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EARLY CHILDHOOD
DEVELOPMENT
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PHYSICAL
Physical development includes mastering movement, balance and fine and
gross motor skills, according to the PBS website. During early childhood, your
child's balance improves. He can walk on a line or small balance beam and
balance on one foot. Your child also develops the skill to throw and catch a
ball, walk up and down stairs without assistance and do somersaults. At this
age your child begins mastering motor skills that allow him to build block
towers, draw circles and crosses and use safety scissors.
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SOCIAL
Social development refers to your child's ability to make and maintain
relationships. Your child cooperates with others during early childhood and
begins to develop conflict resolution skills. She enjoys attention and may
show off, while still showing empathy for others. At this age your child enjoys
group games and begins to understand the concept of playing fairly. She can
tell the difference between fantasy and reality, but enjoys imaginative play
with friends.
COGNITIVE
Cognitive development includes skills pertaining to learning and thinking.
During early childhood your child develops the ability to sort objects and can
organize materials by size or color. His attention span increases and he seeks
information through questions, such as "how?" and "when?" By the end of
early childhood, he can count to 10, knows his colors and can read his name.
He knows the difference between fact and fiction, making him capable of
understanding the difference between the truth and a lie, according to the
Child Development Institute.
COMMUNICATIVE
Communicative development includes your child's skills to understand the
spoken word and express herself verbally. During early childhood your child
goes from speaking in short sentences to speaking in sentences of more than
five words. Your child, once understandable only to those closest to her, now
speaks clearly enough that even strangers understand her words. She talks
about experiences, shares personal information and understands positional
concepts such as up and down. At this age, it becomes possible to carry on a
back-and-forth conversation.
ADAPTIVE
Adaptive skills refer to the skills used for daily living, such as dressing,
eating, toileting and washing. During early childhood your child learns to
dress and undress himself without assistance, use utensils for eating and can
pour some liquid without assistance. Your child also becomes able to use
buttons and snaps and can take care of toileting independently.
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REFERENCES
Between the ages of six and 12 children grow in height while their body proportions stay the
same. This is different from babyhood and adolescence where dramatic physical development
occurs.
Children get their second teeth between five and seven years of age.
School children need and like lots of physical activities. This is the time they develop organised
sport skills. They also enjoy rough and tumble play and group activities such as chasey and ball
games. They are lively and loud as they play.
They are more coordinated and their finger and hand skills develop as they get older. They are
now able to learn a musical instrument, do fine hand work such as sewing or model making and
enjoy simple dressmaking and cooking.
Children of this age let off steam by being physical. Make sure there's a balance between play
and sport. Some children will need extra support and encouragement.
Feeling good about their bodies and physical skills is very important for your child's self image. If
you are concerned about your child speak to the teacher, a physiotherapist or doctor.
It's important that the primary schooler has a nutritionally balanced diet so their best physical and
motor development can be achieved.
During the seven years of primary school, children will refine and modify skills such as running,
climbing, galloping and hopping. They will learn how to skip, how to throw, catch and kick a ball
and catch a ball with more dexterity.
From middle primary onwards, particularly in girls, early signs of puberty can occur.
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By M.L. Henniger Pearson Allyn Bacon Prentice Hall
Updated on Jul 20, 2010
Physical
Permanent teeth appear (6 years)
development, self-concept). Children use their fine motor skills to experiment with
writing tools and materials (literacy, early writing). Good health and physical
fitness, extremely important in their own right, also contribute to learning and
development in all Domains during early childhood and beyond.
Gross motor skills involve moving the whole body and using larger muscles of
the body such as those in the arms and legs. They include skills such as gaining
control of the head, neck, and torso to achieve a standing or sitting position. They
also include locomotor skills such as walking, throwing, and stretching. Children
develop many gross motor skills as they move and explore freely in a safe,
supportive environment. When they can coordinate their movements children are
ready to learn how to pedal a tricycle; turn somersaults; and catch, throw, and
kick balls. At times children require instruction to learn these skills. To become
proficient, most children need numerous opportunities to practice using their
skills.
Fine motor skills involve use of the small muscles found in individual body
parts, especially those in the hands and feet. Children use their fine motor skills
to grasp, hold, and manipulate small objects and tools. As they gain eye-hand
coordination, they learn to direct the movements of their fingers, hands, and
wrists to perform more complex tasks. With access to appropriate materials and
activities, children can practice and refine both their fine and gross motor skills
during a variety of experiences and while performing self-help routines. For
example, children might draw and write with markers, manipulate a computer
mouse, use eating utensils, put on and take off dress-up clothes, and use a
magnifying glass to examine an insect.
In Head Start, children's health has always been a priority. The third element
of the Physical Health & Development Domain, health status and practices, refers
to children's overall physical condition growth, strength, stamina, and
flexibility. A child's physical condition is dependent on a number of factors,
including heredity, gender, and access to good nutrition and health care. Also key
is participation in fitness- enhancing activities such as playing tag, climbing a
ladder, jumping on a mattress, swinging from a rope, and chasing bubbles.
