Urbanization Process and The Changing

U R B A N I Z A T I O N A N D A G R I C U LT U R A L L A N D S C A P E S : P H I L I P P I N E S
Urbanization process and the changing

agricultural landscape pattern in
the urban fringe of Metro Manila,
Philippines
ISIDORO R MALAQUE III and MAKOTO YOKOHARI
Isidoro R Malaque III is an

Assistant Professor in the
Department of Humanities,
College of Humanities and
Social Sciences, University
of the Philippines in
Mindanao, Philippines.
Address: e-mail:
irmalaque@yahoo.com
Makoto Yokohari is a
Professor at the Group
of Natural Environment
Studies, Graduate School
of Frontier Sciences, The
University of Tokyo, Japan.
Address: e-mail: myoko@k.
u-tokyo.ac.jp
1. Unpublished secondary data

obtained from the National
Statistics Office during the
authors research in 20002003.
2. Unpublished secondary data
obtained from the Centre for
Land Use Policy Planning and
ImplementationI Secretariat,
Department of Agrarian Reform
during the authors research in
20002003.
ABSTRACT This paper discusses physical changes in the urban fringe agricultural
landscape of Metro Manila and the socioeconomic factors and other pressures
underlying these changes. In 1982, agricultural land use dominated in both of
the two study areas, but the area under cultivation had decreased by 1997. The
changing pattern in the northwest study area was one of phased transition towards
a more urban land use. In contrast, in the southeast study area, there was a sudden
change from an agricultural to an urban landscape. The paper explores the reasons
for this difference and recommends the conservation of green open spaces through
the adoption of an ecological planning approach involving a mixture of urban and
agricultural land uses.
KEYWORDS aerial photographs / agricultural lands / changing patterns / Metro
Manila / urban fringe
I. INTRODUCTION
In Metro Manila, as in many other centres, the urbanization process has
caused constant physical change in the urban fringe landscape, resulting
in a mix of urban and agricultural land uses. The physical patterns that
are created are the result of social, economic and political conditions
and processes. As part of this process, agricultural lands in the peripheral
provinces have been subjected to urban pressures. Metro Manila has
experienced net migration to the adjoining province of Cavite, with an
increase from 24,406 between 1975 and 1980 to 29,970 between 1985
and 1990. In conjunction with this, Cavites population increased rapidly
from 771,320 (in 1980) to 1,610,324 (in 1995). Its recent growth rate
has been 6.47 per cent and the population density is 1,251 persons per
hectare.(1) Region IV, where Cavite province is located, ranked first in the
country in terms of the number of applications for land use conversion
between 1988 and 2000. There were 753 applications, 30 per cent of the
total number for the whole country. Of these, 696 were approved, covering
a total land area of 14,422 hectares.(2) Rapid land use conversions, which
started in the 1990s, resulted in urban fringe landscapes featuring idle
agricultural land because of residential sub-division lots that remained
unsold and the abandonment of agricultural lands.
Environment & Urbanization Copyright 2007 International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED).
Vol 19(1): 191206. DOI: 10.1177/0956247807076782 www.sagepublications.com
191
E N V I R O N M E N T & U R B A N I Z AT I O N
Vol 19 No 1 April 2007
a. Spatial growth of Metro Manila

Manila, a primate city even in the pre-colonial era, has continued to
expand geographically to reach its present metropolitan status.(3) The
consolidation into a metropolitan region started in the 1940s with the
chartering of the municipalities of Quezon and Pasay and their inclusion
into the urbanized zone of the city of Manila. The present metropolitan
arrangement was based on the passage of the Republic Act 7924 in 1995,
creating the Metro Manila Development Authority. This defined Metro
Manila, which is composed of 17 cities and municipalities, as a special
development and administrative region.
As the national capital and the centre of trade and governance, Manila
has long attracted migrants from all over the country. The Philippine
Internal Migration Data Set, available only for three five-year periods:
19701975, 19751980 and 19851990, indicates that Bicol, Eastern
Visayas, Western Visayas and Ilocos were the top sources of migrants
to Metro Manila. Migration data suggest that the poorer a region is, the
more migrants it sends to Metro Manila. Between 1985 and 1990, net
migration from Metro Manila to the nearby provinces, together known as
CALABARZON,(4) was 111,515 (184,039 gross) with a net migration rate of
16.2 per cent (26.8 gross).(5) It was therefore considered that CALABARZON
would be key to migration management in Metro Manila.
b. The urbanization process in the urban fringe

Economic development has, in general, been the major force behind
changes in the urban fringe areas. Urbanization in the fringe of regional
cities, as presented by Bryant and colleagues,(6) is characterized by a high
proportion of non-farm inhabitants, some of whom have migrated from
other regions and some of whom have moved from the urban area.
These non-farm elements create a range of pressures that affect the
pattern of agricultural lands. These impacts have been identified by Pond
and Yeates(7) as direct when land is taken out of agriculture and built
on to add to the existing stock of urban land; as indirect visible when
land beyond the contiguous urban built-up area is used to serve the
urban areas; and as indirect less visible when land in transition can be
identified through the intentions of the owners.(8) Pond and Yeates(9)
further estimated these direct and indirect impacts of urbanization in the
fringe, and used their ratio as an indicator of the stage of urbanization.
The process of land use conversion in Metro Manilas extended metropolitan region:
represents a political process in two senses: first, policy choices
are made relating to the use of land that reflect a particular set of
development priorities; and second, the facilitation of conversion
involves the use of political power relations to circumvent certain
regulations.(10)
These trends are clear at the national, local and personal levels, which
are different but interconnected in the everyday political activity in the
urbanizing areas. Currently, local land use planning and zoning regulations in the Philippines are mostly in favour of built-up land uses rather
than preservation for agricultural purposes. Ballesteros, of the Philippine
192
3. Reyes, Marqueza C L (1998),

