Plaza Caylan

Plaza life and public performance at the Early Horizon
center of Cayln, Nepea Valley, Per

Matthew Helmer, David Chicoine, and Hugo Ikehara
The following article examines ancient Andean performance at the Early Horizon site of Cayln (8001 BC), Nepea
Valley, North-Central Coast of Peru. Cayln, a hypothesized early urban polity, was organized around a series of monumental enclosure compounds, each dominated by a plaza. Our research considers public performance from one of Caylns
largest and best preserved plazas, Plaza-A.

Results indicate a spatially exclusive, neighborhood-based plaza environment. Public activities included spectacles with music, processions, and architecture entombment. Patterns of small-scale plaza interactions are also discussed.
At Cayln, regular public interactions structured and maintained group identities in a new residential environment.
These results highlight the role of public performance in the maintenance and reproduction of community during periods
of social transformation associated with the emergence of urban lifeways.
La presente contribucin examina la interpretacin ritual en el sitio de Cayln, costa nor-central del Per, durante el
Horizonte Temprano (8001 a.C.). Cayln, una hipottica entidad poltica urbana temprana, fue organizado en torno
a la articulacin de una serie de complejos cercados, cada uno dominado por una plaza, los cuales fueron el foco de una
gran variedad de actividades pblicas. Nuestra investigacin considera el paisaje pblico de la Plaza A, uno de los espacios
ms grandes y mejores conservados en Cayln.

Los resultados indican que mediante la manipulacin y control del movimiento y otras experiencias corporales se
crean contextos de interpretacin ritual extraordinarias dentro de entornos de plazas en barrios espacialmente exclusivos.
Actividades pblicas incluyen espectculos con msica, procesiones, y enterramiento arquitectnico. Patrones de interaccin a pequea escala en las plazas son tambin discutidos. En Cayln, interacciones pblicas regulares mantuvieron
identidades grupales en un ambiente residencial novedoso. Estos resultados resaltan el rol de la interpretacin ritual
pblica en el mantenimiento y reproduccin de comunidades durante periodos de transformacin social asociados a la
emergencia de modos de vida urbanos en la costa nor-central del Per.
Matthew Helmer, Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania and the Americas, University of East Anglia,
Norwich, NR4 7TJ, United Kingdom, m.helmer@uea.ac.uk
David Chicoine, Department of Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University, 227 Howe-Russell-Kniffen
Geoscience Complex, Baton Rouge, LA 70803, dchico@lsu.edu
Hugo Ikehara, Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh, PA, 15260, hci1@pitt.edu
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology, Volume 32, Number 1, pp. 1000. Copyright 2012 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.
85
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1
ithin the last decade, Andean scholars have begun to recognize the value of considering archaeological contexts through the lens of performance
studies in order to understand the structures and institutions of ancient communities (Coben 2006; Hill
2005; Moore 2006; Quilter 2001; Swenson 2011). Indeed, the archaeological study of performance provides
key insights into methods of social maintenance, transformation, and displays of authority in culturally specific contexts (Inomata and Coben 2006: 11). In this
article, we focus on plaza settings contemporary with
the emergence of enclosed, incipient urban lifeways on
the North-Central Coast of Peru. Specifically, recent
excavations at the Early Horizon center of Cayln (ca.
8001 BC), have yielded significant spatial and material data to assess the design, use, and modification of a
monumental plaza.
Throughout the first millennium BC, communities on the North Coast of Peru developed new forms
of community organization characterized by dense
agglomerations of enclosed, walled compounds (e.g.,
Billman 1996; Brennan 1982; Chicoine 2006a; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987; Swenson 2011; Warner 2010;
Wilson 1988). This settlement pattern contrasts with
earlier built forms which focused on large, singular, and
open mound-plaza complexes. In the Nepea Valley
(Figure 1), coastal Ancash, Early Horizon settlements
like Cayln supersede Initial Period ceremonial centers
including Cerro Blanco and Huaca Partida (Shibata
2010). Whereas the latter were typically organized on
a central axis and utilized for large-scale public displays
and activities, our research at Cayln indicates that plaza settings were designed to facilitate innovative kinds
of performance and social interactions in the context
of incipient demographic and spatial crowding. In this
article, we present spatial and artifactual data from field
research at Cayln to explore plaza life and public performance during the Early Horizon and link these data
to some of the social changes related to the emergence
of urbanism in coastal Peru.
In overall area, Cayln is the largest site in the
lower Nepea Valley (Daggett 1987: 74). Yet, it has
received little scientific attention (Daggett 1984: 214
218; Kosok 1965: 208209; Proulx 1968: 31, 7172,
1973: 114, 116). In 2009 and 2010, Chicoine and Ike-
hara (2009, 2011) directed the first systematic mapping and excavations at Cayln. Mapping of the standing architecture combined with horizontal and vertical
excavations yielded important data on the occupation,
organization, and material culture at the site.
Cayln is organized as a series of enclosure compounds, preliminarily interpreted as neighborhoods,
accessed by cross-cutting pathways, corridors, and avenues. A striking, recurrent feature of the Cayln compounds is the presence of monumental, benched plazas
surrounded by complex arrangements of smaller patio
rooms, colonnaded galleries, and roofed chambers.
Excavations in various sectors of Cayln have yielded
a large amount of Early Horizon artifacts, including
ceramic panpipes (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987: 58;
Proulx 1985: 244), slate projectile points (Daggett
1987: 74), and decorated ceramics including Stamped
Circle-and-Dot, Textile Impressed, and White-on-Red
designs. Based on preliminary results, Cayln is interpreted as an extensive habitation center with strong
public components (Chicoine and Ikehara 2010).
In this article, we focus on Plaza-A, one of the
largest and best preserved structures at the site in an
attempt to understand public life and performance at
Cayln. Field methods included the clearing and mapping of surficial architectural remains in addition to
vertical and horizontal excavations to document the
plazas spatial organization and associated activities.
We argue that Plaza-A was an exclusive, neighborhood-oriented public space. We hypothesize that
plaza settings were utilized for gatherings associated
with festivals and other, more personal forms of public interactions. Insights into these interactions point
toward the importance of plazas as places to both
structure and maintain independent co-resident group
identities in an incipient urban environment.
Archaeology, Performance and

Ancient Andean Public Life
Other than platform mounds, plazas are the signature
of Andean public life. Their omnipresence for millennia throughout the ancient monumental landscape is a
testament to the importance of plaza life in Andean so-
86
Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance
Figure 1. Map of Nepea Valley showing sites relevant to text. Credit: David Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara.
art and displays of elite authority. More recently, Swenson (2011) has suggested an intimate link between
political actions and exclusive staged spectacles in the
Jequepeque Valley during the late Early Horizon and
Early Intermediate Period. His study points toward the
negotiated and contested aspects of theatrical performances, and their importance in the creation of power
asymmetries. Here, we are more concerned with the
role of performance in community transformation and
organization.
We operate from a standpoint of performance
which Kapchan (1995: 479) defines as aesthetic
practices-patterns of behavior, ways of speaking, manners of bodily comportmentwhose repetitions situate actors in time and space, structuring individual
and group identities. Public events such as festivals,
religious congregations, and other activities relegated
to public spaces fall into what we consider to be public performances. The cultural importance of public
performance comes from shared experiences in built
ciety. Yet, the articulation of these plazas varies, reflecting vastly different social structures (see Moore 1996a,
1996b; Swenson 2011). Performance studies provide a
particularly potent framework for investigating ancient
public life. In addition to studies of architectural similarities (e.g., Mackey 1987; Menzel 1959; Rowe 1962;
Williams 1985) and labor investment and organization (e.g., Pozorski 1980; Pozorski and Pozorski 2005;
Vega-Centeno 2007), performance studies of public
arenas have the potential to bring unique insights into
mechanisms of social cohesion, interactions, negotiations, and experiences that shaped ancient Andean life.
In the Andes, performance studies have focused
on the materialization of culture with a focus on elite
ideology (DeMarrais 2004; DeMarrais et al. 1996).
Hill (2005), for instance, has emphasized the spectacular qualities of Moche Phase (AD 1800) rituals
of human sacrifice, in particular the dismemberment
of war prisoners and sacrificial victims. Quilter (2001),
meanwhile, has investigated shifts in Moche public
87
settings which are enacted by social groups (Giddens