Physical fitness can enhance young children's ability to learn and protect them
from health conditions such as heart disease, obesity, diabetes, and other chronic
ailments. When children feel fit and healthy, they are likely to gain self-esteem,
have less stress, enjoy playing, and eagerly take on new challenges.
Health status and practices also include children's growing independence in
carrying out personal routines, their awareness of health and safety concerns, and
their ability to follow rules and take steps to keep themselves safe and healthy.
Such awareness and independence grow when children participate in group and
individual routines such as setting the table for meals and washing their hands.
Children can learn about health and safety concerns and practices in the context
of daily life at home, at Head Start, and through connections with their medical
home.
Head Start plays an active role in supporting the three related Elements in this
Domain. Classroom teachers, family child care teachers, and home visitors need
to be familiar with the typical sequence and processes through which children
develop and refine fine and gross motor skills and with the components of
physical fitness. They must also know about sanitary practices that promote good
hygiene, the nutritional needs of young children, and safety practices that prevent
or reduce injuries. Staff should integrate opportunities for children to use fine and
gross motor skills, enhance health and physical fitness, and learn about health
and safety concepts and practices throughout the curriculum.
Provide materials and equipment that allow children to practice fine and
gross motor skills and challenge them to gain new ones.
Serve as enthusiastic role models for practices that support health and
physical fitness.
Talk about what we are doing and why it supports our own and the
children's fitness, nutrition, health, and safety.
Young children enjoy moving, exploring, and being able to do things for
themselves. With access to appropriate materials and equipment, opportunities to
practice fine and gross motor skills, and skilled adult guidance, children can
expand their physical abilities.
standing.
The fundamental movements children develop and refine during the preschool
years include:
Body awareness skills grow as children learn about the parts of their bodies,
how much space their bodies take up, and how to control their bodies as they
move from one place to another (NASPE 2002).
Domain
Element
Physical
Gross Motor
Health &
Skills
Development
Indicators
Follow a daily schedule that allows children to spend ample time each
day in structured and unstructured physical activity. Such a schedule
allows children to alternate using their gross motor skills in physical
activities with opportunities to rest and recover energy. Engaging in
physical activity for one or more hours a day can also help children
Offer sufficient indoor space for gross motor activities so children can
move without getting in each other's way. Some examples follow (Koralek
1994):
beat.
o
explore language and literacy by handling books and using writing tools;
and
Head Start settings include children with a wide range of fine motor abilities.
This is due, in part, to children's individual timing for development and, in part, to
the range of experiences children have before coming to Head Start. Some
children can hold and scribble with crayons, while others can copy a few letters.
Some tear paper while others use scissors with ease. Some might roll and poke
holes in playdough. More experienced children use props such as rolling pins and
plastic knives. Some have never used a computer mouse. Others use a mouse
with ease. To promote each child's fine motor development, Head Start offers
materials and activities that support and challenge a range of skills.
Domain
Element
Indicators
Physical
Fine Motor
Health &
Skills
Development
Provide materials for a range of fine motor ability levels, including table
blocks in several sizes, puzzles of varying complexity, computer software
with several levels of complexity, small and large beads with thick and
thin laces, and hand puppets and finger puppets.
Observe children using fine motor skills and intervene, when needed,
with an appropriate teaching behavior such as modeling how to hold a
crayon or giving instruction on how to use scissors safely.
Body composition refers to weight and body fat. Excess fat puts stress
on the ligaments, tendons, bones, and tissues that support the body's
weight.
Keep directions simple; use key words along with modeling. For
example, say "Up" and raise arms; say "Down" and touch the ground;
say "Around" while turning completely around.
Offer variety and change activities often. Young children tend to have
short attention spans so they may lose interest if they have to do the
same thing for too long.
Domain
Element
Physical
Health
Health &
Status and
Development Practices
Indicators
physical fitness.
Place tissues, soap, paper towels, and other personal hygiene items
within children's reach so they can care for their own needs without adult
assistance.
Include sufficient time in the daily schedule for children to do things for
themselves without feeling rushed.
Provide a child with just enough help, rather than stepping in and taking
over. For example, hold the bowl while a child uses a large spoon to serve
himself; untie a child's laces so she can remove her shoes on her own.
Provide play materials related to health and safety. For example, include
safety road signs for block play; books about healthy foods, and walking
safely in traffic; props for doctor and dentist offices; empty containers of
healthy foods such as oatmeal, fruits, and vegetables; items for washing
dolls and doll clothes such as soap, sponges, a clothesline and
clothespins, and a small basin; and doll highchairs with safety belts.
Involve children in setting basic health and safety rules. Talk about why
a rule is needed, what might happen if children forget to follow the rule,
and how the rule will keep them safe and healthy. Use visual and verbal
reminders to help children remember the rule.
Conduct regular fire and emergency drills. After the drill, discuss what
happened and why it would keep children safe in an actual fire or
emergency.
