Paynter (2000)

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JournalofArchaeologicalResearch,Vol.8,No.1,2000
HistoricalandAnthropologicalArchaeology:
ForgingAlliances
RobertPaynter
Historicalandanthropologicalarchaeologyhavehadasomewhatdisjointedrelationship.
Differencesintheoreticalperspectives,methodologicalconcerns,andmaterialrecordshaveledto
alackofcrosstalkbetweenthesebranchesofAmericanistarchaeology.Thispaperpresents
recentissuesinhistoricalarchaeology,pointsoutareasofcommonconcern,andarguesthat
botharchaeologieswouldbenefitfrominformeddiscussionsaboutthematerialityandhistoryof
thepreandpostColumbianworld.
KEYWORDS:landscape;epistemology;history.
INTRODUCTION
In1493ColumbussetoffforNorthAmericaonavoyagethattrulydeservestobepartofourpublic
memory,forit,ratherthanthevoyageof1492,wasaharbingeroftheworldtocome.Hisfirstvoyage
of1492wasalowbudget,threeshipreconnaissancesurvey.Thesecondvoyagebeganin1493withat
least17ships,1200to1500men,andexplicitplanstoestablishenterprisestobegintherealworkof
colonization.ThegoalsofthesecondvoyagewerethoseforcenturiesthroughouttheWestern
Hemispherefindconvertsandgold;andonHispaniola,asthroughouttheWesternHemisphere,
conversiontooksecondplacetoaccumulation.Thegold,neverplentiful,wasrapidlydepletedthrough
despotictaxesandenforcedmining.Seekinganalternativeformofaccumulation,Columbusenslaved
1500ofHispaniolaspeople.FivehundredweretransportedtoSpainofwhomonly300survivedthe
passage.Thesurvivorsdiedshortlyafterarrival.HistoryshowsthatColumbussideaofanAtlantic
slavetradeinNativeAmericanswasnotrealized,inpartbecauseofthecolonizerspracticesof
terrorizingthe
DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofMassachusetts,Amherst,Massachusetts01003.
10590161/00/03000001$18.00/0 C2000PlenumPublishingCorporation
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localpopulationandsavagelyexploitingtheirlaborinminesandfields,drivingthenativepopulationof
Hispaniolavirtuallyextinctby1550.However,andsomewhatunwittingly,Columbusdidbringthe
sourceofCaribbeanprofitsonthissecondvoyagesugarplants.By1516thefirstcapitalintensive
sugarmillwasestablishedonHispaniolaandbythemid1500ssugarexportsfromtheislandwerea
majorsourceofSpanishwealth.Thedecimatedindigenouspopulationwasnotalargeenoughlabor
forceforthiscommodity,andthuscametotheWesternHemisphere,inchains,thepeopleofAfricawho
tilledthefields,cutthecane,andworkedthemills.ThetransportofenslavedAfricanstoHispaniolawas
firstsanctionedin1501,andby1517acontractwasletbythecrownofSpainfor4000Africans
(Jane,1988,pp.20188;Koning,1976,pp.7094;LasCasas,1992,pp.1425;Morison,1991,pp.
389399,481495;Williams,1970,pp.2345).
ColumbusssecondvoyageisacapsuleofthepracticesandprocessesbywhichEuropeanculture
movedfromitspositionontheperipheryofthemedievalworld(AbuLughod,1989)tobecomepartof
thecoreofourpostColumbianworldsystem.Moregenerally,thelate15thcenturywasthebeginning
ofahistoricallyuniqueconjunctionofforcesthatresultedindreamsandpracticesofEuropeanglobal
conquest.ItbeganwithEuropeanadvancesintoAfrica,followedshortlythereafterbytheinvasionof
theAmericas.LaterthepeoplesofSouth,East,andCentralAsia,andthenOceania,werecaughtupin
whateventuallybecameourworld,aworldofglobalscalestrugglestoextractsurpluses,toexert
politicaldominance,tobuildcommunities,andtofostersensesofpoliticalandpersonalidentities.
Itisthesemultipleanddiverseprocessesandthevarietyofresponsestothemthatconstitutethesubject
matterofhistoricalarchaeology.ThathistoricalarchaeologyisaboutthearchaeologyofEuropean
expansionisathesiswithasolidhistoryinthediscipline.Initially(anditwasonlysome30yearsago
thatthejournalHistoricalArchaeologywasfounded)therewerethosewhobasedthedisciplines
definitiononmethodologyhistoricalarchaeologybeingthestudyof
apeoplesmaterialculturewiththeaidoftheirdocuments.Schuyler(1978)compilesmanyofthese
earlyarguments;HistoricalArchaeology27(1),introducedbyCleland(1993),alsohasanumberof
articlesonthehistoryofthesociety(seealsoDeagan,1982;Little,1994;Orser,1996,pp.128;South,
1994).However,manypractitionersalwayssawhistoricalarchaeologyasstakingaclaimtoasliceof
worldhistorylargelyunexaminedbyanthropologists.Forexample,Deetz(1968)earlyonconceivedof
thetaskasthestudyofLateManinNorthAmericaandmorerecentlyadvocatesthestudyofthespread
ofEuropeansocietiesworldwide,beginninginthe15thcentury,andtheirsubsequentdevelopmentand
impactonnativepeoplesinallpartsoftheworld(Deetz,1991,p.1).South(ed.,1977)stressesthe
importanceofstudyingtheBritishcolonialsystemandnotjustparticularsites,andmorerecentlyin
studyingtheenergeticsofworldculturalsystemsrivenbyclassdistinctions(South,1988).Schuyler
(1970,p.83)succinctlydescribeshistoricalarchaeologyasthestudyofthematerialmanifestationof
theexpansion
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ofEuropeancultureintothenonEuropeanworldstartinginthe15thcenturyandendingwith
industrializationorthepresent(seealsoSchuyler,1991).Leone(1977,p.xvii),workingwithinsights
fromMarx,arguesthathistoricalarchaeologydealswithmodernsocietyorwithitsdirecthistorical
foundations: : :people,places,andprocessestiedupwiththeIndustrialRevolution,thefoundingofthe
modernEnglishspeakingworld,ordirectlywithmodernAmericans.ForLeone,thisproblematic
providesaplaceforhistoricalarchaeologywithinanthropology:ithasaspecialwayofanalyzingour
society(1977,p.xxi).