1984; Tuan 1977). Understanding these shared experiences brings insights into mechanisms of social (re)
production and political structures within institutionalized spectacles (Inomata and Coben 2006).
Performance archaeology is a relatively recent
field of study, and its practitioners are still laying out
its foundations (see Inomata and Coben 2006; Pearson
and Shanks 2001). One particularly heated point of
debate concerns the meaning of performance itself,
and its scale of analysis. Hodder (2006: 9697), for
instance, favors a definition of performance as simply
a venue of showing and looking, which includes all
scales of interactions with a lesser emphasis on performance as heightened encounters and/or in large-scale
events (see also Goffman 1967). This is effectively
demonstrated through a case study at Catal Hoyuk,
where Hodder illustrates how highly structured daily
interactions within households represents a type of performance which typified social life. Houston (2006), in
contrast, opposes the idea that small-scale interactions
take on similar qualities as large scale, special events
(see also Hymes 1975). Houston (2006: 137, 149) argues that the importance of performance comes precisely from the separation between small-scale, mundane encounters and the extraordinary experience of
large-scale public displays.
We are in general agreement with Houston, Inomata, and others that public interaction operates differently from encounters in other contexts, and should
be studied on its own terms. However, performance is
highly contextual, and is something which is constantly embodied through different genres (Turner 1987:
82; see also Butler 1993). We consider public performance to be a particular genre concerned with communal activities between larger numbers of individuals
housed within a more monumental, or extraordinary
venue than one would encounter in other contexts.
However, we keep in mind that plaza settings, as with
other forms of architecture, are often used in dynamic
contexts not necessarily confined to one type of encounter. In other words, it is necessary to acknowledge
the possibility that plazas and their associated activities
were not necessarily confined to episodic large-scale
events, and may have been used fluidly for many types
of public encounters which is something we account

for in our analysis of Caylns public settings.
Theoretical foundations of performance archaeology are what form the basis of our inquiry into Cayln
public life. We were particularly inspired by Inomatas
(2006: 205) argument that theatrical events within
loosely integrated polities associated with the Classic
Maya were pivotal to integrating groups that could easily divide at the kin level. We hypothesize that a similar
scenario was likely in occurrence at Cayln. In addition,
our methodological framework is aided from Moores
(2006) and Houston and Taubes (2000) illustrations
that archaeologists can partially reconstruct materializations of human sensation which reflect relationships
between common experiences and public performance.
The goal of this paper is to further develop applications of performance theory, but more importantly to
use performance theory as a unique and useful way to
understand ancient Andean public life. We utilize a contextual approach to understanding performance by determining basic plaza experiences and activities that likely
took place. This information is used to inform how Early
Horizon public life at the onset of urbanism indicates an
important shift in sociopolitical organization.
Early Horizon Enclosure Compounds

on the North-Central Coast of Per
Between 1,000 and 800 BC (Table 1), changes in settlement patterns resulted in the abandonment of Initial Period mound-plaza complexes along the NorthCentral coast of Peru in favor of enclosure architecture
(Daggett 1987, 1999; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987;
Wilson 1988). Instead of a singular mound-plaza core,
groups nucleated around a number of plazas and smaller mounds, where singular public spaces no longer
dominated the constructed landscape (e.g., Chicoine
2006b; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987).
In Nepea, the mound-plaza complex of Cerro
Blanco (1,500150 BC), located less than 3km from
Cayln, is one of the best known ceremonial centers
(e.g., Ikehara and Shibata 2008; Shibata 2010; Tello
1943; Vega-Centeno 2000). Recent research by Shibata (2010) has resulted in a Nepea-based sequence
88
Table 1. Chronological table showing general and local sequences. Credit: Hugo Ikehara
General sequences
Local sequences
100
Kaulicke 2010 Lanning 1967
Epiformative
Shibata 2010
Nepea
Daggett 1984 Billman 1994 Burger 1993
Nepea
Moche
Chavn
Late
Salinar
Chavn
200
300
400
500
600
Final
Formative
Late
Formative
Early
Horizon
Samanco
Nepea
Phase 3
Phase 2
Early
Salinar
Late
Guaape
Janabarriu
Chakinani
900
1000
1100
1200
1300
Middle
Formative
Early
Formative
Initial
Period
Phase 1
Middle
Guaape
for the Initial Period and Early Horizon. Excavations

indicate that Cerro Blanco was mainly built and occupied during the Initial Period, and later re-occupied by
Early Horizon squatters. Shibatas chronology for Cerro Blanco has four main divisions: (1) Huambocayn
Phase (1,5001100 BC), associated with the first raising of the central mound at Cerro Blanco; (2) Cerro
Blanco Phase (1,100800 BC), which is roughly coeval
with the Cupisnique and Manchay traditions associated with the U-shaped construction; (3) Nepea Phase
Janabarriu
Huambocayn
Urabarriu
Cerro
Blanco
White on red
700
800
Mesa 2007
Kotosh
Wairajirca
(800450 BC), correspondent with the abandonment

of Cerro Blancos U-shaped complex and a brief shift
to megalithic construction in the lower Nepea Valley;
and (4) Samanco Phase (450150 BC) corresponding
with the complete abandonment of Cerro Blanco (Shibata 2010: 305306). Research at Cayln indicates the
establishment of the settlement at the beginning of the
Nepea Phase, and a continuous occupation until the
end of the Samanco Phase and beyond.
Shibatas work at Cerro Blanco provides com89
parative architectural and contextual data to assess

the Initial Period-Early Horizon transition in Nepea. The main mound at Cerro Blanco measures 15m
high, with an area of 120 by 95m (Bischof 1997: 206;
Daggett 1987: 118; Proulx 1985: 53; Shibata 2010;
Vega-Centeno 2000: 141). On either side of the main
mound are two smaller platform mounds, forming the
U-shaped wings of Cerro Blanco. These encompass
an open area approximately 90 by 90m between the
main mound and surrounding wings, forming a large
open plaza area oriented northeast up-river toward the
Cordillera Negra. Atop one of the surrounding wings,
Julio C. Tello (1943; see also Museo de Arqueologa
y Antropologa de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de
San Marcos 2005; Vega-Centeno 2000: 142146, Figure 4) excavated a small (5 by 5m) interior gallery room
with low walls and platforms, none measuring over one
meter in height. These walls were elaborately decorated
with polychrome feline murals, and the structure faces
the open plaza area. The discovery of Caylns markedly different iconographic themes indicates a conscious disassociation with or avoidance of feline-based
visual arts. Cayln artists favored a different, abstract
and light manipulated iconographic experience devoid
of colors and animate creatures.
On the opposite wing of Cerro Blanco, Ikehara
and Shibata (2008: 29, Figure 4) found high volumes
of fine serving vessels, likely utilized for feasting along
the U-shaped wing platform area. Ikehara and Shibata
(2008: 151152) interpret Cerro Blancos social organization as being relatively de-centralized, with the
exception of episodic public spectacles where members
from neighboring communities came together in large
numbers and elites displayed power through commensal politics.
A variety of causes for the abandonment of Initial
Period centers have been put forth by scholars, including hostile invasion (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987: 118
119, 121), internal political turmoil (Burger 1992:
189190), and environmental forces (Daggett 1987:
7071). Recently, political factionalism (Pozorski and
Pozorski 2006), innovations in foodways and feasting
practices (Chicoine 2011a), shifts in elite strategies
(Chicoine 2010a), and regional conflict (Ikehara and
Chicoine 2011) have been highlighted as major forces
in the reorganization of coastal societies at the beginning of the Early Horizon.