Head Start ensures that children have opportunities to build fine and gross motor
skills and are encouraged to stay healthy and fit. Physical skills allow children to
learn in other Domains and to enjoy moving their bodies and playing games, now
and in the future. Children with well-developed motor skills feel proud of their
accomplishments. Their sense of competence serves as a strong foundation for
additional learning. Furthermore, English language learners may show
competence in physical skills which can help them feel more confident about their
other activities and skills.
"Domain 8: Physical Health & Development." The Head Start Leaders Guide to
Positive Child Outcomes. HHS/ACF/ACYF/HSB. 2003. English.
Last Reviewed: October 2009
GENERAL DEFINITION
Domain 2: Physical Well-Being, Health, and Motor Development, consists of five sub-domains:
Motor Development
Physical Development
Health and Personal Care
Nutrition and Feeding
Safety
MOTOR DEVELOPMENT
Motor development has three distinct components: gross motor skills, fine motor skills, and sensorimotor
skills.
Gross motor skills are characterized by movements of the large muscles of the body and include such
movements as rolling over, walking, jumping, and climbing.
Fine motor skills involve the ability to coordinate smaller muscles including the muscles of the hands,
fingers, and face that allow for movements such as grasping, cutting, picking up food, or intentionally
winking.
Sensorimotor skills involve the ability to use and integrate the senses (sight, hearing, smell, taste, and
touch) to support activity.
These skills provide a foundation for behavior, learning, and overall development for young children.
PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
Children need access to free time, play opportunities, adequate space, and challenging materials to
pursue their physical development needs. Physical competence allows children to participate in group
activities and maintain attention to, and interest in tasks necessary to the learning process. Elements of
physical competency and development include:
HEALTH
Stamina
Energy
Strength
Flexibility
Coordination
Endurance
AND
PERSONAL CARE
Prenatal care, personal hygiene, and basic personal care are essential to a childs physical
health. Childrens physical health is impacted by access to medical and dental care, nutrition, healthy
sleep patterns, and opportunity for physical activity and active play. Recognizing and addressing acute
and chronic illness is essential to sustain healthy physical development.
NUTRITION AND FEEDING
Goal 24, Children eat a variety of nutritious foods encompasses far more than food groups and nutrients
fed to children. Attitudes, self regulation, culture, and general areas of development are entwined with
food and feeding.
SAFETY
Safety includes protecting children from exposure to harmful substances and situations and helping
children learn to avoid harmful objects, environments, and circumstances. Though young children can
learn safety rules and regulations, know when and how to ask for help, and recognize the boundary
between safety and danger, they cannot be expected to keep themselves safe. Young childrens physical
well-being is dependent on adult-provided safety.
VII
Of Parents and Children
THE JOYS of parents are secret; and so are their griefs and fears. They cannot
utter the one; nor they will not utter the other. Children sweeten labors; but
they make misfortunes more bitter. They increase the cares of life; but they
mitigate the remembrance of death. The perpetuity by generation is common
to beasts; but memory; merit, and noble works are proper to men. And surely
a man shall see the noblest works and foundations have proceeded from
childless men; which have sought to express the images of their minds, where
those of their bodies have failed. So the care of posterity is most in them that
have no posterity. They that are the first raisers of their houses are most
indulgent towards their children; beholding them as the continuance not only
of their kind but of their work; and so both children and creatures.
The difference in affection of parents towards their several children is many
times unequal; and sometimes unworthy; especially in the mother; as
Solomon saith, A wise son rejoiceth the father, but an ungracious son shames
the mother. A man shall see, where there is a house full of children, one or
two of the eldest respected, and the youngest made wantons; 1 but in the
midst some that are as it were forgotten, who many times nevertheless prove
the best. The illiberality of parents in allowance towards their children is an
harmful error; makes them base; acquaints them with shifts; makes them
sort 2 with mean company; and makes them surfeit more when they come to
plenty. And therefore the proof is best, when men keep their authority towards
their children, but not their purse. Men have a foolish manner (both parents
and schoolmasters and servants) in creating and breeding an emulation
between brothers during childhood, which many times sorteth 3 to discord
when they are men, and disturbeth families. The Italians make little difference
between children and nephews or near kinsfolks; but so they be of the lump,
they care not though they pass not through their own body. And, to say truth,
in nature it is much a like matter; insomuch that we see a nephew sometimes
resembleth an uncle or a kinsman more than his own parent; as the blood
happens. Let parents choose betimes the vocations and courses they mean
their children should take; for then they are most flexible; and let them not
too much apply themselves to the disposition of their children, as thinking
they will take best to that which they have most mind to. It is true, that if the
affection or aptness of the children be extraordinary, then it is good not to
cross it; but generally the precept is good,optimum elige, suave et facile illud
faciet consuetudo [choose the bestcustom will make it pleasant and easy].
Younger brothers are commonly fortunate, but seldom or never where the
elder are disinherited.
nguyen hong
Some people think that children become good members of society depend on
how teach of parents. However, others claim that it belongs to responsibility of
school. Both sides of this issue will be discussed in my essay.