Spatial structure of Metro
Manila: genesis, growth and
development, Philippine
Planning Journal Vol 29/30,
No 2/1, AprilOctober, pages
134.
4. This refers to the provinces
of Cavite, Laguna, Batangas,
Rizal and Quezon.
5. National Statistics Office
migration data set, from
Nakanishi, Toru (2002),
Migration and environmental
issues in economic
development, in Tatsuo
Ohmachi and Emerlinda
R Roman (editors), Metro
Manila: In Search of a
Sustainable Future, Impact
Analysis of Metropolitan
Policies for Development and
Environmental Conservation,
University of the Philippine
Press, Manila, pages 6169.
6. Bryant, C R, L H Russwurm
and A G McLellan (1982),
The Citys Countryside: Land
and its Management in the
RuralUrban Fringe, Longman,
London, 249 pages.
7. Pond, Bruce and Maurice
Yeates (1993), Rural/urban
land conversion I: estimating
the direct and indirect
impacts, Urban Geography Vol
14, No 4, pages 323347.
8. Pond, Bruce, and Maurice
land conversion II: identifying
land in transition to urban use,
Urban Geography Vol 15, No 1,
pages 2544.
9. Pond, Bruce, and Maurice
land conversion III: a technical
note on leading indicators of
urban land development,
Urban Geography Vol 15, No 3,
pages 207222.
10. Kelly, Philip F (1998), The
politics of urbanrural relations:
land use conversion in the
Philippines, Environment &
Urbanization Vol 10, No 1,
April, pages 3554.
11. Personal communication
with M M Ballesteros,
researcher, Philippine Institute
for Development Studies,
30 August 2002.
12. McAndrew, John P (1996),

Urban Usurpation: From Friar
Estates to Industrial Estates in
a Philippine Hinterland, Ateneo
de Manila University Press,
Manila, 212 pages.
13. Ochoa, Cecilia Luz (1999),
The rural sector and the
Ramos administration,
Kasarinlan Vol 14, No 3/4,
pages 165172.
14. Kelly, Philip F (2000),

Landscape of Globalization:
Human Geographies of
Economic Change in the
Philippines, Routledge, London,
189 pages.
15. David, Cristina C (1999),

Constraints to food security:
the Philippine case, Journal of
Philippine Development
Vol XXVI, No 2-a, page 30.
16. Steiner, Frederick (1991),

The Living Landscape: An
Ecological Approach to
Landscape Planning, McGrawHill, New York, 365 pages.
17. Turner, Monica G, Robert H
Gardner and Robert V ONeill
(2001), Landscape Ecology in
Theory and Practice: Pattern
and Process, Springer-Verlag,
New York, 401 pages.
18. Tjallingii, Sybrand (1996),
Ecological Conditions:
Strategies and Structures
in Environmental Planning,
IBNDLO, Wageningen,
320 pages.
19. Forman, Richard T T (1995),
Land Mosaics: The Ecology
of Landscape and Region,
Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, UK, 652 pages.
Institute for Development Studies,(11) says that local government units

prefer non-agricultural land uses for example, commercial uses because
they generate higher income taxes. Performance indicators are based on
this kind of economic standard.
In 1990, the CALABARZON regional project was launched to promote export-oriented industrialization in the periphery of Metro Manila.
It included seven major components, four of which (urban development,
agriculture, rural development and environmental management) were,
according to McAndrew, more diffused and less capital intensive.(12)
Various schemes provided restrictions and incentives for industries to be
located outside of Metro Manila or in depressed areas. These schemes
included: encouragement by the Ramos administration in 1992 of the dispersal of industries into the countryside;(13) policies redirecting the flow
of migrants away from Metro Manila; and the launching of the National
Industrial Estate Programme that created the Canlubang Estate project
in Laguna. The result of such policy schemes was the conversion of
agricultural lands. In the peripheral provinces of Metro Manila, the conversion of farmland into industrial estates and residential sub-divisions
was widespread, and in many instances agricultural production was
stopped and tenant farmers displaced while owners speculated on the
future sale of the land.(14) On the other hand, there were also policy
schemes aimed at the retention of the rural population, including agrarian
land reform efforts, rural housing programmes and integrated rural agricultural development schemes to promote agriculture. But, according
to David:
because of uncertainties about the land reform programme,
landowners hesitate to make long-term investments. They prefer to
convert land use to non-agricultural purposes, thereby avoiding the
land reform programme.(15)
c. The objectives of this study in the context of the literature

