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SIGRAF

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2014

AUTHORITY AND POWER

NOBILITY OF MORAVIAN SERBIAN
FROM 1365 TO 1402

THEMATIC PROCEEDINGS

EDITH
prof PhD Sinia Mii

KRUEVAC
2014




.......................................................................................7

(1389-1402) ..................................................................21

................................................................39


.......................................................................................................51

O .............................75

.....................................................95
,

......................................................................................113


1355. 1402. .....................................................................................................137

..................................................... 149

........................................................ 163
,
................................................................................ 171


...................................................................... 183



(1597) ......................................... 207

........................................................................................................225

(1365-1369) ............................................. 245


(1365-1402) .............................................................................................. 257


14. ..................................................... 269

O 1385. :
............................................................................................... 287

XIV ....................................................... 305
,

, ........................................................................................ 319

..................................................... 343


...................................................................................................... 363

CONTENTS
Sinia Mii
FROM PROVINCIAL PRINCE TO THE PRINCE OF THE SERBS
RISE OF THE ROYAL POWER ......................................................................................................7
Marko uica
THE RISE OF THE NOBLE POTENTATES(1389-1402) .........................................................21
Christo Matanov
FACTS AND LEGENDS ABOUT TZAR IVAN SHISHMAN .................................................39
Vladimir Aleksi
DISTRIBUTION OF POWER IN THE SERBIAN EMPIRE
AND RISE OF PRINCE LAZAR ...................................................................................................51
Milo Ivanovi
THE STRUCTURE OF NOBILITY
IN THE STATE OF PRINCE LAZAR ......................................................................................... 75
Marija Koprivica
THE RISE AND POWER OF THE NOBLE FAMILY MUSI ............................................... 95
Dejan Radievi, Dejan Buli
CONTRIBUTION TO THE RESEARCH OF THE FUNERAL
OF NOBILITY IN MORAVIAN SERBIA .................................................................................113
Milo Antonovi
SERBIAN CHURCH AND THE TRANSITION
OF POWER FROM 1355 TO 1402 ............................................................................................ 137
Plamen Pavlov
FROM PARORIA AND TARNOVO TO PE AND RAVANICA ...................................... 149
Marija Vukovi
NOBILITY OF PRINCE LAZAR IN EPIC POETRY .............................................................. 163
Aleksandra Fostikov, Vladeta Petrovi
JEVGENIJA ABBESS-PRINCESS .............................................................................................. 171
Dejan Jemenica
POSSESSIONS OF THE ATHONITE MONASTERY
OF SAINT PANTELEIMON IN MORAVIAN SERBIA ........................................................ 183

Alexandar Nikolov
SERBS AND BULGARIANSIN THE TREATISE
ONTHE ORIGINS OF THE TURKISH TYRANTS
OF JOHN VODNIANUS CAMPANUS (1597) ....................................................................... 207
Boris Stojkovski
PRINCE LAZAR AND HUNGARY .......................................................................................... 225
Angel Nikolov
THE FRANCISCAN MISSION IN VIDIN (13651369) ....................................................... 245
Katarina Mitrovi
RELATION OF PRINCE LAZAR AND HIS SUCCESSORS
WITH THE BALI FAMILY (1365-1402) ............................................................................. 257
Marko Aleksi
NEW TYPES OF WEAPONS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT
IN THE MORAVIAN SERBIA DURING THE SECOND HALF
OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY ....................................................................................... 269
Boban Petrovski
OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385:
ITINERARY AND GOALS ......................................................................................................... 287
Aleksandar Uzelac
SKETCHES FOR THE HISTORY OF BRANIEVO
DURING THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY ............................................................................ 305
Duan Rakovi, Marko Grkovi
ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCHESOF THE SITE
GRAD IN UPANJEVAC, IN LEVA ................................................................................. 319
Vladan Zdravkovi
FORTIFIED NOBLES LODGING IN UPANJEVAC .......................................................... 343
Neboja Djoki
SOME OPINION ABOUT FEW FIGURES
ON FRESCOS IN MONASTERY VELUA ........................................................................... 363

,
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simisic@f.bg.ac.rs

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20

Sinia Mii
FROM PROVINCIAL PRINCE TO THE PRINCE OF THE SERBS
RISE OF THE ROYAL POWER

Lazar Hrebeljanovi entered the historical stage as a nobleman who

obtained the service, as well as the title of stavilac (literally placer, equal to the
Byzantine domestikos), at the court of emperor Uro. In this period (from 1350 to
1365) he used his family and other ties in order to strengthen his position. He
became related with the Nemanji dynasty via his, as well as his sisters marriage.
Material background of his political ambitions lied in his patrimony (batina),
concentrated around Novo Brdo (Novomonte). When, in 1365, Vukain and
Ugljea Mrnjavevi gained the upper hand in the struggle for influence over the
incompetent emperor, Lazar left the court; back then, he was provincial
(zemaljski) and great prince. He received an administration over Rasina, Toplica
and Ibar districts, where also lied the possessions of his cousins elnik (head)
Musa and Altoman Ivanievi.
Before the demise of brothers Mrnjavevi, Lazar had to take into account
the interests of king Vukain who held Novo Brdo and therefore presented a
potential threat to his patrimony. After the battle of Marica (1371), Lazar united his
administrative and hereditary lands, thus profiting most from the passing of
brothers Mrnjavevi. At the same time, he also occupied territories in Kosovo.
From that point, his struggle for supreme power begun; it lasted until he managed
to take over Metohia (together with Vuk Brankovi) and Branievo, in 1379. This is
the moment when Lazar started to act as a ruler of the Serbs and autokrator
(samodrac). In that, he enjoyed the support of Serbian Orthodox Church and
particularly patriarch Spiridon.
eywords: court, stavilac (placer), provincial prince, Serbs, vlastela,
power, Lazar, local rulers

, ,
,
18 20,
msuica@f.bg.ac.rs

(1389-1402)1
pstract: The paper deals with the changes that have affected the nobility
and central governance during the last decade of the 14th century, in the region
ruled by Lazarevic dynasty. The distinctive phenomenon is set as a comparative
historical model, with the exploratory focus on one of its components. The
disruption of medieval state hierarchy and violation of vassal oath are observed
within the framework of foreign setting and internal political events and processes
that led to the strengthening or weakening of certain noblemen in considered
political scope and timeframe.
Key words: The State of Lazarevic dynasty, Prince Stephen Lazarevic, duke,
Vuk Brankovi, nobility, vassalage, Ottomans

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79-80 , 7-42.
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36

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2010 . ,
1387. , 9 (2010) 217-232.
2011 : -
(1389-1402), 2 XVIII (2011) 29-51.
2011 . , , 10 (2011)
123-128.
2012 . , 1390,
II , . 42/2,
2012, 385-396.

 (1389-1402)

37

Marko uica
THE RISE OF THE NOBLE POTENTATES (1389-1402)
During the nineties of the 14th century, after the death of prince Lazar, the
Serbian aristocracy of Lazarevic principality, experienced the accelerated transition
of power and influence, including the transformation of state hierarchy structure.
Analyzing one specific feature of the constructed comparative model of the Serbian
nobility structure, within the outlined chronological and political framework, led to
conclusion that the last decade of the century was extremely turbulent and
burdened with different breakups of vassal relationships between the powerful
noblemen and central governance in the Lazarevic principality. At first stage, which
followed nearly after the Kosovo battle in 1389, the feudal property and counties of
aristocracy that perished in the battle became the prey of dignitaries who survived
the battle and started local skirmishes disrespecting the central state authority.
Within the short period of time they extended the properties at the expense of
other nobles, or monasteries. When Prince Stephen Lazarevic reached the maturity,
he tried to consolidate the state and suppress disintegrative processes concerning
the status and behavior of vassal noblemen. The concentration of power in this
period was highlighted by a military aristocracy - the dukes. That was obvious
between 1396 and 1398, when Stephenss empowered warlords made complot
against Serbian prince in order to replace the subordination to him with the direct
subordination to Ottoman sovereign. The strengthening of dignitaries during this
decade was in proportion to the degree of exterior vulnerability of state, because
they were to the large extent engaged in defense of border regions. Taking prompt
and fierce action against rebellious lords, Prince Stephen Lazarevic took the risk
and set the foundation for the future reform that supported those noble subjects
who showed unconditional loyalty to prince necessary to maintain the inner
stability of the country. As a consequence, the evolution of Lazarevic nobility
entered the last stage before Stephen gained the title of despot after the battle of
Ankara (1402). In this period some high ranked noblemen took monastic vow in
order to avoid hard vassal conditions and responsibilities to the Ottoman overlord.
The role of the reorganized nobility within the new state framework including the
administrative and military structure, in the first half of 15th century, proved to be
the most important factor in the states stability and despot Stephen's power.
Key words: The State of Lazarevic dynasty, Prince Stephen Lazarevic, duke, Vuk
Brankovi, nobility, vassalage, Ottomans

38

1915.

 -

.
chrmatanov@yahoo.de

Abstract: This paper deals with some controversial fact on the political
biography of Tzar Ivan Shishman (1371-1395), the last ruler of Medieval Bulgaria
or more correctly of the so called Tarnovo Tzardom. These are: his resistance
against the Ottoman Turks in 1371-1378, the edition of the so called Rila Chart
(1378), the date of his death (June 3rd,1395 or Oct. 29th, 1395). Some comments are
made on the problem of the legends about him concentrated along the Valley of
Iskar River and parts of today North-Central Bulgaria.
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46

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48

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predanje, Beograd 1989.
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guise dintroduction. In: Art et Societe a
Byzance sous les Paleologue, Venice, 1971.

Christo Matanov
FACTS AND LEGENDS ABOUT TZAR IVAN SHISHMAN
The facts on the life and career of the Bulgarian Tzar Ivan Shishman (13711395) are established as far as the scarcity of historical sources allow. He is the first
son of the second marriage of Tzar Ivan Alexander (1331-1371) and was
proclaimed young Tzar before 1355. His attitude towards the Ottoman Turks and
his resistance against them is an object of discussion among the Bulgarian
historians. The author argues that in 1371-1377/78 both sources and legends (the
latter are concentrated along the Iskar valley) speak in favor of everyday resistance
without a major battle. There are little known sources revealing that in the 1380-ies
the Tzar together with Kralj Marko took part in Byzantine power strife in which the
Bulgarian ruler had the ambition to defend the rule of his relative Andronicus IV.
The author puts forth the view that the death of Tzar Ivan Shishman came months
after the fall of Nicopolis under the Ottomans on Oct. the 29, 1395. The exact date
is given by the Byzantine short chronicle No. 91. The general conclusion of the
author is that Tzar Ivan Shishman offered a resistance and was one of the most
disobedient Ottoman vassals on the Balkans.
Keywords: Tarnovo Bulgaria, Tsar Ivan Shishman, Iskar River, Sofia field,
vassalage, Nikopol, Sultan Bayasid I, Tsar Ivan Sracimir, Vidin Tsardom, Ottoman
conquest

50

1911.


,
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vladimir.aleksic@filfak.ni.ac.rs.

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54

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58

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60

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Keywords: state, land, terminology of kinship, nobility, Prince Lazar,
state administration


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misaveritatem@gmail.com

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94

Milo Ivanovi
THE STRUCTURE OF NOBILITY IN THE STATE OF PRINCE LAZAR

Research of the structure of the noble class in the state of Prince Lazar was
an unrewarding task for us, due to the scarcity of the sources at our disposal.
Hence, all results in the field are presented cautiously, without desire to proclaim
them final. Our primary objective was to determine the origin of the nobility in the
princes domains. For a number of prominent noblemen we have either reliable
data, or at least well-founded indications that their status and power was due to
their distinguished ancestors. For Nikola Zoji and Novak Belocrkvi, the fact that
they are recorded with family names is the indicator by itself. Dorotheus, founder
of Drena monastery, might have had a title of despot in his secular life. Princes
nephew Ivani was the grandson of the namesake despot. Father of Crep
Vukoslavi received wasteland of Petrus from the emperor Stephen Duan, while
Obrad Dragoslali gave the possessions held by his grandfather to his foundation. A
certain exception is the case of Musa, the princes brother-in-law, whose origin
remain mysterious to us, but still, he can hardly be regarded as an upstart.
Insufficiently well-known are the personalities of Ugljea Desislali and Deto,
whose possessions were situated in the borderlands of prince Lazars state. Given
that they endowed the temples previously built, it is possible that they inherited
influence from their parents. Much less information is available with respect to
nobility tied to prince Lazar by their service. Among them, only logothete Nenada,
as far as it is known, was of a very reputable origin. That's why we put forward the
assumption that their rise was a consequence of their close ties with the ruler, as
their ancestors did not stand high in the hierarchy. The least known to us is the
lower class of princes nobility, small landowners and pronoiars, in whose ranks
were accepted even those with a modest background. One might expect that due to
the Ottoman threat at the time, the number of pronoias increased, but this is only a
speculation. Eventually, prince Lazar's son, despot Stephen, managed to break the
power of the old prominent nobility, while at the same time he elevated to the
higher status the people of lower origin.
Keywords: nobility, Prince Lazar, patrimony, founder, origin, relative, court




,
marijakoprivica81@gmail.com

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112

Marija Koprivica
THE RISE AND POWER OF THE NOBLE FAMILY MUSI

The noble family Musi began its rise with the founder of the family
elnik Musa, during the rule of Tsar Duan, from whom he obtained the
rulership over the town of Zvean. In the year 1363. a property changeover was
carried out so that Musa got the town of Brvenik with its zhupa, while he gave
Zvean to a much more powerfull count Voislav Voinovi. After the fall of the
Serbian Empire, the Musies managed to bring the mines in Kopaonik basin under
their control. The property of this family was located in the valley of Lab river. It is
known that the founder Musa was married to Dragana, prince Lazars sister. The
relationship of the two noble families, at the time of concluding this marriage, was
more useful to Lazars family and had an aim of bringing Lazar up in the hierarchy
of Serbian nobility. Musies aknowledged prince Lazar for their senior only after
1371.
Brothers Musi got killed in the Kosovo Battle, together with their uncle.
The brothers were burried in their faundation the monastery of Nova Pavlica.
The only heir of this family, underage Stefan, most probably the son of Lazar, was
deprived of his authority after 1392.
Keywords: Musi family, nobility, elnik Musa, Stephen Musi, prince Lazar,
Nova Pavlica


,
,
dradicev@gmail.com
M
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gavbulic@yahoo.com

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..
5
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148

Milo Antonovi

SERBIAN CHURCH AND THE TRANSITION OF POWER FROM 1355 TO 1402

Serbian Church was not prepared for turbulent period after the death of
the Emperor Duan in 1355. The Church was beset by internal problems, and the
most serious problems included the dependence in choosing superiors and bending
under the pressure of nobility in some parts of the Empire. Consequently the
Church was not only an observer of feudal anarchy but also its unwilling
participant. This is best seen in the case of those parts of the Empire ruled by the
Mrnjavevi brothers. Proceeding from their own interests, the Mrnjavevis have
commenced separate negotiations on the reconciliation with the Ecumenical
Patriarchate. Although Despot Jovan Ugljea successfully brought the negotiations
to an end, the agreement was worth little because it was not accepted by the
leadership of the Serbian Church.
The reversal occurred after the death of the Mrnjavevi brothers and
Emperor Uro in 1371. The initiative for reconciliation of Churches most likely
came from Prince Lazar and it was crowned with the settlement in 1375. Although
the reputation of Prince Lazar significantly increased thereby, the synod which
elects new patriarch could not agree on a candidate, so Ephrem, Bulgarian
hesychast with a great reputation in Serbia came to the throne of St. Sava. He tried
to maintain a balance between the conflicting nobility fractions, so when this
became very difficult, he resigned, perhaps under pressure. Prince Lazar's trusted
Patriarch Spyridon became head of the Serbian Church. The tendency of the
Church to defer to the Hrebeljanovi - Lazarevi family could not be disturbed
even by the Kosovo tragedy. The Church has most closely cooperated with Prince
Stefan in establishing the cult of Prince Lazar and in reviving the Nemanjics'
tradition in Serbia.
Keywords: Serbian Orthodox Church, Serbia, transition of power, nobility,
Patriarch Kallistos, hesychasm

. -
, ..

pl_pavlov@abv.bg

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, 1976.
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j. , 1998.
Amfilohije, jeromonah. Sinaiti i njihov znaaj u ivotu
Srbije XIV i XV veka. u: Manastir Ravanica 13811981, Spomenica o estoj stogodinjici, Beograd,
1981.- <http://beleske.wordpress.com/razno/sinaiti-injihov-znacaj-knjiga-jm-amfilohije/>
, .. I
XIV . .-
, . 32,
1927, 43-118.
(
). .
. . . . , 2003
, . j.
, 1980.