It is, first, stated that parents have positive effects on children's education. By
dint of teaching of parents, the children can understand life's basic rule such
as respecting to the elders and others. Moreover, when children have difficult
problem, parents usually analyze and then guide them how to solve the
problem correctly. However, it is palpable that no sooner were children gone to
school than their knowledge significantly extend. Besides, children far from
family, they get more mature due to they have to decide and take the
responsibility for their actions. Besides, with many subjects such as
philosophy and society, they can understand more about external world.
Secondly, familiar circumstance plays important role in creativity children's
personality. Only when children see parents' hard work to earn money do they
realize parents' care then trying to learn well and doing work hard to help
family. In addition, parent's attitude to neighbor gradually affect to children. It
can believed that parents are mirrors who children follows. Nevertheless, in
schools, the children can participate discussion, talk about their opinion and
present a topic, which makes them more confident. Equally important, once
living with the friends, children know how to take care each other and doing a
teamwork, they know how to co-operate to complete the work.
In conclusions, both parents and schools are main factors contribute to growth
of children to be good members of society.
elmar91
Some people think that parents should teach children how to be good
members of society. Others, however, believe that school is the place to learn
this.
Discuss both these views and give your opinion
Nowadays parents and schools educate children and take them to the main
role of formulating our society
Home is the first school and parents are first teachers of ours. Because during
the childhood they teach us how to speak and behave to someone in society.
Other way parents own behavior is also affect to their children and they get
these easily while they are child. Then they are going to be formed how they
see and hear. Subsequently children will show their experience to the others
what they learn from their parents. That`s why parents must be careful while
they are teaching their children because they are seriously responsible from
their children.
Although school is the best place for the children to learn and to be o good
person. At school they meet with many people and do their activities together
with their classmates. Children can learn how to act and have a good attitude.
Teachers, except teaching many subjects they also teach to the children how
to have o good behavior with their friends, parents or neighborhoods. That`s
why, parents always have a big hope from school to help them for creating
their children to be o good person.
In my view I think that good parents are good teachers and both of them have
their own role in our society.
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Abstract
We examine the prediction of individuals educational and occupational
success at age 48 from contextual and personal variables assessed during their
middle childhood and late adolescence. We focus particularly on the predictive
role of the parents educational level during middle childhood, controlling for
other indices of socioeconomic status and childrens IQ, and the mediating
roles of negative family interactions, childhood behavior, and late adolescent
aspirations. Data come from the Columbia County Longitudinal Study, which
began in 1960 when all 856 third graders in a semi-rural county in New York
State were interviewed along with their parents; participants were
reinterviewed at ages 19, 30, and 48 (Eron et al, 1971; Huesmann et al., 2002).
Parents educational level when the child was 8 years old significantly
predicted educational and occupational success for the child 40 years later.
Structural models showed that parental educational level had no direct effects
on child educational level or occupational prestige at age 48 but had
significant indirect effects that were independent of the other predictor
variables effects. These indirect effects were mediated through age 19
educational aspirations and age 19 educational level. These results provide
strong support for the unique predictive role of parental education on adult
outcomes 40 years later and underscore the developmental importance of
mediators of parent education effects such as late adolescent achievement and
achievement-related aspirations.
Parental educational level is an important predictor of childrens educational
and behavioral outcomes (Davis-Kean, 2005; Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor,
2002;Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1994; Haveman & Wolfe,
1995; Nagin & Tremblay, 2001; Smith, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1997). The
majority of research on the ways in which parental education shapes child
outcomes has been conducted through cross-sectional correlational analyses
or short-term longitudinal designs in which parents and children are tracked
through the childs adolescent years. Our main goals in the current study were
to examine long-term effects on childrens educational and occupational
success of their parents educational level while controlling for other indices of
family socioeconomic status and the childrens own intelligence, and to
examine possible mediators of the effects of parents education on childrens
educational and occupational outcomes. Following theory and research on
family process models (e.g., Conger et al., 2002; McLoyd, 1989), we expected
that indices of family socioeconomic status, including parent education, would
predict the quality of family interactions and child behavior. Next, based on
social-cognitive-ecological models (e.g., Guerra & Huesmann,
2004; Huesmann, 1998; Huesmann, Eron, & Yarmel, 1987), we expected
parental education, the quality of family interactions, and child behavior
would shape, by late adolescence, educational achievement and aspirations for
future educational and occupational success. Finally, following Eccles
expectancy-value model (Eccles, 1993; Frome & Eccles, 1998), we predicted
that late adolescent aspirations for future success would affect actual
educational and occupational success in adulthood. We use data from the
Columbia County Longitudinal Study, a 40-year developmental study initiated
in 1960 with data collected most recently in 2000 (Eron, Walder, & Lefkowitz,
1971; Lefkowitz, Eron, Walder, & Huesmann, 1977;Huesmann, Dubow, Eron,
Boxer, Slegers, & Miller, 2002; Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz, & Walder, 1984).