Today,manypractitionerstrainedinNorthAmericaadheretothepositionthathistoricalarchaeologyis
aboutthewaysoflifeofpostColumbianpeoples(e.g.,Deagan,1982,1988;Falk,1991;Leone,1995;
Orser,1996).Lesscertaintysurroundsthekeyfeaturesanddynamicsofthiswayoflife.Deetzs
(1977)structuralistidealistparadigmisamajorresearchperspective.Approachesemphasizing
traditionalandrevisedecologicalmodelsalsohavebeenadvocated(e.g.,Hardesty,1985;Mrozowski,
1993,1996).Althoughmainstreamsocialscienceperspectivesdominatetheconceptionofpoliticsand
economy,othershavearguedfortherelevancyofanyofanumberofmarxianandothercritical
approaches(e.g.,Leone,1995;McGuireandPaynter,1991;Orser,1988).Theoreticalapproachesrarely
dominatethediscussioninhistoricalarchaeologyasmostofwhathistoricalarchaeologistshavedoneis
theveryfamiliarworkofarchaeography(Deetz,1988b,p.18),thedetailingofaspectsofthepost
Columbianwayoflife.Thus,muchofwhatisdoneinhistoricalarchaeologyiswhatisdoneinany
archaeology,teasingoutthemethodologicalissuesaboutinterpretingmaterialremainswiththeadded
issueoftheinterplayofdocumentaryandmaterialsourcesofinformation[seeLittle(1994)andOrser
(1996)forveryusefuloverviewsoftheintellectualcurrentsinhistoricalarchaeology].
WhatistheplaceofthepostColumbianworldinthedisciplineofanthropologicalarchaeology?It
shouldrepresentanimportantsubjectmatterforadisciplineinterestedinacomparativeperspectiveon
suchmattersasfactionprocess,stateformation,worldsystems,andidentityconstruction(e.g.,Blanton
etal.,1996;Brumfiel,1992;BrumfielandFox,1994;ChaseDunn,1992;Friedman,1992;Patterson
andGailey,1987;Rowlandsetal.,1987;Yoffee,1995).Nonetheless,thepostColumbianworld
constitutesanunderstudiedsubjectinanthropologicalarchaeology(cf.Patterson,1993).Itis
understudied,perhaps,inmuchthesamewaytheethnographyofEuropeandoftheUnitedStatesare
understudiedduetoanthropologysaversiontothewaysoflifeoftheWest(Cole,1977;Wolf,1982).It
isalso,perhaps,understudiedbyanthropologicalarchaeologistsbecauseitsuseofdocumentsseems
somehowtocircumventthedifficulttaskofmaterialinterpretationthatisattheheartofprehistoric
archaeology(Hodder,1989,p.141;WatsonandFotiadis,1990,p.615).Allthesame,historical
archaeologistshavebeenseekingadisciplinaryunderstandingthatbridgesbetweentheconcernsof
anthropologyandhistory,thatusesobjectstostudythemediationofactionsand
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meanings.Thiscanbeaccomplishedonlyifitsanalysisofthepast500yearsapproachesthe
creationofavastarrayofwaysoflifethroughtheunderstandingthatcomesfromthe
anthropologicalarchaeologicalperspectivesofcomparisonandmaterialanalysis.
WithitsemphasisonstudyingtheWest,usingdocumentsandobjects,historicalarchaeology
inhabitsaliminalspaceintheanthropologicalimagination(Orser,1996,p.10).And,thisliminal
positionofhistoricalarchaeology,caughtbetweenhistoryandanthropology,betweencultureand
action,betweenethnohistoryandethnography,betweenthepastandthepresent,hasbedeviledmy
writingofthisreview.HowdoIsimultaneouslyaddresstheconcernsofanthropologicalarchae
ologists,historians,historicalarchaeologicalcolleagues,andcolleaguesinotherdisciplines
interestedintheparticularversionsoftheorytowhichIsubscribe?Moreover,sincehistorical
archaeologyissoclearlyadisciplineinthemaking,howdoIwriteareviewknowingthatitis
fromanadmittedlyconstrainedposition(Harding,1986;Morgen,1997)?
Partoftheansweristonotewhatisnotbeingreviewedhereandinasubsequentarticle.