One of the most visible materializations of Early
Horizon social transformation is the emergence of nucleated settlements characterized by stone-wall enclosure compounds, or cercaduras. These sites are typically
associated with agglomerated square and rectangular
structures of various sizes built of quarried rocks set in
mortar. Although traditionally associated with postMoche urban phenomena (Bawden 1977, 1982; Shimada 1994), cercaduras and other forms of enclosed
urban lifeways represent the most salient form of community organization in Early Horizon Nepea and
elsewhere (Brennan 1982; Chicoine 2010a; Chicoine
and Ikehara 2010; Swenson 2011; Warner 2010).
Early Horizon enclosures are documented
around the North-Central coast in Nepea (Chicoine
2006b; Chicoine and Ikehara 2010; Daggett 1984,
1987; Proulx 1968), Santa (Wilson 1988), Casma
(Ghezzi 2006; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987, 2005), and
into the Vir, Moche, and Jequetepeque valleys further
north (Billman 1996; Brennan 1978, 1982; Collier
1955; Warner 2010). Many of these enclosures have
only been documented through survey, but excavated
examples include Chankillo (Ghezzi 2006), Pampa
Rosario, and San Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987)
in Casma, Cerro Arena in Moche (Brennan 1978), and
Jatanca in Jequetepeque (Warner 2010). In Nepea
(Figure 1), enclosure compounds have been reported
at Huambacho (Chicoine 2006b), Sute Bajo (Cotrina
et al. 2003), Samanco (Daggett 1999), and Cayln
(Chicoine and Ikehara 2010). On the North-Central
coast, these enclosures have high densities of ceramic
panpipes (Chicoine 2006b: 6; Pozorski and Pozorski
1987: 58; Proulx 1985: 244) and large quantities of
maize possibly associated with brewing maize chicha
(Chicoine 2011a: 436; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987:
5859, 119).
At Huambacho, Chicoine (2006a, Figures 4.4
4.5) identified at least four room types, including large
colonnaded patios, backrooms of various sizes around
patios, completely enclosed small storage rooms, and
plazas. Huambacho is dominated by two monumental
plazas, each enclosed by four benched walls decorated
with geometric friezes, and rows of decorated columns
90
Figure 2. Map of Cayln with Compound-A and Plaza-A shaded; dot denotes location where Figure 3 photograph was taken. Credit:
David Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara, Luis Tandaipan.
a. The first phase of the project (20092010), was

carried out under the direction of Chicoine and Ikehara (2009, 2011). Fieldwork resulted in the systematic architectural mapping of the ca. 50ha monumental
core (Figure 2), as well as the topographical mapping
of more than 200ha in the surrounding Cerro Cayln
slopes and gullies. Based on its immense size, Cayln
likely represents a primary center of a lower-valley
polity with secondary satellites at the smaller sites of
Huambacho, Sute Bajo and Samanco.
Cayln is located 15km from the Pacific Ocean
and 60km from the base of the Cordillera Negra
mountain system (Daggett 1984: 215). Cayln was
first documented by Kosok (1965), who was baffled by
the sites size, as well as its labyrinthean and orthogonal
layout. Later survey research by Proulx (1968, 1973,
1985), and Daggett (1984, 1987, 1999) provided
a basic sketch of the site and descriptions of surface
materials. Daggett (1987: 74, 1999) was the first to
recognize a main occupation during the Early Horizon
on the basis of architectural similarities with the sites of
San Diego and Pampa Rosario in Casma (Pozorski and
creating roof structures along the top platform levels

(Chicoine 2006a: Figure 4.3). Plazas are accessed by
narrow staircases no more than a meter wide and located in the corners. The Huambacho settings are embedded in a highly controlled access environment, and
are connected to each other through narrow, baffled
corridors. Stylistically, Huambacho art contrasts markedly from previous polychrome feline supernaturals,
and instead favor light-manipulated geometric designs
which were painted white and sunken at various depths
to form positive and negative replicated designs (Chicoine 2006b: 1112). Research at Cayln brings more
insights into crucial social developments in Nepea
during the first millennium BC.
Field Research at Cayln

The Proyecto de Investigacin Arqueolgica Cayln
began in 2009 with the objective of mapping the archaeological complex and documenting the prehistoric
occupation of the most extensive settlement in Nepe91
Figure 3. Photograph of Plaza-A from the southwest. Credit: David Chicoine.
Pozorski 1987: 5170), and the discovery of ceramic

panpipes and Stamped Circle-and-Dot ceramics.
Stylistic evidence places Caylns primary occupation during the Early Horizon, most likely between
the ninth and first centuries BC based on comparative radiocarbon evidence from Huambacho (Chicoine
2010b; Chicoine and Ikehara 2010, 2011). Cayln was
subsequently reoccupied by several different groups
until the colonial period. The reoccupations are mainly
documented by hundreds of looted graves at the surface of the site. The core of the site is composed of at
least a dozen enclosure compounds organized around
well-defined axes and avenues. Current research is ongoing to determine the contemporaneity of the different architectural compounds. Based on preliminary
spatial and material evidence, it is hypothesized that
these compounds were built and maintained by coresident groups (Chicoine and Ikehara 2010: 365).
Each compound comprises a series of colonnaded patio rooms, smaller roofed areas, galleries,
and corridors. Early Horizon architecture at Cayln is
exceptional for the quality of its stonework, complexity in layout, and consistency in building technique,
materials, and basic rectangular modular aspect. Walls
are typically built of quarried rocks set in clay mortar

and their exterior facades are usually well faced and,
in some instances, decorated with elaborate niches,
columns, and friezes. As observed at other Early Horizon centers in the region, walls at Cayln are consistently erected using the orthostatic technique (Brennan
1980: 6; Chicoine 2006a: 87, 2006b: 16).
In addition, each compound is dominated by a
large plaza open to the sky, but enclosed with monumental platform benches and high walls. This article presents
data from Plaza-A (Figures 3, 4, 5), a space embedded
within one of the larger and better preserved compound
areas at the site. Material and spatial data were recovered through mapping, surface clearing of architecture,
area excavations, and three-dimensional reconstructions.
Combined, these various methods of research yield significant data about Caylns public landscape.
Excavations at Plaza-A
Fieldwork at Plaza-A involved the clearing and mapping of standing architecture. This operation was carried out as part of the systematic mapping of the com92
Figure 4. Plan reconstruction of the

Plaza-A and the excavation units realized in
2009 and 2010; the shaded area denotes area
of raised platform benches. Credit: Hugo
Ikehara.
Figure 5. Isometric reconstruction

of Compound-A and Plaza-A. Credit:
Matthew Helmer.
plete archaeological complex at Cayln. Twenty-one

rectangular rooms were identified in the immediate
vicinity of Plaza-A, within an area that appears bound
to a single enclosure compound. They vary in surface
area between 36 to 400sq m. The rooms appear to exhibit some variability in their organization, perhaps in
relation to their respective function. These compound
rooms are reminiscent to those at Huambacho (Chicoine 2006b), which are interpreted as patio rooms,
storerooms, and living quarters. Other excavations
on-site have documented dense refuse assemblages
within a sub-compound area, including hearths, trash
accumulations, and dried feces likely associated with
intense domestic use. The structures contiguous to
93
Figure 6. Photographs of Entrance 1 (UE2) access and architecture (inset: drawing of one of the lock apparatuses). Credit: David
Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara.
trance 2, as part of UE2 and UE5, respectively, which

totaled 180sq m (Figure 4). Field procedures consisted
in the clearing of wall and floor features and the sampling of matrix contents through in situ recovery and
screening (3mm mesh) in natural and cultural layers.
Plaza-A is enclosed by monumental bench walls or terraces on all sides. The central area measures approximately 45 by 45m. The monumental wall consists of
smaller retaining walls encasing a fill-chamber topped
by a floor. This wall is estimated to have stood at approximately five meters, and slightly higher (6.3m)
along the southwestern extent where a higher number
of terrace levels are present.
As for most areas at Cayln, the stratigraphical
sequence at Plaza-A includes a surface layer of windblown sand over a stratum of rubble composed of the
collapsed roof superstructures and wall structures. The
rubble layer is laid on top of a thin accumulation of
sand, and sometimes trash and ash associated with the
use of clay plastered floor contexts. The floors themselves are laid over a stratum of fill composed of sand,
Plaza-A, in addition to sharing adjoining walls, share