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time (i.e., a 40-year period from childhood to middle adulthood). Also, few
studies include a wide range of contextual and personal predictor variables
from childhood and potential mediators of the effects of those variables from
adolescence.
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Method
Design of the Columbia County Longitudinal Study
The Columbia County Longitudinal Study (CCLS; Eron, et al., 1971; Lefkowitz
et al., 1977; Huesmann et al., 1984) began in 1960 and has so far culminated in
the collection of four waves of data over a 40-year span on children who were
living in Columbia County, NY, in 1960. The dominant issues in selecting the
sample were cost, geographic proximity, availability, representativeness, and
low mobility. The entire population of third graders (Generation 2 or
G2; N = 856; 436 boys, 420 girls) in the county participated in the first phase
of this project in 1960 (Eron et al., 1971). At that time, 85% of the participants
mothers and 71% of their fathers also were interviewed (Generation 1 or G1).
Follow-up assessments were conducted in both 1970 (n = 427) and 1981 (n =
409). We do not present findings from the 1981 assessment in this article; the
interested reader is directed to Huesmann et al. (1984) for more information.
In our most recent wave of data collection (Huesmann et al., 2002), between
1999 and 2002, we re-interviewed 284 of the G2 participants in person and
another 239 by mail/telephone, for a total of 523 (268 males, 255 females).
Analyses for this article are based on data collected about the participants
during Waves 1 (age 8), 2 (age 19), and 4 (age 48). We also draw on data
provided about the original participants by their parents in 1960.
Description of Sample in Waves 1, 2, and 4
Hispanic) was too small to allow separate analyses. The participants came
from a broad range of socioeconomic backgrounds (mean of 4.3 on Warners
scale of fathers occupational status, i.e., middle class; Warner, Meeker, &
Eells, 1960) and displayed a wide range of intelligence (mean IQ of
104, SD=14). The 427 participants (211 boys, 216 girls) who were reinterviewed in 1970 had a modal age of 19 years and had completed 12.6 years
of education on average. Their fathers occupational status was again
predominantly middle class. For 25% of the 1970 sample, current IQ scores
were available (mean=109, SD=12).
For the 523 participants re-interviewed during 19992002, the mean age was
48.85 years old (SD=.81); the average education level was between some
college and a college degree; the average occupational attainment reflected
middle-class status (the average occupational prestige code using Stevens &
Hoisingtons [1987]prestige scores reflected jobs such as sales, bookkeepers,
secretaries); and 69% of the original participants were living with their
spouses.
Differences between the original sample and the 19992002 re-sample
In the 40-year follow-up, we collected some data on 80% (683) of our original
participants, and interviewed 61% (523) of them extensively. The number of
relocated participants who refused to be interviewed (despite substantial
financial incentives) was higher than expected (n = 144), but the completed reinterview rate of 61% over 40 years still provides us with a substantial sample
for analysis. However, we must ask whether attrition introduced bias into the
sample. In most longitudinal studies, more aggressive and antisocial
participants are somewhat less likely to be re-sampled. In fact, participants reinterviewed at age 19 were less aggressive than those not interviewed at age 19
(Lefkowitz et al., 1977), but there was no significant difference in age 8
aggression between the re-interviewed Wave 4 (age 48) participants and those
who were not re-interviewed. Furthermore, the plots of the distributions
revealed that many of the high aggressive participants were re-sampled and
there was no substantial restriction of range that might have made it hard to
detect relations between aggression and other variables. We also compared
New York State criminal justice records of those subjects who participated in
interviews in 19992002 with those who did not: the mean number of arrests
was not significantly higher for those in the non-interviewed group. There
were no significant differences in 1960 fathers education or value of family
housing between re-sampled participants and drop-outs, but re-sampled
participants scored slightly but significantly higher than non-interviewed
participants on age 8 IQ. The average difference was 2.5 (range for drop-outs
= 55133, SD = 14.7; range for re-sampled = 52142, SD = 14.4), but the
ranges of the distributions of the re-sampled participants were not noticeably
restricted.
Procedures in Waves 1, 2, and 4
The methods of data collection across the first three waves of the Columbia
County Longitudinal Study have been reported elsewhere (e.g., Eron et al.,
1971; Lefkowitz et al., 1977; Huesmann et al., 1984, 2002). In Wave 1 in 1960,
two main sources of data were utilized: classroom-based peer-nominations
and extensive individual parent interviews. In Wave 2 in 1970, participants
were administered a variety of self-report measures, as well as peer
nominations, in individual interviews at a field office. During Wave 1, written
parental consent was obtained along with the childrens assent. In Wave 2, the
children themselves, at age 19, provided their own written consent.
For the 40-year follow-up, interviews were conducted by computer in a field
office and by mail/telephone for those participants who could not come to the
office.1Interviews in the field office were up to four hours in duration for
original participants, three hours for their second-persons/spouses, and two
hours for their children. Original participants were paid $100, secondpersons/spouses were paid $75, and children were paid $50 for their
participation. The participants again provided their written consent to
participate.