162

Plamen Pavlov
FROM PARORIA AND TARNOVO TO PE AND RAVANICA
(Relations between Bulgarian and Serbian Hesychasts in the 14th Century)

In this article, typical examples of contacts and collaboration between

Bulgarian and Serbian monks during the 14th century are examined. There were
Bulgarians and Serbs among the students of the famous cleric St. Gregory of Sinai
in Mount Athos. When, in 1328 Gregory established his own monk comunity in
Paroria (Strandja Mountain). Bulgarian and Serbian monks took part in it. Among
them were future famous "teachers" St. Theodosius of Tarnovo and St. Romylos of
Vidin. Monks from Serbia also took part in the Monastery of Kilifarevo
(Kephalarevo), founded by St. Theodosius near Tarnovo, medieval capital of
Bulgaria. The confraternity in the monastery Ravanica in Serbia, founded by the
Bulgarian monk Romylos, proved to be even more durable. It was supported by
Serbian Prince Lazar and Patriarch Ephraim, who was Bulgarian from the land of
Tarnovo.
Keywords: Hesychasm, Paroria, Tarnovo, Kephalarevo, Pe, Ravanica,
Bulgaria, Byzantium, Mount Athos, Serbia, St. Gregory of Sinai, St. Theodosius of
Tarnovo, St. Patriarh Ephraim, St. Romylos, Tzar Ivan Alexander, Tzar Stephen
Duan, despot John Assen Comnenos, St. Prince Lazar, St. Patriarch Callistus I,
Gregory Dobropisets



,
mvuskovi@f.bg.ac.rs

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170

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136, 1929, 13-103.

Marija Vukovi
NOBILITY OF PRINCE LAZAR IN EPIC POETRY
Prince and his nobles presented in epic poetry reflect the historical reality
of the Middle Ages. In the historical songs, relationship of Prince Lazar and his
noblemen was described like family alliance, with Lazar as the bearer of authority.
The names that appear in the epics are mostly confirmed in the historical sources,
while throughout the songs, significant part of the history of the Serbian people is
looming.
Keywords: nobility, epic poetry, family clan, Middle Ages


-,

aleks.fostikov@gmail.com

-,

vladeta.petrovic@iib.ac.rs

The paper discusses a few issues regarding the role of princess Milica after
the death of her husband, prince Lazar, during the battle of Kosovo. On the first
place, the authors give an insight into her authority as a woman and her role as a
regent and a co ruler. They also identify the circle of men in princesss service or
close to her, as well as her personal territory and the sources of her income.
: , ,
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(1393-1405). ,
,
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: (13-15. ): , ,
. 177029 :
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. 47025.
1
Popovich 1994, 87-104.
. . 2012, .

172

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2006; 2011. : Juhas-Georgievska 2002, . .

1868, 31-32; 1996, 89-97; 1996a, ;
1978, ; 2004, 357-378; 1997,
; Gavrilovi 2006, 74-78.
4
1956, 139-152; 2011, 29-49; 2011, 270-272, 282-28-7.
5
2007, . : 2012, 123
133; , 2013, 2013, 2013.
3

173

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2004, 326-328.
Vann 1993; Olsen 1994, ; Donald 1996, ; Stafford
2001, 398 415; Duggan 2002, Earenfight 2005, ; 2004, 323-324,
334-336; Bardsley 2007.

174

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175

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2007, 19, 29-32, 35-37, 39-41, 155-173, 223-228, 293-313, 391-405,

; 2012, 123133; 2013,
2013, 2013.
14
2007, 229-235, . :
2005, 107-115, . .
2009, 2011: . ,
.
15
remonik 1958, 59-60; remonik 1976, 69.
16
2007, 45-46, 31; 2013.

176

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177

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, 1402, 1404. .17

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2007, 48-49, 36; 2013.

Bedos-Rezak 1988, 60-82; Danbury 2008, 21.
19
,
. Heale 2009, 110 .40; Shadis 1996, 209; Hamburger Marti 2008, 26, 34,
65, 69 . . 7.
20
2004, 332-333, 336.
21
2009, 357-358.
18

178

, 1365. .
1359. ,

.22

.
,
,
. ,
: ( 1399-1404,
1405); ( 1404,
1402), ,
. (Gorgius de
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1994, 63-68; 1989, 26; 2009, 358-360.

1996, 91; 1997, ; 2012, 123133;
2013, 2013, 2013.
24
2012, 123133; 2013, 2013,
2013.
23

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Bardsley, S. (2007): Women's Roles in the Middle Ages, Greenwood Publishing
Group.
Bedos-Rezak, B. (1988): Women, Seals, and Power in Medieval France, 1150-1350,
Women and Power in the Middle Ages, ed Erler, M., Kowaleski, M.,University of
Georgia press, 60-82.
Danbury, E. (2008): Queens and Powerful women: image and authority, in: Good
impressions: image and authority in Medieval seals, ed. by Adams, N., Cherry, J.
and Robinson, J., British Museum Research Publication 168, The Trustees of the
British Museum, 18-24.
, . (1997): ,
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Vann, Th. M. (ed.) (1993): Queens, Regents and Potentates, Boydell & Brewer.
, . (2012):
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Gavrilovi, Z. (2006): Women in Serbian politics, diplomacy and art at the
beginning of Ottoman rule in: Byzantine Style, Religion and Civilization: In
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Earenfight T. (ed.) (2005): Queenship and Political Power in Medieval and Early
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Abbesses, The Medieval World. Ed. by Peter Linehan and Janet L.
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182

,
Aleksandra Fostikov
Vladeta Petrovi
JEVGENIJA ABBESS-PRINCESS

After the death of Prince Lazar, Princess Milica spent a decade and a half
on the Serbian throne (1389-1393-1405) as regent and as a co ruler. Her life was
defined by several roles a descendant of Nemanji dynasty, a woman of sovereign
ruler, a princess and a regent, a co ruler, an even an abbess-princess. The literal
sources, referred to Milica as masculine (brave) women, the highest praise for a
woman at that time. This also shows her taking another male role - the role of
monarch - the head of family, property, people and the whole tradition. After her
son Stefan takeover the throne, Milica became abbess Jevgenija. As a nun, she
continued to represent her sons, and together with them, issued several documents.
On the other hand, in some cases she acted individually, especially in issues related
to Dubrovnik, its merchants and leaseholders of customs revenues. As Jevgenija
Abbess-Princess, she issued the Charter to Lavra of St. Athanasius in 1398.
Versatility of diplomatic documents, indicate that Milica as abbess-princess had her
own court and a separate office, as was the case with the widow of King Uros I and
the widow of Tsar Stefan Duan. Like them, Milica had its own territory. In
Ragusan documents, she was entitled the duchess of Novo Brdo and the duchess of
Raka. Her sources of income were customs revenues of Novo Brdo and etonja, as
well as parts of customs revenues of Rudnik and Pobereje.
Key words: princess Milica, abbess Jevgenija, medieval Serbia, regent, co
ruler, gender studies


,
,
dejan.jecmenica@f.bg.ac.rs

:

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206

Dejan Jemenica

POSSESSIONS OF THE ATHONITE MONASTERY OF SAINT PANTELEIMON

IN MORAVIAN SERBIA
Founding of the metochion of Athonite Monastery of Saint Panteleimon at the
territory of Moravian Serbia was a process that lasted approximately two decades. This
endeavor can basically be divided into two stages. The first begun at the time of Prince
Lazar, just before 1380 and was continued in 1380/81. The second ensued the first one
half a decade later, in specific circumstances, when a broader project, run by the ruling
family Lazarevi (nun Eugenia, Prince Stephen and Vuk), included a significant number
of influential nobles. During nearly two decades, the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon
acquired on the territory of Moravian Serbia at least 34 villages, 6 hamlets, 7 churches,
one marketplace, one zabel (forest reserve or pasture with the exclusive right to use), half
of the brod (the basic meaning is ford, but in this case the meaning is revenue from the
tax for crossing a ford), yearly quantity of salt, houses in cities with people possessions
grouped in 16 or 17 metochions, mostly scattered on a wide area approximately from the
Ljig river and Rudnik in the west to the valleys of Great and South Morava in the east,
and down to Hvosno and vicinity of Novo Brdo (Novamonte) in the south. A significant
part of the total possessions was the endowment of the Serbian nobility more than onethird of the villages and more than a half of the churches, which is a vivid testimony of
their material power. The charters about donations of Lazarevi family to Saint
Pantaleimon, of which stands out chrysobull of nun Eugenia and her sons, contain
numerous names of the nobles from the territory of Moravian Serbia. There are eight
nobles, among benefactors only. In three cases, names of their family members are
mentioned as well (their wives), and in one case, even the sons of the noble pair.
Therefore, the total number of the nobles who contributed to the donations of the
Athonite monastery should be increased for five, up to the total of 13. Two noble families
were kin of the ruling family. The list of the names of Serbian nobility does not stop
there. Deducing from the names of donated villages, of which some contain names of the
possessors, one can find out about six more nobles, of which for at least four of them can
be said that they have acted in the time span covered by our research.
Keywords: possession, metochion, village, church, Monastery of St. Panteleimon,
Mount Athos, Moravian Serbia, nobility, locating.

Dr Alexandar Nikolov
Associate Professor
Faculty of History, Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski
alnik_1999@yahoo.com

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE ON THE

ORIGINS OF THE TURKISH TYRANTS
OF JOHN VODNIANUS CAMPANUS (1597)
Abstract: The subject of Ottoman successes, the origin and dynasty of
the Ottoman Turks, has been very popular among many representatives of
Western and Central European humanism. One of these authors is John
Campanus Vodnianus, author of a rhymed tractate dedicated to this topic,
written in the late 16th century. The following text is partial commentary of
this treatise, focused on the representation of Serbian and Bulgarian antiOttoman resistance during the 14th and 15th centuries.
Keywords: Ottoman invasion of the Balkans, anti-Ottoman struggle
of Serbs and Bulgarians, humanistic tradition of Central Europe
The Ottoman conquest of Byzantium and the Balkans is a relatively
well researched field. The main stages of this process are well presented in
the sources and extensively investigated. Some of these events formed also an
important part of the national mythologies of some modern nations. No
need to mention here the Battle of Kosovo (1389) as a significant part of the
Serbian (and not only) epic tradition and important symbol of Serbian
national identity until recent times. Another symbolic event that has been
interpreted even as the end of the medieval history of Europe and the world
is the Fall of Constantinople (1453). In addition, significant role have had the
battles of Nikopol (1396) and Varna (1444), the fall of Tyrnovo (1393), the
sieges of Kruje (1450-1478) and Belgrade (1456) and many more. Still we
have lack of information and very scarce knowledge about the Ottoman
conquest of important cities in the Balkan region such as Sofia, Plovdiv,

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Alexandar Nikolov

Skopje, etc. The evidence is very often confused and controversial, sources
are rare and incomplete. Another large obstacle in the reconstruction of the
events is due to the existence of several clichs and prejudice concerning the
character of the conquest. It was nor a set of brilliant victorious campaigns,
neither a slow process of infiltration of the Ottomans. One could discover
both types of advance: crucial battles, but also negotiations, precarious
treaties, vassalage, treason and compromise of all sides. However, every kind
of sources contributing to the reconstruction of the factual frames of the
Ottoman advance is welcome, especially when one speaks about less known
areas and chronological gaps. In this respect I would like to present a less
explored source, at least to my humble knowledge, throwing some light and
posing certain questions on the whole period of the conquest of Byzantium
and the Balkans by the Ottomans. This is the treatise On the origins of the
Turkish Tyrants (Turcicorum Tyrannorum qui inde usque ab Otomanno
rebus Turcicis praefuerunt descriptio) 1. The author of the treatise, written in
verses and in Latin, according to the late Renaissance humanist tradition is
the Bohemian writer and intellectual Johannes Campanus, known also as
Vodnianus (Jan Vodansk Campanus) (1572-1622). He was University
lecturer in Classics and history, rector of the University of Prague, and for a
long time follower of the Hussites, however, he converted to Catholicism, a
little bit before the end of his life. 2
The treatise, dedicated to the rise of the Ottoman dynasty was
composed in 1597, very soon after the graduation of the author from the
University of Prague. In the meantime he put Vodnianus as an extension of
his Latinized name in order to indicate his birthplace Vodnny in Southern
Bohemia. There were two more famous figures, preceding him and having
the names Johannes Campanus- Flemish religious reformer (c. 1500-1575)
and the Italian mathematician, astronomer and astrologer Johannes
Campanus of Novara (c.1220-1296), perhaps also known to their Czech
homonym. Probably Vodnianus was aware of them and that is the reason,
that he glorified with an additional surname his birthplace in Southern
Bohemia. Besides his writings in Latin, he had several works, written in
German and Czech languages. The treatise, dedicated to the Turkish rulers,
was among his earliest works, written in the neo-Classical Latin of the
1 Johannes Campanus 1597
2 <http://www.uni-mannheim.de/mateo/camenahtdocs/delitiae.html>

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

209

Humanists, rather complicated and imitating the ancient patterns of the

Latin poetry from the Late Republic and the Early Empire. In his
introduction he demonstrates his negative attitude to his heroes, claiming
that bad heroes and deeds deserve a bad poet. In verses he tells us the story
of the origins of the Turks, from pre-Ottoman times up to his time, when the
Ottoman armies penetrated deeply into Central Europe.
The treatise consists of 40 pages in rhymes and is divided into two
parts. The first one is a historical account and the second one is a short
narration kata prosopoian according to the author`s words i.e. a short
account on the deeds of every particular Ottoman ruler. The last presented
Sultan is Mehmed III (1595-1603) and the beginning, of course, is dedicated
to the dynasty founder Osman (1299-1326). The following publication aims
at presenting of a selection of passages that contain information on the
conquest of the Balkans, especially the conquest of Byzantium, Bulgaria and
Serbia, up to the rule of Mehmed II the Conqueror. The full translation of
the treaties into Bulgarian is still forthcoming and it will be combined with
investigation on the possible sources of Vodnianus, among them, doubtless,
the Latin compilation of Ottoman sources, written by Johannes Leunclavius
(Lwenklau) (1588; 1596) Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum a Turcis sua
lingua scripti3, published previously to the treatise and regarded as the main
source of information for the first generation of researchers of the Ottoman
Empire.
There are several passages in his poem, which probably could throw
additional light on several points of the Ottoman advance in Anatolia and
the Balkans. Thus, according to his short accounts Osman and Orhan
conquered the western portions of Asia Minor, unifying the Turkoman
hordes and offering to them the opportunity to recover from the Tatar
invasion, which forced vast groups of Turkish-speaking tribes to seek shelter
in Western Anatolia. However, the specific focus of this paper is the
presentation of the passages of the treatise dedicated to the conquest of
Bulgaria and Serbia and the investigation of some of the historical events
interpreted often incorrectly by the poet. Of course, the interpretation of
Campanus is subjected to his literary and political goals and the historical
truth is among his last concerns. Anyway part of the information, presented

3 Johannes Leunclavius 1596

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Alexandar Nikolov

in his treatise might be of use also for the mere reconstruction of the events
from the 14th to the end of the 16th centuries.

