Navigating

Navigating culture:
Trade and transformation in the island state

The permanent exhibition on Indonesia
Sudha Rajagopalan
Contents
Introduction
- Dynamic trading ports
- Artefacts on display
- The layout of the exhibition
I. Kingdoms in Indonesian history
- Indian influences
- Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms
- Islam
- Court cultures
- Bali
II. Barkcloth and Textiles: Potent symbols
- Barkcloth
- Textiles
- The weaving traditions of ikat and batik
- Lampung ship cloth
- Batak ceremonial cloths
- Nusa Tenggara's distinctive styles
- Sumatran brocades
- Gujarat patola
III. Cultural diversity
- Batak: the priest and his paraphernalia
- Nias: in honour of our ancestors
- Enggano: the slain enemy
- Sulawesi: craftsmanship
- Kalimantan: warding off evil spirits
- Nusa Tenggara: collecting traditions
- Maluku Tenggara: pronounced male-female symbolism
Literature
Colophon
Author
Sudha Rajagopalan, 2002
Supervision
Pieter ter Keurs
Editing
Paul L.F. van Dongen & Marlies Jansen
Photo's museumobjects
Ben Grishaaver / Mark Noozeman
Photo's inside the museum Reinout van den Bergh / Peter Hilz
Photo's in Indonesia
Mark De Fraeye
Museum website
The Curator for Indonesia
www.rmv.nl
Pieter J. ter Keurs (e-mail: terkeurs@rmv.nl)
NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
THE PERMANENT EXHIBITION ON INDONESIA
Digital publications of the National Museum of Ethnology
Navigating culture: Trade and transformation in the island state

The permanent exhibition on Indonesia
The permanent exhibition on Indonesia highlights trade, and contact with cultures beyond the local, as
an agent of transformation in the cultures of Indonesia. This exhibit seeks to show the fluidity of these
cultures: they are neither timeless nor ahistorical. Nor are they isolated.
Introduction
The story of Indonesias maritime history is one of trade within and beyond Indonesia. Indonesias
exports to mainland Asia, Persia and Europe have ranged from Moluccan spices to Sumatran gold
and have also included cotton, iron and rattan. Indonesias material cultures show the influences of
Indian religions, textile traditions and scripts. They bear witness to the import of Chinese ceramics and
lacquer ware techniques, the use of Indian motifs, and occasionally Chinese and Persian motifs in art.
Dynamic trading ports

The scattered trading ports of the Indonesian islands have been independent and dynamic
participants in Indonesias maritime history. The courts of Borneo were exporting dammar resin,
hornbill ivory, camphor to China, India and the Middle East by the eleventh century AD. The Buginese
kingdoms in Southern Sulawesi traded with Java, which relied on the formers iron resources for its
krisses. The North Moluccan ports are renowned for their centuries old, legendary clove and nutmeg
trade with other Indonesian islands and far-flung corners of the world. Trade between East Indonesia
and New Guinea thrived as is manifested in the textile and healing traditions of these cultures.
Artefacts on display
The artefacts on display in the museum are rich in symbolic meaning, and function as testimony to
Indonesias active trading history long before the Europeans began to explore and colonize it. The
waterways and the sea are important symbols in their art. Several pieces reveal influences from
external cultural sources, which were indigenised or given new symbolic meaning or/and new form.
The layout of the exhibition

The exhibition has three sections.
It opens with a display about the kingdoms in Indonesian history and the material culture peculiar to
their legacies in Java and Bali.
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
The second concerns the role and symbolism of barkcloth and textiles in Indonesian societies.
RMV 614-81
The last section is a comprehensive display of the diverse material cultures of the provinces of
Sumatra, Nias, Enggano, Sulawesi, Kalimantan, the Lesser Sunda Islands and the Moluccas, touching
upon both the rich symbolic vocabulary of these cultures and their contact with other societies within
and beyond Indonesia.
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
I. Kingdoms in Indonesian history

