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2011
MODE OF PRODUCTION
DEBATE IN INDIAN
AGRICULTURE
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material
productive
forces
and
hence
with
different
levels
of
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and
Underdevelopment
of
Sociology
viewed
the
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talk about capitalism in Latn America if un-free labor was involved. Since
Latin America was typified by un-free labor, ranging from slavery (as in
plantations) to the feudal-like 'mita' system (as in Mines) it is more a case of
feudalism and capitalism co-existing in the same economic system. For
Laclau, feudalism and capitalism exist side-by-side in countries such as Peru
in the 20th century. In the countryside, where peasants are subject to forms
of debt peonage, feudalism would seem to be the problem. In fact Laclau
argued that the problem in Latin America was not capitalism, but insufficient
capitalism.
The Debate in Indian Agriculture:
Similar debate has been raised in India on the nature of Indian agrarian
economy. Early mention can be made of a study on differentiation of
peasantry by S C Gupta (1962) who classified farmers into a. Capitalist
farmers b. Market Oriented large Family farms c. Small Holders. However the
debate got a head start with the publication of a study in 1969 on Big
Farmers of Punjab by Ashok Rudra, A Majid and B D Talib carried out by the
Agro-Economic Research Centre of the University of Delhi. The study more
for a search for capitalist farmer which are identified by the following
characteristics:
A capitalist farmer will tend to cultivate his land himself rather than give it
out on lease; (b) he would tend to use hired labour in a much greater
proportion than family labour; (c) he would tend to use farm machinery;
(d) he would be market-oriented; i e, he would tend to market an
important share of his produce; and, (e) he would be profit-minded; i.e,
he would tend to so organise his production as to yield a high rate of
return on his investments.
Taking the above characteristics the study sought to test positive or negative
correlation among the following variables.
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If the above expected features are the explicandum, we have used as explicata the following variables: (1) percentage of land rented out to total
land owned; (2) wage payment in cash per acre of farm size (X2); (3)
value of modern capital equipment per acre of farm size (X3); (4)
percentage of produce marketed to total produce (X4); and (5) cash profit
per acre. (X5).
The study findings pointed to the negative correlation between variables
suggesting the absence of a class of capitalist farmer. These rather negative
conclusions were responded to first by Daniel Thorner, a longtime observer of
India's agriculture,
concluded from his own rural tours that a new era of capitalist agriculture
was beginning. Then in 1971 Utsa Patnaik argued, from her own study of
1969, that a new capitalist farmer class was indeed beginning to emerge.
Rudra contested this, Patnaik replied, Paresh Chattopadhyay intervened with
crucial theoretical points and the famous Indian debate on the 'mode of
production in agriculture' was on. Ranjit Sau, Hamza Alavi, Jairus Banraji,
Harry Cleaver, Amit Bhaduri, Pradhan Prasad (1973, 74) and numerous other
Indian and foreign scholars became involved, and journals in Europe and
elsewhere published summaries and further interpretations. Mc Eachern
sums up the debate around four indicators of capitalist agriculture:
Generalised Commodity Production, Emergence of free wage labour, Capital
Investment, Irrevalence of share-cropping, usury and tenancy.
Amit Bhaduri (1973) in his study of West Bengal characterised the system as
'semi-feudalism' because of (i) an extensive non-legalised share-cropping
system, (ii) perpetual indebtedness of the small tenants, (iii) the 'ruling' class
in rural areas operating as both' landowners and lenders to small tenants,
(iv) small tenants having incomplete access to the rural 'markets' and being
forcibly
involved
in
involuntary
exchanges
because
of
the
peculiar
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also found in his study of Bihar that the social formation in rural Bihar is
predominantly semi-feudal. He lists four prominent features of semifeudalism: Sharecropping, Perpetual indebtedness of the small tenants,
Concentration of two modes of exploitation, namely usury & land ownership
in the hands of the same economic class and lack of access to the market by
small
farmers.
Prasad
in
fact
found
that
big
landowners
decline
mechanization & irrigation so that they need not have to free the small
tenants from bondage and exploitation (Sahay, Op. cit, p. 18)
Utsha Patanaik giving her comment on the debate opines that agricultural
wage labourers do exist but they are unfree in so far as they are tied to
agriculture. Paresh Chattopadhyay contends that agricultural labourer is tied
to agriculture as industrial wage labourer is tied to industry. According to
Utsha Pattanaik the distinction between pre-capitalist/Feudal mode of
Production and a capitalist variant lies not in whether labour is free or unfree but rather on the productive reinvestment of surplus and accumulation
of capital. So pattanaik asserts that that Indian agriculture is largely precapitalist, though there exists within a prevailing non-capitalist mode of
production, a small but growing class of capitalist. However the mode of
production is predominantly pre-capitalist because 1. Non-existence of
accumulation for investment and reinvestment, 2. Prevalence of personalized
relations of dependence between landowners and
Inordinate
development
of
capital
in
the
landless labourers, 3.
sphere
of
exchange,
i.e.,
Humza Alvi and also Jairus Bannerji, point to a colonial mode of production in
agriculture. The real changes happening in agriculture has its genesis in the
demands of imperialism and its agrarian policy. Further the changing
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in
the
classic
Marxist
notions
of
feudalism,
capitalism
and
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