Measures
For these measures, if two parents were interviewed in 1960, their scores were
averaged. a) Parents educational level (Eron et al., 1971) reflects the parents
levels of educational attainment, ranging from 1 = under 7 years to 7 =
graduate/professional training; b) Fathers occupation (Warner et al., 1960)
ranges from 1 = laborer to 7 = professional; and c) Value of housing (Eron et
al., 1971) ranges from 1 = inexpensive rental to 4 = expensive owned.
Negative family interaction during middle childhood (see Eron et al., 1971)
Who takes other childrens things without asking?), and indirect (e.g., Who
makes up stories and lies to get other children into trouble?) aggressive acts.
The score represents the proportion of times the child was nominated by
classmates on any of ten items. This measure is described in detail elsewhere
(Eron et al., 1971;Huesmann et al., 1984), has been widely used, and has an
= .90 in cross-national samples (Huesmann & Eron, 1986).
Late adolescent (age 19) educational achievement and aspirations
Results
Gender Differences in the Study Variables
Table 1 shows the correlation matrix of the middle childhood and adolescent
predictor variables with the adult outcome variables. For both genders, nearly
all of the age 8 family contextual and child personal variables were related
significantly modestly to moderately to the two adult outcomes. For example,
parents educational level during middle childhood was positively related to
educational attainment and occupational prestige 40 years later. The childs
Table 1
Correlations among the Middle Childhood Variables, Late Adolescent
Educational Achievement and Aspirations, and the Adult Outcomes
Direct and Indirect Long-term Effects of Parents Education on Childrens
Educational and Occupational Success
For each of the two adult outcome variables (educational level and
occupational prestige), a two-group (males, females) structural equation
model was constructed in which the age 48 outcome variable was directly
predicted from the three hypothesized age 19 mediator variables (educational
and occupational aspirations, educational level); next, both the age 48
outcome variable and the three mediators were directly predicted from the
two hypothesized age 8 mediator variables (negative family interaction, child
aggression); and finally, the dependent variable and the three age 19 and two
age 8 mediators were directly predicted from the four exogenous age 8
Figure 1
Predicting Childs Age 48 Education Level from Parents Education, Other
Indices of Socioeconomic Status, and Child IQ: Mediation by Family
Interactions, Child Aggression, and Teenage Aspirations. The model did not fit
significantly better ...
Figure 2
Predicting Childs Age 48 Occupational Prestige from Parents Education,
Other Indices of Socioeconomic Status, and Child IQ: Mediation by Family
Interactions, Child Aggression, and Teenage Aspirations. The model did not fit
significantly ...
Table 2
Predicting Adult Educational Level: Standardized Direct, Mediated, and Total
Effects of Age 8 Predictor Variables on Age 48 Educational Attainment for the
Model in Figure 1
Table 3
Predicting Adult Occupational Prestige: Standardized Direct, Mediated, and
Total Effects of Age 8 Predictor Variables on Age 48 Occupational Status for
the Model in Figure 2
Predicting adult educational level
As Figure 1 and Table 2 show, parental educational level during childhood had
no direct effects on educational level at age 48 but had significant indirect
effects mediated through age 19 educational aspirations and age 19
educational level. Thus, children with more highly educated parents developed
higher aspirations for their own education and attained more education by age
19, which in turn related to higher levels of adult educational attainment. The
effects of parents educational level on the childs age 48 educational
attainment were not mediated through negative family interaction or through
child aggression as predicted. At the same time, childrens intelligence and
aggressiveness had both significant direct and indirect effects on their
educational attainment 40 years later. The indirect effects were again
mediated through educational aspirations (for IQ and aggression) and
attainment (for IQ) in late adolescence. Additionally, IQ also had an effect on
educational level at age 48 that was mediated through age 8 aggression.
Finally, one can see that both negative family interactions and value of the
family housing when the child was 8 also had independent indirect effects on
eventual educational attainment in the directions one would expect. Table
2 shows the exact standardized mediated, direct, and total effects for the age 8
predictor variables. One can see that the largest total effects of middle
childhood variables on adult educational attainment are +.22 for parent
education and +.28 for IQ. The total effect for aggression was the next largest
at .12 and negative family interactions also was significant at .12.
Predicting adult occupational prestige
Discussion
The finding that parental education was the strongest of the family SES
predictors of educational and vocational achievement in adulthood is in
accordance with Eccles expectancy-value theory of achievement (e.g., Eccles,
1993; Frome & Eccles, 1998). Eccles model proposes that parents socialize
their children towards higher levels of educational achievement and
occupational success by modeling achievement-related behaviors and
fostering positive expectations for academic performance. Our results support
this view by casting parental education as a marker for those achievementrelated factors during childhood. Parental education predicted both
educational and occupational aspirations as well as educational attainment
during late adolescence. Although aspirations in our study were not assessed
until late adolescence, our findings are consistent with recent analyses of data
Although our analyses are limited by the ages (and thus developmental levels)
of our participants due to the sampling design of the Columbia County
Longitudinal Study, the 1970 sampling period yielded information relevant to
current theorizing about the developmental importance of emerging
adulthood or the transition to young adulthood (spanning approximately
ages 18 to 25) (Arnett, 2000; Eccles, Templeton, & Barber,
2003; Schulenberg, Wadsworth, OMalley, Bachman, & Johnston, 1996).