Early signs of cultural contact in this region
Cultural exchanges in the region date back to prehistoric Indonesia. It was a Dutch doctor, Eugene
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Dubois , who discovered the remains of Homo erectus - the crown of a skull and bones dating
approximately 800,000 years back. Subsequently several similar discoveries of remains dating back
500,000 years were all testimony to remarkably early signs of life on the archipelago.
Eugne Dubois
Scull of the Java Man
Early signs of trade date back to 500 BC, and a living testament to this are the Dongson drums. They
are referred to as Dongson drums due to the similarities between their decorative motifs and the
motifs depicted on objects found in Dongson, a village in what is now Vietnam. Many such exemplars
have been found in Indonesia and traders probably brought them here from the mainland.
RMV 1403-2885
The Dongson drums found on the archipelago were mainly status symbols and it is unclear whether
they also performed a musical function. Interestingly, stylistically similar but smaller drums were later
made in Nusa Tenggara for use in wedding rituals. The symbols of boats that appear on the side of
the drums testify to the importance of water to these cultures on the ocean. The Dongson culture also
produced bronze axes, exemplars of which have been found over the entire archipelago. Once again,
the role of traders was crucial in disseminating these objects or commodities in the islands. The less
than sturdy nature of the blades of some of these axes points to their ceremonial function rather than
their practicality in Dongson culture.
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
Indian influences
The sixth century AD witnessed the advent of influences from India: the religions of Hinduism and
Buddhism. Indian traders were frequently bearers of Indias cultural exports. Additionally, Indonesian
traders travelled to India and elected to import the religions and practices to provide political
leadership back home with religious legitimacy. Universities in India were very renowned and
travellers from Indonesia travelled the length and breadth of India and selectively borrowed from
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Indias diverse and vast cultural landscape. The use of Sanskrit and the use of the Pallava script
from South India, art, architecture, sculpture, oral traditions and dance all show contact with India. But
cultural borrowings from India were not blindly superimposed on Indonesian society. They were
modified and given local attributes and characteristics, and indigenised. The period of Indian
influences in Indonesia is known as the classical period, or the Indo-Javanese period after the main
island where the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms would hold sway for another 1000 years.
Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms
The Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms on Java were thriving kingdoms until the sixteenth century, and their
legacies extend to architecture and other aspects of material culture.
The earliest Buddhist kingdom in Indonesia, Srivijaya, was in South Sumatra. In the eighth century
the political centre shifted to Central Java where a Hindu kingdom took root, followed by the Buddhist
kingdom of the Sailendra dynasties. These kingdoms oversaw the building of the Borobudur temple
and its representations of the life of the Buddha and the significant episodes in this journey.
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Superb sculptures of the Buddha, including a head of the Buddha from the Candi Plaosan , are on
display in this initial part of the exhibition.
RMV 1956-1
The Sanjaya dynasty took control in the ninth century and is responsible for building the temple
complex at Prambanan, not very far from Borobudur. The Mataram rulers were the next to acquire the
control of Central Java but they were not to prosper for long. A volcanic eruption may have caused
people to flee Central java for East Java, from then on the political centre of the Javanese kingdom.
The foundation of the Singasari state in the thirteenth century and its cultural expressions are to be
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seen in the display of the finest pieces of sculpture from this period. Except for the Batara Guru ,
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most of the Hindu statues of the Candi Singasari are in the exhibit.
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RMV 1403-1622
The last great Hindu-Buddhist kingdom of Majapahit took shape in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries. It was the most powerful in the history of Indonesia, ruling as it did over a substantial part of
what is now Indonesia. The extent of trade under the Majapahits was unprecedented, and coastal
towns boasted of diverse communities. These were Chinese traders and craftsmen, Islamic and Hindu
populations, all enjoying the benefits of this trade and economic growth. The material legacies of this
kingdom bear witness to both Hindu and Buddhist forms of art and architecture. The Majapahit
kingdom began to crumble with the expansion of Malacca as a trading centre. Islamic and Chinese
merchants were formidable competitors. Only on Bali has Hindu-Buddhism survived and continued to
thrive until the present.
Islam
Islamic states took root in coastal area's in Indonesia. On Java it led to the emergence of the
kingdoms of Suryakarta and Yogyakarta. Here arts such as the wayang and batik were given a fillip.
The same period saw the arrival of the first Europeans on these islands.
Court cultures
The wayang and krisses of Java have been considered quintessential elements of Javanese culture,
but they are also to be found in some other parts of Indonesia. Earlier these cultural elements were
considered to be purely products of cultural contact with India. To understand them, it was believed,
one had to engage in an in-depth study of Indian material culture.
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W.H. Rassers , former director of the RMV, was the first to counter these arguments with the theory
that any cultural borrowings from India were adapted to fit old Javanese cultural forms. Thus, both the
wayang and the krisses while products of cultural contact were made indigenous Javanese cultural
elements. The issue of origin is no longer considered important but it is in accordance with the concept
of our exhibit to emphasize the nature of cultural contact and the manner in which societies assimilate
foreign influences and make them their own.
Wayang
There are several kinds of wayang theatre, each having a different narrative structure and content.
The two on display here are the wayang kulit and wayang golek. Wayang kulit uses the flat leather
puppets and wayang golek three-dimensional figures. The underlying principle of wayang theatre is
the struggle between good and evil, and each act begins and ends in a cosmic balance. Many wayang
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narratives are based on the Hindu epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata , a part of the larger impact
of trade on the islands. But the epics were not just superimposed on Indonesian audiences. They were
adapted to local theatrical forms and their heroes acquired characteristics of local folk heroes.
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
RMV 264-76 and 264-248