This paper discusses physical changes in two study areas in the urban
fringe agricultural landscape of Metro Manila, and the socioeconomic
factors and other pressures underlying these changes. The following
sections describe earlier work on the topic that is relevant to this research
and indicate how the present paper builds on that work.
Agricultural landscape ecological processes. Ecological planning
has been defined as the use of biophysical and sociocultural information to suggest opportunities and constraints for decision-making about
the use of the landscape.(16) When the principle of landscape ecology is
applied to broad-scale environmental studies, it answers the demand
for the scientific underpinnings of managing large areas and incorporating the
consequences of spatial heterogeneity into land management decisions.(17)
Ecological strategies,(18) used for landscape design and planning, can
be applied to all economic and social activities that play a role in the
interaction between society and its environment. An understanding of
the process whereby human beings alter landscape patterns(19) serves as
a starting point for altering plans and implementing policies. Several
studies have related physical changes in the landscape to other factors.
For example, in a small catchment of the northern Loess Plateau in
China, land use change was studied through the interpretation of aerial
193
photographs for 1975 and 1997, land use patterns were studied through
various metrics, and changes in land use structure were analyzed in terms
of the influence of land use policy.(20)
Two other studies analyzing the process of human-induced landscape
transformation were conducted in a micro watershed in the mid-elevation
zone of the central Himalayas in India(21) and in a small watershed in the
central region of Honduras.(22) Both studies concluded that by integrating information about the physical attributes of the landscape and their
changes over time with information about demographic, legal and policy
changes, a cause and effect pattern could be formulated.
The extension and intensification of agriculture in Rostrup, Denmark,(23)
has also been studied. Changes in farm type and land use between 1973
and 1995 were analyzed and this was supplemented by the results of
a questionnaire survey among farmers in the study area in 1997 to investigate the forces of landscape change at the local level.
Another case study from Ylane, in southwest Finland,(24) illustrates
that agriculture is the dominant land use type in the area and that it increased steadily from 48 per cent to 56 per cent between 1958 and 1997.
It was expected that the intensification of agriculture would result in
homogeneity of the landscape. To investigate this, patterns of change
in two Norwegian agricultural landscapes were analyzed and compared
using agricultural statistics and aerial photographs.(25) One was a typical
intensively cultivated flat area in Rekkestad, Ostfold, and one was a traditional mountain farm landscape in Hjartdal, Telemark. It was found that
further intensification of intensively managed landscapes has led to an
increasingly homogenous, large-scale landscape featuring fewer boundaries. In contrast, reduced management in the mountain farm system
resulted in an increasingly heterogeneous, small-scale landscape.
A study of the changing face of a Czech rural landscape(26) indicated
that cultural landscapes are constantly developing, and that changes
depend on social, economic and political conditions.
Identification of the changes in landscape structures. According
to Ohmachi, environmental degradation in Metro Manila is due to
population concentration and the serious lack of, or delay in, infrastructure
developments.(27) Urbanization has caused the loss of green space, as
discussed by Takeuchi,(28) who referred to the studies of Moriwake and
colleagues(29) and Murakami and colleagues(30) on the changes of landscape
structures in Metro Manila. These papers suggested that policies aimed at
creating green spaces in the city core and conserving green spaces in the
outer suburbs (the remaining woodlands and agricultural lands) should
be enforced because of their potential ecological function in absorbing
pressures brought about by urbanization. Moriwake and colleagues(31)
determined the characteristics of urban green spaces in major land use
types by performing a field vegetation survey, focusing on vertical structure and species composition of trees. The green cover ratio is used as an
indicator of the spatial quantity of greenery. In low-density residential
areas and parks, the ratio was found to exceed 20 per cent in most of the
sample sites. However, the ratio was less than 10 per cent in high-density
residential areas and in business and commercial areas. In urbanrural
mixed areas, the ratio was also small, since only the tree crown cover
was being assessed and grasslands were not included. Agricultural lands
have few trees, and trees in new residential areas are still fairly young.
Murakami and colleagues(32) found that landscape features in Metro
194