Passage 1:
Filius huc Solymannus erat, quem fortibus acrem
Auspiciis pater admirans Nicena4 regenda
Tecta dedit: pontum hic super Hellados ilicet armis
Protulit imperium, magnosque hc stragis acervos
Edidit, hunc donec Pater atro funere mersum
4 Modern Iznik (Turkey)

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

211

Consequitur, fixusque maligna cuspide teli

Tartarici propere ruit. Eius filius arma
Sumit Amurhates minor, ut virtute feroci
Sic maior simulante dolo: ne eredite Graeci
Iuranti, iurando fides huic fallere prima est.
dicta fides sequitur, nam perfidus ille Pelasgos
Auxilium simulans viduat cultoribus agros.
Ista Palaeologo5 Regnatori Hellados affers
Auxilia? haec illi in proceres promissa rebelles
Perfide bella geris? memores fandi atque nefandi
Esse Deos dubitas! at te pro talibus ausis
Praemia dignae manent, neque me praesagia fallunt.
Talia iactabat memorans nihil,ille movetur
Quaestibus, ex illo [Palaeologus] Graiis decedere terris
Abnegat, et constans in sedibus haeret iisdem.
Iamque Philippopolim, iam cu dedit Adria nomen6
Callipolimque7 capit: sternuntur inertia passim
Corpora, ubique pavor, et plurima mortis imago.
Causa mali tanti Ligur [the Genoese], hic cum classis egeret
Turca, dedit naves oranti et dona ferenti [the Turk]
Captus amore auri, nocituro munere captus.
Arrepta tellure semel, ferus ille, reverti
Abnuit, et terram quae nunc Romania fertur
Incautam ferro superat, tum Servia nomen
Obtinet antiquum. Nam servit, vimque tyranni
Threicii [the Turkish] sentit, per quem spoliata magistro est.
Non impune tamen. Nam cari funera Regis
Dum famulus parat ulcisci tu vindice ferro
Turca cadis, calido pro sanguine, sanguine fuso8.
The victories of Osman and Orhan are followed by the Ottoman
invasion in Thrace, in the time of Sleyman9 and Murad I. According to
5 Most probably John V Palaeologus
6 I.e. Adrianople, with a wrong etymology from the Adriatic Sea
7 I.e. Gallipoli (Gelibolu) in Turkey.
8 Most probably this is the story about Milo Obili (Kobili).

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Alexandar Nikolov

Campanus, Murad I deceives the master of Hellas, Palaeologus and

conquers almost simultaneously Gallipoli, Adrianople and Philippople. His
success is due to the assistance of the greedy Genoese, who support the Turks
with ships for conducting the operations through the Straits of
Constantinople. We know, indeed, that according to Venetian sources the
fleet of Sleyman, which conquered Gallipoli, was Genoese. The people of
Pera obviously preferred at that time to play with the Ottomans against the
Byzantines, underestimating the threat from the East. 10.
Thrace is occupied by the Turks, according to Campanus, taken from
Serbian hands (perhaps he had in mind Sirf Sindughi of the Ottoman
tradition, the Battle of Chernomen, 1371), because the revenge for this
conquest was the murder of Murad I at the Battle of Kosovo polje (1389) and
the following execution of Milo Obili (Kobili). We should mention here,
that Turks are sometimes nominated as Thracians or Getae by the author,
but it is obviously a literary method. Another interesting game of words is
the phrase about Romania, which got back its ancient name Servia
(understood as Land of Slaves, because of the alleged homonymy between
the ethnic name of the Serbs and the Latin servi), after the conquest.
Passage 2:
Hinc Baiazethes patrios invadit honores,
Alta petens audax, caput obiectare perclis
Impiger. Ille suos fraterna caede penates
Securus poenae maculat, quo tempore contra
Thracas [the Turks], ovans animis, Marcus Cragevitius ultum
Facta patris, magna fidens se mole movebat,
Bulgariamque suam quam lata in bella trahebat,
Sponte petes pulchream per Martia vulnera morte.
Parte alia Daci arma movent, his caesaris alae
Sigsmundi adglomerant, quae postquam numinis iram
Supplicibus superant votis, densa agmina fundunt
Turcarum, contra Thrax [the Turk] irritatus in arma
9 Sleyman Pasha, the eldest son of Orhan I. He started the conquest of Thrace and died in
1357.
10 Matanov - Mihneva 1998, 37.

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

213

Deposcit fortes Dacos [the Valachs], fortesque Croatas,

Qua data porta ruens, multisque in vincla petitis
Contendit magno ad Byzantia moenia bello.
Hic ubi sexta illum pugnantem viderat aestas
Bella Sigismundus Gallis [the French] comitatus et Hunnis [the
Hungarians]
Integrat. haud illi sese Thrax [the Turk] segnius offert,
Et qua Nicopolis surgit concurritur armis
Hinc atque hinc validis, oriturque miserrima caedes
Christiadum: lis causa mali, lis improba, primas
Dum sibi nunc Gallus, nunc arduus arrogat Hunnus.
Et Baiazethi sua sors mutata tyranno.
Namque ubi rursus adit Byzantia moenia bello
Infelix Scythicis illinc Tamerlanis armis
Retrahitur, caveaeque ferox includitur arctae,
Qui mare nunc, Hebrumque armis Istrumque premebat.
Consequently other protagonists appear to the scene in the poem of
Campanus. These are Krali Marko (Marko Kraljevi), Emperor Sigismund
(in fact, initially only King of Hungary) and the Dacians (obviously the
army of Mircea the Old). Marko, mentioned as Marcus Cragevitius and as a
ruler of Bulgaria, which is a commonplace in many literary and historical
sources, despite of his Serbian descent, attempts to revenge the death of his
father, Vukain (Volkashin). Meanwhile, Bayazid has to move against
Sigismund, the Dacians and the Croats, and finally succeeds not only to
defeat them, but also to attack Constantinople. This is a short description of
a series of campaigns between 1389 (the Battle of Kosovo) and the siege of
Constantinople, started in 1394 and continuing practically to 1402.
Concerning Marko Kraljevi, perhaps there is an indication here, explaining
the beginning of his vassalage, which is still a disputed matter in history. 11 At
least, according to the text, after the battle of Kosovo, he tries to overthrow
the pressure of the Ottomans, but is defeated and forced to confirm and
tighten his vassal statute. This coincides with activities of Sigismund against
the Ottomans, preceding the battle of Kosovo and the battle by Rovine
somewhere in Southern Valachia, which ends with the defeat of the
11 Matanov - Mihneva 1998, 71

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Alexandar Nikolov

Ottomans, but perhaps the Valachs at least formally and temporarily have to
accept a form of vassalage, as well. Here we have also an account on the well
known battle of Nikopol (1396), during which, according to Campanus, the
discord between the Hungarians and the French causes the disastrous defeat
of the Christian force. Campanus describes as a deserved vindication the
following defeat and capture of Bayazid by Tamerlan, also a very typical
explanation of the battle of Ankara (1402) and its outcome.
Passage 3:
Hinc Moses [Musa] casu patris exanimatus acerbo
Sceptra tenet mitis ponuntque ferocia Turci
Corda, timent acies lato se credere campo,
Et tantum fratres inter se proelia miscent
Duri Otomannigenae. Sic sic iuvat ire sub umbras
Crudeles Dominos, dudum caelestium inanes.
Iam fratris dextra superis concessit ab oris
Moses, et Regem [Sleyman elebi], 12 qui ceperat ante priorem,
Cum mites illi non longo tempore Turcae
Rursus in arma ruunt. Mahometi [Mehmed I]Thracia [Turkey] quando
Sceptra dat, is Dacos, et quae iuga ferre negabat
Bulgariam premit13: huic Boio comitatus et Hunno,
Marte Sigismundus Caesar coit, hic ubi victor
Turca Columbaciis laetus se moenibus infert.
Atque hic exsultans animis spoliisque superbis
Dura tributa ferox Daco imperat, Ioniosque
Contingit scopulos, primum rate traicit Istrum
Primus Drinopoli [Adrianople] sedem sibi figit in urbe,
Et quaecumque sui prius amisre receptis,
Morte cadit merit graveolenti debitus Orco.

12 Sleyman elebi (1377-1411), one of the pretenders for the Ottoman throne in the
struggles after 1402.
13 Perhaps it is an indication of the uprising of Konstantin and Fruzhin in the territories of
the former Vidin Tsardom about 1408-1417.

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

215

A short account of the Interregnum period follows, including the

actions of Musa Keseci and the civil war among the Ottomans, ended with
the death of Musa. Mehmed I succeeds very soon to suppress the Dacians i.e.
the Valachs of Mircea the Old and Bulgaria that almost has overthrown the
yoke. Here we have a clear indication about the movement of Konstantin
and Fruzhin, perhaps supported by Mircea the Old, who was their relative.
These actions indeed end with a mighty campaign of Mehmed I between
1415-1420, against Valachia, Moldova and all the centers of resistance south
of the Danube. Then Campanus mentions also the campaigns of Sigismund,
already Emperor, supported by the Hun and the Bohemian, ending with the
capture of Golubac (1428) already under the reign of Murad II.
Passage 4:
Eius Amurrhates sceptrum rapit, ante necato
Baiazetida Novomentumque [Novo Brdo] obsidet annos
Quatuor, hinc Venetis sua Thessalonica per illum
Demitur, et Bellogradum obsidione tenetur,
(Bulgarus hoc castrum, cum iam diffideret armis
Bulgariae, castris aliis pro pluribus unum
Hungarico regi dedit, Hunnis rebus asylon
Ut foret, et nuris hostem se iungeret altis)
Fulminat hic armis Thrax arduus, ardua contra
Arx manet inconcussa, velut Marpesia cautes: 14.
Instant ardentes Hunni, nec saxa nec ullum
Telorum interea cessat genus: avolat inde
Rex Geticus [the Turkish ruler] belli sortem indignatus acerbam,
Atque novs acies agit, illum bella minantem
Hungariae, Hunniades contra se strenuus offert
Inque haemi campis superatum ad foedera cogit15.
Non tulit hanc pacem praesul Romanus16, et arma
Arma Getis [the Turks] moveamus, ait, dicto ocius omnes
Prosiluere Patris monitis parere parati.
14 The legendary city of Marpesia, the Queen of the Amazons, in Caucasus.
15 The Peace of Szeged (1443).
16 The cardinal Giuliano Cesarini

216

Alexandar Nikolov

Hic Thrax (ut perhibent) violati foederis ir

Multa Deos orans oneraverat aethera votis
Si Deus es Crucifixe, tuum qui fallere numen,
Per quod iurrunt, audent, ait, hos age dignis
Exerce poenis, liceat punire merentes,
Foedifragumque istis liceat domuisse sub armis.
Sic fatus: curvum vagin protinus ensem
Eripiens volat, huc comes omnis Thracia pubes
Et qua Varna suas despectat lubrica lymphas.
Ingentes count acies, haud numine nostro,
Rex etenim Wladislae cadis, cadit improbus osor
Foederis, a magno de missum nomen Iulo17
Triste gemens (at tu dictis Romane maneres)
Foedifragique viri peraratur acinace pectus.
Hunniades, Thracum per mille sequentia tela
Surripiens sese fugit ilicet otior Euro [the Eastern Wind],
Et montana petit, pedibus timor addidit alas.
Constitit haec Turcis etiam victoria magno,
Nec tamen absistunt, cladem iuvat addere cladi,
Et glomerare manum bello, et concurrere in hostem:
Campanus is well informed about the riot of Prince Mustafa, ended
with his public execution in 1422 in Adrianople. He mentions a four years
lasting siege of Novomentum (Novo Brdo in Kosovo), the well-known
capture of Thessaloniki, being temporarily under Venetian control and a
siege of Belgrade, that according Campanus was transferred by the
Bulgarians to the Hungarians in exchange of many other fortresses to be a
shelter of the Hungarian cause and because the Bulgarian did not trust
anymore to his weapons. It is difficult to identify what exactly meant the
author with this information, perhaps some events from the fourteenth
century, concerning the Hungarian occupation of the Tsardom of Vidin. The
passage continues with a relatively extensive description of the crusade of
1443-1444, a well-known event. Here, Campanus blames the break of the
17 Campanus makes here an allusion with Julius Caesar and Julius Ascanius, the legendary
ancestor of the gens Julia in Rome, descending from Ilium (Troy), and the name of Giuliano
Cesarini.

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

217

oath by the Christians for the final defeat of the crusaders. The chronology
of the events starts with the victory of Hunyadi near Belgrade (summer of
1441), followed by other victories of the crusaders in 1443 in the fields of
Haemus, the truce of Szeged, the break of the oath from Christian side and
of course the decisive battle of Varna, the death of Wladislaw Warnienczyk
and cardinal Giuliano Cesarini. Hunyadi is blamed, too, because he escaped
from the battlefield quicker than the eastern wind, Eurus.

Ghazi Sultan Muhammed Khan II (1440-1481)

Passage 5:
Attilidae contra magna nituntur opum vi.
Quis cladem illius pugnae, quis funera fando

218

Alexandar Nikolov

Explicet? hoc natum bello sibi luget a demptum

Turca, furensque quid hic omnes moriemur inulti?
Non moriemur, ait: nec multa moratus ovantem
Hunniadem flammaque Getis feroque minantem
Accurrens fugat, et quinque atro milibus Orco
Immissis audere suos in proelia cernens
Cuncta ruit, Scopiam et Sophiam capit, oppida clarae
Bulgariae, generumque fugat, securus amorum
Coniugis: hinc pugnas atque invidiosa perosus
Sceptra subit claustrum, positisque inglorius armis
Exigit aetatem. Negat illi gaudia pacis
Filius, ante annos sceptrum, cumque hoste potenti
Bella gerens: rogat ille patrem succurrat egenis
Rebus, et effrenes compescat militis ausus.
Audivit senior, dumque aestuat ira,
(lupus ceu In densa raptor nebula, quam livida ventris
Exegit caecum rabies, catulique relicti)
Fertur in arma furens, et dudum impune rebelles
Ultus caede viros, validis citus imminet Hunnis,
Tum quoque Scanderbege premi obsidione videbas
Emathiis Troiam18 campis, ubi Thrax gravis aevo
Dira fremens, quod non obsessam vinceret urbem
Effugientem animam quassans caput, exhalavit.
Nunc mihi Pierides19 si quando, favete canenti
Maius opus moveo, maioribus ire per altum
Me decet auspiciis, Mahometem quando secundum20
Dicere fert animus, Mahometes carminis huius
Materia est, vir Martis amans, Patre sevior ipso
Europae atque Asiae dira et communis Erinys,
Imperii bini raptor, clarusque ducentis
Urbibus ereptis. Hic patris funere laetus
18 Emathia was a part of Ancient Macedonia. The allusion here is between Skenderbeg and
Alexander the Great and Kruja and Troy.
19 The Pierides were the nine daughters of King Pieros of Emathia, who lived in the district
of Pieria, nearby Olympus. They were defeated by the Muses, who, on their turn, were
labeled as Pierides afterwards.
20 Mehmed II Fatih.