Specifically,Ihavetriedtocovertopicsastheyareaddressedbyhistoricalarchaeologists.Idonot
takeonacomprehensivestudyofhowhistoriansandsocialtheoristshavetakenonthepost
Columbianworld.However,forareasthathaveonlyrecentlybeguntoreceivehistorical
archaeologysattention,especiallywithregardstoframingthediscussion,Idrawonhistoriansand
socialtheoristswhoopenupparticularlyusefullinesofresearch.
Anotherpartoftheansweristorecognizesomeofmyconstraints.Iprincipallystudythepost
ColumbianworldasithasplayedoutintheNorthAmericannortheast.AlthoughItrytobringaglobal
perspectivetothistask,mythinkingisenmeshedwithinthepracticesofhistoricalarchaeologyinthis
area,whereIalsoliveandworkinananthropologydepartment.Asaresult,thepoliticalmovements
andtheintellectualmilieuallcontributetohowIunderstandthepastofthisregionanditsplaceinthe
world.Additionally,Iaminterestedindevelopingacriticalarchaeology,onethatconfrontsthe
ideologicalstructuresandpracticesthatpromoteinequalityinthisregionandintheglobeatlarge.
Thus,Iaminterestedindevelopingunderstandingsoftherecentpastthatworkagainstthefairly
commonculturalgivensintheUnitedStatesofglobaldominancebasedoninevitabletechnological
progress,groundedfuzzilyinbiologicaldeterminismsconcerningracialandgendersuperiority(e.g.,
Escobar,1995;Patterson,1995).Sincedeconstructingtheseethnocentriccommonsensescanbeatthe
heartoftheanthropologicalenterprise,Iwanttocontributetotheprojectofbringingthissortof
anthropologicalperspectivetohistoricalarchaeologysstudyofthepostColumbianworld.
Fromthisperspective,thenexusofthedevelopmentofmercantileandthenindustrialcapitalistclass
relations,theuseofraceinrelationsofclassexploitationandnationalconquest,thedevelopmentofa
conqueststatetiedtocapitalistwealthaccumulation,andtheformationofheterosexual,patriarchal
genderrelationscreates
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thesocialdynamicsthatgivedistinctiveshapetothepast500years.AlthoughIbelievethatingeneral,
regardlessofonesgloballocationoverthelast500years,onewouldhavetocometogripswiththe
class,race,stateformation,andgenderrelationsspunoutofnorthwesternEuropeandNorthAmerica,I
alsoacknowledgethattheparticularsatanyoneplacewillbeinterestinglydifferentfromhowthings
workedthemselvesoutintheseareas.Learningtheseadditionalhistoriesisanimportanttaskfor
historicalarchaeology.Moreover,intheveinofanthropologicalinquiry,learningabouthistories
elsewhereontheglobewillaffectunderstandingsofthegeneraltheoreticalconstructsofcapitalism,
racism,andpatriarchy,andreflectbackonourparticularunderstandingsofthehistoriesofthecore
areasthemselves(SchmidtandPatterson,1995).Buildingthislargersetofunderstandingsisthe
unfinishedtaskofhistoricalarchaeology;andasaresult,thispaperisfarfromacompletesynthesis.It
isareviewgiventheseconcerns,forthesakeofcolleaguesinanthropologicalarchaeologyinterestedin
socialstratification,regardlessofwhethertheirdataincludewrittendocuments.
Thereviewisdevelopedintwoarticles.Thefirstconsidersthepracticeofhistoricalarchaeology,the
issuesofcontemporaryinterest,thedebatesofcontemporaryconcern,andthearticulationofhistorical
archaeologyandanthropologicalarchaeology.Thesecond,whichwillappearinasubsequentissueof
thejournal,considersthehistoryofthelast500years,asseenfromthevantagepointofhistorical
archaeology.Arecentliteraturesectionforboththesearticlesaccompaniesthesecondarticle,People
andProcessesofthePostColumbianWorld.
GLOBALRESEARCH
HistoricalarchaeologyhasbeenmostlypracticedineasternNorthAmericaandtheCaribbean,
pursuingthegoalsofdocumentingtheculturesofpeopleofEuropeandescent(principallyfrom
theBritishIslesandtheIberianPeninsula)andtolesser,butincreasingextents,forpeopleof
AfricanandNativeAmericandescent.AlthoughtheeasternUnitedStatesandtheCaribbeanare
theareasofgreatestvolumeofresearch,oneofthemostimportanttrendsinhistoricalarchaeology
isthestudyoftheEuropeancolonialpracticesandtheresultantresistancesaroundtheworld.
InNorthAmericainadditiontotheEnglish,theDutchandtheFrenchalsoweresignificantcolonial
powers,andtheirmaterialremainshavecomeundergreaterscrutiny(e.g.,Huey,1991;Janowitz,
1993;Moussette,1996).StudiesoftheNorthAmericanWestareofincreasingfrequency(e.g.,
Farnsworth,1989;Hardesty,1988;PraetzellisandPraetzellis,1992;Praetzellisetal.,1987,1988;
Purser,1989;Wegars,1993),withprovocativesuggestionsforthematicresearchissuestoframesite
specificworkfoundinHardestys(1991b)collectionofplenarypapersonHistoricalArchaeologyin
theAmericanWest(Ayres,1991;
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Greenwood,1991;Hardesty,1991b;Schuyler,1991)andLightfoots(1995)archaeologyof
pluralismatFortRossinnorthernCalifornia(seealsoMarshallandMaas,1997).