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Despite the Indic origins of the stories, the ultimate assembly of gamelan , poetry, song and
puppeteers narrative is essentially Javanese or Balinese. The key figure in the wayang, the kayon, is
also on display in the exhibit. It represents cosmic balance at the beginning of the narrative and the
ideal to which the wayang narrative must return at the end.
Additionally, the content of the narrative has also shown dynamism with contemporary wayang theatre
engaging in political commentary on current affairs. It has acquired contemporary functions and
imparts modern day messages. It was an effective means of mobilization among the Indonesians in
the freedom struggle between 1945 and 1949, when Dutch politicians were represented as wayang
characters. The social and political effectiveness of an oral narrative lies in its recognizable form.
Thus, when the message is new it has often proved most effective to transmit it in a form (the wayang
setting) that is immediately recognizable and comprehensible to audiences.
Krisses
The kris exemplars are on display here for their aesthetic quality and their symbolic role in Javanese
society. These are some of the finest pieces of the courts of Indonesia where they symbolized royal
power and were a part of the royal exchanges of gifts. The kris, a double-edged dagger with a wooden
or ivory hilt, is believed to possess magical powers. These legendary powers are said to be capable of
both perpetrating good and unleashing evil. It has been co-opted as an Indonesian national weapon,
but in reality its origin is distinctly Javanese. It can be found on some other islands with court cultures
Bali and Sulawesi - but it is not shared by all the cultures of Indonesia.
The kris and the wayang are often seen as a coherent whole, and as quintessentially Javanese.
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
An essential part of a persons pusaka, or heirlooms, the kris provides a direct link with ones
ancestors. The kris is valued for its ability to keep sickness at bay, to keep a household free of friction
and to remove obstacles from ones path. Additionally it is also considered to be a dangerous weapon
that has an inherent power to identify and destroy the enemy or perpetrators of evil. In contemporary
Indonesia, the symbol of the kris has been most handy in present-day campaigns about the dangers
of AIDS.
Nowadays, krisses are also produced for the fly-by-night tourist to take back home. These leave much
to be desired in quality and craftsmanship. For the tourist this is still a convenient manner in which to
take the essence of Indonesia back home!
Treasures
Treasures from the kingdoms on display in the exhibit include old gold jewellery from Java. We can
see several of these gold ornaments in the showcases. Some of them date back to the century Java.
The story of gold trade links the Indonesian archipelago with the Indian subcontinent, China,
Philippines and Vietnam. Javanese diplomats visited Chinese courts with offerings of gold. The gold
Java exported to China and India probably came from Sumatra, which was legendary for its gold
mines. Earlier, gold symbolised status and power and its use was restricted to the nobility. At present,
its use is more common.
RMV 4905-129
The Lombok brooch in all its brilliance tells a story one of the bloodiest battles of conquest that the
Dutch waged in Lombok-Bali. Not all cultural contact was pleasant or mutually beneficial or mutually
desired, of course. The Dutch waged a military campaign in order to capture this state. The
courageous puputan, or suicide attack of the resistors in Lombok resulted in the Dutch troops opening
fire and perpetrating a massacre of the resistors. When the Lombok court was captured, the Dutch
took off with the superb treasures of the court and eventually shipped them to the Netherlands. The
Dutch and the Indonesians in negotiations over cultural agreements in 1977, agreed upon the return of
a part of the Lombok treasures to Indonesia. The brooch on display was one of the treasures that the
Netherlands got to keep and is a testimony to colonial expansion at its most violent and ruthless.
Bali
The Hindu-Buddhist kingdom, which moved from Java, acquired a new lease of life on Bali. Until this
day, Hindu-Buddhist art and architecture draw large groups of tourists. The Hindu trinity of Shiva,
Vishnu and Brahma is worshipped in the temples of Bali and several times a day offerings are made
by worshippers to appease the gods. The gods and mythological heroes of Hindu India also find
material expression in Balinese sculpture. Demonic figures derived from Hindu mythology are carved
in stone and serve to keep evil at bay.
Colonialism led to the perpetuation of images of Bali as a paradisiacal island, in an attempt to
preserve Balinese culture. This stemmed from the deep guilt of Dutch liberals following the massacre
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SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
of Balinese kings in the conquest of the island in 1906-08. The only way to atone for their wrongdoings
seemed to be to make a special effort to promote an appreciation of the island a task in which they
were aided by earlier explorers works on the Balinese people and society. A romanticized view of Bali
would hopefully overshadow prevalent memories of the bloodbath to which the Dutch had subjected
the Balinese. This ideal image of Bali was lucratively exploited by the Dutch colonial administration
and Balinese artists for the tourist market of the first decades of the 20th century. This is true of
tourism on Bali even today. Wood sculptures on display demonstrate transformations in local aesthetic
traditions the impact of the tourist market.
RMV 4580-2 and 5152-1
The initial part of the exhibition, which concerns itself chiefly with the major kingdoms of Indonesia and
their heritages, ends here. The next section is a comprehensive display of textiles and barkcloth from
diverse parts of Indonesia.
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
II. Barkcloth and Textiles: Potent symbols

Barkcloth
By the end of the nineteenth century, the production and use of barkcloth clothing was in various
stages of decline on the different islands. During World War II, faced with a shortage of textiles, people
in Central Sulawesi took recourse to barkcloth clothing again. The women were responsible for
producing the barkcloth, i.e. peeling, cooking and pounding the tree bark. They also carried out the
dyeing and painting of the barkcloth for its use in the making of clothing.
Several styles have been identified in barkcloth clothing of Indonesia: mainly in Kalimantan, Sulawesi
and Seram.
Showcased in this section is the mans headdress, siga, worn in Sulawesi.
RMV 1926-219
In Sulawesi, the sun symbolism in motifs on ornamented barkcloth connected the wearer, usually a
warrior, with the upper-world.
RMV 3512-18
Womens jackets, lemba, show similar ornamentation and choice of motifs.

The loincloths, lawani of Seram also sport designs that reflect the status and prestige of the wearer
and are closely associated with his headhunting activities. The decorations are similar to those on the
siga.
In Kalimantan, vests made of barkcloth usually showed aso motifs that performed a protective
function. The aso is a dog-dragon motif, ubiquitous in Dayak art and architecture, and attributed with
powers of protection. Such vests were worn during headhunting raids. On Enggano, the use of
barkcloth for clothing declined in the early years of the century. The museum has three Engganese
jackets in its possession and the motifs on these suggest a similarity with ornamented barkcloth
clothing of the Toraja (in Sulawesi) and Seram.
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SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
Textiles
In Indonesia, textiles perform not merely a functional role but also a highly symbolic one. Textiles are a
significant feature of inheritances and sometimes a medium of exchange. Cloths feature as gifts
offered to the grooms family by the brides family Their association with the earth and fertility make
them indispensable to a brides trousseau. Textiles also form an integral part of all life-cycle rituals. In
general, they are seen as female goods when produced locally. When the textiles originate outside the
village, they are regarded as male goods.
Certain textiles are a testimony to the island's sea faring history, either by virtue of their motifs or by
virtue of the weaving tradition involved. Many times, the motifs are symbolic of the social position of
the wearer or the central place of ancestors in these societies. On display are old batik cloths from
Java and a large selection of ikat textiles from several parts of Indonesia. The third selection of textiles
attests to influences from outside Indonesia.
Main weaving traditions of ikat and batik