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

219

Thursinem fratrem Genitricis ab ubere raptum

Ire suo comitem Patri iubet ad Stygis umbras.
Protinus ad Croiam late loca milite complet
Musarum domus, Aniae21 verruntur Athenae
Triste iugum passae, tum pulsa Palla de Mavors
Palladis insedit muris, avellitur inde
Et Constantini Mahometes obsidet urbem.
Nec prius absistit, quam victis Caesare et urbe
Imperio potitur Graim, nec Bosna quieta est,
Here comes another passage, dedicated to the follow-up of this campaign, ending with another Hungarian defeat, probably the battle of Kosovo (1448). Campanus mentions here that the victorious Turks devastated
Skopje and Sofia,oppida clarae Bulgariae and that Murad II chased his sonin-law, who neglected the love of his wife. It remained unclear to me, whose
husband it was, because the Sultan had two daughters-ehzade and Fatma
Sultan. Campanus speaks about an anti-Ottoman rebellion, final defeat of
the Huns and the attacks against Skenderbeg and Kruja (nominated Troy),
which preceded the death of Murad II. Here comes the most difficult part of
the text, according to Campanus. He is asking the Pierides for help to
describe the deeds of Mehmed II Fatih. He was more fierce than his father,
dreadful and common Erynia for Europe and Africa, he destroyed 200
cities, conquered both empires Kruja, Athens, the City of Constantine are
under siege right after accession to the throne. Constantinople and the
Imperium Graium and Bosnia are conquered. The chronology includes
the murder of Tursin, his younger brother, directly after the accession of
Mehmed II, immediate attacks against Kruja, conquest of Athens (1458) and
intriguingly a very short account on the Fall of Constantinople (1453).
Passage 6:
Hc Mars Vulcanusque fremunt: unde horridus hostis
Asper acerba tuens Graiae, arduus imminet Albae22

21 In this case, a surname of Bacchus is derived by the Aonians, the ancient inhabitants of
Boeotia.
22 Alba Graeca, Belgrade

220

Alexandar Nikolov

Et dum lustrat equo passim loca, dumque minantes

In caelum muros tentans huc fertur et illuc,
Huniades fulmen belli, fortissimus heros,
Illum, arci casus supremaque fata minantem
Summovet Hungaria: vidisses fata Tyrannum
Lugentem sua nequiquam, studiisque furentem,
An sese mucrone ob tantum dedecus ultro
Induat, an mediis iaci at se fluctibus excors?
In Persasne omnes irarum effundat habenas?
Haec alternanti potior sententia visa est
Persas Marte sequi: primum hic fortuna labori
Persarum aspirat, Caeduntur milia Thracum
Dena quater, rapida Euphrates qua labitur undae.
At vero duri revocant dum proelia Turcae,
Erectisque animis instaurant agmina magni
Arsacidae23, gliscit violentia: paene putares
Aethereos montes concurrere montibus altis.
Fit via vi, favet ipse suis Mars Thracius armis,
Victoresque cadunt Persae, Rex ipse perempti
Hoc bello nati crudelia funera luget.
Inde triumphata felici Marte Corintho,
Turca Trapezuntem Comneni regna Davidis24
Eruit, et Regi subeunti, aciesque trahenti
Detruncat caput25 Hinc Sapphus patriam Mytilenem26
Marte truci superans collo iuga sumere cogit.
Tum caput ipsi aufert Domino, truncumque relinquit
Sanguine singultantem atro, sensimque cadentem.27
Eloquar: idem hostis feriendi foederis ergo
Bulgariae Dominum vocat ad se in tecta, vocato

23 Synonym of the Persian ruler, derived from the Arsacides, a Parthian dynasty.
24 David Megas Comnenus (1459-1461)- the last ruler of the Empire of Trapezund (modern
Trabzon, Turkey).
25 This is a later event from 1463, when David was executed after accusation in plotting
against Mehmed II, who initially spared his life.
26 Sapho of Lesbos, the famous ancient Greek poetess.
27 The execution of Niccolo Gattilusio, the last ruler of Lesbos, performed in Istanbul.

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

221

Est detracta cutis summos direpta per artus.28

Ilicet Eliadum29 qua feta Epiros equarum
Visitur, et ducit tectis sublimibus arcem,
Esse sui cupiens firmum praedonis asylum.
Non lature doli Dominum regionis: is arcem,
Surgentem telis quatit arduus, et Mahometem
Niligenas [the Egyptians] fero flammaque lacessere cogit.
Hc vero ingentes pugnas (ce cetera nusquam
Proelia fecisset) Thrax conserit, omnibus unus
Urbibus incumbens, terrasque cadavere complens.
Narrantana30 ruit, ruit alta Seleucia31, primi
Cives, patricius sanguis, spes tanta nepotum
Funere mulctantur, deiecti turribus altis.
Nec minus interea praedones Stiria passa est32:
Ex illa passim manibus post terga revinctis
Christiadae ducti miserum et lacrimabile vulgus
Euboica his etiam gemurunt arma sub armis,
Vidisses Italos hastis sudibusque praeustis
Affigi, et lucem petere et gemuisse reperta.
Tum quoque bellaces invadit Thracius Hunnos
Ensis, ibi Getica tum milia dena trahuntur
Capta manu33: quin Dalmaticis quoque finibus ampla
Praeda agitur, multi praestantes corpore Tauri.
Damna bonus Perses pensat, dum milia Thracum
Triginta fundit, neque lentius exigit hostes
Muldaviae princeps Stephanus [the Great]: tot casibus actus
Turcus paciferam Venetis praetendit Olivam.
Hinc Hunnum terra sed te petit Appule [the Apulian, from Puglia] lympha:
28 The execution of Stefan Tomaevi, the last Bosnian King, wrongly presented as ruler of
Bulgaria.
29 Elis is a district in the northeastern part of Peloponnese.
30 Unspecified fortress, not far from the famous medieval harbor of Candeloro in
Southeastern Turkey.
31 Modern Silifke, Turkey.
32 Styria (Steiermark) in the southern part of modern Austria.
33 Perhaps Campanus mentions here the great Hungarian victory in Transylvania, in 1479,
near Szaszvaros (Ortie), today in Romania.

222

Alexandar Nikolov

Mittitur imperium in Scythicum nemorosa Zacynthos,

Leucadiaeque [Lefkas]sinus et Neritus [Ithaka]ardua saxis,
Et vicina mari Calabris in montibus Hydrus [Otranto].
Processurus erat, non sivit Rector Olympi [Jupiter]
Ille oras bellis gravidas miseratus et urbes,
Regnatorem Asiae magnum parva obruit urna
Vitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub umbras.
The next passage describes the unsuccessful attempt for the conquest
of Alba Graia (Belgrade), defended by Hunyadi (1456) and the decision of
Mehmed II to turn his army against the Persians i.e. Uzun Hassan from the
dynasty Akkoyunlu. After the initial success of the Persians, Mehmed II
the Thracian, a real Mars defeats the army of the great Arsacide and
wins the final victory (the battle of Tercan on the Euphrates River in 1473).
The passage describes the following campaigns in Peloponessus, Epirus, the
conquest of Trapezunt and the death of David Comnenus (1463) and finally
also the execution of King Stefan Tomaevi of Bosnia, wrongly nominated
dominus Bulgariae (1463).The chronology includes also the capture of
Corinth (1459-1460), Lesbos (1462) and the following campaigns against the
Albanians of Skenderbeg. Campanus mentions also the final wars of
Mehmed II, preceding his death. This chronology includes many events: the
conflict with the Mamluks (Niligenae) about the emirate of Dlkadr, which
led later to the war from 1485 (after the death of Mehmed II). There is also
information about the battles by Narantana, Seleucia (Silifke) in Syria (now
in Turkey), raids in Styria, Euboea, raids against the Italians and the
Huns, against the Persian and the prince of Moldova Stephen the Great.
According to Campanus ,Mehmed II concluded peace with Venice, but
wanted soil from the Hun and water from you, Apulian. Zakynthos,
Lefkada and even Otranto were conquered, as well. At the end the great
ruler of Olympus terminates the zeal of conquest of the great master of
Asia(1481).
The treatise continues with an extensive account on the following
Ottoman campaigns in Central Europe and the Mediterranean. The second
part is a short biography of all the sultans from Osman I to Mehmed III
(1566-1603). This part of treatise would be discussed in another publication.
In my opinion, not only this piece of Vodnianus, but also various other
writings from the genre Turcica would contribute to the clarification of some

SERBS AND BULGARIANS IN THE TREATISE

223

controversial points in the early Ottoman conquest of the Slavo-Byzantine

oecoumena and the time of the Ottoman grandeur, which followed.

LIST OF REFERENCES
Johannes Campanus 1597

Johannes Leunclavius 1596

Matanov - Mihneva 1998

Johannes Campanus (Vodnianus), Turcicorum

Tyrannorum qui inde usque ab Otomanno rebus
Turcicis, descriptio. Typis Otthmarianis ,
Pragae,1597. <http://www.unimannheim.de/m
ateo/camena/campanus1/te01.html>
Johannes Leunclavius, Annales Sultanorum
Othmanidarum, Apud Andreae Wecheli heredes, Francofurdi, 1596.
Matanov, Hr., R. Mihneva.
: ,
1351-1571 ., [From Gallipoli to
Lepanto: The Balkans. Europe and the Ottoman Conquest 1351-1571] , ,
1998.

224

Alexandar Nikolov

(1597)

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O 1996, 58-60, 94; . 1989, 59-61;

2002, 114-115 (. ); Ka 2012, 42.
1964, 349; 1989, 67.
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Kkllei 1960, 70.
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. Kkllei Jnos, KMTL 1994
(Kbls J.) ca .

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Engel 2001, 142.
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Thallczy-Aldssy 1907, 22.
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230

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Palatini virtutibus, Lazarum, Dominum Rasciae, socerum suum ab obedientia regia
declinantem, idem Nicolaus Palatinus suae circumspectionis industria solitae obedientiae
reduxit in gremium, debita coronae regiae obsequia redditurum. Ipso denique Lazaro et
Omurath Turcarum Domino in conflictu personali, mutuis bellis inter se commisso, debita
carnis vniuersae vtrinque reddentibus, praefatoque Joanne de Horwthy in suis detestabilibus
processibus districtus regios Belyn et Machow inuadente, idem Nicolaus Palatinus, tunc
Banus Machowien. praedictos districtus ab eius insultibus suae virtutis arduitate liberauit,
consequenterque cum aduersus Turcarum et Rasceanorum praedictorum malignam
conspirationem vicibus quatuor continuat. . - 1967, 364;
2012, 43.
22
Fejr X/1, 368-369, 367-370, 415; Thallczy-Aldssy 1907, 21-22; .
- 1967, 78-79, 29 364.
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25
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232

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declinatum, idem Nicolaus Palatinus suae Circumspectionis industria, solitae Obedientiae
reduxit in gremium, debitae Coronae nostrae Obsequia praehabiturum.,
, 1408. 660679; ii 1938, 279.
30
VII, 436.
31
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18. , ,
80
. Thallczy-Aldssy 1907, 22-23.
32
Mlyusz 1984, 12.
, . 1989, 159-160.
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234

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II, 2000, 47 (. ); 2006, 112-113.
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Varju 1908, 420-421; ZsO, 142.
45
DF 220078 Engel 1998, 15, . 50.
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versus regnum nostrum Seruiae ad nonnullorum nostrorum, et regni nostri aemulorum
proteruiam conterendam, Duce Deo profecti personaliter extitissemus, ipse Magister
Stephanus bona bonis accumulando ad nostri regii honoris incrementum, et totius regni
nostri commodum cum magna fidelium regni nostri Nobilium suorum vt puta fidorum
asseclarum, sub vexillis dictorum fratrum suorum gloriose militantium copia, nobiscum in
dictum regnum nostrum Seruiae personali assistentia proficiscendo, in eodem regno nostro
coram nostris obtutibus, praesertim in creberrima expugnatione castrorum nostrorum Borich
et Chestyn nuncupatorum, in ipso regno nostro Seruiae existentium per nosque non sine ope
et opere, adminiculoque et virtuoso bellico ipsius Magistri Stephani certamine victoriose,

236

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et temporibus intrepide exponendo, fideles, indefessos, laudabiles et preconio extollendos ipsi
sacro famulatus, sic et adeo, vt noster regius animus exinde semper mitissime conquieuerit
54
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Macs, KMTL, 421-422 (Rokay P-Takcs M).
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448-449.
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238

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244

Boris Stojkovski
PRINCE LAZAR AND HUNGARY

The author analyzes, based on very scarce sources and relevant Serbian and
Hungarian literature, relations between Serbian prince Lazar and Hungary. The
main written source is Mavro Orbin and his work Il regno degli Slavi. The author
also provides some sources of smaller significance such are Serbian annals, but also
introduces in Serbian historiography the work of Jnos Kkllei. Of highest
importance for the topic are charters and other diplomatic documents issued by
Hungarian kings Louis the Great and especially Sigismund of Luxembourg. They
provide us data on the conflicts between Moravian Serbia and Hungary during the
reign of Hungarian king Louis the Great, and especially very tempestuous relations
between the states from 1382 until 1389. Even though prince Lazar stood in the
vassal relation towards Hungarian kings, he fought against both Louis and
Sigismund. In these wars Serbia obtained Mava, Kuevo and Branievo. Especially
turbulent relations between two countries emerged after the Kosovo battle, when
Hungarians attacked Serbia, trying to get back feudal areas which were given to
Serbian prince. Very large army led by numerous Hungarian noblemen was
mobilized in the autumn war in 1389. Later on, from 1390, Serbia became vassal
state of Ottoman Empire, and a new page in the Serbian-Hungarian relations has
been turned. At the end of the paper, the author briefly explains the view of the
aforementioned relations in Hungarian historiography.
Keywords: Prince Lazar, Hungary, Serbia, Sigismund of Luxembourg


,
.
anikolov2003@yahoo.com

(1365-1369)

The paper reviews the sources concerned with the participation of

Franciscan monks in the attempt to impose Catholicism upon the Bulgarian
population of the Vidin tsardom during the Hungarian occupation of these
territories (1365-1369). Attention is given to the accounts of the death of several
Franciscans in 1369 as well as to the later echoes of this event in the historical
tradition of the Franciscan Order and in various European publications of the 16th18th century.
1365 . I (1342
1382) ,

(13311371), . , ,


.
, ,

.1
2 1365 .,
(. 13521396),
,

.2

Housley 1984, 192.

.: Thallczy 1900; Holban 1956; Rokai
1970; 1975; 1979; Gjuzelev 1980; Gjuzelev 1980a; Holban 1981, 155211;

246

I,

,
. ,
1365 .
V (13411391) 1365
1366 . e,
.
, (
)
1274 .
,
, V
. 1366 .
- V (13621370)
, ,
. ,
1 1366 .
,
, ,
V .3

, ,
(,
),

,
.
VI (13471354; 1383)
,
1367 .,
, 1366 .
V
1985, 202203; 1998, 235239; , 1999, 604607;
2009, 231237.
3
Gill 1979, 213214; Setton 1976, 288290, 300; 1993, 305312.

 (1365-1369)

247

. ,
:
,
,
:
, ,
! ?!
, ,
, , ,
, :
, ,
!4
,
5, ,
(1197-1207)
1235 .
.6

, , ,
. ,


.

1365 ., V (
) ,
, ,
, , ,
4

Meyendorff 1960, 173; 1968, 330 (e). . : 2009, 400

( ).
(Gill 1977, 34; Gill 1979, 216).
, .
,
.
5
V 19 1370 . ,
(13521364),
: Imperatricem Bulgarie illustrem, natam tuam, a scismate ac
erroribus hereticalibus, in quibus diutius fuerat, retraxisti (Theiner 1860, 95).
6
2009, 178184, 267273, 280285; Nikolov 2003; 2011, 5253.

248

,
.7


.8 50
()
. 1366 .
,

,
,
200 000 ( )
.9

, ,
-
. ,
,
, 20 1366 . ( . )
10
11 12 ,
(
) , ,
.13

1997; 2009, 233, 262.

. , 50
- . ( ).
.: Dujev 1965, 413424.
9
Wadding 1932, 230. . : Holzapfel 1909, 220; , 1977, 133; Glvez
1997, 144146; Arnald of Sarrant 2010, 757.
10
. , 35
. .
11
(. Krassvr, . Caraova)
, . (. ).
12
. (. Kevevra)
(. . . ).
13
Fejr 1834, 533534; Nagy, Makkai 1941, 201-202. . : 1870, 204205;
1978, 375; Petkov 1995, 19, n. 15.
8

 (1365-1369)

249

,
,

, ,

. , ,


- .


. . 13391340 .
, ,

( ), .14
13651369 .
, , ,

. ,

,

().15
, 1366 . V

,
.
,
.

14

Fermendin 1890; Fermendin 1892; 1955; j 1986.

.

,
1366 .: La lettre du Gnral parle galement
de princes infidles acceptant le baptme, d hrtiques et de schismatiques revenant
la vraie foi, et aussi de Manichens, cest--dire de Bogomils. Il ne semble pas quil fasse
nettement distinction entre les infidles et les schismatiques en ce qui concerne le mode
de leur reception dans lEglise romaine (Meyendorff 1960, 154). . : Petkov 1995,
1819.

15

250

16 1379 .,
V
: ,
, ,
.17
, , , ,
, 1369
. ; , ,
1367 . ,
V,
,
.
V
13 1368 .,
18,

. ,

, .

(13641377) 1369 .

.
, ,

16

1367/1368 . (Fermendin 1890, 9).