FortheareasofNorthandSouthAmericainfluencedbytheSpanishEmpirethearticlesinThomass
(1989,1990,1991)quincentennialvolumesontheSpanishBorderlandsareindispensablecontributions
andreviews(seealsoFarnsworthandWilliams,1992).KathleenDeagan,asreportedinanumberof
publications(e.g.,1983,1985;DeaganandCruxent,1993),hasbeendirectingresearchonandwriting
detailedcasestudiesandregionalsynthesesabouttheSpanishCaribbeanandFlorida.Kowalewski
(1997)isbringingthenotablestudiesofprehistoricOaxacaintothehistoricperiodwithconsiderations
ofregionalchangeinthepostColumbianworld.SuedBadillo(1992,1995)andRouse(1986,1992)of
fercontrastingversionsoftheindigenouspeoplesoftheCaribbeanfirstcaughtupinEuropeancolonial
schemes(seealsoPatterson,1991).Jones(1989)hasbegunthestudyofthelonghistoryofSpanish
Mayandominationandresistance,andKepecs(1997)andAlexander(1997)haveconductedregional
scalearchaeologicalandethnohistoricalresearchontheconquestperiodinYucatan.Armstrong
(1985,1990)andDelle(1996,1998)presentdetailedstudiesofJamaicanplantations.Handler(e.g.,
1997;LangeandHandler,1985)hasreportedextensivelyonplantationlifeanditsimpactsonthe
AfricanpopulationinBarbados.GalwaysPlantationonMontserrathasbeenstudiedbyPulsipher(e.g.,
1991).Orser(1994)andAgorsah(1993,1995)havestudiedmaroonpopulationsinBrazilandthe
Caribbean,respectively(seealsoFunari,1996).Schaedel(1992),summarizingthesparse
archaeologicalstudiesfromhistoricalSouthAmerica,setsoutasweepingagendaforahistorical
archaeologyofthepast500years.RicehasbeeninvestigatingwineriesincolonialPeruwithaneyeto
studyingissuesoftechnologicaltransfer(e.g.,RiceandVanBeck,1993;RiceandSmith,1988).
Jamieson(1996)offersanalysesofsociallifeinEcuador,withattentiontogenderrelations.Inlowland
SouthAmericaVargasArenasandSanoja(e.g.,VargasArenas,1995)arebringingtheirdistinctiveand
sophisticatedtheoreticalapproachofsocialarchaeologytounderstandthecolonialperiod,especially
initsurbanmanifestations.
AnextensiveliteratureexistsontheBritishIslesthatselfidentifiesasbeingaboutpostMedieval
archaeology(e.g.,Crossley,1989).Amongthisimportantbodyofinformation,M.Johnsons(1993,
1996)studiesoftheclassandgenderprocessesoperatinginEnglandisessentialreading[seealso
Driscoll(1992),Samson(1992),andWebster(1997)forsimilarconcernsforearlierperiodsinthe
BritishIsles].MangansstudyofthelandscapesofCataloniaduringthetransitionfromfeudalismto
capitalism(1994)isoneofthefewhistoricalarchaeologicalworksinEnglishfromcontinentalEurope
[seeCrumley(1994),McGovern(1990),andWoolf(1997)foroverviewsofprecursorsituations].
Baram(1996)andSilberman(1989;HandsmanandSilberman,1991)havebeguntotakeaparthow
EuropeancapitalismcametoPalestineandhowthisarchaeologyfiguresinthecontemporarystate
buildingeffortsintheregion.
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SouthernAfricahasdevelopedanextensiveliteratureonwhatHallcallsthearchaeologyofimpact
(1993).Someoftheworksaresingularcontributionstoarchaeologicaltheorydeservingbroad
readership.Halls(1992)studyoftheideologyofracecodedinthematerialrecordofSouthAfrica,for
instance,isanimportanttheoreticalinterventionintotheinterpretationofmeaningusingmaterial
culture.CarmelSchrires(1995)extraordinarybookinformsusabouttheconstructionofraceand
apartheidwithfirstrateinterpretationsofthepastandprovocativelyreflexiveunderstandingsofthe
conductofarchaeology(seealsoSchrire,1991,1992)WarrenPerrys(1996)archaeologicallybased
reconsiderationofShakaandtheZulustatedemonstratestheinextricableroleofEuropeanslaversin
thisprocess,aninterpretationthatshouldaffecttheethnologyofstateorigins.WestandCentralAfrica
haveagrowingbodyofresearch.DeCorse(1999)hassurveyedWestAfricanarchaeologywithaneye
tointerpretingthematerialremainsofNorthAmericanandCaribbeanAfricanAmericanpeoples.The
KingdomofBeninhasbeenthesubjectofarchaeologicalresearchbyKelly(1997a,b).Rowlands(1989)
andThomasEmeagwali(1989)layoutthecontoursforahistoricalarchaeologyofCameroonand
Nigeria,respectively,thattakeintoaccountthelongtermprocessesofpoliticaleconomyindigenousto
thearea,andthedistinctivenatureoftheirinterdigitationwithEuropeanaccumulation.Studiesof
modernmaterialculture,suchasRowlandsandWarniers(1996)analysisofmagicandironsmeltingor
Steiners(1994)studyoftheAfricanarttradehaveobviousrelevanceforunderstandingthehistorical
period.PeterSchmidt(1978,1995;SchmidtandChilds,1995),inhissignificantbodyofworkonEast
Africa,hassoughttouncoverthedynamicsofthesesocietieshiddenincolonialhistories.AsinWest
Africa,understandingthesehiddenhistoriesisanecessaryprecursorforconductingahistoricalarchae
ologyofthearea,onethatwillnecessarilyinvolveunderstandingthedynamicsoftheIslamicworld
system(seealsoLaVioletteetal.,1989;Pearson,1997).OfcourseAfricanorthoftheSaharahasalong
historyofcontactwithEuropeans.Nonetheless,themostrecentstageofEuropeanexpansionbeganin
the1400swiththePortugueseinvasionofMorocco,anepisodegivenexemplaryconsiderationin
Redmans(1986)studyofthestrategictownofQsaresSeghir(seealsoBooneetal.,1990).