20. Chen, Liding, Jun Wang,
Bojie Fu and Yang Qiu (2001),
Land use change in a small
catchment of northern Loess
Plateau, China, Agriculture,
Ecosystems & Environment
Vol 86, No 2, pages 163172.
21. Rao, K S and Rekha Pant
(2001), Land use dynamics and
landscape change pattern in a
typical micro watershed in the
mid-elevation zone of central
Himalaya, India, Agriculture,
Ecosystems & Environment
Vol 86, No 2, pages 113124.
22. Kammerbauer, Johann and
Carlos Ardon (1999), Land
use dynamics and landscape
change pattern in a typical
watershed in the hillside
region of central Honduras,
Agriculture, Ecosystems &
Environment Vol 75, No 1,
pages 93100.
23. Kristensen, S P (1999),
Agricultural land use and
landscape changes in
Rostrup, Denmark: process
of intensification and
extensification, Landscape and
Urban Planning Vol 46, No 1,
pages 117123.
24. Hietala-Koivu, R (1999),
Agricultural landscape
change: a case study in Ylane,
southwest Finland, Landscape
and Urban Planning Vol 46,
No 1, pages 103108.
25. Fjellstad, W J and W E
Dramstad (1999), Patterns
of change in two contrasting
Norwegian agricultural
landscapes, Landscape and
Urban Planning Vol 45, No 4,
pages 177191.
26. Lipsky, Z (1995), The
changing face of the Czech
rural landscape, Landscape
and Urban Planning Vol 31,
No 1, pages 3945.
27. Ohmachi, Tatsuo
(2002), Ending the cycle of
environmental deterioration, in
Ohmachi and Roman (editors),
see reference 5, pages 39.
28. Takeuchi, Kazuhiko (2002),
Introduction: chapter 5, in
see reference 5,
pages 171173.
29. Moriwake, Noriko, Armando
M Palijon and Kazuhiko
Takeuchi (2002), Distribution
and structure of urban green
spaces in Metro Manila, in
see reference 5,
pages 185198.
30. Murakami, Akinobu,
Kazuhiko Takeuchi, Atsushi
Tsunekawa and Alinda M
Zain (2002), Trends in spatial
extension and land use mixture
in Metro Manila, in Ohmachi
and Roman (editors), see
reference 5, pages 174184.
31. See reference 29.
32. Murakami, Akinobu,
Kazuhiko Takeuchi, Atsushi
Tsunekawa and Noriko
Moriwake (2000), The changing
pattern of urban population
density and landscape
structure in Metro Manila, City
Planning Review Vol 35, pages
625630, The City Planning
Institute of Japan (in Japanese
with English Abstract).
34. The method of join counts
proposed by Krishna-Iyer
(1950), as cited and used
in the study by Murakami
and colleagues (2002) (see
reference 30) was applied to
measure the degree to which
different land cover/land
use categories are mixed.
The method counts the joins
between contiguous grid cells.
In their study, the join counts
method uses the number of
cells of urbanized land that
adjoin cells of green space
as its value; in other words it
indicates the degree of land
cover/land use mixture. Land
cover joins refer to the mix
of urban built-up and green
land cover (tree crowns, grass
and other vegetation). Land
use joins refer to the mix of
urban land uses (commercial,
residential and the like) and
green land uses (agricultural
lands and woodlands). See
Krishna-Iyer, P V (1950),
The theory of probability
distributions of points on a
lattice, Annals of Mathematical
Statistics Vol 21, pages
198217, University of Oxford.
Manila had changed rapidly in 50 years, and that there was an urban
density of 200 persons per hectare about 10 kilometres from the centre. In
a further study by Murakami and colleagues,(33) a join counts method(34)
was applied to indicate the frequency of contiguity between urbanized
and green space areas, or the degree of land cover/land use mixture.
Based on the findings, the whole of Metro Manila was divided into three
types of region, namely: a central area with low land cover join counts
and low land use join counts; a mid-distance area with high land cover
join counts and low land use join counts; and an outer area with high
land cover join counts and high land use join counts. These studies were
concerned with the pressures of urbanization in the peripheries of Metro
Manila, and suggested conservation of green open spaces through the
adoption of appropriate land use arrangements in the mix of urban and
agricultural land uses. To understand the process of change in the urban
fringe landscape of Metro Manila, the present authors conducted a study
to identify the changing patterns of agricultural lands and the differences
between the lowland and terraced agricultural landscapes.(35) However,
only limited discussion was undertaken. The objective of this paper,
therefore, is to contribute to further discussion of socioeconomic and
other factors underlying physical changes in the urban fringe landscape.
II. PHYSICAL ANALYSES AND DISCUSSION

In previous work by the present authors,(36) two study areas, each measuring five kilometres square, were chosen and examined in Cavite province near the southern periphery of Metro Manila, to cover two types of
agricultural landscape based on landform (Figure 1). This current paper
follows on from that work and discusses the same two study areas. During the fieldwork,(37) the local population referred to the northwest study
area as Imus. The southeast study area was popularly known as Molino.
Imus is the name of the local urban centre and is usually referred to as
the poblacin area. The term poblacin has its roots in the Spanish era,
FIGURE 1
Location of the study areas
195
and traditionally refers to the urban centre of a town in the Philippines.

Molino is the name of a barangay in the upland area, where a former
dirt road was recently developed and called the Molino highway. Both
study areas are located within the political boundaries of the municipality
of Imus.
A spatial database was developed from image interpretation of aerial
photographs from 1982 and 1997. Landscapes, as represented by land use
maps, were sub-divided into landscape units each measuring six cells by
six cells (a cell measures 50 by 50 metres). Pre-classification was conducted
to determine the presence and/or absence of agricultural and urban land
uses. Further classification took place using cluster analysis on landscape
units that had both agricultural and urban land uses. The variables used
were landscape metrics, which quantified proportion to describe the
occupancy of the land use of interest and contiguity to describe the spatial configuration, based on the probability that a land use of interest
is adjacent to the same land use. Finally, the units were classified into
five landscape types, namely agricultural, contiguous agriculture mixed
with urban, isolated agriculture mixed with urban, urban, and others that
did not include any agricultural and/or urban land uses. The changing
patterns indicated how landscape units used for agriculture in 1982 had
either changed or remained the same in 1997 (Figure 2).
FIGURE 2
Hypothetical changing patterns of landscape units
SOURCE: Malaque III, Isidoro R, Makoto Yokohari and Kazuyuki Kobayashi (2003),
Identification of the changing patterns of agricultural lands in the urban fringe
of Metro Manila, Journal of the Japanese Institute of Landscape Architecture
Vol 66, No 5, pages 901905.
196

35. Malaque III, Isidoro R,
Makoto Yokohari and Kazuyuki
Kobayashi (2003), Identification
of the changing patterns of
agricultural lands in the urban
fringe of Metro Manila, Journal
of the Japanese Institute of
Landscape Architecture Vol 66,
No 5, pages 901904.
37. Between 28 August and
3 September 2002, personal
interviews were conducted
with the local authorities,
developers, landowners,
farmers and other stakeholders
in order to explain the results
of the physical analyses. A nonstructured or informal form of
interview was used, and the
results were validated and
supported by secondary data.
a. Physical changes at landscape level