Lasi 1962, 75: Etiam Ioannes, imperator Constantinopolitanus, quando ad regem venit,
dixit, audientibus multis: Bene facit rex baptizare istos Sclavos, quia nec Graecam nec
Romanam formam sequuntur. . : 2009, 408 (
V
1366 .).
18
De Gubernatis 1689, 111: Repleuit ingenti gaudio mentem nostram acceptissima Deo &
nobis relatio [] quod inspirante illo, qui ubi vult, spirat, ad tuam inductionem, &
cooperationem piissimam, ac fratrum dicti Ordinis in dictis partibus commorantium
praedicationem, multa millium personarum utriusque sexus, relictis damnabili schysmate,
aliisque erroribus, quibus erant, & fuerant omni tempore inuoluti, ad lumen verae fidei, ac
unitatem, & obedientiam Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, Matris & Magistrae cunctorum
fidelium, redierunt. . : Dujev 1965, 418; , 1977, 136;
2009, 232233.
17

 (1365-1369)

251

,
.19
, ,

, 1369 .
: 1./
; 2./ (. ); 3./
; 4./ (. ); 5./
.20
,
. ,
,
. .21
,
. XV .,
, .22
,
1385 1399 .
(1352. 1401)
:
, , 23, ,
24, 25 .26

19

: Dujev 1965, 420422.

Wadding 1932, 254; , 1977, 137; Glvez 1997, 149; Arnald of Sarrant
2010, 761; Nicolaus Glassberger 1887, 203.
21
Lemmens 1903, 47: Vladislaus Sclavonicus laicus de Poscega. . : Dujev 1965,
422, n. 2.
22
2001, 185. XVIII .
1339 1735 .
(Fermendin 1890, 11).
23
Iadra ;
, . .
24
(Marchia Orientalis)
. .
25

.
, (Bartholomaeus Pisanus
1590, 95v: Frater Benedictus de Regno Apuliae).
26
Bartholomaeo de Pisa 1906, 335336; Dujev 1965, 422.
20

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Arnald of Sarrant 2010

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Generals of the Order of Friars Minor [1369-1374].
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Angel Nikolov

THE FRANCISCAN MISSION IN VIDIN (13651369)

The article discusses a major aspect of the Hungarian occupation of the

Bulgarian tsardom of Vidin between 1365 and 1369: the attempt of King Louis I to
force Catholicism upon the local population. To that end, a special mission of
Franciscans from the Bosnia vicarage was dispatched. There are reasons to believe
that the conversion of 200,000 Bulgarians in the region of Vidin, conducted by the
Bosnian Franciscans in 1366 was merely part of a more ambitious plan forged by
Louis I, i.e. to convert all his Orthodox subjects (Bulgarians, Serbs, Wallachians) to
Catholicism. When, ultimately, in February 1369 Wallachian troops took over
Vidin, five of the Franciscans escaped with their lives, while another five were killed
and later canonized by the Roman Catholic Church.


-

,
ksmitrov@f.bg.ac.rs

(1365-1402)*
:

, . I
,

1375. . II, ,
,
.
: , , , ,
, ,

, ,
,
29. 1360. .
, ,
,

.1 ,
*

,

(14 15. ), . . 177010.
1
Mon. Serbica, 168-169 ( 149); , 182-183 ( 45).

258

,
.2 ,
I II
, ,
60- 14. .3
, I
, , 1365.
.4
.
,
, II/2, 6 (. ); 1975, 40.
2
, 63.
, ,
. ,

, II/2, 7 (. ).
3

, I,
.
,

. 1362.
. .
1361.


.
, .

1363. .
(1366-1370). 1365.
. 1363-1366. 1368.
,
1368. .
1364. ,
.
. 60- v. , 63-64;
Butorac 1999, 26-34; II/2, 9-27 (. ); 1975, 41-43, 47-50, 55-57,
112-113, 125-127. v. 2000, 71-77.
4
II/2, 19 (. ); 1975, 84. (1372)
, , II/2, 51 (.
).

259

,
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(rebellis) .5
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, 1371.
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II/2, 29 (. ).
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1964, 133-135: II/2, 34-35, 36 (. ); 1975, 203207.

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, 1975, 82;
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1368, 1371. . ,
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262

, . ,
I , ,
,
.
.18
,
.19
.


.20
I . 1378.

. II 18. 1385.

- , , .
II (1385-1403), ,
.
, . . II

.

, .21 II
27. 1386.


.
, , II
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, ,
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18

. , 289-293; , 73-76; .
, 67-74; 1975, 87-90.
v. 1982, 159-182.
19
2001, 77.
20
II/2, 31, 33 (. ).
21
Ibid., 49-50.
22
Mon. Serbica, 203-204 ( 194); , 198-199 ( 61); I,
110-111 ( 114).

263

. II ,
,
.23
II
I - . 1386.
1387. II
, ,
.24
II
9.
1387. .
.25
,
,
,
80

.26
,
,
,
.27 II
,
.
,
1385. . ,
,
, .28

23

Cfr. 1979, 346.

II/2, 50 (. ); 1996, 73.
25
I, 120-123 ( 127); , 191-200.
26
1975, 55-62 .
27
2004, 315-333 .
, II/2, 50 2001, 107-108.
28
1964, 157-160; II/2, 52-54 (. ); 2001, 108.
24

264

1413.

, ,
II
. , ,

265

.29
II ,
1403. .30
III,
28. 1421. .

. .

Listine IV
Mon. Serbica

29

, , ed. .
, 42 (1875) 223-328.
,
, . ,
, 1935.

, ed. . ,
7 (1967) 67-74.
,
XIV , ed. . ,
, 56 (1884) 63-77.
. ,
, 1912.
. , , .
, . ,
Sezam Book, 2006.
S. Ljubi, Listine o odnoajih Junoga Slavenstva i
Mletake republike IV, JAZU, Zagreb 1874.
F. Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica spectantia
historiam Serbiae, Bosnae, Ragusii, Vindobonae
1858.

. , 280-281; , 104; 1934, 83-84;

II/2, 82 (. ).
, II 14.
1396. ,
, ,
, , II/2, 62-63 (.
).
30
II/2, 85 (. ).

266
Mon. Slav. Merid. I

A. Theiner, Vetera monumenta Slavorum
Meridionalium historiam illustrantia I, Romae
1863.
. ,
I, 1929.
. , : ,
, , ,
2003.

1975

1982
2004

1975
1979
Butorac 1999
II/2
Kreki 1997
1975
2001

Norwich 2011
1996

. , ,
.

1971,

, 1975, 45-63.
. ,
, 21 (1982) 159-182.
. ,
,
,
, 2004, 315-333.
.
,

, , 81-91.
. , ,
XV , , 1979, 332-384.
P. Butorac, Kotor za samovlade (1355.-1420.),
Gospa od krpjela, Perast 1999.
II/2, 1970.
B. Kreki, Venezia e lAdriatico, Storia di Venezia
III, Roma 1997, 51-85.
. , , ,
1975.
. , : ,
, ,
Knowledge, 2001.
J. J. Norwich, Storia di Venezia. Dalle origini al
1400, Mursia, Milano 2011.
. , ,
, 1996.

1999

1934

1964
2000

267

. , ,

.
, . 3,
,
1999, 51-56.
. ,
,
I, 1934, 79-87.
. ,
, , 1964.
. , .
,
, 2000.

268

Katarina Mitrovi
RELATION OF PRINCE LAZAR AND HIS SUCCESSORS
WITH THE BALI FAMILY (1365-1402)

The Bali family was a noble family that had ruled a large part of the Zeta
and some of its neighboring regions since the 1360ies. The founder of this ruling
family was Bala I who used to rule the Lower Zeta and the City of Skadar. His sons
Stracimir, ura I and Bala II managed to expand the dominions under their
direct rule thus lining up with the most powerful owners of Serbian teritorries as
early as the 1360ies. ura I maintained good relations with Prince Lazar.
Although he had not participated in the military action taken by Prince Lazar and
the Bosnian ruler Ban Tvrtko against a Nikola Altomanovi, he profited from their
victory after which he set up his rule in the coastal districts of Draevica, Konavle
and Trebinje in early November 1373. The fact that the Bali family became
Catholic in 1369, did not stop ura I from supporting Prince Lazar in solving a
significant state issue reconciliation of the Serbian and the Byzantine churh
declared in Prizren in late April 1375.
Also, ura I and Prince Lazar had called the ecclesiastical convocation in
Pe at the start of October in the same year, where Jefrem was elected a new Serbian
Patriarch. At the time, the towns of Pe and Prizren belonged to the teritorries
ruled by the Bali family. However, soon after the death of ura I on January 13
1378, Vuk Brankovi conquered Prizren, evidently with approval of Prince Lazar,
which meant permanent loss of inland teritorries for the Bali family.
After the death of his uncle Bala II during a clash with the Turks in 1385,
ura II, son of Stracimir, became a new family leader. He fortified his good
relations with Prince Lazar by marrying his daughter Jelena in 1386 or 1387.
Although he did not take part in the Battle of Kosovo since he was amicable with
the Turks at the time of the battle, he still gave support to Despot Stefan Lazarevi
on his way back to Serbia from the Battle of Angora in 1402. At the occasion, the
two rulers met in Bar, and the ruler of Zeta placed his escort troops at disposal of
his broher-in-laws army.
ura I Bali died in early April 1403. Despot Stefan Lazarevi remained in good
relations with his son and successor Bala III who died at the court of his uncle, in
Belgrade, on April 28,1421.
Keywords: Prince Lazar, Bali family, Zeta, Nikola Altomanovi,
Reconciliation of Serbian and Byzantine Church, Helen Bali, despot Stephen
Lazarevi

marko_aleksic@yahoo.com

14.
:

.
1380.
, .

.
.
,
.
14.
.
,
,
S.
, ,

. ,
1391.
.
: , , , , ,
,
, .
, ,
.
14.

270

.
.
,
.


j .
.
1380.
,
.1
, . ,
,
.2

, , ,
, .3
,

,
, , .4

,5 ,
.


, , ,
.
, 14.
,
.6
1

1989, 57; 2008, 200-202.

1983, 134, 136, . 13.
3
1989, 147; 2008, 196-197.
4
, , 1991, 50, 109; 2008, 194-196.
5
2001, 150, 274. , ,
2008, 53. 1388. , 1989, 149, 160, .
3/7.
6
Williams and Edge 2004, 124.
2

271

, (`
`) (` `)
.7

. ,
. ,
,
. .

.
14. 15.
.
13.

.
,
,8
14. .9
, .

.10 14.
,
.
,
.
, 14. .

,
.
, , .
,
, .
,
, , .
7

2008, 47.
Blair 1959, 51.
9
Petrovi 1976, 117.
10
Clifford 2010, 252.
8

272

,
,
, .

,
,
14. .

.
, , 1370.
.11
()
, ,12
,
.
,
.

.
. 1330.

.13 ,

.

.
, , ,
.
,
,
,
.
, 14 ,
,
,
11

Boccia, Rossi and Morin 1980, 34-35, fig. 13, 14. 13.
Ffoulkes 2008, 46; Gravett 2008,157.
13
Clifford 2010, 252.
14
, 2008, 51.
12

273

1376. 15
(Ralph de Wylmington) (Atherington),
, .16

. .

.
, ,
.17

.
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,
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,

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.21
.22
,

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23 ,
, . ,
,
1350. .
15

Bloxam 1834, 154-155, .

De Saxe 2007, 151, .
17
2008, 122-124, 202.
18
Petrovi 1976, 119.
19
Truhelka 1914, 237-238, sl. 41.
20
Bojanovski 1965, 77-78, sl. 8, sl. 9.
21
2003, 299-302, . 1-3.
.
22
Lev 1996, 67; Rabovyanov, Naydenov 2013, 84; D`Amato 2012, 4, .
23
1989, 158, . 1.
16

274

, .24

( Z)
S ( 12).
Typological division of square pommels (Oakeshott`s type Z) and horizontaly
curved cross-guards in the shape of letter S (Oakeshott`s type 12).

1370. 1410. .
, 1380. ,

. 14.

24

, 2001, . V, 24:17, 24:19.

275

.25

,
.


,
,
.



.

.

,
,

S.
Z
, 12
.26


.27
15.
,
, .
S-. , 14.
15. .
Sword with square pommel and S-shaped cross-guard. Military museum, Belgrade,
end of the 14th-first half of the 15th century.
Z
25

Boccia, Rossi, Morin 1980, 40, fig. 19; Oakeshott 2012, 117.
Oakeshott 1981, 118.
27
Gosek 1984, 30.
26

276

, .
12

.28 S ,
15. 16.
( T, G V)
.29 ,
Z1 Z3, S 12
12.30 Z 12
.
, Z3, 12c.
,
.
15.
, spade schiavonesche
.31
,

.
(,
), ,
.
Z2, S- 12b, XXb.
``,
( Z1 Z2,
XIIIa, 12b)
.
1.

28

Oakeshott 1981, 111.

Bruhn-Hoffmeyer 1954, 188-191, Pl. XXII, a, c.
30
Aleksi 2007, 2425, 3132, fig. 1, 4.
31
Boccia, Coelho 1975, 18; Franzoi 1990, 232-233.
29

277

32

XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb/XIIIc
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XXb
XVII
XVIa

Z2b
Z
Z2b
Z
Z
Z
Z3
Z
Z2b
Z2b
Z1
Z1
Z1
Z
Z1/3
Z2b
Z2b
Z3
Z2b
Z2
Z2b

, 32
, 33
, 34
, 35
, 36
, 37
, 38
, 39
, 40
41
, 42
, 43
, 44
, .. 45
46
, 47
, 48
, 49
, 50
, 51
, 52

12b
12
12
12
12
12
12b
12
12b
12b
12b
12b
12b
12b
12b
12a
12b/c
12b
12b
12b
12

88.4*
78.9*
119.2
?
?
?
?
?
83
111*
?
?
?
108.2
115.4
118.7
121.2
152
108.5
?
?

67.3*
61.4*
93.5
?
?
?
?
?
62
90*
?
?
?
88.1
90.2
91.4
99.3
116.6
86
?
?

21.1
17.5
25.7
?
?
?
?
?
21
21
?
?
?
20.1
25.2
27.3
21.9
35.4
22.5
?
?

14.3*
14 (*)
15
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
21.9
15.2
22.2
12
22
16
?
?

5
4.8
4.8
?
?
?
?
?
4.5
5
?
?
?
4.3
4.7
4.8
5.1
5.5
5
?
?

Gosek 1984, 137, kat. br. 2, T. XXXVI: 1.

Gosek 1984, 145, kat. br. 106.
34
Nagy 1898, 228, T. II:3; Glosek 1984, 173, kat. br. 439, T. XXXVI: 3; Lugosi, Temesvry 1988,
226, kat. br. 18.
35
Gosek 1984, 176, kat. br. 483.
36
Gosek 1984, 176, kat. br. 484.
37
Gosek 1984, 176, kat. br. 485.
38
Gosek 1984, 176, kat. br. 486, T. XXXVI: 4.
39
Gosek 1984, 176, kat. br. 487.
40
Nagy 1898, 228, . II/1.
41
Nagy 1898, 228, . II /5.
42
Kalmar 1971, 62, sl. 101/f.
43
Kalmar 1971, 62, sl. 101/g.
44
Csillag 1971, 34, sl. br. 25.
45
Gosek 1984, 141, sl. br. 45.
46
Gosek 1984, 144, kat. br. 97, Tabl. XXXVI, fot. 2.
47
Bruhn-Hoffmeyer 1954, 62, kat. br. III d,1, pl. XXIV b.
48
Alexander 1987, 25, 39, kat. br. 106.
49
Alexander 1987, 25, 39, kat. br. 107.
50
Alexander 1987, 25, 39, kat. br. 108.
51
Kalmar 1971, 62, sl. 101/h.
52
Gyula 1986, 278-279; Aleksi 2007, 158, cat. 150.
33

278
, 53
, 54
, 55
, . 56
, 57
, 58
, .. 59
, 60
, 61

Z1
Z2b
I1a
Z1
Z2b
Z1
Z2
Z
Z2

XIIIa?
XIII?
XIIIa
XIIIa
?
XVIa?
?
XIIIa
XVIa?

12b
12b
12b
12b
12
12b
12b
12b
12b

?
95.8*
118
118.5
81*
123
67*
110
124.5

?
77.6*
95
97
63*
100
48.5*
88,5

104

?
18.2
23
21.5
18
23
18.5
21,5

20.5

?
?
?
16.5
?
25
?
?
?