OceaniahasseensignificantworkinAustralia(e.g.,Connah,1994)asanotherofthegrowingcentersof
historicalarchaeology.AremarkablecollaborationbyPatrickKirchandMarshallSahlins(1992)brings
theperspectivesofSahlinssstructuralhistoryintothestudyofthearchaeologyandethnographyof
Hawaii.NicholasThomass(1991)studiesofcontemporarymaterialentanglementsinPolynesiaare
importantreadingforanyoneinterestedinmaterialculturetheoryandtheculturalworkingsofobjects
intheborderlandsofcolonialsituations.
Alloftheseworldareas,andothers,aredevelopingdistinctiveunderstandingsofhowEuropeanculture
arrivedandentangleditselfinindigenoussocial,political,cultural,andeconomicaffairs.Insome
areas,suchassouthernAfrica,enoughstudieshavebeenconductedforpractitionerstodevelop
critiquesofconventional
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understandingsofEuropeanconquest;mostareconsumedwithfoundationaldescriptiveworkof
excavation,chronology,andarchivalresearch.Allthesame,SchmidtandPatterson(1995)have
broughttogetheranimportantcollectionofarticlesthatpointtowhatalternativearchaeologiesof
thecolonialandpostcolonialperiodsmightlooklike.
Historicalarchaeologyhasnotsettledonaworldscalenarrativetotietogethertheeventsand
trajectoriesnotedfromaroundtheglobe.OneinfluentialmodelisofferedbyDeetz(1977,1988a).
ForNorthAmericanNewEnglandDeetzsuggestsaculturalprogressionfromyeomantofolkto
Georgianasatemporalsuccessionofculturetypes.Theyeomanperiodcultureisaninitialclose
approximationtothecolonizingfragmentofEuropeanculture.Culturalmutationsresultingfrom
isolationfromEuropecharacterizethefolkperiod.And,areintegrationofNewEnglandintothe
emergingconsumercapitalistcultureofthe19thcenturyistheforcebehindtheGeorgianperiod.
Criticsnotelimitationsofthismodelinapplicationselsewhereontheglobe.Kelso(1992)
evaluatesDeetzstripartitemodelusingVirginianhousesandgravestonesandfindscontinuity
whereDeetzfindsbreaksandbreakswhereDeetzfindscontinuity,evidenceforthedifferent
immigrationandclasshistoriesofNewEnglandandVirginia.Hall(1992)notestheobvious
materialdifferencesencounteredinSouthAfricaandusesthediscrepancyinaveryclearargument
forthinkingaboutthediscoursesonclassandslaverycharacteristicofEuropeancolonialventures.
ItwouldseemthataDeetziancharacterizationofculturechangemightbequiteaccurateforsome
factionsinsomecoloniesatsomeperiods,buthaslimitedutilityasageneralnarrativeframework.
Nonetheless,itisthemostproductive,regionalnationalscalemodeldevelopedandworkedwith
bypractitionersofhistoricalarchaeologytodate(seealsoHarrington,1989b;Sweeney,1994).
AverydifferentnarrativehasbeenofferedbyPatterson(1993,pp.349367).Histextbook,
Archaeology:TheHistoricalDevelopmentofCivilizations,afterreviewingthefamiliarterrainofstate
formationintheNearEast,Egypt,China,SouthAmerica,andMesoamerica,concludeswithachapter
entitledCivilizationandItsDiscontents:TheArchaeologyofCapitalism.Hesurveystheglobal
developmentofcapitalismasaneconomicsystem: : :concernedwiththeproductionandsaleof
commoditiesinmarkets(Patterson,1993,p.350).Inthisnarrative,theplunderofmineralwealthfrom
theAmericasandthetheftofAfricanlaborprovidethebasisformercantileaccumulationin
northwesternEuropefromthe15ththroughthe18thcenturies.Industrialproductioninnorthwestern
Europespreadthroughouttheglobeinthe19thand20thcenturies,knittingtheworldtogetherthrough
thestrandsofthemarketandthepoliticsofimperialismandneocolonialism.