There are two main traditions of weaving in Indonesia one is the ikat and the other, batik. Ikat refers
to the process of dyeing the thread and the tying of the threads before weaving. In this technique, the
woven motifs do not have clearly defined boundaries. Batik is the process by which a cloth is treated
with wax, so that when dyed, parts of it remain uncoloured.
RMV 16-277 and 300-367
Several colours can be applied to a cloth in this manner. Batik is the most widespread technique used
on Java, while ikat predominates on the other islands. The batik textiles on display are a perfect
example of the use of textile and imagery in announcing the status or social position of the wearer.
Lampung ship cloth

On display are the Lampung ship cloths famous for their boat imagery. The boat imagery symbolizes a
persons transition from one stage of life to the other, but also the very central role of the waterways in
this islands history.
RMV 4268-5
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In a period of intense participation in the pepper trade, Lampung material culture bore signs of great
wealth. This prosperity was reflected in the textile traditions and the production of palepai and tampan
cloths. But these cloths have not been woven in a century and few exemplars can be found today. The
palepai and tampan cloths were both Lampung ship cloths the first meant for the aristocracy and the
second for all social classes. Both had their ceremonial uses in life-cycle rituals, where they were used
as wall hangings and gift-wrapping. While the most dominant motif is that of the ship, occasionally
both palepai and tampan cloths showed rows of human or deity figures. The tampan cloths sometimes
bore very intricate, abstract motifs. These ship cloths are impressive historical documents testifying to
the lucrative pepper trade in the islands history.
Batak ceremonial cloths

Batak ceremonial cloths are numerous. Ulos refers to the gifts given to the grooms family by that of
the bride, which could take the form of textiles or a plot of land. Ritual cloths among the Toba Batak
are classified according to their ceremonial uses. One of the different types of ritual cloths is the ulos
ragidup on display in the exhibit.
RMV 370-2565
It means pattern of life and the bride's father presents such a ritual cloth to the groom's mother.
Known as the raja or king of textiles, it could be worn only by men and women of a high status or
advanced age. Additionally it could be presented to a widow of stature, to be worn as a mourning
handkerchief. A paternal grandmother could also wear an ulos ragidup to announce the birth of a
female grandchild.
Nusa Tenggara
Weaving in Sumba is undertaken only in the East and West of the island, and both have recognizably
distinctive styles. As part of their ceremonial attire, men wore ikat mantles dyed with indigo and
morinda.
RMV 370-3767
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In East Sumba such cloths bore pictorial representations, and in the west more geometric designs.
The lau-hada were skirts adorned with beads, shells and embroidery and constituted important gifts in
wedding exchanges. The shells and beads were always imported adding to the value of these skirts.
Hence their traditional association with the nobility. As wedding gifts it was only natural that such skirts
should display symbols of fertility.
Roti lies between Savu and Timor and is one of the Nusa Tenggara islands. The exemplars of textiles
from Roti on display were collected in the 1860s. Currently, Roti has succumbed to demands of the
export market, and textiles now show simpler motifs and stronger colours than in these exemplars.
Sumatra
Also on display are the silkweft ikat textiles with gold threadwork from Palembang, once the trading
centre in the heart of the great Srivijaya kingdom of Sumatra. Clothing with gold was earlier restricted
to royalty. Its use now is much more widespread but it is still exclusively worn by the person with the
chief role in a ceremony, signifying its high value even today.
RMV 370-2871
The motifs of Palembang textiles are varied and indicate the status and identity of the wearer as well
as the occasion that it is meant for. Gold is used in abundance as embroidery on silk and velvet, as
weft on silk, as paint on batik textiles and as ornamentation along the borders of cloths.
Patola
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The import of Gujarat patola cloths and silks from India has been a feature of Indonesias trade with
the mainland for centuries. In several cultures of Indonesia, imported cloths acquired a special
ceremonial role and/or were associated with the nobility.
RMV 4032-10
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III. Cultural diversity

Indonesia knows tremendous differences between the various cultural groups that inhabit its islands.
There is a relative uniformity in the structure of these societies. Yet, the manifestation of that structure
in material terms varies from one cultural group to the other.
Often, the nomenclatures applied to these groups are much too broad and suggest a homogeneity
that does not exist. For instance, the terms Batak, Dayak and Toraja are applied to population groups
inhabiting Sumatra, Kalimantan and Sulawesi respectively. In reality, each of these groups is
characterized by immense diversity; each sub-group has a material culture and symbolic vocabulary
particular to it.
Batak: the priest and his paraphernalia