Agricultural land use dominates in all four land use maps, but its cover
decreased between 1982 and 1997, from 47 per cent to 40 per cent in the
FIGURE 3
Land use maps in the northwest (lowland) and southeast (terraced)
study areas based on aerial photographs
SOURCE: Adapted from Malaque III, Isidoro R, Makoto Yokohari and Kazuyuki
Kobayashi (2003), Identification of the changing patterns of agricultural lands in
the urban fringe of Metro Manila, Journal of the Japanese Institute of Landscape
Architecture Vol 66, No 5, pages 901904.
197
northwest study area and from 67 per cent to 49 per cent in the southeast
study area (Figure 3). The southeast study area had more land devoted to
agriculture in 1982 because it was then the rural area. The northwest study
area had less land devoted to agriculture in 1982 because the poblacin, or
urban centre of the municipality of Imus, is located there. There were two
distinct periods of land development in the urban fringe of Metro Manila
between 1982 and 1997. The earlier period was prior to the rapid land
use conversion of agricultural lands. In 1990, a landmark year in land
development, a total of 347 applications for land use conversion were
approved, covering about 1,790 hectares; the previous year, only 39 had
been approved, covering about 551 hectares.(38) The later period was more
influenced by the Ramos administration, which began in 1992 and which
encouraged the dispersal of industries to the countryside,(39) making land
use conversion a common component of social, political and economic
conditions in the urban fringe of Metro Manila.(40)
b. Physical changes at landscape unit level

The agricultural landscape unit type is characterized not only by the
presence of agricultural land use but also by the absence of urban land
use. Patches of forest and bare ground/grassland can also be found in some
agricultural areas. Landscape units of this type were dominant in both time
periods in the two study areas, but decreased from 46 per cent (1982) to
31 per cent (1997) in the northeast area, and from 70 per cent (1982) to
41 per cent (1997) in the southeast area (Figure 4). The intensive agricultural activity in 1982 is made evident by the dominance of this type of
FIGURE 4
Landscape unit types in the northwest (lowland) and southeast
(terraced) study areas
SOURCE: Malaque III, Isidoro R, Makoto Yokohari and Kazuyuki Kobayashi (2003),
Vol 66, No 5, pages 901904.
198

40. See reference 10; also
see reference 12; and see
reference 14.
41. Socioeconomic profile:
unpublished secondary data
obtained from the Municipal
Planning and Development
Office of the Municipality
of Imus, Cavite, during the
authors research in 20002003.
42. Unpublished secondary
data obtained from the
Municipal Agriculture Office,
Municipality of Imus, Cavite,
20002003.
44. Barber, Ma Haezel M (1997),

A study on the unchecked
conversion of agricultural lands
into non-agricultural uses: the
CALABARZON experience,
Philippine Planning Journal
Vol 28, No 2, pages 120.
45. Serote, Ernesto M (1988),
Measuring the conversion
of lands to urban uses in
the Philippines: residential
sub-divisions development
as surrogate data, Philippine
Planning Journal Vol 19, No 12,
pages 715.
46. Municipal Development
Plan (19962005): unpublished
document obtained from
the Municipal Planning and
Development Office of the
20002003.
47. Ballesteros, Marife M
(2000), Land use planning in
Metro Manila and the urban
fringe: implications on land
and real estate market, PIDS
Discussion Paper Series No
200020, Philippine Institute
for Development Studies,
Manila. The land development
multiplier indicates the ratio
between the price of developed
land for sale to the real estate
market and the price of raw
land (agricultural land). The high
development multiplier in the
Philippines is also influenced
by the long time it takes to
complete the process for land
use conversion.
landscape unit in both study areas. In Imus municipality, which includes

