Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Abstract: Fair is foul and foul is fair recollecting the lines enshrined in Shakespeares play Macbeth, one
could indisputably perceive what is contemplated acceptable today may conceivably be malevolent and vice
versa perchance deplorable now and adequate in future. To understand the antagonism of free trial and free
media one has to reflect on the evolutions of court and media and its present scenario. The judiciary and the
media share a common bond and play a complimentary role to each other: man is the centre of their universe.
Both the judiciary and the media are engaged in the same task: to discover the truth, to uphold the democratic
values and to deal with social, political and economic problems. Media, as referred to by many as the eyes and
ears of the general public. This actually calls for the existence of a responsible media. Louis XVI, while in the
Temple prison saw books by Voltaire and Rousseau said that these two persons have destroyed France; rather
they destroyed feudal order and not France. Freedom comes with responsibilities and our media instead of
showcasing superstitions and tagging lawyers as defend the indefensible should concentrate on horrible
conditions in jails, schools, orphanages, courts, etc as criticized by Dickens in his works, Raja Ram Mohan Roy
wrote about sati in his newspaper Miratul Akhbar, Nikhil Chakraborty about horrors of Bengal Famine 1943
etc. The essay encompasses in its international prospective, current scenario, influences, challenges and
solutions.
Keywords: Freedom of speech, Madrid Principles, Media, Judiciary.
I. Introduction
"The press is commercialized to a large extent. In this business, profits and social responsibility need to
be balanced and if that does not happen, society will not accept the media for long. As an independent and
statutory body, the PCI shall ensure that a balance is struck between profit-making and social responsibility,
profit-making tendency of some media owners and contractual-basis hiring of journalists are hampering quality
of journalism.
-Justice Markandey Katju, (former Judge, Supreme Court of India), Chairman, Press Council of India
The first prime minister of Independent India Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru remarked, I would rather have
a completely free press with all the dangers involved in the wrong use of that freedom than a suppressed or
regulated press. Notwithstanding that liberty is not the power of doing what we like, but the right of being able
to do what we ought. Every being likes to get as much power as circumstances allow, and nobody will vote for a
self-denying ordinance. Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Great men are almost
always bad men, even when they exercise influence and not authority, still more when you super add the
tendency or the certainty of corruption by authority[1]. There is worse heresy than that the office sanctifies the
holder. What lord Atkin thus relates with power is also a well placed notion of liberty.
As lord Atkin quoted:I know only one authority which might justify the suggested method of construction. When I use a
word, Humpty said, in rather a scornful tone, it means just what I choose it to mean, neither more nor
less.The question is, said Alice, whether you can make words mean so many different things. The question
is said Humpty Dumpty, which is to be the master thats all. After all this long discussion, the question is
whether the words if a man has can mean if a man thinks he has. I have an opinion that they cannot and the
case should be decided accordingly.
As a result, it would be within the courts preview to determine the reasonableness of the action [2]. The
freedom of speech and expression is not absolute, unlimited or unfettered and in all circumstances, as giving on
an unrestricted freedom of the speech and expression, would amount to uncontrolled license.
www.iosrjournals.org
88 | Page
www.iosrjournals.org
89 | Page
DOI: 10.9790/0837-20548894
www.iosrjournals.org
90 | Page
www.iosrjournals.org
91 | Page
www.iosrjournals.org
92 | Page
VII.
The most reckoning research on the positive and negative aspects of media trial has been elaborated in
200th report of the Law Commission entitled Trial by Media: Free Speech vs. Fair Trial Under Criminal
Procedure (Amendments to the Contempt of Court Act, 1971) submitted on 31st August 2006 recommended
various amendments to address the damaging effect of sensationalized news reports, and accused victimization
by media, on the administration of justice and measures of postponement of proceedings and further said that
such powers cannot be vested in the subordinate courts where the criminal proceedings are 'active'. This is
because under the Contempt of Court 1971 Act, the subordinate courts have no power to take action for
contempt. Under Section 15(2), they can only make a 'reference' to the High Court.
Commission has recommended prohibiting publication of anything that is prejudicial towards the
accused a restriction that shall operate from the time of arrest. It also reportedly recommends that the High
Court be empowered to direct postponement of publication or telecast in criminal cases. The report noted that at
present, under Section 3 (2) of the Contempt of Court Act, such publications would be contempt only if a charge
sheet had been filed in a criminal case. The Commission has suggested that the starting point of a criminal case
should be from the time of arrest of an accused and not from the time of filing of the charge sheet. In the
perception of the Commission such an amendment would prevent the media from prejudging or prejudicing the
case. Another controversial recommendation suggested was to empower the High Court to direct a print or an
electronic media to postpone publication or telecast pertaining to a criminal case and to restrain the media from
resorting to such publication or telecast. The 17th Law Commission has made recommendations to the Centre to
enact a law to prevent the media from reporting anything prejudicial to the rights of the accused in criminal
cases from the time of arrest, during investigation and trial.
The Law Commission of India, in Chapter IX of its above mentioned report has stated various forms of
conduct by the press which constitutes interference in the due course of administration of justice. These include,
(1) Publications concerning the character of accused or previous conclusions; (2) Publication of Confessions :(3)
Publications which comment or reflect upon the merits of the case; (4) Photographs related to the case which
may interfere with the identification of the accused; (5) direct imputations of the accuseds innocence; (6)
Creating an atmosphere of prejudice; (7) Criticism of witnesses: (8) Premature publication of evidence: (9)
Publication of interviews with witnesses. It is pertinent to mention that most of these ingredients have been
culled out from Borrie and Lowes commentary on Contempt law and are not reflected either in statue or
judicial pronouncements in India. Even though the Law Commission states, There are also a large number of
decisions of the Indian Courts falling under these very headings.
VIII.
Justification By Media
We have a rich tradition of fiercely independent journalism. In fact, all the big scams were busted by
the press. The law enforcers merely followed them up. The poorly paid journalist must be credited for extracting
that information which looked inaccessible for the top vigilance teams of the country. That is how HDW
(Howaldswerske) marine case and Bofors hit the headlines. The media did us proud at every juncture of our
political juncture. There is increasing and intense public focus on Courts and the cases filed therein. Whether
reported in daily newspaper or in electronic media, Indians avidly devour this information, since they are
curious about what happens in Court. Now that the Courts have come under the medias microscope, they are
likely to remain there forever. As with most changes both positive and negative consequences have flowed from
this. A Positive by-product of changes spurred by the media and addressed by the Courts is that more Indians
are aware of their constitutional rights than ever before. The media strongly resents this sub judice rule and
complains that Courts during the course of a hearing tend to interpret the sub judice rule quite strictly to prohibit
any discussion of the issues before the Court even if they are engaging public attention. In their opinion such a
restriction could be applied more legitimately to situations where a jury of lay people is involved. After the
abolition of the jury system, when decisions are made by professional judges who are trained not to be
influenced by happenings outside the Court, there is less of a justification for a strict application of the rule.
There is, therefore, an urgent need to liberalize the sub judice rule, invoking it only in cases of an obvious intent
to influence the trial and not to any act that might have the remote possibility of influencing it. [26]
DOI: 10.9790/0837-20548894
www.iosrjournals.org
93 | Page
Reference
[1].
[2].
[3].
[4].
[5].
[6].
[7].
[8].
[9].
[10].
[11].
[12].
[13].
[14].
[15].
[16].
[17].
[18].
[19].
[20].
[21].
[22].
[23].
[24].
[25].
DOI: 10.9790/0837-20548894
www.iosrjournals.org
94 | Page