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The Batak population of Sumatra consists of six different groups , one of which is the Toba Batak
group. The items on display originated in the Toba Batak community.
In Batak funerary rites, rituals to ensure a successful harvest in the coming year and other ritual
occasions when contact is made with ancestors, the Batak priest or datu is the central figure.
Sometimes the chief of the Batak is himself the datu; if not, the datu is second in importance to the
chief. His position is hereditary and as part of his function as priest he also carves divining tools and
amulets. The priest used these objects to contact spirits of the dead, to heal the sick, to determine
auspicious days for travel, waging battle, and for ceremonies.
Among these ritual tools was the Batak magic staff of which the museum has a significant collection.
The staffs symbolized unity with the ancestors and they were considered to possess the power of the
ancestors. There are two kinds of staffs, the tunggal panaluan and the tunggal malehat. On display
are some of the finest staffs in the museum collection, collected between 1867 and 1963.
RMV 315-5 and 905-2
The priest also used pustaha, books made of the bark of the alim tree, in which Toba Batak sacred
knowledge was recorded. The pustaha and the inscribed bamboo containers were used to predict the
future and identify auspicious days for religious ceremonies and travel.
The priest's role has diminished in modern Batak society but the ritual objects continue to be works of
art with great aesthetic value.
Forging a bond with deceased ancestors being a significant feature of this culture, funerary rites
comprise several symbolic acts. At funerals, Batak people performed a masked dance to appease the
spirit of the deceased and to assure the deceased that the descendents would make the due offerings
to their ancestors in future ceremonies.
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Nias: in honour of our ancestors

Ancestral figures (adu) carved in wood are an integral element of Nias material culture and other
Indonesian cultures. They oversaw most life-cycle rituals and harvest rituals. In general adu were
considered to protect the descendants and their families who in turn provided these ancestral figures
with offerings to please them.
RMV 718-41
The adu offered protection against illness, evil spirits or enemies. There are three distinctive regional
styles in the arts of Nias emanating from North, Central and South Nias. Some adu were shown in a
sitting position with hands cupped for offerings, commonly found in North Nias. Some ancestral figures
had no arms and others wear forked headdresses.
When figures represented ancestors of social stature and wealth, accessories such as headdresses,
jewellery, and other material possessions such as weapons were also carved. Their possession
indicated the high rank of the ancestor. The carving of an ancestor figure with a western rifle in his
hands is an obvious example of the appropriation into local traditions of influences resulting from
contact with outsiders.
Enggano: the slain enemy