TwokeypointsunderwritePattersonsnarrative:thepostColumbianworldisthestoryoftheriseof
capitalism,andthisstorymustbetoldonaworldstage.Theformerisapointassertivelyarguedby
LeoneandPotter(1988,p.19):Whetherornothistoricalarchaeologyistobeanarchaeologyofthe
emergence
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anddevelopmentofcapitalismhasbeensettledintheaffirmative.Anumberofauthorshavetakenup
thechargetounderstandcapitalismfromtheperspectiveofmaterialculture(Beaudryetal.,1991;
Handsman,1983;Leone,1995;McGuire,1988;Orser,1988;Paynter,1988).Indeed,Leone(1988b)
makesuseofthesystematictendencyofcapitalistpoliticaleconomiestogothroughcrisestoprovidea
causalargumentforDeetzscultureperiods.Pattersonssecondpointabouttheworldscaleofthe
phenomenon,andhenceofthediscipline,reverberateswithalargebodyoftheoreticalwork(e.g.,
Brewer,1980),suchasWallersteins(1974,1980,1989)schoolofworldsystemsanalysis,Wolfs
(1982)historicalanthropology(SchneiderandRapp,1995),SamirAmins(1989)analysesofworld
scaleaccumulationandaccompanyingcultureofEurocentrism,andworkonprecapitalistworld
systems(e.g.,AbuLughod,1989;Blantonetal.,1993;Champion,1989;ChaseDunn,1992;Rowlands
etal.,1987).Historicalarchaeologyhassoughttoarticulateworldscaleandlocalprocessesinsuch
studiesasLewiss(1977,1984)studiesofsettlementsystems,Delles(1996,1998)studiesof
Caribbeanplantations,Schuylers(1991)thoughtsontheAmericanWest,andmyownworkonNew
Englandregionalsettlementpatterns(Paynter,1982,1985).
Apointwidelyrecognized,thoughtoooftenhonoredinthebreach,isthatworldscaleprocessesmust
beunderstoodasthearticulationofEuropeanandindigenousprocesses,andnotsimplytheresponseto
theimperativesofEuropeanpoliticaleconomics(e.g.,Blaut,1993;Mintz,1977;Wolf,1982).Partof
theproblemofgivingdynamicforcetobothsocioculturaltrajectoriesishowtoimaginetheprocessof
culturalinteraction.Mostcommonly,thisisaddressedwithnotionsofassimilationandacculturation.
However,Wolf(1982,pp.67)warnsaboutthedangerousmetaphorsthatunderliesuchconstructs.He
cautionsthatunderstandingworldculturalhistoryasthecollisionofsomanydifferentlycoloredbilliard
balls,heretoforeisolatedcultures,blindsustotheprocessesatthecoreofhistoricalchangethe
continualinterpenetrationofwaysoflifewithresultingcultural,political,andeconomic
reconfigurations.Unfortunately,wordslikeContactperiodcommonlyusedbyarchaeologiststotalk
abouttheinteractionsbetweenwouldbecolonizingEuropeansandtheirtargetssoundtoomuchlikethe
comfortingclickofbilliardballsonthecosmicbilliardtableofworldhistory.Schuyler(1991)captures
thescaleoftheprocesswithhisideaofethnohistoricinteractionspheres,thoughsucha
conceptualizationrunstheriskofbecomingaverymuchbiggerbilliardball.Perry(1996)
reconceptualizesthecolonialperiodofintenseinteractionandreconfiguration,drawingontheworkof
Hall(1993,pp.183186)andN.Thomas(1991),asaperiodofimpactandentanglement.These
metaphorshavethemeritofsuggestingtheviolenceoftheinteractionsandtheagencyofboththe
indigenousandEuropeancultures.Thathistoricalarchaeologyhasyettofindareplacementforthe
blandContactperioddoesnothidethedisciplinesrecognitionthatthepostColumbianworldis
aboutthesuddenandpersistentintertwiningofformerlyunrelatedhistoricalprocesses.This
intertwiningaffectedhistoricaltrajectoriesin
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theAmericas,inAfricaandAsia,andreverberatedandaffectedthetrajectoriesofEurope.The
studyofthispostColumbianworldcanbeundertakenonlybysimultaneouslyconductinglocal
studiesinformedbytheoreticalframeworksthatallowfortheinfluenceofglobalscaleprocesses,
ataskthatclearlyneedsmuchmoreempiricalandtheoreticalwork.
CharlesOrser(1996)hasrecentlyarticulatedanimportantsustainedvisionofaglobalarchaeology.He
makesuseofamutualistsocialtheorytocastanetofrelationssocial,material,andideological
acrosstheglobe.Arguingforhistoricalarchaeologyasthestudyofthemodernworld,heidentifieskey
themescolonialism,capitalism,Eurocentrism,andmodernityforunderstandingthisworld.Along
withreviewingworkbyotherhistoricalarchaeologistsreflectingthesethemes,hepresentshisvery
interestingandrecentworkonthemarooncommunityofPalmaresinBrazilandfamineperiodvillages
inIrelandbywayofillustratingglobalnetworks.Alongtheway,thereaderisintroducedtothehistory
ofhistoricalarchaeologyandpostMedievalarchaeology,theintricaciesofthepresentdebatesin
historicalarchaeologyoninterpretingmeaning,andthedevelopmentoflandscapesasimportant
objectsofstudy.ThoughIdonotusehisnotionofhauntstosetmytheoryinmotionorframemy
discussioninthetermsofhisfourthemes,thereismuchinhisworkthatreverberateswithmy
understandingsofthepostColumbianworld.Orserhasproducedaveryprovocativeintroductionto
historicalarchaeologyaswellasasignificantconceptualizationofhowtostudyglobalcultures;itisa
goodstartingplaceforfurtherstudyofthissubdiscipline.