most of the study areas, there was a decrease in agricultural lands used
for rice production from 61 per cent (1980) to 17 per cent (1995).(41) In
the 1990s, the total number of farmers also decreased from 835 (1991) to
673 (1997), along with a decrease in rice production from 9,649 metric
tons (1991) to 8,062 metric tons (1997).(42) Few of the farmers descendants
are currently farming, nor do they have any personal inclination towards
agricultural labour. The decrease in agricultural lands is also related to an
increase in the number of approved applications for land use conversion
in the entire country from 12 (1988) to 1,768 (1997).(43) Around 30 per cent
of the total approved applications for land use conversion were in Region
IV, where Cavite province and the study areas are located. Despite the fact
that this region is among those most vulnerable to land use conversion,
the municipality of Imus still has substantial areas of agricultural land.
This municipality was not included in Barbers discussion of land use
conversion in 12 critical municipalities, 75 per cent of which belong
to CALABARZON, including municipalities that adjoin the study areas,
namely Dasmarinas, Bacoor and Gen. Trias.(44)
The second type of landscape unit (contiguous agriculture mixed
with urban) is characterized by the presence of both agricultural and urban
land uses. Here, urban land use has started to encroach but agricultural
land use still remains aggregated. This landscape unit type decreased from
31 per cent (1982) to 21 per cent (1997) in the northwest study area,
but increased from 6 per cent (1982) to 11 per cent (1997) in the southeast study area (Figure 4). Even before 1982, residential sub-division developments had started to encroach on agricultural lands, and the patches of
residential sub-divisions in this landscape unit type in 1982 were part of
the 3,000 hectares of agricultural land that were converted annually from
1977, as estimated by Serote.(45) In the northwest study area, this type
of landscape unit decreased between the two time periods because most
of the contiguous agricultural lands in 1982 had become isolated by 1997.
In the southeast study area, the encroachment of new residential subdivision developments on agricultural lands led to a slight increase in this
type of landscape unit.
The third landscape unit type (isolated agriculture mixed with urban)
is characterized by the presence of both agricultural and urban land
uses. Here, the aggregated agricultural land use has already become fragmented. This landscape unit type increased from 17 per cent (1982) to
34 per cent (1997) in the northwest area, and from 1 per cent (1982) to
11 per cent (1997) in the southeast area (Figure 4). In the northwest, the
increase was the result of a fragmentation of aggregated agricultural lands
in 38 units of the second type (contiguous agriculture mixed with urban)
between the two time periods. The increase in this landscape unit type in
both study areas was also due to some isolated parcels of agricultural land
that had remained unsold. Even with a housing backlog in the country
(for instance, that in the municipality of Imus increased from 7,276 in
1980 to 10,771 in 1995),(46) some land remains unsold or undeveloped because housing consumers pay a large premium over the price of raw land.
Compared to other Southeast Asian countries, the Philippines posted
the longest permit delay (36 months) and the highest land development
multiplier (6.7).(47)
Ballesteros(48) explained that in order to ease the process of land use
conversion, land developers resort to an application scheme that
199
subdivides the total land area into smaller areas. Under the approval
system, areas measuring five hectares or less are under the authority of
the regional office, while applications for areas greater than five hectares
require further processes in other national government offices.(49) Even
some of the agricultural land still under cultivation is pending sale or is
under the land use conversion process, and some has tenant farmer beneficiary applicants under the Agrarian Land Reform Programme. Farmer
beneficiaries of the land reform programme affected by the land use conversion must be paid a disturbance compensation, which should not be
less than five times the average of the annual gross value of the harvest on
their actual landholdings during the last five preceding calendars years.(50) In
addition, the land use conversion applicant or developer must provide
free home lots and assured employment for the displaced farmers, along
with capital to enable them to shift to another livelihood. In most cases,
these arrangements are made ahead of time between the landowners and
tenant farmer beneficiaries, and the latter are paid a larger amount of
money in lieu of the piece of land. It is expected that the isolated pieces
of land that are intended to be part of the disturbance compensation
package will be used for urban agriculture. But for those with less than
two hectares, farming is an inadequate source of income to support family
needs, so these farmers resort to non-farm labour such as construction
work for additional income. These trends are related to the slower rate of
agricultural production and an increasing urban population.
The urban landscape unit type is characterized by the presence of
urban land use and the absence of agricultural land use. Patches of bare
ground/grassland can also be found in the southeast study area. Units of
this landscape type increased from 6 per cent (1982) to 14 per cent (1997)
in the northeast area, and from 2 per cent (1982) to 20 per cent (1997)
in the southeast area (Figure 4). Following the increase in population in
the municipality of Imus from 59,103 (1980) to 177,408 (1995),(51) this
landscape unit type also increased in both study areas. According to
Ballesteros,(52) the real estate boom, which was the result of an increasing
flow of investment that started in 1987, made landowners realize the value
of their land. She further explained that land prices in CALABARZON had
risen sharply: the price of commercial lots in 1991 increased by 42.1 per
cent, that of residential lots by 21.9 per cent and that of development
lots by 12.9 per cent above their 1990 levels. Between 1990 and 1993, the
average weighted asking price of land in CALABARZON increased by 25
per cent to 32 per cent.(53) In the municipality of Imus, the total number
of development permits for residential sub-division projects increased
from five (1993) to 71 (1997).(54)This trend slowed down in 1998 and 1999
following the economic crisis in 1997 but recently, real estate activity
has been on the upswing again, according to a department head of the
ACM real estate company(55) that is in the process of planning a 34-hectare
residential sub-division development. Along with the increasing number of residential sub-divisions, the density of commercial and industrial
establishments increased from nine to 35 units per square kilometre
between 1980 and1995.(56)
Other landscape units that do not belong to the four categories
above are characterized by the absence of both agricultural and urban
land uses; these include forest, bare ground/grasslands and golf courses.
This landscape type is absent in the northwest area and has decreased
slightly from 21 per cent (1982) to 17 per cent (1997) in the southeast
200
49. Land Use Conversion

Primer Series (1998),
Department of Agrarian
Reform, Manila.

53. Ramos, Norman R (1996),

Urban land development
trends in the Philippines,
Philippine Planning Journal
Vol 27, No 2, pages 1326.
55. Personal interview with A
Landas, Head of Construction
Service Group, ACM, 29 August
2002.
FIGURE 5
Changing patterns in the northwest (lowland) and southeast
(terraced) study areas
SOURCE: Malaque III, Isidoro R, Makoto Yokohari, and Kazuyuki Kobayashi (2003),
Vol 66, No 5, pages 901904.
area. Although some residential sub-divisions were developed over bare

ground/grasslands, the abandonment of 13 agricultural landscape units
between the two time periods resulted in a slight net decrease. A golf
course resulted from land use conversion of a mango plantation that can
be detected as a mix of forest and bare ground/grasslands in the southwest
corner of the southeast study area land use map in 1982 (Figure 3).
c. The changing patterns of agricultural lands