Off the coast of West Sumatra lies Enggano, an island whose population was almost entirely
decimated in the second half of the century. This means that all artefacts from this region on display in
this exhibit can be truly said to represent a culture that is lost to us.
In Enggano, the slaying of an enemy augmented male prestige and female fertility. The material
representation of slain enemies was thus crucial for the well being and prosperity of a society.
RMV 712-1
Headdresses with the figure of the slain enemy were worn by women during the harvest ritual. This
ritual celebrated abundance the abundance of natures produce, of bait from the seas, and of
hunters prey. The womens headdresses with their symbolic representation of the beheaded enemy,
gave expression to the successful exploits of the male hunters. Metal, a commodity imported from
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outside and therefore considered male, was used for the headdress. By harnessing the male world of
hunting and warfare (and metals) to the female, the ritual probably sought to confirm the reproductive
powers inherent in the community and its environment, and ensure the perpetuation of both. Ritual
knives also bore the figure of the slain enemy and continue to be valued for their protective function.
The Engganese depicted the human head and bird figure on boat helms. The bird figure when at the
helm of a boat probably also signified the hunt of prey, either animal or human.
The Engganese came into regular contact with the world beyond their community. Buginese traders,
important players in the maritime history of the archipelago, carried beads to Enggano. Locally, the
value of these imported beads appreciated (not unlike imported textiles in other parts of Indonesia).
They were sewn into elaborate ornamental pieces and worn exclusively during ritual ceremonies.
RMV 40-36
The pandanus leaf was used for thatching roofs and for basketry and other plait work. in the exhibit,
we see its use in a mans headdress worn while mourning the death of a close relative.
Sulawesi: craftsmanship
The original inhabitants of Sulawesi belong to several different groups, most of whom have lived
isolated from each other due to the inaccessibility of the highlands. The Buginese are an exception.
They are the main players in Indonesias ancient intra-island trade and continue to play a role in the
same. Their ships can be found all over the archipelago and beyond.
The Sadan Toraja live at the foothills of the mountains. Mainly members of the noble families
occupied the traditional Toraja house, the tongkonan. A tongkonan was built by a founding ancestor
to whom the occupying family traced their roots. The names of tongkonans signified the heritage,
which the owners claimed as their own; thus, the Toraja house was closely identified with family
identity. The decorations on the faade of the house, such as carved wood ornamentation, were an
indication of the status of the occupants. Motifs symbolized the general prosperity of the owners.
The rice barn of a house was a status symbol; the wealthier the owners of the property, the bigger the
rice barn. The carved wood ornamentation on the faade of the house and rice barn is similar in their
motifs.
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RMV 03-854
The kandaure is a cone-shaped ornament with beadwork, unique to the Toraja. The beadwork
ornament consists of beads strung together on a thread and fitted over an umbrella-shaped bamboo
frame. The Sadan Toraja use the kandaure during life-cycle rituals. They are attached to bamboo
poles near the coffin and are integral to the decorations at the sacrificial site during funerary
ceremonies. They are moved from one ceremonial site to the next during the period of the funerary
rituals. Men make beadwork ornaments, while textile weaving is the womans domain.
The kingdom of Bone was once located in the south of Sulawesi; it was one of three important
Buginese kingdoms. The Buginese were and are seasoned travellers who have traded throughout
Indonesia for several hundred years. The area of Bone is renowned for its basketry made of lontar
palm leaves. Food for long journeys is carried by placing several baskets on top of each other.
Kalimantan: warding off evil spirits
The Dayak believe that the spirits of the upper, under and middle world are ambivalent: they are
capable of both benevolence and menace. The Sangiang are the spirits of the forest who are always
disposed to acting in the interests of humans. These spirits are called upon to help and advise at times
of domestic misfortune, on long journeys overland, and while hunting. The Jata is the female deity of
the waters whose nature is much more ambivalent. She is invoked to ensure a rich crop harvest and
during dangerous river journeys. But she is just as capable, it is believed, of flooding the land and its
crops and sweeping away its inhabitants. Numerous Dayak artefacts are imparted the function of
keeping evil spirits at bay and protecting the bearer or wearer of these artefacts or amulets.
In their legendary basketry, wood and metal carvings, one frequently finds imagery that performs this
protective function in the Dayak world-view. The aso, or dog-dragon motif is ubiquitous in Dayak art
and architecture, and provides protection in daily life.
16
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
Hampatongs are wooden statues that are placed in a variety of locations, with their functions varying
accordingly. Some small hampatongs are used on riverbanks to assist in catching bait. Small
hampatongs are also used in sacrifices to the Jata and Sangiang. Hampatongs, measuring more than
two metres in height, stand outside 'longhouses' (the typical Dayak house) and at the entrance of
villages; they perform the function of warding off evil spirits.
The baby-carrier is the most valuable possession, considering it protects the baby, and hence ensures
the perpetuation of the family. It is ornamented with designs made of beadwork that are said to protect
the baby from evil. It is generally the babys grandmother who does the painstaking work of creating
the beadwork patterns. Certain motifs on baby-carriers are used exclusively by aristocrats or people of
a higher social rank such as the motif of the tiger or the human figure. Ornamentation also includes
shells, bells, and other amulets. The sound of these ornaments during movement is believed to scare
the evil spirits away.
RMV 1308-155
Masks, known as hudo among the Kayan and Kenyah, were worn by dancers in performances during
agricultural rites, to represent the good spirits probably ancestors. With pig- or bird- masks, the
dancers were to attract the menacing spirits to the good crop and then plead that they leave the
harvest unharmed. Hudo masks are in use among the Kayan, kenyah, Bahau and Modang groups.
The Ngaju Dayak masks in Central Kalimantan were worn at the tiwah feasts or feasts associated with
the secondary burial, when the souls of the dead finally depart from the living world.
12
A. W Nieuwenhuis , who explored Central Borneo and is responsible for the some of the renowned
ethnographic collections of Borneo in the museum, was impressed by the ability of the Dayak to adorn
not only ritual but also functional objects with elaborate motifs. Artefacts that formed a part of routine
household work were/are intricately carved. Kitchen implements are made of hardwood and adorned
with the aso motif or floral patterns. Plait work among the Dayak extends from mats and baskets to
sunhats. On display is a Dayak sunhat made of pisang palm leaves and adorned with embroidery,
appliqu and beadwork.
The Dayak are renowned for their smithing traditions. Dayak ceremonial swords, mandau, are
elaborately ornamented. Ornamentation includes goat hair, beads, and wild animal teeth. Sword hilts
made of deer bone have no practical function; they are meant to appease or charm spirits. Shields
earlier used in wars are now used in ceremonies, war dances and on other festive occasions and the
motifs on a war shield were meant to frighten the enemy. Motifs are again selected for what the Dayak
believe is their inherent capacity to drive evil spirits away.
