920.html.
33
15
On Hate works with leading religious organizations, a coalitional strategy vital for
combating Islamophobia and anti-Arab animus.
____________________________
Arab American women face intersecting discrimination along racial and
gender lines. Indeed, stereotypes attached to Arab American women spur distinct
forms of gender-based discrimination and violence. Which, in turn, makes Arab
American women vulnerable to forms of discrimination exclusively set aside for this
demographic.
An
intersectional
analysis,
which
closely
considers
how
racial
16
patriarchy and sexism within the broader context of anti-Arab bigotry and
Islamophobia is a critical first step toward framing responsive advocacy and
organizing strategies.
In addition to addressing the distinct forms of Arab American female
victimhood, Take On Hate also keys on empowerment strategies. Empowerment of
young Arab American women, single mothers, indigent women, and other
marginalized strands of the Arab American female population, is an essential means
toward preventing and redressing victimhood. Take On Hates public awareness and
education efforts will center on empowering Arab American girls and women, and
additionally, advocacy efforts that bring the distinct forms of hate experienced by
Arab American women to the fore.
Mark Sherman, Supreme Court Justices Appear to Favor Muslim Woman Denied Job at
Abercrombie and Fitch, HUFFINGTON POST, February 25, 2015, available at
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/02/25/supreme-court-muslimabercrombie_n_6752938.html?ncid=fcbklnkushpmg00000051.
38 Angela Brittinham and G. Patricia de la Cruz, We the People of Arab Ancestry in the
United States, U.S. CENSUS BUREAU (2005).
37
17
PART IV | CONCLUSION
"Progress lies not in enhancing what is
But in advancing toward what will be."
- Khalil Gibran
___________________________________
Anti-Arab sentiment in America is a centuries old phenomenon. It emanates
from a system of misrepresentation and misunderstanding that predates the creation
of the U.S. Commencing before racially restrictive immigration laws, and stretching
to the state-sponsored and societal forms of hate prevailing today discrimination
toward Arab Americans is not only embedded, but also, fluidly developing and
mutating. Today in America, anti-Arab bigotry and its ancillary forms of animus
is rising.
Anti-Arab hate, which overlaps with Islamophobia, manifests itself in a range
of forms. Therefore, it is also experienced in a range of ways as highlighted in this
paper. Furthermore, it is essential to understand that anti-Arab bigotry enforced by
government agencies is not wholly separate from the hate carried forth by civil
society actors and private actors. There is a symbiotic relationship between the
public and private spheres that legitimizes foundational stereotypes, which then fuel
nefarious policies that endorse and embolden on-the-ground violence.
This rage shared by law evidences that anti-Arab bigotry is neither
monolithic nor static.39 But rather, a complex system that inflicts Arabs and Arab
Americans in a myriad of hateful ways. Developing an understanding of the range
of faces, and intimate spaces, harmed by anti-Arab bigotry will enhance organizing
Muneer I. Ahmed, A Rage Shared By Law: Post-September 11 Racial Violence as Crimes
of Passion, CALIFORNIA LAW REVIEW (2004), available at
http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1321&context=californial
awreview.
39
18
This is
particularly true amid a landscape that formally considers Arab Americans as white
by law, but other by practice.
Many Faces of Hate: The Distinct Forms of Anti-Arab Bigotry and Violence
www.takeonhate.org
Hisham Aidi, Middle Eastern Americans Push For Census Change, AL-AJAZEERA
AMERICA, February 2, 2015, available at
http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/2/middle-eastern-americans-push-censuschange.html.
40
19
20