the same general alignment 46 degrees east of magnetic north. This shared compass orientation further
strengthens the relationship between the plaza and its
adjacent rooms as part of a single compound.
Most structures at Cayln are still standing today
but Plaza-A is particularly well preserved which facilitated more accurate clearing and mapping. Stone and
mud walls of Plaza-A and its surrounding compound
rooms are estimated to be at least two meters high.
Seven corridors averaging between one and two meters
in width surround Plaza-A. Some of these corridors
served as paths of entry, while others appear to be used
as fill chambers and refuse deposits that do not connect
to plaza accesses. The compound in which Plaza-A is
embedded is only accessible through a 1.75m wide corridor with numerous bends and baffled check points.
We systematically cleared the area around PlazaA, and found two one meter wide entrances in the eastern and western corners. These entrances formed the
focus of excavations, henceforth Entrance 1 and En94
Figure 7. Photograph of Entrance 1 (UE2) decorated platform benches and staircase (scale: 100 cm). Credit: David Chicoine.
to the southwest. A type of lock was documented on

the highest bench level, where two square niches with
reeds were found (Figure 6). Similar lock or door devices have been documented at the site of Chankillo in
Casma (Ghezzi 2006: 72). The staircase leading from
the top platform bench and inner corridor down to the
plaza floor measured one meter wide, with 13 steps.
Three levels of platform benches were documented; the top two were excavated. These top two benches
measured 1.3m high and 2.3m wide, and were decorated with a positive-negative stepped geometric design sunken at various depths (Figure 7). Designs were
sculpted out of plaster atop flat quarried rocks. Remnants of white paint were recovered on the plaster of
the friezes. Entrance 1s excavated column was partially
destroyed. It measures 0.7 by 0.5m with what we believe to be a sculpted S design at the base (Figure 8).
Mapping revealed a number of similar sized colonnades
visible at the surface likely decorated with analogous
designs. The Cayln columns and designs are similar to
examples excavated at Huambacho (Chicoine 2006b:
trash, and rubble arranged as subfloor middens and

construction fills before reaching the sterile sand and
gravel soil. Successive building episodes are visible
through superimposed floors, blocked staircases, and
raised architecture.
Entrance 1 (UE2) Excavations. Excavations at Entrance 1 totaled 75sq m. This excavation revealed a
corner entrance, three levels of platform benches, remains of a sculpted column, a window, and a staircase
leading from the entrance down the various platform
bench levels down to the open plaza floor (Figure 6).
All architecture was covered in a yellowish brown plaster and constructed with locally quarried rocks. These
data, presented below, provide a wealth of information
regarding public life at Cayln.
The plaza entrance is relatively narrow, measuring
approximately one meter wide. It is located approximately four meters above ground level on the top plaza
platform (Figure 7) and originates from a narrow corridor connected to colonnaded patios and backrooms
95
Figure 8. Photograph of the

remains of sculpted column
excavated in Entrance 1 (UE2)
(scale: 100 cm). Credit: David
Chicoine.
11, Figure 7). Finally, a one meter wide window was

documented along the northwest plaza wall on the second platform level with a sculpted frame. It is uncertain whether or not more windows once have lined the
entirety of the plaza walls, due to wall collapse in this
portion of the plaza.
With regard to stratigraphy, the unit was excavated to the abandonment level (Floors 1 and 2) with the
exception of a small vertical excavation on the highest
bench level directly in front of Entrance 1. A sequence

of five floors was documented on this platform (Figure 9), which extended down to sterile sub-soil. Initial strata comprise windblown sand intermixed with
dense layers of wall collapse above the last plastered
floor. Floors are covered with a yellowish gray plaster
and were found relatively clean of refuse. In between
subsequent floor levels are layers of gray sand and gravel with dense secondary refuse deposits.
96
Figure 9. Photograph of the stratigraphic sequence documented during the vertical excavations of UE2 (top bench). Credit: David
Chicoine.
Entrance 2 (UE5) Excavations. The entrance

opposite Entrance 1 was also excavated in the
eastern plaza corner. UE5 extended both inside
and outside of the plaza in order to gain information from outer corridor areas (Figure 10).
Covering 105sq m, Entrance 2 excavations documented a corner entrance, two levels of decorated
platform benches, three decorated columns, a
sealed staircase (Figure 11), and seven outer corridors terracing up from modern surface level to
the top of the plaza.
Here, only two levels of platform benches
were documented in contrast to three at Entrance 1. The top platform bench level comprises
a 2.5m area between the colonnades and outer
retaining wall forming what was likely a roofed Figure 10. Plan reconstruction of Entrance 2 and the excavations of
UE5. Credit: David Chicoine, Hugo Ikehara, Matthew Helmer.
patio area, based on the discovery of cane thatch,
97
Figure 11. Photograph Entrance 2 (UE5) sealed staircase with subsequent bench built on top. Credit: David Chicoine.
Outside of Entrance 2, a large corridor area was

documented between the plaza and the adjacent spaces. Excavations provide an L-shaped transect of the corridor system leading to Plaza-A. Corridor walls were
finely plastered along the exterior facades, but were
crudely plastered with fingerprint marks on the inside.
Along the northern side of Entrance 2, three corridors were excavated, none of which provided direct
access into the plaza. The top two corridors extended
1.5m down to well preserved floors. These corridors
were relatively clean of artifacts and packed with large
stones which likely served as fill materials to reinforce
the high plaza walls.
Along the southern side of Entrance 2, four additional narrow corridors were excavated. Each of these
contained much denser artifact assemblages than the
northern corridors, likely reflecting more intense usage. These corridors had a series of 90 degree zig-zagging turns, and terraced up to the uppermost corridor
which afforded direct plaza access. The uppermost
corridor also had the densest artifact assemblage. The
and cane-imprinted plaster. This platform extends an

additional two meters outside of the colonnaded area
with a decorated faade identical to the geometric pattern documented from Entrance 1. This platform is
fronted by a smaller, undecorated platform which leads
down to the open plaza surface. The columns appear to
be ornamented with the same S shaped design seen
at the base of the column associated with Entrance 1.
Another one meter wide staircase was discovered in
this plaza corner, analogous to Entrance 1. However, this
staircase was blocked with stone seals which were used as
fill chambers to create two plastered floors on top of the
staircase during a later phase of use. Additionally, the one
meter wide outer corner entrance was blocked with a similar seal, with a dense amount of refuse utilized to build
up the highest platform bench during the final construction phase. As a result, Entrance 2 excavations provided
clear indications of two major construction phases in that
portion of the plaza: an early phase when the entrance
and staircase were being used, and a later phase when
these were sealed and built over with a higher platform.
98
Figure 12. Profile drawing of UE5 (inner plaza) and UE5-Ext. 3 (outer plaza), Plaza-A Entrance 2. Credit: David Chicoine, Matthew
Helmer.
discovery of plaster with cane imprints within

the layers of wall collapse indicates the corridors
were roofed.
Entrance 2s stratigraphy (Figure 12) was
documented through two small vertical excavations inside and outside of Plaza-A, in addition
to the floors and construction fill materials excavated above the staircase. Inside the plaza, five
superimposed floors align well with the floor
sequence retrieved in UE2. A vertical excavation extended three meters from the top of the
outer plaza retaining wall down to the base of
the wall in the sterile sub-soil. This vertical excavation was located directly outside of the plaza
entrance, and documented remnants of an early
staircase, a sequence of destroyed floors, and
dense layers of secondary refuse construction fill.
Combined, excavation data from both entrances help to understand the construction and
subsequent renovation of Plaza-A. During early
phases, plaza floors were between 1 and 1.5m
lower, which were raised through a series of renovations involving dense layers of refuse topped
with a plastered floor. Each renovation, we believe, was associated with the accretion of walls
in order to retain the higher surfaces (Figure 13).
Previous columns were used to align the higher
walls, which was evidenced in the UE5 excavations. Remains of earlier plaster friezes were also
discovered in UE2 platform bench construction
fill. During a late phase of use, Entrance 2 was
sealed and its inner staircase was entombed in a
well preserved state.
Figure 13. Isometric reconstruction of the superimposed construction

phases documented at Plaza-A, Entrance 1 southwest corner. Credit:
Hugo Ikehara.
Material Remains from Plaza-A