Nusa Tenggara
17
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
The collecting of objects from Nusa Tenggara began early in the nineteenth century with the Science
13
Commission sending a team to the region to gather ethnographic objects. A part of this collection
was sold to Von Siebold, the founder of the National Museum of Ethnology. The museum then
acquired a substantial number of objects from the region from Solomon Muller in 1864 . B.A.G.
Vroklage, who later became the first professor of ethnography at the University of Nijmegen, did
fieldwork in the 1930s in Nusa Tenggara and is responsible for significant contributions to the
museums collection from this region. These include the dragon sculptures, the house door and the
ridge decorations.
RMV 2271-2
Dragon sculptures of Alor performed a protective function both for individuals and the larger
community. The dragon sculptures made for personal protection, were closely identified with the
creator or owner. Giving one away or selling one could lead to misfortune for the creator, it was
believed. Dragon figures placed in the ritual house were fed offerings of rice and chicken in order to
ensure the perpetuation of the lineage community, that is, ensure fertility. In Alor, the dragon figure
probably performs the function of warding off evil spirits just as the dog-dragon or aso in Dayak art.
The complementary dualism of male-female, right-left is manifested in daily life on the Lesser Sunda
Islands in a number of ways, one of which is house architecture. Male activities and symbols are
associated with the right side of the inner section of the house, with the outer area of the house and
with the attic. Female activities and the female presence in general, are associated with the inner
section in general, and then the left side of that inner section. In the Timor highlands, the door of the
house, allowing passage from the male/outer section of the house to the female/inner section, displays
female symbols.
The Manggarai who live on Flores used to build houses that were long oval constructions to
accommodate more than one family, until the Dutch colonial government prohibited such constructions
on the grounds that they were unhygienic. These houses were replaced by smaller constructions in
the 1930s, which housed three families. The ridge decorations on display are probably from both the
earlier and the more modern constructions. The decorations were an indication of the higher status of
the occupants. At present, the Manggarai live in square houses meant for one nuclear family.
14
G.A.J. van der Sande did fieldwork in Nusa Tenggara in 1908 and came across a Chinese porcelain
plate which had found its way to this region through trade.
RMV 1671-38
The porcelain plate dates back a few centuries and attests to a long history of trade between the
lesser Sunda islands and China. It was highly valued locally, just as other goods originating outside
18
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
the community. Also on display are some objects of a more practical or functional nature, collected in
this region by Van der Sande.
In the course of expeditions to Nusa Tenggara, other ethnographers have found ancestor figures,
which now grace the museums vast collections from this region.
Maluku-Tenggara: pronounced male-female symbolism
This group of islands has also known centuries of trade and migration from the other Indonesian
islands. Asians and Europeans came in search of spices and the islands peoples imported cloth and
jewellery among other things. These islands have known trade with the Bugis and Makassar traders of
South Sulawesi, and European traders. The obviously central role of the waterways is reflected in
South East Moluccan cosmology. The boat is perceived to symbolize the village community; everyone
on the boat knows his/her place and the crew is the social group of priests and chiefs. The hull, rib and
keel symbolise fertility while the decorated sterns are the male aspect of status. The boat, with its
male and female aspects, symbolises the union of both aspects. The symbiosis of both male and
female aspects reaffirms the clans longevity.
As in other outer islands of Indonesia, ancestors are central to South East Moluccan societies and
they are integrated into everyday life through various art forms. These include the wooden or stone
sculptures of ancestors who founded an ethnic group, and ancestors of every family. The figures
representing the ancestors responsible for the origin of the tribes were usually taller then those of
ancestors of later generations. They were also represented as standing and sometimes with their
arms raised. In matrilineal societies the first female ancestors (known as luli, on Leti and Lakor) were
represented in many forms in these figures. The one on display shows the female ancestor as part of
a tree. In the myth of origin she is the island girl who marries the immigrant and perpetuates the tribe.
She is represented as merging with the tree and this symbolizes her fertility. Small ancestor figures
accompanied the owner when he went into battle.
RMV 2235-1a
15
Ancestor statues in families had an altar - tavu - dedicated to them in each home. In many
instances, the ancestral figures clearly reflect the identity of the deceased. In Leti for instance, the
figures also testify to the status of the deceased. This was seen from the accessories and ornaments
the figures were adorned with. In the period of the transition to Protestantism, figures sometimes
showed the Christian identity of the deceased. This was in itself a marker of status as Christians were
considered to be almost on par with the Dutch colonial officials. Sometimes, ancestors were
represented with a western hat or sitting on a chair, i.e with western trappings, and these indicated the
prominence of the deceased. This is an excellent example of how foreign influences are appropriated
and given recognizable and familiar forms.
19
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
RMV 1971-365
The pottery of the Bandanese is an important feature of the material culture of these islands. The
Bandanese are originally from the Middle Moluccas. Following a bloodbath orchestrated by Dutch
z
16
colonial officer Jan Pieters . Coen , the Bandanese fled to the Kei islands. Here they have the sole
right to produce their clay work, for which they are renowned. Pots are used for ritual purposes such
as in wedding ceremonies, where they form part of the bridal trousseau. For functional purposes, the
locals resort to metal cooking ware. Here as elsewhere in the South East Moluccas, one sees again
the female symbol of fertility take material shape Pottery, by virtue of being earthenware, is womens
work because it has to do with the earth and its reproductive capacity. A womans pot is said to hold
her life breath. It has been suggested that pots have acquired such a central role in the Kei and Aru
islands as no textiles are woven here. Elsewhere it is textiles, which are potent in their symbolism of
female fertility.
20
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
Literature
Susanne Greub (ed.),
Expressions of Belief. Masterpieces of African, Oceanic, and Indonesian Art from the Museum voor
Volkenkunde, Rotterdam, New York 1988.
Nico de Jonge & Toos van Dijk,
Vergeten Eilanden - Kunst en Cultuur van de Zuidoost-Molukken. Singapore 1995.
Pieter ter Keurs & Michael Prager (eds),
'W.H Rassers and the Batak Magic Staff', in Mededelingen van het Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde
Leiden , Leiden 1998.
Mark De Fraeye & Pieter ter Keurs,
Indonesia. The Island State. Antwerpen 1999.
21
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
Notes
1
Eugene Dubois was born in the town of Eijsden in the Netherlands in 1858. As a boy he was fascinated by natural history, a
pursuit encouraged by his pharmacist father. A good student, he studied medicine and graduated as a doctor in 1884. Two
years later he was appointed an anatomy lecturer at Amsterdam University, and married in the same year. The following year,
he gave it up to go to the Dutch East Indies, now Indonesia, to look for fossils of human ancestors. In August 1892 he found an