In 1982, agricultural landscape units (whose total number was the same
in 1997) dominated in both study areas, covering 31 per cent of the
northwest study area and 40 per cent of the southeast study area. However, if we focus on physical changes in the agricultural landscape, we
find almost no change in the northwest study area from 1982 to 1997,
whereas in the southeast study area, changing patterns illustrate some
abandonment of agriculture (5 per cent) and some direct change from
agricultural landscape to urban landscape (10 per cent) (Figure 5).
The northwest study area is characterized as an alluvial plain. The
southeast study area, with an elevation of more than 20 metres above sea
level, is characterized as terraced (Figure 6). The two study areas also differ
in land use composition, as illustrated in the land use maps (Figure 3). The
201
FIGURE 6
The northwest (lowland) (left) and southeast (terraced) (right) agricultural landscapes
changing patterns illustrated in Figure 5 show that the southeast study area
was more vulnerable to urban land development and the abandonment
of agricultural lands than the northwest study area. Rainfed agricultural
lands (mainly in the southeast area) could only produce 4.5 metric tons
of rice per hectare with one cropping cycle per year, compared to irrigated
agricultural lands, mostly found in the northwest study area, which
could produce 4.98 metric tons per hectare with two cropping cycles per
year.(57) Both farmers and a municipal agriculture officer(58) claimed that
water supply is better in the northwest area, making a second cropping
more feasible than in the southeast area. Tenant farmers in the southeast
area found that farming was less economically feasible, especially if they
were farming an area smaller than two hectares. Low productivity and the
landowners share result in a net profit that is not enough to support their
needs. Thus, they prefer to go along with land use conversion because their
disturbance compensation will provide them with the means to invest in
non-agricultural businesses. In contrast, it was common for tenant farmers in the northwest study area to prefer to continue farming.
According to an Imus planning officer,(59) in around 1982, when
there was intensive agricultural activity in the southeast study area, real
estate developers started to purchase agricultural land directly from the
landowners. More recently, the development of the Molino highway (a
diversion route for northsouth traffic) has attracted more buyers. In the
northwest study area, the price of agricultural land was higher than in
the southeast study area, approximately 500700 Philippine pesos per
square metre compared to 400600 Philippine pesos per square metre.
Applying any pre-identified multiplying factor for development costs,
agricultural lands in the southeast study area were more favourable for
investment and the market.
III. CONCLUSION
Rapid spatial expansion is taking place in the metropolitan region of
Metro Manila. In the peripheral area most of this takes the form of lowdensity development that threatens the ecology of agricultural lands.
202

58. Personal interview with
S M Arandia, Municipal
Agriculture Officer, Municipality
of Imus, Cavite, 27 August 2002.

R D Pelaez, Planning Officer II,
27 August 2002.
60. See reference 6, page 15.

Demand for land for urban use is the stimulus for speculation, land use
conversion and other forms of urban development in the fringe, which
will eventually result in changes in the pattern of agricultural lands.
According to Bryant and colleagues: There is little doubt that a basic phenomenon underlying land use change in the regional city is to be found in changes
in land ownership structure and the real estate market.(60) Pond and Yeates
hypothesized that land market activity can be used to indicate urban growth
pressure before land use conversion occurs.(61) In the peripheral provinces of
Metro Manila, land experienced a number of ownership changes before
it was absorbed by the growing metropolitan region; some of these were
described by McAndrew.(62) Thus, land market activity, as it is connected to
land ownership change, is one of the forerunners of urban development
and may point to future urban expansion. The Philippines experienced
good economic performance between 1990 and 1997, and this created a
strong demand for real estate from both the domestic and foreign sectors. Since the rise of Manila as a primate city under colonial rule, the process of urbanization that has shaped its growth has also brought about
physical changes in the nearby Cavite countryside. The fragmentation of
agricultural lands that created a heterogeneous land use mix reflects both
the land ownership structure and the decisions of individuals. Similarly,
the different political levels identified by Kelly(63) relate to the physical
changes in the landscape at different scales. For example, whether a
piece of agricultural land just 50 metres square remains agricultural or
changes to another land use is related to politics at the personal level.
Local level politics is related to physical patterns at the landscape unit
scale a municipal zoning plan, for instance, influences the change from
agricultural landscape unit type to another type characterized by urban
land use. And national level politics is related to the changing patterns
that constitute the process of urbanization in the two different agricultural landscapes we have examined, and to the physical changes in
the urban fringe landscape that were illustrated by land use maps in two
time periods.
There was a major difference in the changing patterns in the two
study areas, which represent two different types of agricultural landscape.
The northwest study area experienced uniform patterns of change in a
phased transition. In the southeast study area, there was a more direct
change from agricultural use in 1982 to an urban landscape unit type
in 1997. The abandonment of agricultural land was also identified; land
that had been agricultural in 1982 had become a bare or grassland landscape by 1997. Although a smaller scale might indicate more comparable
change, at a landscape unit scale of six cells by six cells (300 metres by 300
metres), the level of urban development in the southeast area is relatively
larger than in the northwest area.
There was more urban development in the southeast area because of
the lower prices for agricultural land for residential sub-division developments and the strong preference among tenant farmers there for land
use conversion over continuing farming. This preference was due to the
low efficiency and productivity of agricultural lands as a result of insufficient irrigation for the rice crops grown there. Real estate developers
also preferred the southeast area for investment, as the development of
the Molino highway connecting the southern municipalities to the periphery of Metro Manila made the area attractive for housing and other
urban developments. The northwest study area experienced a more
203
phased transition because of relatively higher prices for agricultural lands.