With the exception of surface materials from mixed temporal
contexts, diagnostic materials recovered from Plaza-A can be
associated with the Early Horizon occupation based on stylistic and stratigraphic grounds. Early Horizon materials include
7, 272 ceramic vessel sherds, 200 non-vessel ceramic objects,
99
ceramic objects include panpipe fragments, reshaped

pottery sherd discs, a spindle-whorl, and grater bowl
sherds. Animal bones include large mammals (camelidae and canidae), small mammals (rodentia), avian
bones, and fish bones. Lithic artifacts include flakes,
cores, projectile points, a mace head, and grinding
stones. A vast array of plant remains was collected; by
number, maize (Zea mays) and peanuts (Arachis hypogea) represent the bulk of the corpus. Finally, miscellaneous artifacts include what appear to be macaw (Aras
macao) feathers, a wooden spindle rod (huso) with attached fibers; four pre-forms and 16 beads made from
Spondylus (Spondylus princeps) shell; and dried feces.
These data are discussed further in the following section analyzing Plaza-A performance and spectacle.
Table 2. Ceramic decoration types from Plaza-A and their

percentages of the total Plaza-A decorated assemblage. Credit:
Matthew Helmer.
Decoration
16
21.1
Pattern Burnished
2.6
Circle-Dot
9.2
Incised Appliqu
7.9
Textile Impressed
19
White-on-Red
Later
Earlier Zoned Punctate
25
9.2
10
13.1
Misc.
11.8
Total
76
Fine Blackware
100
Table 3. Ceramic vessel forms with frequencies and depositional

contexts from Plaza-A assemblage. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
%
of fine/
decorated
%
fine/
decorated
Total
%
of total
Bottle
14
4.60
n=9;
64.3%
28.10%
fine
Stirrup Spout
serving Bottle
14
4.60
n=9;
64.3%
28.10%
Carinated Bowl
16
5.30
n=8;
50.0%
25%
Bowl
15
4.90
Shallow Bowl
plain
serving Deep Bowl
Incurved Bowl
2.00
11
3.60
30
9.80
n=1;
3.3%
3.10%
51
16.70
n=1;
2.0%
3.10%
Neckless Jar
148
49.00
n=4;
2.7%
12.50%
Total
305
100.00
n=32;
10.7%
100.00%
Vessel shape
Neck Jar
Evaluating Performance at Plaza-A

The analysis of plaza encounters at Cayln focuses on
how the architectural arrangement of Plaza-A manipulated the senses, creating common emotional experiences (see Moore 2006). This is central to the notion
that public performance entails heightened interactions in special contexts, as illustrated earlier (Eliade
1957; Houston 2006; Hymes 1975). Here, we focus
on experiences associated with movement and visual
fields. We correlate perceptual data with different activities associated with the plaza, focusing on continuities
and changes through time.
The analysis is based on the architectural and
material evidence retrieved during field excavations as
well as from three-dimensional reconstructions of the
plaza. A general problem came from sourcing materials
to specific contexts, since Plaza-A floors were generally
kept clean. The bulk of the sample came from secondary deposits involved with construction fills. However, the need for construction fill before renovation
episodes would have been most pragmatically solved
by utilizing trash produced nearby (see Smith 1971).
Indeed, the discovery of earlier clay friezes in construction fill strengthens the evidence that plaza-associated
refuse is associated with secondary deposits. While
these contexts are certainly mixed, a large sum of this
refuse likely came from plaza usage.
1.64kg of animal bones, 72kg of lithics, 24.5kg of shell

remains, and 5.6kg of botanical remains. Vessel shapes
and styles (Tables 2 and 3) are all characteristic of the
Early Horizon in the region (see Chicoine 2010b;
Daggett 1984, 1987; Kaulicke 2010; Pozorski and
Pozorski 1987, 2006; Proulx 1968, 1985). Non-vessel
100
Figure 14. Viewshed inside

Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer,
Hugo Ikehara.
Spatial data are compared between different

spaces within the compound area, elsewhere on-site, as
well as neighboring sites in the region. We also consult
iconographic data from the Moche (AD 1800) of the
North Coast, famous for their fine line ceramic drawings which vividly depict ritual activities (see Donnan
and McClelland 1999). Moche Phase groups occupied
Nepea only a few centuries after Caylns abandonment, and built an outpost only a few kilometers from
Cayln at the site of Paamarca (see Chicoine 2011b;
Schaedel 1967; Trever et al. 2011). Based on current radiocarbon measurements from the Santa Valley to the
north, it is unlikely that Moche Phase constructions
at Paamarca began before AD 300 and/or continued
after AD 800 (see Chicoine 2011b: 543544). Moche
visual arts provide a link to explicit iconographic evidence available for interpreting performance in Early
Horizon Nepea. We also consult comparative data
from the Nasca (AD 200600), where relevant work
has been done regarding music and public ceremony
(Carmichael 1998; Gruszczynska-Zilkowska 2009).
Finally, we consult ethnographic evidence pertaining to public festival from traditional Andean
groups (Romero 2002; Stobart 2002) to put in perspective the Cayln results. Burger and Salazar-Burger
(1998) have made a similar analysis between traditional
Andean groups and Initial Period spectacle at the Central Coast site Mina Perdida. They argue that although
significant changes have occurred, a common culture
history between these groups and ancient Andean cultures creates one of the few cross-cultural references
available for evaluating ancient performance (Burger
and Salazar-Burger 1998: 29).
Visual Fields
Visual experiences are crucial in the creation of a special place, and also share key insights into the inclusionary or exclusionary characteristics of spaces. The
most apparent special visual quality at Plaza-A is the
level of monumentality and detail employed in the
construction. Walls were higher, larger, and also more
finely constructed; the retaining wall of the plaza
stood between five and six meters, and towered over
walls of other structures that averaged two meters in
height based on wall collapse estimates and standing
wall measurements. Outer walls visible to outsiders
had smooth white plaster and were adorned with white
decorated adobes and friezes, which would have shined
in the sunlight. Typical architecture in domestic contexts at Cayln is unpainted, un-plastered, or crudely
plastered with finger print marks. Plazas are one of the
most highly decorated areas of Cayln, with complex,
step-designed geometric friezes.
Other extraordinary visual experiences inside
Plaza-A are indicated by iso-views and focal points
inside of the plaza. The high benches enclosing the
101
Figure 15. (Top) Iso-view inside of Entrance

1. (Bottom) Iso-view outside of Entrance 1
from Patio 1A. Credit: Matthew Helmer,
Hugo Ikehara.
open plaza space blocked any potential viewing from

outside. At Cayln, architects created visual exclusivity, which contrasts markedly with Initial Period plazas
designed to openly broadcast public events (see Burger
and Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Moore 1996b). Dark,
narrow, enclosed corridors contrasted with the open,
white painted plaza reflecting bright light in the sunny
desert landscape. The entire 180 degrees of visual plane
is enclosed by the plazas high walls, creating a plaza-
centered visual experience (Figure 14). Plaza-focused

visual experiences contrast with Initial Period plazas,
where visual experiences focused on other features,
such as a fronted pyramid or an extension of view into
the horizon (Moore 1996b: 111, 113).
Plaza-A facilitated a space for face-to-face interactions for larger numbers of individuals than all other
areas around the compound. Through the result of
successive building phases, Plaza-A has a total surface
102
Figure 16. Photograph of Macaw feathers recovered from

Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
Figure 17. Photograph of Spondylus shell beads and pre-forms

recovered from Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
area of approximately 2023sq m. Most of the space is

represented by benched areas (ca. 1340 sq m, 66%),
while the unroofed, open area is smaller (ca. 683sq m,
34%). Based on capacity estimates published by Moore
(1996b: 149), the plaza could have held around 100
individuals during smaller-scale plaza interactions, and
perhaps as many as 500 individuals for larger events.
The architecture of Plaza-A emphasizes the importance of the southern wall as a focal point. The
southern wall is significantly higher than other plaza
walls, with an estimated height of 6.3m. Therefore,
individuals entering Entrance 1 via the southern wall
would have been more prominent and had a better
vantage point to the area below. A window located near
to this entrance provided a viewing area for individuals
inside the plaza to the outside, but was placed too high
to allow outsiders to view in (Figure 15). The benches
all face the sunken plaza floor as a visual focal point, indicating a stage-audience orientation for possible plaza
interactive experiences.
All benches and floor areas are visible to anyone
inside the plaza. Wide visual fields with different tiers
of occupied space facilitated face-to-face interaction
between individuals on the same bench level, and between individuals sitting on the benches and standing
at the floor level (see Vega-Centeno 2010: 134 for a
similar argument of bench-floor interaction). Moche
iconography shows interactions between individuals
sitting on benches and others standing on a lower level,
possibly associated with elite-commoner relations and
offering ceremonies (Donnan and McClelland 1999:
59, 100). Frieze iconography would have been visible

from anywhere in the plaza, although maximum viewing would have come from the open plaza floor.
Other architectural details inside the plaza also
contributed to the extraordinary nature of the visual
experience through abstract, shadow-manipulated designs. The stepped friezes form a continuous geometric
pattern across the platform bench facades. The friezes
created mesmerizing visual effects through the sharp
contrast between white/light and black/shadow areas
active through varying depths. Plaza columns depict
similar geometric designs, but are hollow, allowing light
to pass completely through. Combined with changing
perspectives as one moves throughout the plaza, these
friezes become changing and dynamic expressions that
dazzle the eye.
Display items recovered at Plaza-A, such as weapons, stone pendants, decorated vessels and blue striped
clothing would have added to this special visual experience. Red feathers were recovered from floor contexts.
In the upper corridor leading to Entrance 2, numerous red, blue, and green parrot feathers were recovered
(Figure 16). The feathers likely belong to the scarlet
macaw (Ara macao). Spondylus shell (Spondylus princeps) beads and pre-forms were also recovered from
de facto contexts (Figure 17). These are indigenous to
Ecuador far to the north and are considered to be ancient Andean prestige items (see Carter 2008; Paulsen
1974; Pillsbury 1996). Ikehara (2007) argues that the
display of exotics at Cerro Blanco in Nepea played a
primary role in spectacles as one of the few indicators
103
Figure 18. Plan reconstruction of

access paths to Entrances 1 and 2.
Credit: Hugo Ikehara, Matthew
Helmer.
of social status in Initial Period Andean chiefdoms, and

we argue that exotic display was important to public
spectacle at Cayln as well.
During early phases, access to Plaza-A was possible

through both entrances from zig-zagging, narrow corridors only large enough for one person to pass at a time.
Corridors did not have other connecting hallways, and
emphasized elongated two way movement. Corridors artificially increased travelling distance from real distance
between nearby rooms and the plaza. This speaks to the
exclusive nature of plaza access and the desire to increase
the difference between the outside and the inside.
Compound rooms surrounding Entrance 1 have
the most direct and shortest paths of access into PlazaA (Figure 18, Table 4). This is the only area where a
nearby avenue connects the enclosure complex with
the entire eastern quadrant of Cayln. It is possible that
the administration of Plaza-A originated in this more
monumental area to the west, based on its proximity
to the entrance and minimal distance to traverse before
achieving plaza access (see Hillier and Hanson 1984).
Here, compound walls are higher, and the plaza has an
extra platform bench and lock system associated with
the more monumental Entrance 1.
Accessing Plaza-A
Physical access into Plaza-A is one of the most defining
characteristics of what made the plaza extraordinary
for its patrons through exclusivity and manipulation
of motion. As aforementioned, Initial Period plazas
on the North-Central Coast emphasized large, open
spaces, with graded access relegated to mound tops.
In contrast, the Cayln evidence indicates that plazas
were embedded within enclosure compounds, high
walls, a series of baffled corridors, doorways, and lock
systems. The locks were likely functional considering
the strength of two pairs of ca. 15cm wide reeds, each
located in a square stone and mud niche. Indeed, the
reeds were found still solidly in place within the wall
matrix, more than 2000 years after their abandonment.
104
see Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991). During later plaza

use, the western Entrance 2 staircase was entombed with
floors built on top, perhaps as a further form of spatial
control. Entrance 2s corner access was also blocked, and
the cutting off of movement from this side of the plaza
likely had significant social implications involved with
the confinement of use to the monumental Entrance 1.
The seals used to create the surfaces above the entrance
were not plastered over, leaving the outline of previous
staircase walls clearly visible.
At Huambacho, Chicoine (2006a: 106109)
notes similar access patterns, with small corner entrances originating from patio rooms and narrow corridors. Navigation throughout the compound area is
much easier at Huambacho, since there are only two
compound areas in contrast to more than a dozen estimated at Cayln (see Chicoine and Ikehara 2010).
More enclosure compound areas housing individuals
from differing social groups residing together likely
created the more stringent access patterns seen at Cayln between neighborhood areas.
Table 4. Access distances to entrances 1 and 2. Credit: Matthew

Helmer.
Entrance 1
Distance to
Room area Distance to
plaza
Number
(m2)
plaza (m real) (m travelled) of turns
Patio 1-A
462
20
Patio 1-B
196
28
Backroom 1-A
51
28
Backroom 2-A
48
42
Avenue
n/a
10
>125
10
Patio 2-A
360
119
11
Patio 2-B
484
139
10
Patio 2-C
304
55
Backroom 2-A
147
47
Entrance 2
Access into Plaza-A from Entrance 2 is much

more restricted, with an extended series of zig-zagging
corridors beginning from compound rooms and gradually terracing up to the entrance. During later plaza
use, access into Plaza-A became further restricted when
Entrance 2 was sealed and built over with higher platforms. At this time, eastern inhabitants would have
had to navigate extra distances because of the sealing
of Entrance 2. Also, the inward renovation of the plaza
added outside corridors with each building phase.
Overall, systems of entrances, locks, and corridors at Plaza-A indicate the intention of Caylns architects to restrict access and movement between the plaza
and outer-lying areas. From a spatial syntax perspective, topological complexities embedded in the built
environment are keys in structuring behaviors such as
pedestrian traffic and other human movements (Hillier
and Hanson 1984; Turner and Penn 2002). Such considerations were explicitly materialized in plaza settings
at Cayln.
Once inside the plaza, access patterns were still
explicitly laid out. Staircases located in corners allowed
access through the various bench levels and down to the
open floor. Based on their worn condition, the staircases
were heavily used. Therefore, although it seems that access was exclusive, those who had intimate knowledge
of the plaza utilized the space quite regularly. This contrasts with staircases excavated at some Initial Period sites
where staircases show little evidence of use (e.g., Cardal,
Procession and the Spectacle

of Movement and Music
Patterns of access indicate single file, maze-like motion as a key component to experiencing Plaza-A.
Ancient Andean spectacles were not stationary events,
and movement was critical (e.g., Bastien 1985; Isbell
1985; Mendoza 2000; Rasnake 1988; Sallnow 1987).
Human depictions in ancient Andean iconography
are often shown in side profile emphasizing motion,
and frequently portray music, dance, and procession
in conjunction with one another (e.g., Bolaos 1988:
Figures 45; Donnan 1982; Donnan and McClelland
1999: Figures 4.29, 4.31, 4.83, 4.84; Lumbreras 1972:
Figure 18).
The spatial layout of Plaza-A lends itself to an
extensive procession component. The key here is the
inter-connected nature between residential areas and
the plaza. Processions could have started in connected
domestic patios, and then passed through the mazelike corridors before funneling into the plaza through
the designated entryways. Longer processions, possibly
105
The omnipresence of panpipes throughout Early Horizon contexts around the North-Central Coast indicates their importance in the social landscape (Chicoine
2006a; Daggett 1987; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987;
Proulx 1985; Wilson 1988). Sixty-eight panpipe fragments were found in Plaza-A (Figure 19).These appear
to be built to size prototypes, with minimal variation
noted in the sample. Tube openings range in size from
610mm in diameter generally, with one incidence
of larger tubes measuring 15mm in diameter. Proulx
(1985: 244) argues that Nepea panpipes were built
with a slip-cast technique to create size prototypes. At
Cayln, panpipe fragments were recovered from floor
contexts as well as from wall fall and construction fill
contexts where we argue that plaza-associated refuse was
located.
Music may not have been a casual activity for
popular consumption in Andean prehistory, and has
been documented as a privileged activity reserved for
special occasions (Romero 2002: 2021). In highland
Bolivia, Stobart (2002: 88) notes that even today little
music making takes place outside of festivals. Ethnohistorically, different genres of Andean music were accompanied by specific instruments for each activity
(Bolaos 1988: 226227). Traditional Andean societies continue to reserve different types of music for
different activities, such as rites of passage, festivals,
religious music, and work music (Romero 2002: 31,
Figure 2).
Because of Andean musics unique place within
formal events, it is likely that Caylns panpipes represent a particular ideology of public performance.
Chicoine notes a variety of musical instruments at
Huambacho, including drumsticks, flutes and panpipes (Chicoine 2006a: 134, 177, Figure 6.5) which
he associates with feasting events (Chicoine 2011a).
Panpipe offerings were excavated inside of a plaza at
Chankillo which borders the sites solar observatory
(Ghezzi and Ruggles 2007: 1241), indicating that Early Horizon panpipe usage may have also been associated with cosmological events.
Comparative evidence for specific panpipe usage
in Andean antiquity can also be taken from Early Intermediate Period contexts. At Cahuachi on the South
Coast (AD 200600), Nascas largest ceremonial site
Figure 19. Photograph of ceramic panpipe remains recovered