Those authors highlighted this period of development due to its uniqueness
from adolescence and adulthood in terms of demographics, subjective
perceptions, and identity development issues (Arnett, 2000). At age 19, our
participants were on the cusp of the transition between adolescence and
adulthood.
In the context of the present paper, it is important to note that the transition
to adulthood is a time period during which critical and potentially
longstanding career decisions are made. Thus, even though cognitive-
ecological models typically propose that childrens beliefs and values are
shaped in early to middle childhood and begin to predict behavior reliably
thereafter (Huesmann, 1998; Huesmann & Guerra, 1997), certain cognitions
(i.e., expectations or aspirations for achievement) might not produce longterm and direct effects until such time as the behaviors to which they are
linked become salient. In this view, and in consideration of theory advanced
by Schulenberg and others (Schulenberg et al., 1996; Schulenberg, Maggs, &
OMalley, 2003), the transition to adulthood can represent a developmental
turning point (Rutter, 1996; Rnk, Oravala, & Pulkkinen, 2002) during
which aspirations related to educational and vocational achievement might be
expected to exert their greatest influence. For example, if an individual who
has been achieving at an average level or has been locked into a constraining
academic track maintains high aspirations for educational success, this
transitional period might present the opportunity to pursue those aspirations
through new and better-suited learning experiences. Following Figure 1, the
single strongest predictor of age 48 educational attainment is age 19
educational aspirations. Thus, it is tenable to propose that high aspirations
coupled with the variation in life choices and opportunities afforded by the
transition to adulthood potentially can improve a low-achieving trajectory
established in childhood and earlier adolescence. Research needs to examine
alternative learning opportunities and choices during middle to late
adolescence that might lead some youth to maintain high educational
aspirations (e.g., aspirations to seek a college or graduate degree) despite
average or lower levels of achievement performance trajectories.
Summary and Conclusions
The results of this study suggest that the beneficial effects of parental
educational level when the child is young are not limited to academic
achievement throughout the school years, but have long-term implications for
positive outcomes into middle adulthood (i.e., higher educational level, more
prestigious occupations). The positive effects of parental education are
independent of other indices of parental SES (i.e., fathers occupation, value of
housing) and family process variables (i.e., negative family interactions), the
positive effects of higher IQ, and the negative effects of child aggressiveness.
The long-term positive effects of parent education appear to be indirect
mediated through adolescent aspirations and educational attainment in
contrast to the direct long-term effects of the child personal variables (IQ and
aggressiveness).
In line with longitudinal studies spanning a shorter time frame (e.g., into
adolescence), we found that parental education affects childrens aspirations
for their own education as well as their actual educational achievement
through adolescence. Because of the long interval between our child and
adolescent assessments (age 8 and age 19), we were unable to examine the
proximal processes that might account for the effects of parental education on
the childs developing aspirations and achievement. Other research
(e.g., Alexander, Entwisle, & Bedinger, 1994; Davis-Kean, 2005; Klebanov,
Brooks-Gunn, & Duncan, 1994;Smith et al., 1997) has shown that parental
education is linked to the parents providing a more stimulating physical,
cognitive, and emotional environment in the home, and more accurate beliefs
about their childrens actual achievement. These proximal processes likely
affect the developing childs achievement-related aspirations and actual
achievement behavior.
Because we did not assess shorter-term and more proximal influences on
individual development over time, our ability to evaluate directly the processoriented family stress models proposed by Conger, McLoyd, and others
(e.g., Conger et al., 2002;McLoyd, 1998) was limited. As noted, we did not find
SES effects on child outcomes mediated by negative family interactions.
However, our childhood measures of family of origin socioeconomic status
were not direct assessments of socioeconomic stress (e.g., financial strain on
the family, lack of material resources), but rather value of housing and
parents educational levels. Also, those variables were assessed
contemporaneously and thus we could not examine the causal processes
implied by the family stress view. Further, it is worth noting that because we
essentially were examining intergenerational socialization processes, the role
Acknowledgments
This research has been supported by funding from the Columbia County
Tuberculosis and Health Association and the Hudson (NY) Lions Club (1960
wave); the National Institute of Mental Health (1960, 1970 and 1981 waves);
and the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (2000
wave).
Go to:
Footnotes
1
There were mean differences by interview type for both adult outcome measures.
Compared to participants interviewed in person, those interviewed by mail/phone had
higher levels of education and occupational status. However, a series of hierarchical
regressions showed no evidence that interview type moderated the relations of the middle
childhood personal or contextual factors with the adult outcomes. The obtained differences
are not surprising given that geographic mobility is highly related to SES. Personal
interviews were obtained almost exclusively from participants who still lived in or near
Columbia County, New York.