This meant that the relatively large parcels of land needed for larger-scale
residential sub-division developments were not affordable. As in the case of
applications for land use conversion, applicants resorted to a scheme that
sub-divided the land into small areas in order to ease the process. The
northwest study area also has a better irrigation system, which encouraged
tenant farmers to continue farming and made it possible to sustain cultivation in some isolated parcels of agricultural land that tenant farmers
received as compensation. Aside from relatively higher land prices, there
has also been strong resistance from tenant farmers to land use conversion,
and higher demands for disturbance compensation. All these factors
made the land use conversion process in the northwest study area more
difficult than in the southeast area, and urban growth was consequently
faster in the southeast area over the time period examined. The current
zoning plan of the municipality of Imus has categorized the southeast
study area as residential and industrial zones, and agricultural zones can
only be found in the northwest study area.(64) These zoning regulations
are likely to be properly implemented regardless of economic and political
pressures, and it can be assumed that intensive urban land development
in the southeast study area will take place in the future, while agriculture
will continue only in the northwest study area.

A G Cantimbuhan, Zoning
Administrator, Municipality of
Imus, Cavite, 27 August 2002;
also see reference 46.
IV. RECOMMENDATIONS
Because of their proximity to urban centres, even urban fringe areas
made up of prime agricultural land can become sites for expanding
urban development. The resulting loss of green open space may mean
environmental degradation, including flooding and thermal discomfort in
the urban fringe, as is occurring at present in the centre of Metro Manila.
An understanding of the process of landscape change makes it clear that
agricultural lands can co-exist with urban land uses in the process of
urbanization. It is recommended that landscape units with contiguous
agriculture be preserved in order to sustain productivity and preserve
their ecological functions. The mixture of urban and agricultural land
uses is characteristic of the vernacular urban fringe landscapes of Asian
megacities. This landscape, called Desakota by McGee,(65) was defined as
a region of intense mixture of agricultural and non-agricultural activities that
often stretch along corridors between large cities. Yokohari and colleagues(66)
described this kind of vernacular landscape as a new ecological planning
concept for the future of Asian megacities, and recommended that
it be adopted to support the integration of urban and rural land uses.
This planning concept is truly appropriate for Asian megacities, since
segmented patches of agricultural land have such ecological functions
as water retention capability, microclimate control, conservation of visual
quality and the supply of safe, fresh food.(67) At an economically sustainable
micro scale, these agricultural lands must also be cultivated and promoted
as urban agriculture. Rice is important in the daily meal of every Filipino.
Even if rice is a low-value crop, its cultivation plays a dominant role in
food production. Prime rice paddy fields run the risk of being converted
to urban land uses, but should be preserved for food security. Policies
relating to agricultural development should encourage the cultivation
of remaining agricultural lands and the re-cultivation of abandoned
204
65. McGee, T G (1991), The

emergence of Desakota
regions in Asia: expanding a
hypothesis, in N Ginsburg, B
Koppel and T G McGee (editors),
The Extended Metropolis:
Settlement Transition in Asia,
University of Hawaii Press,
Honolulu, pages 325.
66. Yokohari, Makoto, Kazuhiko
Takeuchi, T Watanabe and
S Yokota (2000), Beyond
greenbelts and zoning: a
new planning concept for
the environment of Asian
megacities, Landscape and
Urban Planning Vol 47, No 3/4,
pages 159171.
agricultural lands. To promote the productivity of remaining agricultural

lands, while maintaining a sound environment for urban residents,
provision for water and sanitation must also be improved at the regional
planning level. Urban land uses are also necessary to accommodate a
developing economy, but urban development should be undertaken in
landscape units with only isolated agriculture, since these units are already
vulnerable to land use conversion. In this way, contiguous agricultural
lands will be preserved with their ecological functions. In cases where
isolated open spaces can no longer sustain agriculture, these can also
developed as urban parks within high-density urban developments, to
provide a better environment.
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U R B A N I Z A T I O N A N D A G R I C U LT U R A L L A N D S C A P E S : P H I L I P P I N E S

Isidoro R Malaque III is an

1. Unpublished secondary data

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

a. Spatial growth of Metro Manila

b. The urbanization process in the urban fringe

3. Reyes, Marqueza C L (1998),

12. McAndrew, John P (1996),

14. Kelly, Philip F (2000),

15. David, Cristina C (1999),

16. Steiner, Frederick (1991),

Institute for Development Studies,(11) says that local government units

c. The objectives of this study in the context of the literature

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

II. PHYSICAL ANALYSES AND DISCUSSION

and traditionally refers to the urban centre of a town in the Philippines.

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

a. Physical changes at landscape level

b. Physical changes at landscape unit level

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

38. See reference 2.

44. Barber, Ma Haezel M (1997),

landscape unit in both study areas. In Imus municipality, which includes

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

49. Land Use Conversion

50. See reference 49.

51. See reference 1.

53. Ramos, Norman R (1996),

area. Although some residential sub-divisions were developed over bare

c. The changing patterns of agricultural lands

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

57. See reference 41.

59. Personal interview with

60. See reference 6, page 15.

62. See reference 12.

63. See reference 10.

phased transition because of relatively higher prices for agricultural lands.

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

64. Personal interview with

65. McGee, T G (1991), The

agricultural lands. To promote the productivity of remaining agricultural

Krishna-Iyer, P V (1950), The theory of probability

Vol 19 No 1 April 2007

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