from Plaza-A. Credit: Matthew Helmer.
involving outside visitors, could have been conducted

from the long avenue, passing through Compound-As
western patio groups before entering Plaza-A. Moche
iconographic processions show one individual leading
a musical procession of some 31 dancers interlocked in
held hands followed by musicians (Donnan and McClelland 1999: Figure 4.31). This indicates a singlefile nature of procession movement, and the narrow
pathways throughout Plaza-A compare favorably with
elongated, single-file procession. Attention to movement is also indicated by the tiered rows of benches
and staircases laying out a connected path throughout
the plaza. The worn nature of Plaza-As stairs and floors
attest to their heavy traffic, which likely necessitated
the series of renovations.
Further evidence for procession and dance is indicated by the discovery of panpipes throughout Plaza-A.
106
interpreted as a pilgrimage center (Silverman 1993),

ceramic iconography shows the usage of these panpipes
in public ceremonies (Carmichael 1998: Figure 13),
possibly associated with agricultural fertility performances (Townsend 1985: 125). Experiments have indicated that Nasca panpipes conform to size prototypes
with a typical range of two octaves (GruszczyskaZikowska 2008: 154). These panpipes may have been
engineered to produce the highest possible ranges of
sound creating both melody and complex dissonance
(Gruszczyska-Zikowska 2008: 164).
Modern panpipes are also built at specific size
prototypes, where each size corresponds to an octave
range (Romero 2002: 30). In traditional Aymara communities, panpipe performances are frequently paired
as duets played in an interlocked exchange of complementary notes in different ranges (Stobart 2002:
8081). Donnan (1982: 99, Figure 4) also notes that
Moche panpipe players are usually paired in iconography, with their panpipes tied together. Larger panpipe
performances during modern day feasts form a melodic dissonance as groups of individual players engage
in competitive playing of different melodies (Stobart
2002: 89). Caylns sonic environment likely embodied a particular musical ideology reflected in the conformity of panpipe size and plaza locus of use. Comparative evidence indicates a possible association with
duets and wide musical ranges to create a mesmerizing
experience in complement with abstract plaza art.
The design of Plaza-A, we argue, was primarily
focused on public spectacle. However, as alluded to earlier, it is important to recognize the potential fluidity of
usage within public spaces. Based on the plazas central
location within a residential compound and the diversity of the associated material remains, it is likely that
Plaza-A was used outside of the large-scale spectacles
for which it was primarily designed. Material evidence
for other types of plaza activities comes from floor recoveries including lithic flakes, cores, textile production materials (wooden huso rod and spindle whorl),
and high ratios of cooking and utilitarian vessels in relation to serving vessels (Table 3). Further evidence for
regular plaza use comes from surfaces showing heavy
use-wear. Although access patterns were complex and
rigidly controlled, those living in the immediate vicin-
ity of Plaza-A would have had intimate knowledge of

the area and could have regularly frequented the plaza.
In these smaller scale contexts, the plaza likely functioned as an exclusive courtyard for compound residents. Frequent face-to-face interactions forged a collective identity through exclusion from other enclosure
compounds.
Summary
To summarize, the monumentality of Plaza-A was
an immediate indicator of the spaces difference from
other areas. Patterns of physical and visual perception
show that particular attention was devoted to create an
enhanced, exclusive experience inside Plaza-A. Public
interactions would have contrasted with interactions in
surrounding residential spaces. Movement was restricted but continuous and accompanied by music, and
sight was confounded by view shed, light, and shadow
manipulation.
Festivals centered on music and procession as activities of ritualized movement and sound which created
common emotional experiences. Display items may
have been adorned as individual markers of status. Festivals also emphasized a trance-like experience through
dance, zig-zagging, single-file movement, and abstract
art. Activities involved a stage and audience style of presentation. Bodily co-presence between various members
of the enclosure complex was paramount to public interactions and the maintenance of community.
Compound residents likely also used the plaza
to impress outsiders brought in from the north avenue
through the surrounding neighborhood. We venture in
suggesting that each compounds respective plaza was
a marker of sub-group identity at Cayln. Spectacles
would have showcased the plaza at its ideal, as a theater
run by compound residents. At other times, the plaza
functioned as a neighborhood courtyard, when more intimate interactions could have taken place. Cayln was
a crowded, populous place where the ability to achieve
privacy played a major role in the maintenance of community. Outside activity was blocked through high walls
and sunken environments, with fragmented and monitored access ways enacting an exclusive experience.
107
Private rituals could have also taken place in the

plaza without outsiders being able to see them. Regular
public encounters inside Plaza-A could have formed
an attachment to place, necessary for the identification
of ones community and ideology. These interactions
gained symbolic power through the extraordinary plaza
space. The controlled nature of the plaza experience reflects a desire for community exclusivity in early urban
environments in both a real and symbolic sense. All of
this was done in an effort to distinguish the plaza, and
interactions within it, from the mundane, as well as
from other compound groups through the promotion
and display of communal activities.
111). Moore suggests that orientation played a key role

in the visual experience from the main mound, where
the extended depth created an infinite view across the
plaza courtyard and horizon into the Cordillera Negra.
He (1996b: 160161) hypothesizes a plaza focused experience at Sechn sites, and interprets Sechns central
alignment as an axis of movement, possibly for processions. Moore argues that U-shaped centers focused on
easily projectable forms of expression, such as shouted
phrases, body postures, and music which were broadcasted through the open design (Moore 1996b: 163).
Conversely, Sechn Alto and other Initial Period
centers illustrate graded access relegated to mound tops
(e.g., Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Fuchs et
al. 2011: Figures 35; Pozorski 1983; Pozorski and
Pozorski 2005). Like many Initial Period platform
mounds, the main mound of Sechn Alto was accessed
by a single monumental staircase. This staircase was
located in front of the plaza area which connected to
various terraces or atria and enclosed rooms. Of interest, one of the small summit structures at Sechn
Alto shares elements with later plazas such as Plaza-A
at Cayln, with platform benches and rows of decorated colonnades (Pozorski and Pozorski 2005: Figures
8, 150). It is possible that these elements shifted from
mound-top to plaza during the subsequent enclosure
compound tradition in the region. In any case, the
difference is striking and lends weight to contrasting
forms of social organization. A similar shift is noted by
Swenson (2011) and Warner (2010) in Jequetepeque
at the end of the Early Horizon.
In Nepea, Early Horizon architecture as seen
through fieldwork at Cayln contrasts sharply with
previous Initial Period settings, and changes hint at
new forms of social, political, and religious arrangements. For instance, when we contrast Cayln with
previous patterns at neighboring ceremonial centers,
strikingly different pictures emerge allowing for diachronic insights into the development of new forms
of community during the Early Horizon. During the
Cerro Blanco Phase, groups directed most of their
building efforts toward large central platform mounds
seen at Cerro Blanco and Huaca Partida. At the beginning of the Nepea Phase, around 800 BC, Initial
Period ceremonial centers were abandoned and popu-
Discussion: Early Horizon Plaza