THEMATERIALITYOFANDMETHODOLOGIESFORTHESTUDY
OFTHEPOSTCOLUMBIANWORLD
AnOntologyofObjectsandLandscapes
Historicalarchaeologyisbothblessedandcursedwithstudyingawayoflifeawashinmaterialculture
(Deetz,1973).Notsurprisingly,muchoftheworkofhistoricalarchaeologyinvolvesdetailingthese
objects,workthatdiscloseswhomadewhat,when,where,andhowitwasused.NoelHumes(1969)
classiccompendiumstillstandsasamuchneededreferenceandparadigmforthisimportantwork
(e.g.,Beaudryetal.,1988;CarskaddenandGartley,1990;GatesandOrmerod,1982;Jonesand
Sullivan,1985;Kenmotsu,1990;ListerandLister,1987).Suchstudiesalsoseektolinktheobjects,
theirmakers,andtheiruserstothelargereconomicandsocialforces(e.g.,D.Miller,1987,1997;G.
Miller,1991;Turnbaugh,1985).Theimpactofanthropologicalarchaeologycanbeseenintheanalysis
offaunalandfloralremainstodisclosedimensionsofsubsistence(e.g.,ReitzandScarry,1985),
especiallywithinacommodifiedfoodsystem(e.g.,Bowen,1992;GeismarandJanowitz,1993;
Landon,1996;Reitz,1987;RothschildandBalkwill,1993),toanalyzelandscapingandgardening
practices(e.g.,Kelso,
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1994,1996;KelsoandBeaudry,1990;Kelsoetal.,1987;Miller,1989;Mrozowski,1991;
MrozowskiandKelso,1987),toinvestigatedisease(e.g.,Mrozowski,1991;Reinhardetal.,
1986),andastherawmaterialinmanufacturing(e.g.,Claassen,1994).
Howthendoestheresearchermovefromthismyriadofdetailtounderstandingactionandthoughtin
thepast?Recentworkinhistoricalarchaeologyhasdevelopednewontologiesaswellasanalysesof
newclassesofinformationbeyondthemainstaysofportableartifactanalyses.Thereisconsiderable
overlapwithsimilardiscussionsinanthropologicalarchaeologythathavecalledfornewmethodsfor
studyingthematerialworldandnewapproachestomaterialitythathaveexpandeddefinitionsofdata.
Inhistoricalarchaeology,thesecritiqueshaveaddressedthetraditionalfalloutmodelsofmaterial
cultureandaddedculturallandscapestothedomainofarchaeologicalanalysis.
Thetraditionalontologicalpreceptrelatingcultureandobjectsisthenotionthatculture,the
subjectofinquiry,leavesmaterialcorrelates.Thisfalloutmodelofmaterialculturerelationsis
exemplifiedinidealisttheories,suchasDeetzs(1967,pp.4549,1977)notionofmental
templatesandworldviewsthatguidetheproductionofthematerialworld,andinmorematerialist
theories,suchasSouths(1977)notionofpatternsofmaterialculture.Thetaskfortheinvestigator
operatingfromeitherofthesetheoreticalpositionsistodiscovertheculturebystudyingthe
materialpatterns(e.g.,Schiffer,1976).
Increasingly,historicalarchaeologistsarewritingwithadifferentontology,onethatembedsmaterial
culturewithinsystemsofmeaningandaction,onethatgivesobjectsanactivevoiceinculturalpractices
(Hodder,1986,1989;ShanksandTilley,1987a,b;Tilley,1990;Wobst,1977).Fromthisangle,
studyingmaterialcultureisnotaboutstudyingtheresidueofculture,butisaboutstudyingan
importantaspectofcultureitself.Theproblemfortheinvestigatorislesstoimaginematerialtransforms
orimplicationsandmoretoimagineintricateandrepetitivesequencesofhumanobjectinteractionthat
resultintheconstructionofmeaningembeddedinsocialrelations.Inhistoricalarchaeology,authors
haveinvestigatedtheroleofobjectswithconceptsofdiscourse,habitus,culturalbiography,resistance,
andritual(forareviewseeShackelandLittle,1992).Forinstance,Hall(1992)recastsmaterial
evidenceofracismsandtheirconcomitantresistancesfromaDeetzianstructuralanalysistoonebased
intheanalysisofdiscourses.NassaneyandAbel(1993)investigatesabotageatacutleryfactoryasa
significanthumanobjectinteractionincapitalistsocieties.DeCunzo(1995)studiestheritualsthat
weavetogetherpeople,objectsandideologiesastheywereusedbythemiddleclassreformersto
addresstheproblemofprostitutioninPhiladelphia.Delle(1996,1998)expandsontheworkof
Harvey(1989),Soja(1989),andLefebvre(1991)tounderstandtheactiveuseofspaceinstructuring
Jamaicancoffeeplantations(seealsoMcKee,1992;Orser,1988).Orser(1992)advocatestheuseofthe
notionofculturalbiographytocapturetheshiftingmeaningsobjectstakeduringtheirpathfrom
productiontoforgottentrash.