2
In the captions to the figures depicting the results of our structural models computed with
AMOS, we present, in addition to the chi-square, the root mean square error of
approximation (RMSEA), confirmatory fit index (CFI) statistics, and the squared multiple
correlation (SMC) values (SMC for males and females separately). Recent research and
theory (McDonald & Ho, 2002) indicate that these indicators are sufficient for describing the
fit of structural models. Non-significant chi-square values along with CFI values > .90 and
RMSEA values < .05 indicate good model fit. However, we recognize that other fit indices
can be of interest; interested readers may contact the first author to obtain information on
other fit statistics.
Go to:
Contributor Information
Eric F. Dubow, Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan and
Department of Psychology, Bowling Green State University.
Paul Boxer, Department of Psychology, Rutgers University.
L. Rowell Huesmann, Institute for Social Research, The University of
Michigan.
Go to:
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Davis-Kean, Pamela E.
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1.
ABSTRACT
This study examined the process of how socioeconomic status, specifically parents' education and income, indirectly
relates to children's academic achievement through parents' beliefs and behaviors. Data from a national, cross-sectional study of
children were used for this study. The subjects were 868 8-12-year-olds, divided approximately equally across gender (436 females,
433 males). This sample was 49% non-Hispanic European American and 47% African American. Using structural equation modeling
techniques, the author found that the socioeconomic factors were related indirectly to children's academic achievement through
parents' beliefs and behaviors but that the process of these relations was different by racial group. Parents' years of schooling also
was found to be an important socioeconomic factor to take into consideration in both policy and research when looking at schoolage children. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Affiliations
1. 1Duke University
2. 2University of North Carolina
1.
Abstract
Developing collaborations between families and schools to promote academic success
has a long-standing basis in research and is the focus of numerous programs and
policies. We outline some of the mechanisms through which parental school
involvement affects achievement and identify how patterns and amounts of involvement
vary across cultural, economic, and community contexts and across developmental
levels. We propose next steps for research, focusing on the importance of considering
students' developmental stages, the context in which involvement takes place, and the
multiple perspectives through which involvement may be assessed. Finally, we discuss
enhancing involvement in diverse situations.
Educational Psychology Review
June 2005, Volume 17, Issue 2, pp 99-123
Alyssa R. Gonzalez-DeHass,
Patricia P. Willems,
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Abstract
Parent involvement has a sound research base attesting to the many
potential benefits it can offer in education. However, student motivation as
an academic outcome of parental involvement has only recently been
investigated. The purpose of this article is to show how parent involvement is
related to students motivation. Studies of students from the elementary
school to high school show a beneficial relationship between parental
involvement and the following motivational constructs: school engagement,
intrinsic/extrinsic motivation, perceived competence, perceived control, selfregulation, mastery goal orientation, and motivation to read. From the
synthesis of the parent involvement and motivation literature, we offer
potential explanations for their relationship. Directions for areas of continued
research are also presented.
Best Answer - Chosen by Asker
1,6 km/h = 1 mph
1 km/h = 0,625 mph
so divide the km/h speed by 1,6 to have it in mph
or multiply the mph speed by 1,6 to have it in km/h
Convert from/to
Clear Fields
MPH
30
19
50
31
60
37
80
50
100
62
120
75
As a child grows and develops, he learns different skills, such as taking a first step,
smiling for the first time, or waving goodbye. These skills are known as developmental
milestones. There is normal variation around what age children will achieve a specific
developmental milestone. Developmental delay refers to a child who is not achieving
milestones within the age range of that normal variability. Most often, at least initially, it
is difficult or impossible to determine whether the delay is a marker of a long-term issue
with development or learning (i.e. known as a disability) or whether the child will catchup and be typical in their development and learning. There are five main groups of
skills that make up the developmental milestones. A child may have a developmental
delay in one or more of these areas:
Gross motor: using large groups of muscles to sit, stand, walk, run, etc., keeping
balance and changing positions.
Fine motor: using hands and fingers to be able to eat, draw, dress, play, write and do
many other things.
Social: Interacting with others, having relationships with family, friends, and teachers,
cooperating and responding to the feelings of others.
Usually, there is an age range of several months where a child is expected to learn
these new skills. If the normal age range for walking is 9 to 15 months, and a child still
isnt walking by 20 months, this would be considered a developmental delay (2 standard
deviations below the mean). A delay in one area of development may be accompanied
by a delay in another area. For example, if there is a difficulty in speech and language,
a delay in other areas such as social or cognitive development may coexist.
It is important to identify developmental delays early so that treatment can minimize the
effects of the problem. Parents who have concerns about their childs development
should consult the childs physician, who, in turn, might make a referral to a
developmental pediatrician, developmental psychologist or pediatric neurologist. The
consultant can evaluate the child and recommend treatments and therapies that might
benefit the child.