Settings in Perspective
The evidence excavated at Cayln and presented in this
article allows for a discussion of performance in the
context of incipient urbanism on the North-Central
Coast during the Early Horizon. Historically, research
on early Andean coastal architecture has focused on the
large mound-plaza complexes associated with painted
feline visual arts which predate the enclosure compound tradition seen at Cayln (e.g., Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991, 1998; Conklin 1982; Fung 1988;
Grieder 1975; Moore 1996b; Pozorski 1980; Pozorski
and Pozorski 1987; Tello 1943; Williams 1985). These
structures are typically associated with plazas which are
much larger than what is seen during the subsequent
enclosure compound tradition.
Moore (1996b, 2005) has analyzed experiential
qualities at one of the largest of these mound-plaza
complexes, Sechn Alto (2,1501000 BC, from Pozorski and Pozorski 2005) in the neighboring Casma
Valley. At Sechn Alto, the main mound measures 300
by 250m and 35m high. It is fronted by four large
rectangular plazas extending approximately 1200m
into the distance surrounded by low mounds and walls
(Pozorski and Pozorski 2005: 145). The low retaining
walls of Sechns more than one kilometer long plaza
create an experience of extended depth, making the
principal mound seem distant and the plaza courtyard
space extend further into the horizon (Moore 1996b:
108
lations nucleated at extensive enclosure-based settlements. Throughout the Samanco Phase and until the
first century BC, the Cayln data points toward less
social integration and a greater spatial fragmentation
as evidenced by the construction and renovation of a
multitude of low mounds and benched plazas.
Preliminary results point towards forms of sociopolitical arrangements in which neighboring co-resident groups competed and collaborated for communal
prestige in an incipient urban environment without
a clearly defined, singular hierarchy. Central to the
maintenance of this organization was the ability of different groups to host public events which emphasized
exclusionary strategies (Chicoine 2010a, 2011a). At
Huambacho, these public events were held at a small
elite center, while at Cayln they were held in large
residential compounds in close proximity to neighboring groups. This type of political economy differs from
Initial Period public events which emphasized more
integrated public events (Ikehara and Shibata 2008).
It is likely that Cerro Blanco spectacles incorporated
populations from various hamlets throughout Nepea.
In contrast, the Huambacho and Cayln evidence illustrate a more fragmented ritual landscape.
The need for differing social groups to coalesce
together permanently may have been predicated by an
increase in conflict seen throughout the North-Central
Coast during the Early Horizon (Ikehara 2010; Wilson
1988). Exclusive public interactions within differing
residential compounds at Cayln were likely a coping mechanism which kept individual groups solidified within this time period of social upheaval.
Further north during the second half of the Early
Horizon, analogous sociopolitical developments are
also materialized in the emergence of enclosures and
urbanism (Brennan 1982; Swenson 2011). In the Jequetepeque valley, the site of Jatanca (Swenson 2011;
Warner 2010) was organized as eight enclosure compounds. The compounds were horizontally elongated,
with a chain of access beginning with a high walled but
easily accessed plaza with central entrance, and ending in increasingly exclusive stage-like and residential
zones.
The Jatanca situation contrasts with Cayln.
Plazas at Jatanca are embedded within and accessed
through the other compound rooms. They also lack

the platform benches found at Cayln, but contain
platform stages behind the plaza which served as focal points for ritual performances. Public spectacle at
Jatanca involved rituals associated with choreographed
rites of presentation (Swenson 2011: 298) centered on
these stages, and emphasized separation between plaza
audience and exclusive platform set (Swenson 2011:
299). Combined, the data from Nepea and Jequetepeque highlight significant diversity within enclosure
compound lifestyles, and reinforce the lack of any particular overarching ideology cross-regionally at the end
of the Early Horizon.
During the first centuries AD, enclosures give
way to a re-emphasis on large, adobe mounds associated with the Viru/Gallinazo and southern Moche
(AD 1800) traditions. In Nepea, this shift is visible
in the abandonment of Cayln and the emergence of
the Paamarca complex and Tres Maras sites as focal
points of local religio-political authority. Massive decorated pyramids were utilized as vehicles of theatrical
display and mass-broadcast of state power and ideology. In terms of public art, esoteric geometric motifs
gave way to murals explicitly depicting human ritual
action (Quilter 2001: 40).
Enclosure compound lifestyles make a resurgence along the coast during the Middle Horizon and
Late Intermediate Period (Bawden 1977, 1982; Shimada 1994).The circumstances of this revitalization are
uncertain and likely related to complex relationships
between the nature of authority, social memory, and
broader historical conditions (Warner 2010). Moore
(1996a: 794, 2003: 91) suggests that later enclosures
materialized a generalized cosmology of pre-ordained
social divisions. At the Chim capital of Chan Chan,
for instance, plazas were embedded within high walls
and restricted access ways at the center of royal residential compounds. Chim plazas were linked to kingship
and vast levels of hierarchy reflected through embedded
royal tombs (see Conrad 1982). The Cayln research
reveals the existence of enclosed life ways during the
Early Horizon that differ from these later phenomena.
To conclude, this article has combined performance theory and archaeology to explore the basic actions and experiences involved in public performance
109
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Acknowledgments
The first phase of the Proyecto de Investigacin Arqueolgica Cayln was supported by Louisiana State Universitys Department of Geography and Anthropology,
and Office of Research and Development. Special
thanks to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura in Lima
for the kind permission to carry out field research. We
also extend our sincere gratitude to all of our friends
and colleagues in Nepea, and the students of the 2010
Louisiana State University field school. Special thanks
ought to go to Drs. Peter Kaulicke and Julian Santillana for their kind hospitality at the Pontifcia Universidad de Catlica Per, as well as to Jessica Ortiz and
Camila Capriata for their inestimable help. Finally,
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Plaza life and public performance at the Early Horizon

center of Cayln, Nepea Valley, Per

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

Archaeology, Performance and

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

settings which are enacted by social groups (Giddens

of public encounters which is something we account

Early Horizon Enclosure Compounds

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

Kaulicke 2010 Lanning 1967

Daggett 1984 Billman 1994 Burger 1993

for the Initial Period and Early Horizon. Excavations

(800450 BC), correspondent with the abandonment

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

parative architectural and contextual data to assess

in the reorganization of coastal societies at the beginning of the Early Horizon.

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

a. The first phase of the project (20092010), was

creating roof structures along the top platform levels

Field Research at Cayln

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

Figure 3. Photograph of Plaza-A from the southwest. Credit: David Chicoine.

Pozorski 1987: 5170), and the discovery of ceramic

are typically built of quarried rocks set in clay mortar

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

Figure 4. Plan reconstruction of the

Figure 5. Isometric reconstruction

plete archaeological complex at Cayln. Twenty-one

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

trance 2, as part of UE2 and UE5, respectively, which

Plaza-A, in addition to sharing adjoining walls, share

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

to the southwest. A type of lock was documented on

trash, and rubble arranged as subfloor middens and

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

Figure 8. Photograph of the

11, Figure 7). Finally, a one meter wide window was

bench level directly in front of Entrance 1. A sequence

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

Entrance 2 (UE5) Excavations. The entrance

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

Outside of Entrance 2, a large corridor area was

and cane-imprinted plaster. This platform extends an

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

discovery of plaster with cane imprints within

Figure 13. Isometric reconstruction of the superimposed construction

Material Remains from Plaza-A

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

ceramic objects include panpipe fragments, reshaped

Table 2. Ceramic decoration types from Plaza-A and their

Earlier Zoned Punctate

Table 3. Ceramic vessel forms with frequencies and depositional

Evaluating Performance at Plaza-A

1.64kg of animal bones, 72kg of lithics, 24.5kg of shell

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

Figure 14. Viewshed inside

Spatial data are compared between different

awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 32, Number 1

Figure 15. (Top) Iso-view inside of Entrance

open plaza space blocked any potential viewing from

centered visual experience (Figure 14). Plaza-focused

Helmer, Chicoine, and Ikehara: Plaza life and public performance

Figure 16. Photograph of Macaw feathers recovered from