?
?
?
4.9
5
6
5.3
?
?

. 1 Z2,
12b b .

15. .
, .

.
,
XXb,
.62
,
,
. Z, ` `
Z2 ( , Z2b), Z3.
12c,
12b.
, ,
.
53

Aleksi 2007, 165, cat. 225

1993, 31, . . 21.
55
-- 1985, 150-151; 2005, 115-116, . 4.
56
Aleksi 2007, 170, cat. 272, Pl. 7:4.
57
ercer 1976, 47, cat. 22.
58
ercer 1976, 4647, cat. 21.
59
ercer 1976, 47, cat. 23.
60
Tancik 1971, 64, cat. 65; tamcar 1995, 351, cat. 3.2.54.
61
tamcar 1995, 324, cat. 2.3.11.
62
XXb, Gosek 1984, 30; Aleksi 2011, 157158.
54

279

XVIa?
XVIa?
XIII/XVIa
XVa
XIIIa
?
XVIa/XXb?
XIIIa
XXb
XVIa?

Z2b
Z2

I1
Z1
Z3
Z2
Z3
Z2b
Z?

, . 63
, 64
, , . 65
, 66
, 67
, , . 68
. , 69
. , 70
, 71
, 72

15. , , 1420. . ,
S-
.
,
XXb 12b
, 12a.
XVIa XIIIa 14. 15. .
,
( XXb,
12b 12c), 12a.

12a
12a
12a
12a
12a
12
12a
12a
12a
12a

?*
91.5*
104.5*
111.3
118
36*
115
113
118.7
?*

?*
69*
92
88.5
95
25*
93.5
90
91.4
?*

?
22.5
12.5*
22.8
23
11
22.5
23
27.3
?

?
16
21
21.5
19
?
18
20.5
22.2
?

?
5.5
5
6.1
5.8
?
4.6
5.3
4.8
?

. 2 12a.
,

63

Aleksi 2007, 158, cat. 149.

Petrovi 1976, 27, 211, sl. 4/c; 1996, 159, . 12(); 1993, 25,
. . 10.
65
-- 1985, 150-151; 2005, 115-116, . 4.
66
1957, 53, . 19/2; 1985/6, 145, . . 372; 1995,
75, . 33.
67
Petrovi 1977, 131, sl. 18; 1993, 31, . . 19.
68
1957, 49, . 212; 1995, 75, . 33.
69
, 2001, 285-286, . 24.
70
, 2001, 286-288, . 25-27.
71
Bruhn-Hoffmeyer 1954, 62, cat. III d,1, pl. XXIV b.
72
, .
64

280

12a, ,
, . 12b
12c ,
e 12a . ,
, , ,
.
14. 15. .73
S
, , ,

. ,
, XXb
12b, .

.
S-,
, 14. .

. , spada
schiavonesca
15. . ,
schiavonesca
.
1391. ,
`... doe spade schiavonesche.`74
,
,
S .
,
1391. ,


.

,
.75 ,
73

Aleksi 2011, 164-165.

Testamenta notariae 8, fol. 2; : Petrovi 1976, 25.
75
Franzoi 1990, 29.
74

281

Sclavonia

. ,
,
,
, Slovigna, Slovinia. ,

1292.
.76 ,
,
, .
.
spade Talliane, spade Franzese, Spade alla Bressana, ,77
, , , .78
S

14. .

, 15. ,
.
.

, ,
,
.
, ,
.
,
,
. ,
,
14. , .
,
,
,
76

1966, 27-28, .
Franzoi 1990, 231-236.
78
Petrovi 1976, 26.
77

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285

Marko Aleksi
NEW TYPES OF WEAPONS AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT IN THE
MORAVIAN SERBIA DURING THE SECOND HALF OF THE FOURTEENTH
CENTURY
The representation of helmet with decorative crest from relief depiction at
the stone parapet panel from Hilandar Monastery, which was built in about 1380 as
part of the restoration of the Prince Lazar, is a part of his coat of arms. Helmet with
crest was well known heraldic motif in medieval Serbia, especially since the
blooming of western heraldry in the time of King and emperor Duan. It was
depicted on the coinage, stone monuments, seals, signet rings, and other objects.
The representation is unique and very realistic and it shows the helmet of type
bascinet with visor and with large chain collar - aventail. The visor most probably
belongs to the type of side pivoted visor which was attached at the two pints on the
sides of the skull of a helmet. This type of visored bascinet is of a Western origin
and was produced from about 1370 to about 1410. That means that visored
bascinet which was represented in the Hilandar Monastery was the modern weapon
of that time. The helmet bears a crest in a form of pair of curving horns as well as
some other ornaments which makes it the representative object of the time.
There are swords with characteristic hilts which distribution patterns are
concentrated in the southeastern Europe, more precisely on the territory of Balkans
and Pannonian plane. Their pommels are of square shape, which was denoted by
the Ewart Oakeshott as his type Z and cross-guards are horizontally curved in the
shape of letter S. This shape of cross-guards was marked by Oakeshott as his type
12. Swords with square pommels (type Z), S-shaped cross-guards (type 12) and
characteristically fullered blades of type XXb are also recognized by the Marian
Gosek as a distinct group of finds. Morphological variations of these types of
pommels and cross-guards are divided in the subtypes (Z1-Z3 and 12a-12c).
The youngest group of swords with such hilts was known from the Venetian
archive as a spade schiavonesche. These are swords for one-and-a-half or one hand,
most usually with subtype Z3 pommels and, almost always, with subtype 12c crossguards. They represent morphologically and metrologically relatively restricted
group of finds. Many of these swords are today housed in collections in some Italian
towns and the term spada schiavonescha from the Venetian historical sources refers
to them. They were produced during the second half of the 15th century.
There is another group of swords with square pommels (Oakeshott`s type
Z) and S-shaped cross-guards (Oakeshot`s type 12) which are somewhat different
than Italian spade schiavonesche. These are large knightly swords with long double
edged blades and long hilts for one-and-a-half or two hands which indicate that
they are somewhat older than previous group. Almost all of these swords have the
cross-guards of subtype 12b and most common shape of theirs pommels are of

286

subtype Z2 (more specific, its variation Z2b). Their blades are characteristically
fullered and they mostly belong to the type XXb. On the basis of the dating of these
blades as well as on some of their other characteristics, production of this group of
swords and related specimens could be dated form about 1420 to about 1500. The
distribution pattern of swords with these typological traits and related specimens
indicated the Pannonian plain and bordering areas that generally correspond to the
medieval Hungarian state. That is why the use and most probably the production of
this group of swords can be related to the 15th century Hungary.
Besides two abovementioned group of swords, there are still some
specimens with square pommels and S-shaped cross-guards which could hardly be
put in some of those two groups. They are large knightly swords which are generally
typologically close to the group which we conditionally could call `Hungarian`
group. But, unlike them, they never have blades of type XXb and cross-guards of
subtype 12b. They also never have cross-guards of subtype 12c, but always of
subtype 12a. Instead being of type XXb, theirs blades are usually of types XIIIa and
XVIa and square pommels could be of any subtype (Z1Z3). Although they
represent more heterogeneous group of finds than two previous groups of swords,
they still have some important typological differences (cross-guards of subtype 12a
and blades never of type XXb) as well as different distribution pattern. Their
distribution pattern is located south of the rivers Sava and Danube and it generally
correspond to the territory of medieval Serbian state.
Swords with square pommels and S-shaped cross-guards which were
produced in Italy and most probably in some eastern Adriatic towns during the
second half of the 15th century were known in Italian sources as spade schiavoneshe.
But the oldest historical record of the spade schiavonesche is from the Dubrovnik
archive and it is more than a half century older than time when the production of
Venetian schiavonesca sword even started. In the will of the blacksmith Dobri
Bunisali from the 1391 there are mentioned ... doe spade schiavonesche. Historical
record from the Dubrovnik archive could not be ascribed either to the Italian spade
schiavonesche or Hungarian group since the production of the former began just
around 1450, and production of the later most probably didnt started before 15
century. That is why the record from the 1391 could be only referred to the oldest
group of swords with such characteristic. Spade schiavonesche got their name in
Italy after the Slavs from the eastern coast of the Adriatic that used such weapon in
the Venetian military service. But in the medieval Dubrovnik, term Sclavonia had
even more specific meaning and referred to the mediaeval Serbian state, rulers and
people. Such interpretation is consistent with archeological data about these swords
and indicates their origin in medieval Serbia sometime during the second half, or
even more precisely, around the middle of the second half of the 14th century.
Keywords: helmet, bascinet, prince Lazar, Serbia, sword, spada schiavonesca.

Dr Boban Petrovski
Associate Professor, Institute of History
Faculty of Philosophy, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje
boban@fzf.ukim.edu.mk

OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385:

ITINERARY AND GOALS
Abstract: The Ottoman campaign to the west of Vardar River up to the
Albanian coastline happened in the Hijri year of 787, a year and a half after
conquering Serres. The itinerary of the Ottoman army during the campaign was as
follows: the starting point was Serres and from there via Dojran and Demir Kapija
i.e. the Vardar main route crossing Pletvar down to Prilep and then to Bitola and
from there they took Via Egnatia passing by Ohrid penetrating the Shpat area (the
surrounding of today's Elbasan) only to continue to central Albania (Karli-Eli), and
then they turned towards southern Albania towards Savra Field (near Berat). The
return route from Savra to Serres passed by Thessaloniki, probably again along Via
Egnatia. The campaign brought the Ottoman Turks significant gains. They
indirectly occupied central Macedonia and central Albania, imposing vassal status
to the rulers there, such as King Marko and Karl Topia (Karli-Eli), and placed
under their control most of the very important Balkan route of Via Egnatia.
Keywords: Ottoman Turks; king Marko; Karl Topia; Via Egnatia; Serres
The most important event after the Battle of Maritsa on Macedonian
territory was the Ottoman's taking of Serres from the Byzantium on 19 September
13831. After year and a half of this significant gain, the Ottoman Turks once again

It was established by G. Ostrogorski (Ostrogorski 1965, 146; Ostrogorski 1970, 244, 248,
251, 255 futnote 42, 256), and his positions are widely accepted in the modern
historiography: Barker 1969, 49; Vacalopoulos 1973, 41; Stojanovski 1981, 10; MatanovMihneva 1988, 73; Radi 1993, 359, 424, 443 (=Radi 2008, 198, 257, 265); Ferjani 1994,
117-120; Boilov-Gjuzelev 1999, 661; Nicol 1999, 286; Imber 2002, 39; Atanasovski 2009,
237.

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Boban Petrovski

set off for a big campaign to conquer the territories west of Vardar2 up to the
Albanian coastline, led personally by their Rumelian Beylerbey Timurtash Pasha.
The Ottoman chroniclers have different views in regard to the dates of the
campaign.
The renowned Idris Bitlisi (+ 1520)3, as well as some of the later chroniclers
Khoja Hussein (Husein Effendi, + 1644)4, Solak-Zade (+1657)5, Ahmed Dede
Mneccimbai (1631-1702)6, and geographer Haji Kalfa (+ 1655/56)7 point out that
the campaign was carried out in the Hijri year of 784 i.e. between 17 March 1382
and 5 March 1383.
However, taking from the fact that in science today it is almost generally
accepted that the town of Serres was conquered by the Ottoman Turks on 19
September 1383, this gives us an opportunity for the campaign of Timurtash to be
dated in a more precise chronological manner. Undoubtedly it followed the fall of
Serres8.
The eminent chroniclers Ashik Pasha-Zade and Mehmed Neshri offer
explicit authentic information. Hence, the renowned 15th century chronicler Ashik
Pasha-Zade (1400/1401-after 1484), who lived chronologically closest to the events,
says that Timurtash Pasha set off on the campaign in the Hijri year of 7879 i.e.
between 12 February 1385 and 1 February 1386. In doing so he offers another very
important information supporting the fact that the campaign was undertaken after
the Ottoman Turks conquered Serres. Namely, according to Ashik Pasha-Zade,
Timurtash Pasha, before heading to the west of Vardar River he settled some
settlers from Asia Minor upon their own request in the Serres vilayet10.
Consequently it turns out that even before the Timurtash Pashas campaign
towards the central and western parts of Macedonia started and then continued
towards Albania, the Ottoman Turks had already had the town of Serres and its
surrounding and they had settled some settlers for Asia Minor over there. Thus, the
2

Stojanovski 1981, 12, believes that thus a new second phase of the Ottoman offensive in
Macedonia started.
3
Trako 1974, 189; Burime osmane 1968, 127.
4
Matkovski-Arui 1979a, 157 note 34.
5
Matkovski-Arui 1975, 237 note 15.
6
Matkovski-Arui 1981, 237 note 28.
7
Novakovi 1892, 46, 47; Argirov 1938, 58, 60.
8
Stojanovski 1981, 12-13.
9
Matkovski-Arui 1977, 236 note 19; Elezovi 1932, 8; Burime osmane 1968, 64.
10
Matkovski-Arui 1977, 236; Elezovi 1932, 8; Burime osmane 1968, 64; Aik Paaolu
2002, 48. Cf. Noviev 196, 33, who refers to Ottoman sources but does not specify which
ones and points out that these settlers from Asia Minor were moved to the Serres region
and along the Vardar River valley in 1386.

OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385: ITINERARY AND GOALS

289

Hijri year of 784 (from 7 March 1382 till 5 March 1383), pointed out by the later
Ottoman chroniclers as the year when this campaign was undertaken, has to be
dismissed because the town of Serres was conquered in the following Hijri year of
785 and only then the campaign to the west of Vardar river was organised.
Striking authentic information that confirm the order of these events can
also be found with the well known chronicler Mehmed Neshri (2nd half of the 15th
beginning of the 16th century). According to him the Ottoman Turks peacefully
conquered one by one the cities of Kavala, Drama, Zihna and Serres in the Hijri
year of 78711. In another place of his book Neshri offers an interesting information,
which, as a matter of fact, is presented at the end of Neshris "Story of Lala Shahins
defeat in Bosnia12 (referring to the defeat at Bilea in 1388.), where he, completely
outside the context of the story itself, points out that Lala Shahin died and Murat
gave the Beylerbey title to Kara Timurtash, who was ordered to go to Saruhan
Asia Minor and from there to move settlers to Serres. Afterwards Kara Timurtash,
who undoubtedly is the same person as Timurtash Pasha, set off for the
Thessaloniki Vilayet and Karluja13. It is evident from the original quotations that
Neshri makes a visible separation in two separate Stories of the information
about the conquering of Serres on one hand and Timurtash Pashas campaign on
the other hand.
According to the chronicler Oruc bey (mid 16th century), at the same time
when Serres was conquered, settlers from Asia Minor were settled in its
surrounding14.
11

Mehmed Neri 1984, 81-82; Elezovi 1957, 24. However, this year given by Neshri should
certainly be discarded as too late because we have already pointed out that Serres was
occupied in Hijri year of 785 (1383). As a matter of fact the uncertain chronology of the
Nershis data, placed by him in the period between 1386-1389, see in the comments
provided by Maria Kalicin in the given manuscript (Mehmed Neri 1984, 10, 13, 14).
12
Mehmed Neri 1984, 91-92 note 138. Neshris mix-up of Lala Shahin Pasha-the Rumelian
Beylerbey, who at that time was no longer among the living, with the Ottoman army
commander Shahin, who had the same name Shahin but without the title of Lala (teacher)
is obvious. This mistake was missed by H. Matanov (Matanov 1997, 37) and he fully
accepted what Neshri stated. It was N. Filipovi in his comment on this issue that realised
that those were basically two different persons (Filipovi 1971, 203 note 225). K. Jireek
came to the same conclusion even though it was not that explicitly demonstrated (Jireek
1952, 90).
13
Mehmed Neri 1984, 92; Elezovi 1957, 37; Burime osmane 1968, 78.
14
Burime osmane 1968, 42. There is no information about his birth and death, but based on
the data from his manuscript History of the Ottoman Dynasty, which ends with the
events around 1467 (at the earliest until 1438) one could indirectly conclude that he
probably lived at the time of Sultan Mehmed II. About his life and work, see Burime
osmane 1968, 39-41. Cf. Inalcik 1962, 152-153.