intact skullcap. This fossil became known as Java Man. In 1894 Dubois published a description of this and other fossils, naming
them Pithecanthropus erectus, describing it as neither ape nor human, but something intermediate. Dubois had officially retired
in 1928 but remained scientifically active until his death in 1940.
(Source: http://www.talkorigins.org/faqs/homs/edubois.html) Copyright 1996-2001 by Jim Foley
2
Sanskrit, also spelled Sanscrit (Sanskrit samskrta: prepared, cultivated, purified, refined), Old Indo-Aryan language, the
classical literary language of the Hindus of India. Vedic Sanskrit, based on a dialect of northwestern India, dates from as early
as 1800 BC and appears in the text of the Rigveda; it was described and standardized in the important grammar book by Panini,
dating from about the 5th century BC. Literary activity in so-called Classical Sanskrit, which is close to but not identical with the
language described by Panini, flourished from c. 500 BC to AD 1000 and continued even into modern times. Currently, a form of
Sanskrit is used not only as a learned medium of communication among Hindu scholars but also as a language for some
original writing. The language, written in the Devanagari script is, in fact, undergoing something of a revival, though it is neither
a widespread nor a usual mother tongue.
Sanskrit grammar is similar to that of other older Indo-European languages, such as Latin and Greek; it is highly inflected and
complex. Sanskrit has three genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter), three numbers (singular, dual, and plural), and eight
cases (nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, and vocative), although only in the singular of
the most common declension does a noun show different forms for each case. Adjectives are inflected to agree with nouns.
Verbs are inflected for tense, mode, voice, number, and person.
(Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica)
3
Pallava script refers to the classical Tamil script in its phase of development during the Pallava reign (4th century-ninth century
AD) in Kanchipuram, South India.
4
Candi Plaosan, a Buddhist temple complex not far from Prambanan. Candi means commemorative shrine, and is also used to
refer to other types of ancient Indonesian monuments. (Source: Glossary of Indian and Indonesian terms, in Jan Fonteins The
Sculpture of Indonesia)
5
The Batara Guru is a representation of Shiva.
Candi Singasari was built during the Singasari king Krtanagaras rule in the 1200s. This candi was never finished. The statues
of Ganesha, Durga, Nandi (Shivas mount) and Bairawa are all in the museum in Leiden.
(Source: Pieter ter Keurs and Mark De Fraeyes Indonesia, the island state)
7
W.H. Rassers, 1877-1973.
8
The Ramayana and Mahabarata are ancient Indian epics, passed on orally for over 2000 years. They have served as a source
of inspiration for both Indian mythology as well as local folkloric traditions.
9
The Gamelan is the indigenous orchestra of Java and Bali, consisting largely of several varieties of gongs and various sets of
tuned instruments that are struck with mallets. A sustained melody is played either by the bamboo flute (the suling) or by a
bowed string instrument (rebab) or is sungthe last especially when, as often occurs, the gamelan is used to accompany
theatrical performances, or wayangs. The voice is then part of the orchestral texture. Dominating these two groups of
instruments is the drum (the kendang), which unites them and acts as leader.
No two gamelans are precisely alike tonally, for each instrument is tuned only to the gamelan for which it is intended rather than
to an external standard of pitch. (Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica)
10
Patola is a type of silk sari (characteristic garment worn by Indian women) of Gujarati origin, the warp and weft being tiedyed (see bandhani work) before weaving according to a predetermined pattern. It formed part of the trousseau presented by
the bride's maternal uncle. Although extant patolas of Gujarat do not predate the late eighteenth century, their history certainly
goes back to the twelfth century, if not earlier.
Patterns such as a dancing girl, elephant, parrot, pipal leaf, floral spray, watercress, basketwork, diaper (overall diamond
pattern) with a double outline, and flowers were employed on a deep-red ground. The extraordinary laboriousness of the work
and the high cost of production led to decreased demand and the decline of this important craft. The technique of patola
weaving was also known in Indonesia, where it was called ikat. (Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica)
11
The six Batak groups are the Toba, Karo, Angkola, Mandailing, Simalungun, and Pakpak .
(Source: Indonesia in Focus )
12
A. W Nieuwenhuis, 1864-1953
See also Sudha Rajagopalans Through the ethnographic looking-glass: A.W Niewenhuis in Borneo.
22
SUDHA RAJAGOPALAN
13
The Science Commission for the Dutch Indies or the Natuurkundige Commissie voor Nederlandsch-Indi, was set up in 1820
by King Willem I. Its explicit goal was to collect information about all aspects of life in the colonies in order to facilitate more
efficient exploitation of the same.
14
G.A.J. van der Sande was an ethnographer well known for his participation in the Wichmann expedition to Dutch New Guinea
in 1903. After six months of research, van der Sande produced a detailed ethnographic work on the region.
15
In Tanimbar, families had ancestor altars or tavu. Its meaning is derived from concepts such as 'beginning' or 'origin'. The
name refers to the ancestors as the origin of the family, and to the time of the ancestors, in which they were sometimes depicted
as animals, and in which important family heirlooms were acquired. These matters can be found as decorative motifs in the
plank statues. Unlike the smaller statues for specific ancestors, tavu altars were an abstract representation of the concept of
ancestral parentage.
16
Jan Pieterszoon Coen was born on January 8 1587 in Hoorn, The Netherlands and died September 21 1629 in Batavia, now
Jakarta, Indonesia. He was the chief founder of the Dutch commercial empire in the East Indies. As the fourth governor-general
of the Dutch East Indies, he established a chain of fortified posts in the Indonesian Archipelago, displacing the Portuguese and
preventing penetration by the English. His dream of a vast maritime empire stretching from Japan to India never came to
fruition, but his energetic administration established Dutch rule in Indonesia, where it remained for four centuries. (Source:
Encyclopaedia Britannica)
23

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Navigating culture:

Trade and transformation in the island state

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

Navigating culture: Trade and transformation in the island state

Dynamic trading ports

The layout of the exhibition

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

I. Kingdoms in Indonesian history

Scull of the Java Man

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

RMV 264-76 and 264-248

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

RMV 4580-2 and 5152-1

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

II. Barkcloth and Textiles: Potent symbols

Womens jackets, lemba, show similar ornamentation and choice of motifs.

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

Main weaving traditions of ikat and batik

RMV 16-277 and 300-367

Lampung ship cloth

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

Batak ceremonial cloths

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

III. Cultural diversity

Batak: the priest and his paraphernalia

RMV 315-5 and 905-2

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

Nias: in honour of our ancestors

Enggano: the slain enemy

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

Kalimantan: warding off evil spirits

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

The Batara Guru is a representation of Shiva.

W.H. Rassers, 1877-1973.

NAVIGATING CULTURE: TRADE AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE ISLAND STATE

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