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Boban Petrovski

This authentic information makes us believe that between the conquering

of Serres and the beginning of the new Ottoman campaign west of Vardar some
time had passed. This time was necessary, as we have pointed out before to the
reports by the chroniclers Ashik Pasha-Zade, Mehmed Neshri and Oruc bey for an
army to be generated for securing the home front the recently occupied towns in
south-eastern Macedonia. Only afterwards the Ottoman penetration into
Macedonia could have continue up to the Albanian coastline, headed by a new man
Timurtash Pasha, who immediately after the death of the Rumelian beylerbey
Lala Shahin was appointed as the new commander (governor-general) of the
European territories of the Ottoman state.
Hence, the chronology of the renowned chronicler Ashik Pasha-Zade,
which points out the Hijri year of 787 (from 12 February 1385 till 1 February 1386)
as the year of the campaign, can be accepted as absolutely credible.
This kind of dating can also be supported by the developments linked to
the Ottoman military actions during the campaign. Namely, in the historiography
it has been established that one of the most important developments in the course
of this campaign the Battle of Savra Field (near Berat) happened on 18 September
138515.
The establishing of the itinerary of the Ottoman Turks during the
campaign is a challenge that imposes itself because neither the sources nor the
modern history are unanimous. On the other hand the very route of the Ottoman
Army seems to hint the reasons, the goals and definitely the outcomes of the
campaign itself.
According to the Ottoman tradition in the art of war, the campaign most
probably started in the spring of 1385 and targeted the central parts of Macedonia
and central Albania up to the coastline.
The Ottoman chroniclers point out that during this campaign, which
undoubtedly started from Serres, Timurtash Pasha first conquered the town in
15

About this battle of Savra Field between the Devoll River and Vjosa River that later was
named according to the Albanian noble family that ruled in that region, Muzaki(a), and
today it is known as Lushnje where Balsha II was killed in a battle with the Ottoman
Turks, see: Acta Albaniae II 1918, No. 390 from 30 October 1385, where it is mentioned
that Balsha II was killed in a battle with the Ottoman Turks over the Vjosa River; Mavro
Orbin 1968, 131 (70 (30)-71 (16)) and note on p. 297 (S.irkovi) (=Mavro Orbin 2006, 7071 and note on p. 345); Mavro Orbini 1999, 355 with wrong chronology. Cf.: Jireek 1952,
319 note 37; ICG II/2 1970, 48 (S.irkovi); Stojanovski 1981, 15; Boi 1983, 52 note 167;
Fine 1996, 391; Schmitt 2001, 75, 204; HPSh I 2002, 290, 304 (S.Islami). K. Frasheri (HA
1974, 64), referring to Marin Barletius points out November as the month when the battle
happened, and before him the same was pointed out by ufflay 1925, 46. uica 2004, 24,
makes a slip when he locates Berat in northern Albania.

OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385: ITINERARY AND GOALS

291

central Macedonia the towns of Prilep and Bitoal in the Pelagonia valley. Hence,
Ashik Pasha-Zade states that Timurtash Pasha, while moving towards the Arnaut
(Albanian) vilayet he occupied Bitola16. Idris Bitlisi writes that Timurtash Bey
initially came down to the town of Prilep and after taking it without any fighting he
went towards the town of Monastir (Bitola), which he managed to conquer17. Hoca
Sadeddin (or Sa`dddin)-Effendi (1526-1599), who as a matter of fact fully retells
what had been stated by his respectable predecessor Idris Bitlisi, notes that after
Prilep surrendered, Bitola was conquered18. Khoja Hussein points out that
Timurtash Pasha took Prilep and Bitola19, and the same was also noted by SolakZade20 and Mneccimbai21. Mehmed-Pasha Kucuk Nisanci (+ 1571) in his
chronicle lists the fortresses that were conquered in Macedonia, and to the west of
Vardar in central Macedonia he makes a record only of Bitola22.
Thus the sources clearly testify about the military operation of the Ottoman
Turks in Pelagonia. Their movement through the valley is determined in more
details by the chronicler Idris Bitlisi, who literally wrote that Timurtash Bey initially
came down to the city of Prilep and after taking it without any fighting, he
continued towards Monastir23. The fact that the Ottoman Army took Prilep first
and then it took Bitola is also supported by the other chroniclers, who wrote that
during the campaign Prilep was occupied: Hoca Sadeddin-Effendi, Khoja Hussein,
Solak-Zade and Mneccimbai. This provides us with significant authentic basis for
pointing out that the Ottoman Turks penetrated Pelagonia from the north-east
after crossing Pletvar and first they reached Prilep and then continued towards
Bitola. Hence, the Ottoman Army in Pelagonia moved in the north-east by southwest direction24.

16

Matkovski-Arui 1977, 236; Elezovi 1932, 8; Burime osmane 1968, 64.

Trako 1974, 189; Burime osmane 1968, 127-128.
18
Matkovski-Arui 1979b, 208; Burime osmane 1968, 248-249; Hodzha Sadeddin 2000, 201.
19
Matkovski-Arui 1979a, 157.
20
Matkovski-Arui 1975, 237; Burime osmane 1968, 295.
21
Matkovski-Arui 1981, 237; Burime osmane 1968, 311.
22
Matkovski-Arui 1977, 147 note 49.
23
Trako 1974, 189; Burime osmane 1968, 127-128.
24
The opinion of Inalcik 1974, 16) that the Ottoman Turks moved to the west along Via
Egnatia and from Serres via Bitola and Ohrid they got to the Albanian coastline, cannot be
accepted since it is contrary to what the sources had testified to. Namely, in case such as the
one proposed by H. Inalcik, the Ottoman Army in Pelagonia would have moved in southnorth direction and they would have besieged Bitola, and afterwards Prilep. Adievski 1994,
273-274, allows part of the Ottoman army to have penetrated Pelagonia also from the south
along Via Egnatia, where he founds this position only on the fact that Via Egnatia was the
17

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Boban Petrovski

This authentic information indirectly shows the itinerary of the Ottoman

Armys movement from Serres to Prilep. Undoubtedly the army used the quickest
way to get from Serres, via Dojran and Demir Kapija25 i.e. the Vardar main route26
to Pletvar and from there down to Prilep and then Bitola.
Taking such a route i.e. the fact that it was necessary for them to take the
quickest possible route to Pelagonia, one can also get some indirect information
from the very goal or to be more precise goals that Timurtash Pasha was supposed
to achieve with the campaign. They can be sensed from the authentic information
that is presented by the renowned chroniclers Ashik Pasha-Zade and Idris Bitlisi.
According to the former, Timurtash Pasha set off for the Arnaut (Albanian) vilayet
up to Karli-Eli27, and according to the latter, Timurtash Bey by executing the
emperors order he set off for Prilep and Bitola and after taking them he continued
towards the provinces of (I)Shpat and Karli-Eli28.
If we follow to the word this important authentic information, it turns out
that as goals of this campaign of Timurtash in 1385 should be considered the
occupation of the state of King Marko and his seat in Prilep i.e. the recognition of
his vassal status to the Sultan29 (Idris Bitlisi, Hoca Sadeddin-Effendi, Mneccimbai
and Haji Kalfa explicitly wrote that Prilep had surrendered) and the Ottoman
penetration up to Karls territory (Karli-Eli) on the Albanian coastline30 in support
of the nobleman Karl Topia over there31.
best, most known and most natural road to western Macedonia and Albania and it would
have been illogical for the Turks not to have used it to their advantage.
25
Stojanovski 1981, 13.
26
As Adievski 1994, 273-274 note 207, accepts and rightfully adds.
27
Matkovski-Arui 1977, 236; Elezovi 1932, 8; Burime osmane 1968, 64.
28
Trako 1974, 189; Burime osmane 1968, 127-128.
29
The chronological fixing of the vassal status of King Marko to the Sultan in 1385 is
decisively supported by Stojanovski 1981, 14; Grozdanov 1992, 119; Adievski 1994, 274275, 278; Panov 1997, 49; Bokoski 2009, 264-265, 267. According to Atanasovski 2009,
236-240, the vassal status of King Marko is rather after 1385, maybe in 1386. Because of lack
of specific authentic data scientifically this issue has still not been clarified in a satisfactory
manner. About the different opinions on this issue compare: Spremi 1970, 20 (=Spremi
2005, 287); Mihalji 1975, 164-173; Matanov 1986, 141-142 and the literature referred
there; Fine 1996, 383.
30
The penetration towards the Albanian coastline in 1385 as one of the goals of the
Timurtash Pashas campaign is accepted explicitly or implicitly also in the modern
historical literature. Compare: Filipovi 1971, 185, who, when referring to the Ottoman
chroniclers Sadeddin and Neshri, says that the Turks from the Serres area spread their rule
further down to Macedonia and Albania; Inalcik 1974, 16, according to whom the Ottoman
army by moving towards the west, via Bitola and Ohrid, in 1385 got to the Albanian
coastline; Grozdanov 1980, 182, who specifically establishes also the time of the Ottoman

OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385: ITINERARY AND GOALS

293

Hence, after the first goal was achieved the defeat of King Marko, it was
time for the second goal to be achieved. The Ottoman Turks, after the difficult and
unpredictably long battles for taking Bitola, continued towards the Albanian
coastline in order to help Karl Topia in his struggle for getting back the port of
Durres, which was taken from him by his rival Balsha II32.
The original basis for that is the following: Ashik Pasha-Zade said that after
Bitola, Timurtash Pasha attacked the Thessaloniki Vilayet and the operation
continued up to Karli-Eli. Similar statement was also made by Mehmend Neshri,
who wrote that Timurtash set off for the Thessaloniki Vilayet and Karluja. Idris
Bitlisi noticed that after Bitola the Ottoman Turks set off to conquer the provinces
of (I)Shpat and Karli-Eli. Mneccimbai notes that after Bitola Karli-Eli was
conquered.
However, a group of later Ottoman chroniclers point out (I)Shtip and
Karls area (Karli-Eli) as the territories the Ottoman army targeted after the

penetration in Albania the autumn of 1385; Stojanovski 1981, 12, 15, who accepts that
after the Ottomans took Bitola they headed towards Albania; Adievski 1994, 274, who,
after pointing out that one of the goals of the Ottomans was to liquidate the state of King
Marko, in the note 207 on the same page, as well as on page 278, underlines that after Bitola
was conquered, Timurtash Pasha continued towards the Albanian coastline along Via
Egnatia; Matanov-Mihneva 1988, 74 say that after the conquering of the more important
urban centres in southern Macedonia, the Ottomans reached the Albanian coastline in the
summer of 1385. Cf. Nicol 1999, 285 with wrong chronology about this campaign.
31
The opinion that Karl Topia asked for help from the Ottoman Turks before the Battle of
Savra has been broadly accepted in the contemporary historical literature for long time
now. Compare: HSh I 1959, 227 (K. Frasheri); Novakovi 1960, 278; Burime osmane 1968,
41 note 11; as well as: ISN II 1982, 28 (.Mihalji); Boi 1983, 52; Fine 1996, 391;
Uspenski 2000, 701; Petrovski 2010, 181-182, 184. Cf. HA 1974, 63, where the author of this
chapter K. Frasheri says that Karl Topia was defeated by the Turks in 1384 and he became
their vassal, and in 1385 Timurtash Pasha received an order from the Sultan to make the
other Albanian noblemen also his subjects (similar in HPSh I 2002, 290, 304 (S.Islami)).
However, these developments, especially before the Battle of Savra, have not been
confirmed in any of the sources. It is interesting that in the publication HA 1974, regardless
of the fact that renowned Albanian historians took part in its preparation, only in the
chapter on the battle of Savra, as Stojanovski 1981, 15, has already pointed out, one can find
huge factographic and chronological discrepancies. This book was republished cc. ten years
later in London (History of Albania 1981) but without any kind of corrections.
32
Acta Albaniae II 1918, 93 No. 388 and No. 389. Cf.: ICG II/2 1970, 46, 47, 49 (S.irkovi);
HA 1974, 65; ISN II 1982, 28 (.Mihalji); Boi 1983, 52. Compare: ufflay 1925, 44, who
incorrectly says that Balsha II occupied Durres as early as in 1382; and HSh I 1959, 228 (K.
Frasheri), where one can find the same mistake as well as in the work of ufflay.

294

Boban Petrovski

conquering of Bitola33. According to Hoca Sadeddin-Effendi, after Bitola,

Timurtash Pasha set off for Karli-Eli and (I)Shtip and he annexed them to the
Islamic territories. Khoja Hussein notices that after Bitola, Timurtash Pasha
attacked the Shtip Vilayet and Karli, where the inhabitants immediately agreed to
pay the tax. Solak-Zade briefly notes that after Bitola Karli-Eli and (I)Shtip were
conquered, and the Ottoman geographer Haji-Kalfa says that Timurtash Pasha
conquered (I)Shtip at the time of the rule of Murat and it was occupied at the same
time when Bitola was.
Adequately to the authentic information, about the further route of the
Ottoman army, which from Bitola headed towards (I)Shpat, also written as (I)Shtip
and Karli-Eli, in the modern historiography various, often unconvincing, opinions
are presented, even arbitrary conclusions.
In regard to the fall of Shtip during the campaign34 in the contemporary
historical literature mainly two opinions have been defined: Shtip was
conquered35; Shtip was not conquered during this campaign in 138536.
Those supporting the first opinion even propose that the route of the
movement of the Ottoman army from Serres to Pelagonia, went via Samokov, Ovce
Pole and the Vardar River Valley and along the way Shtip, Veles37, Prilep and Bitola
were conquered. However, this route is not supported by any of the sources. On the
contrary, all the chroniclers, with no exception, who state that during this
campaign also the town of (I)Shtip was conquered, clearly pointing out that it
happened only after Prilep and Bitola were conquered (Hoca Sadeddin-Effendi and
Solak-Zade even underline that (I) Shtip was not taken immediately after Bitola,
but only after Karli-Eli was taken). However, the probability for a possible
adventure of Timurtash Pasha of conquering Shtip within the framework of the
campaign is scarce. In that case it means that the Ottoman Turks from Bitola would
have gone back to Prilep and across Pletvar to the Vardar River and from there
along Bregalnica River they would have penetrated deep into the territory of
33

The chronicler Oruc bey incorrectly notes that after Bitola was taken also Kavala was
conquered, which had been pointed out by S. Pulaha in Burime osmane 1968, 42 note 14.
34
Some contemporary Bulgarian historiographers still support the position that the town of
Shtip was taken by the Ottoman Turks at the beginning of the 1370s, cf. Angelov-olpanov
1994, 220, 223. Matanov 1997, 135-136, locates the fall of Shtip under the Ottoman rule
after 1382, more precisely in 1383, and the older historiography takes a similar position, cf.:
Ivanov 1906, 201-202; Novakovi 1960, 218; Hammer 1979, 66.
35
Tomoski 1986, 187 note 56; Fine 1996, 407.
36
Stojanovski 1981, 14-15; Adievski 1994, 273 note 207; Atanasovski 2009, 225.
37
About the possible taking of Veles during this campaign no supporting evidence can be
found in any of the Ottoman chronicles, or available sources so we believe that this
conclusion is rather arbitrary.

OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385: ITINERARY AND GOALS

295

Constantine Draga up to Shtip. In that way they would have gone too far to the
north-east, as far as Shtip, making a too big detour from their original route and
unnecessary making a too big arc only to go back from Shtip along the same path to
Bitola and from their towards Albania38.
38

In my paper drafted based on the presentation I had at the international conference in

Skopje in 2010: Islamic Civilisation in the Balkans (Petrovski to be published) held at
MANU 13-17 October 2010, I elaborate in details the fall of Shtip under the Ottoman rule
and I offer arguments that the town was not either attacked or occupied by the Ottoman
Turks during their campaign in 1385. Here I am only underling the arguments in a
summarised manner, including the counterarguments (alleged arguments) to this claim of
mine.
Counter-arguments:
1. When following this itinerary Timurtash Pasha should have passed through the central
parts of Constantines vassal principality (which already had a vassal status to the Sultan, a
fact that the modern historiography has agreed on almost unanimously) and take one of his
most important urban centres.
2. The sources register continuity of Constantine reign in Shtip, even after the critical 1385.
This can be confirmed by the charter issued by Constantine Draga in Shtip on 26 March
1388 confirming that resources in the towns vicinity were given by Duke Dimitar to the
Church of Assumption (St. Salvation) in Shtip, which undoubtedly is an indisputable
argument that Constantine, and not the Ottoman Turks, was the one who ruled with Shtip.
3. The unexpected prolongation of the siege of Bitola due to the strong resistance of the
defenders that deprived the Ottoman Turks of valuable time, as Idris Bitlisi and Hoca
Sadeddin-Effendi explicitly state, was undoubtedly the reason for Timurtash Pasha to
continue with the campaign towards Albania as soon as possible.
Alleged supporting arguments:
1. The Ottoman occupation of Kratovo in 1390 which was within Constantines Principality
as an argument that the Ottoman Turks had also taken some other towns that belonged to
Constantine Draga. However, the political situation in the Balkans in 1385 and in 1390 was
not the same because after the Battle of Kosovo there was evident deterioration in the
conditions of the suzerainty between the new Sultan Bayezid and the Christian vassal
principalities in Macedonia.
Because of the many ore-rich locations Kratovo had a special status even at the beginning of
16th century, when the Kratovo region, even though it was part of the Kyustendil Sanjak, it
was not part of any of its kazas (Shtip, Strumica, Vranje and Ilidza), but it was included in
the kaza of the Padishah (the Sultan),
2. Information by Evliya elebi about the legend of Shtips occupation during Murat I,
when the town was besieged by Gazi Mihalbey-zade Ali-Bey with 20,000 soldiers, but failed
to conquer it that year, and managed to do it only in the year after.
Nonetheless, in many places in eastern Macedonia the population still retells this or similar
legends, and such an example is the legend about the Ottoman occupation of the
Konjushki Grad; the legend about the Fall of the town Bargala in the hands of the

296

Boban Petrovski

Thus the identification of (I)Shpat with (I)Shtip, which exists among some
of the later Ottoman chroniclers and which probably happened due to their
orthographic similarity, should be abandoned. For that reason for this paper it is
important to locate (I)Shpat, and definitely Karli-Eli, that would show the further
itinerary of the Ottoman Turks39.
Our researches so far on this topic show that (I)Shpat and Karli-Eli as a
matter of fact are horonyms. And (I)Shpat is identical to todays area of Shpat,
which is in Albania (in the surrounding of todays Elbasan), and Karli-Eli (Karls
land/territory) is identical to the territories of central Albania that were governed
by Karl Topia40.
Thus, from this papers perspective, the movement of the Ottoman Turks
after the occupation of Bitola continued to the west along Via Egnatia, passing by

Ottoman Turks by means of deceit (and as a matter of fact Bargala did not even exist at that
time); etc.
Furthermore, elebi himself is contradictory because when he found the Shtip fortress in
ruins at his first visit to Shtip in 1662 he said that in old times the town of Shtip was a really
strongly fortified town, but because it was an inland town it was not kept well; this is also
confirmed by the Ottoman geographer Haji Kalfa, who in his description of the regions and
the kazas in the Kyustendil sanjak says that Shtip was a small town with strong fortification
on a high hill. This information contradicts the possible taking of Shtip in the way
described in the historical legend, because in that case according to the Holy law of Islam
(eriat) the Sultan allowed three day looting and often complete destruction of the
fortification, which definitely would have been followed by pulling down of the ramparts
(as it was the case with Bitola during the 1385 campaign).
39
Only A. Stojanovski has scientifically elaborated on the issue of locating these two notions
in an integral manner. He initially stated that (I)Shpat was the area of Ashtin (near Kastoria
and Korce) or the Albanian coastal region of Ishim, near Karli-Eli (Stojanovski 1981, 1415). In regard to Karli-Eli he initially stated that it was identical to Preveza in southern
Epirus, and then to Preveza in Albania (!) and even wondered which town it was really
(Stojanovski 1986, 192). One can notice in both cases that according to A. Stojanovski it
turns out that the Ottoman Turks after taking Bitola they did not use the most comfortable
route along Via Egnatia, even though the author points out that Shpat was between Bitola
and Karli-Eli, geographically closer to Karli-Eli. Namely, A. Stojanovski suggests that after
Bitola was taken the Ottoman army made a big detour to the south going as far as Preveza
only to return to Savra something that does not correspond to the historical truth bearing
in mind the low morale, the huge losses and the need to urgently compensate for the time
they lost during the siege of Bitola, which is explicitly pointed out by I.Bitlisi (Trako 1974,
189; Burime osmane 1968, 127-128), H.Sadeddin (Matkovski-Arui 1979b, 208; Burime
osmane 1968, 248-249; Hodzha Sadeddin 2000, 201) and Solak-Zade (Matkovski-Arui
1975, 237).
40
Petrovski 2004, 313-330.

OTTOMAN MILITARY CAMPAIGN IN 1385: ITINERARY AND GOALS

297

Ohrid41 and then penetrating the northern part of the Shpat area continuing
towards central Albania (the land of Karl Topia Karli-Eli) where, after finding out
about Balshas II leaving of Durres, they intercepted him in September at the Savra
Field (near Berat) and defeated him.
After Karl Topia returned to Durres as the Ottoman protg, the Ottoman
Turks achieved their second goal, which basically helped them take over central
Albania and that section of the Albanian coastline. By fulfilling the two priorities
imposing the vassal status to King Marko and Karl Topia, the Ottoman Turks also
placed under their control most of the very important Balkan route of Via
Egnatia42.
After the successful military campaign to the west, the Ottoman chroniclers
testify that Timurtash Pasha took his army back towards Thessaloniki43 and from
there to Serres.
From the sources it is impossible to specifically establish the route from
Savra to Thessaloniki and afterwards to Serres. However, bearing in mind the
length of the campaign, the weariness of the army and the end of the warfare
season, one can offer with certain level of cautiousness as the most possible route,
the route of Via Egnatia as the one that the Ottoman army probably took on its way
back to its starting point.

41

Ohrid was conquered during this ottoman campaign, mark Imber 2002, 39 and Nicol
1999, 285.
42
After Sofia had been occupied in 1385 the Ottoman Turks already controlled a significant
section of Via Militaris and in that way they started dominating this part of the Balkan
inland, cf.: Fine 1996, 407; Boilov-Gjuzelev 1999, 661; Gregory 2005, 319.
43
The sources state that Timurtash Pasha: attacked the Thessaloniki vilayet (MatkovskiArui 1977, 236; Elezovi 1932, 8; Burime osmane 1968, 64); he set off for the Thessaloniki
vilayet and Karluja (Mehmed Neri 1984, 92; Elezovi 1957, 37; Burime osmane 1968, 78);
After all that the Thessaloniki Fortress was surrounded... the military gave up taking the
fortress, and were satisfied by only taking the vilayet of this city (Matkovski-Arui 1979b,
208; Burime osmane 1968, 249; Hodzha Sadeddin 2000, 201); they set off for Thessaloniki
the Pasha did not attack Thessaloniki but only the surrounding towns and villages
(Matkovski-Arui 1979a, 157); he arrived in Thessaloniki they did not start besieging it
(Matkovski-Arui 1975, 237); with the victorious Islam army he headed towards the city of
Thessaloniki and the areas in its surrounding (Trako 1974, 189; Burime osmane 1968,
128); he besieged the Thessaloniki fortress... when Timurtash Pasha realised that taking of
Thessaloniki was not going smoothly, he looted the surrounding settlements (MatkovskiArui 1981, 237).

298

Boban Petrovski

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O 1385. :
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.
, .
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. ,
,
. ,
. ,
. .
Via Egnatia , .
( )
, -. ,
, , , II.
, ,
,
. ,
Via Egnatia.
,
,
. ,
Via Egnatia.
: , , , Via Egnatia, .



,
alexuzelac@gmail.com

XIV *
:
XIV .
(Marcia) Descriptio Europae Orientalis
. -
II
(1282-1321).
.
XIV ,
,
.
: , , , , XIV ,
II , ,


(12761316) . (ca. 1379).

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. ,
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.3
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,
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, . :
, (Marcia). ,
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2

, .
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, ,
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servilis ,
. ,
,
.7 , . .
,
.8
,
,
.9
Marcia XIII-XIV ,
,10 , ,
. , , ,
, .11 ,
, Descriptio, ,
, .
,
, ,
. ,
, ,
.

, .12 ,

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Dalmacia, Grka 1916, 45.
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ca. 1317-1321.
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. ,
, .
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, ,
.13 ,
.
- ,
.

. .
, 23. 1317. ,
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.14 ,
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, , ,
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,
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,
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15
Preterea cum Vrosius quondam rex Rascie scismaticus, eo tempore noster emulus
specialis, in devastationibus possessionum nostrorum fidelium et regnicolarum
nostrorum interfectionibus et in captivis vinculis abductionibus, attroces iniurias nobis
multiplicatis vicibus irrogasset et nos aggregatis et convocatis regni nostri diversis
nationibus in virtute valida et brachio extento hostiliter eundem regem, ut fidei
perdonem Crucifixi et suum regnum aggressi fuissemus, dicti magistri Nicolaus et
Dyonisius, militae laurea coronati quamplures de pertinentibus ad dictum regem in ore
gladii perimentes et multos captos vivos cum equis et armis in signum dominii nostri
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, , ,
a .16
.
(. Goreny, . Grade),
-,17 .18
Guren
, . .
1324-1325, (dux
de Torno).19 ,
,
,
.
1320 1321. .20

, .
, ,
. ,
. ,

,
-- ,
.21

16

Quoddam castrum Guren vocatum in Bulgaria habitum, ex quo per gentem despoti
sive ducis de Torno nostri regnicole ibi in confinio constituti diris vastibus et
invasionibus hostilibus ac hominum utriusque sexes captivatibus frequentius
vexabantur... ultimo quod cum nos ipsum magistrum Dionisium, ad nostri regiminis
augmentationem fideliter ab experte ferventem in castro nostro Nogmyhald vocato in
confinio existente, contra Bulgaros, Bazarab woyuodam Transalpinum, regem Rascie
scismaticum, ymo et Tartaros fines regni nostri ubi e unitatem ortodoxe fidei continue
hostiliter invadentes..., Gyrffy 1964, 551-552.
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1998, 212; chim 2006, 177, n.42.
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-
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. XVII ,
, , ,
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,

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,
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? ,
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)
.
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. (.
) ,
,
.27 ,

( ,
, ).28
XIV ,
,
. ,
,
,
.
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)
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.
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1990, 24; Vasary 2005, 104-105.

1977, 345; 2005, 63.
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Miklosich 1858, 199; 1876, 326, 328-329; 1978, 84-85.
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30
Li suoi primi consiglieri fuorono Gregorio Cesar & Voihna Cesar, Braico, Raosav, &
Branco Rasssaglich, Thoma & fuo fratello Voislau di Voino... Questi quasi sempre
stavanno appresso il detto Imperadore, Mauro Orbini 1601, 268. (= 1968,
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,
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(

1316. ). ,
,
,
XIV
. ,
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,
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,
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).33 .34

(1378-1380),
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1378.35
31

1973, 92, 111, 120; 1987, 192-194.

Il conte Lazaro... simpatron della terra del R Stefano final Danubio, sottometendo
Rasislauich & altri nobili, che tenevano le dette provincie; alcuni di loro imprigionando,
altri scacciando & altri per via di diversi patti, sottoponendo al suo dominio, Mauro
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33
1927, 214, 587; 287, 1098.
34
1975, 217; 1978, 98.
35
Miklosich 1858, 193, 212; 1912, 771-772; 1951, 85-90.

, . . ,
I (1342-1382), 1377,
. :
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317

318

Aleksandar Uzelac
SKETCHES FOR THE HISTORY OF BRANIEVO DURING THE
FOURTEENTH CENTURY
The article consists of four short contributions related to the history of the
region of Branievo during the fourteenth century, before it was incorporated in
the state of Prince Lazar Hrebeljanovi.
First contribution is dealing with intriguing place name Marcia, mentioned
as one of the lands of King Stephen Dragutin in the anonymous tractate Descriptio
Europae Orientalis, written, according to recent researches, after August 15, 1310.
Proposed opinion is that Marcia should be considered as the easternmost part of
Dragutins lands, comprising not only Branievo, but also the neighboring
medieval region of Kuevo, situated at the left bank of Great Morava river.
Three royal charters of Hungarian king Charles Robert related to the
events of 1317-21 present the theme of the second contribution. Their content
shows that clashes between coalition of Serbian, Bulgarian and Wallachian forces
on one, and Hungarian army on the other side occured in the region of Lower
Danube. Furthermore, they provide indications that military campaigns were
conducted in the teritory of northeastern Serbian lands, including Branievo.
A note from the Hilandar Gospel (written in mid-fourteenth century)
which mentions the extent of the then Serbian state over Zagorie up to Vidin is the
subject of the third contribution. While Vidin probably refers not to the city itself,
but to the whole namesake region, it might also be surmised that the name Zagorie
is related in vague sense to the area of Kuevo-Branievo.
Fourth contribution is dealing with the rise and fall of local elites in
Branievo, in the times of upheavals and the political takeovers by Stephen
Dragutin in 1292, members of Rastislali family ca. 1358 and Prince Lazar in
1378/79. Despite being part of the Serbian state since ca. 1316, in the course of the
fourteenth century the region of Branievo still played important role of the
borderland between Hungary and South Slavic political entities.
Keywords: Branievo, Kuevo, Hungary, Vidin, 14th century, Stephen Uro
II Milutin, Prince Lazar, local elites



raskovic.dusan@gmail.com


kgheritage@gmail.com

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Duan Rakovi Marko Grkovi
ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCHES OF THE SITE GRAD
IN UPANJEVAC, IN LEVA


,
vladan.zdravkovic@gmail.com

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Vltrn, Prizrin, Alaca-hisr ve Hersek Livlar, (Dizin ve Tpkbasm), Babakanlk Devlet
Arivleri Genel Mdrl, Osmanl Arivi Daire Bakanl Yayn Nu: 69, Defter-i Hkn
Dizisi: IX, Ankara 2004; 1536.
(BBA, TTD 179); , I (15201566) (BBA, TTD 161);
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1516. (sveti-Nikola)63, 1530. (sveti-Nikola k., Koznik
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(Kaluyere) 92 (Mililova).
61
BBA, TTD 179; je ., 1984, 140.
62
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BBA, TTD 55, s. 26
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72
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73
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74
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167 numaral muhsebe-i vilyet- Rm-ili defteri (937/1530), 2004: 167
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396

Neboja Djoki
SOME OPINION ABOUT FEW FIGURES ON FRESCOS
IN MONASTERY VELUA

The monastery with the church of the Vavedenje Bogorodice (Purification

of the Virgin Mary) in the village Velue is located besides the little river Srebrnica
which flows down the slopes of the mountain Leskovactoward the right riverbank
of the river Zapadna Morava, on the right sideof the road Kraljevo Trstenik
Kruevac. It is located in the region which belonged to the upa Rasina and
Joanica in the Middle Ages near the silver and copper mines. This region is rich in
ore, farming, vineyard and farming land and land with lots of forests was a compact
economical unit in the possession of the powerful Serbian despot Ivani.
The church is mentioned for the first time, like St. Nikolasin the authentic
Charter which was issued to the monastery of St. Panteleimon on the Holy Mount
Athos by the Prince Lazar in 1380 1381 and in the Charter of this widow , nun
Jevgenija and her sons from 1395 and 1400. The church was building by Vidoslava
douhghter of despot Ivani with her husband duke Nikola Zoji, probably around
1372 -73. The church is also mentioned in the Turkish census in XVI centuryand it
was restored in 1819 during the rule ofthe conte Milo Obrenovi. On that
occasion the upper faade of the church was painted in a nave and not high quality
way with the subjects that were in the function of defense against demonic forces.
Despite that, the decoration on the faade of Velua represents uniqueness.
y words: Velua monastery, Srebrnica, Koznik, Koznik district (nahia),
Rasina, Buje, Velua (village), St. Nicolas Srebrnica, Kruevac, despot Jovan despot
Ivani, duke Nikoal, Vidoslava.