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Ofalltheobjectsstudiedbyhistoricalarchaeologists,spacehasbeengoingthroughasignificant
rethinking,fromaneutralandobjectivedimensionofmeasurementtoaculturallymediatedobject.The
reconceptualizationistosuchanextentthatonemightsaythatawholenewclassofartifacthasbeen
discovered,namely,thelandscape(e.g.,Beaudry,1986;Delle,1996,1998;Handsmanand
Harrington,1994;Harrington,1989a;Hood,1996;KelsoandMost,1990;Mrozowski,1991;
Rubertone,1989b;YaminandMetheny,1996).Hood(1996,p.121)referstothesenuancednotionsof
spaceasculturallandscapes: : :[placesthat]: : :physicallyembodythehistory,structureand
contextsofagivenwayoflife.ForRubertone(1989b,p.50)theseculturallandscapeshavebeen
shapedandmodifiedbyhumanactionsandconsciousdesigntoprovidehousing,accommodatethe
systemofproduction,facilitatecommunicationandtransportation,marksocialinequalities,andexpress
aesthetics.Notrestrictedtositesalone,Hood(1996,p.122)notesthatlandscapesexistina
continuumofhumanperceptionandusagerangingfromformallyplannedspaces,suchasgardens,to
seeminglynaturalplaces,suchasabandonedfieldsandpastures(1996,p.122).Inbetweenthese
extremesareaverylargecategoryofspacesthathavebeenincreasinglyreferredtobysuchtermsas
houselots,yardscapes,streetscapes,vernacularlandscapes,andsoon(Hood,1996,p.122).Allof
thesehavecomeincreasinglyundertheattentionofarchaeologicalinvestigation.
Afocusonlandscapeshasprovenaproductiveresearchplaninhistoricalarchaeologyforanumberof
reasons.Landscapeshaveproventobeaproductivewaytomergeinformationfromresource
managementprojectswiththatofpureresearchstudies(e.g.,Bradley,1984).Informationonlandscapes
isalwaysrecoveredduringexcavation,evenifartifactassemblagesordecipherablearchitectural
fragmentsareabsent.Moreover,landscapeshaveprovenmorerealisticartifactsforunderstandingthe
contoursoflifeintheconstantlychurningworldofmaturecapitalism;atleastlandscapesareby
definitionprimarydeposits.
ArchaeologistshavestudiedvariousplacesontheNorthAmericanhistoricallandscape,including
regions(e.g.,Lewis,1984;Paynter,1982;Purser,1989),commercialandindustrialcities(e.g.,
Beaudry,1989;BeaudryandMrozowski,1989;Cressyetal.,1982;Dickens,1982;Harrington,1989b;
McGuire,1991;Mrozowski,1991;Rothschild,1990;Shackel,1996;Staski,1987;Upton,1992),towns
andvillages(e.g.,Adams,1977;Wurst,1991),seaports(e.g.,Harrington,1992),marooncommunities
(e.g.,Agorsah,1993,1995;Feder,1994;Orser,1996),loggingcamps(Franzen,1992),forts(e.g.,
Clements,1993;Faulkner,1986;Monks,1992;South,1977;Staski,1990),gardens(e.g.,Kelsoand
Most,1990;Leone,1988b),andthewalls,roads,canals,andrailroadsusedtodemarcateandflow
betweentheseplaces(e.g.,GordonandMalone,1994,pp.55223;Leone,1978;Samson,1992).
Farmsteads,plantations,andhomelotsarethemostfrequentformofreport,andthustherearetoomany
goodexamplestocite[Adams(1990)andWorrelletal.(1996)aregoodoverviews].
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Theinvestigationoflandscapeshasledtothedevelopmentandmodificationofvarioustechniques
andmethods.Forinstance,remotesensingandgeophysicalsurveyhavebeenputtogoodusein
sitesurvey(Clark,1990;Garrison,1996;Parrington,1983).Thecomplexstratigraphyof
historicalperiodsiteshasbenefitedfromanalysisusingHarrismatrices(Harris,1979;Harriset
al.,1993).Asnotedabove,palynologicalanalysishasprovidedevidenceofthefloraonprevious
landscapes.Theprimarydocumentsofmapsandpapershavegiveninsightintothemindsof
cartographers,developers,architects,andpreservationists(e.g.,Delle,1995a,b;Harley,1989,
1992;Paynter,1995;Potter,1994;Seasholes,1988).Thoughthesestudiesprovideabetter
understandingofhowspacewasrepresented,wehaveonlybeguntoexploretheirconnectionsto
whatHarvey(1989,pp.220221)referstoasspacesofrepresentation(imagination).Savulis
(1992)considerssuchlandscapesoftheimaginationinherstudyofShakerpoetryandspiritdraw
ing.InvestigatingtheseideologiesofspacemighttakecluesfromWilliamssstudyoftheideology
ofthecityandthecountryside(1973),Fryersinvestigationsofgenderandspaceintheworkof
EdithWhartonandWillaCather(1986),andDorstsstudyofthepositioningofChaddsFordin
thehighcultureoftheWyethsandthepopularcultureofhistoricalAmerica(1989).These
concernsbridgewelltoworkdoneontheshiftingmeaningofhistoricallandscapesinGreat
Britain,especiallybyBarbaraBenderinheroriginalstudyofStonehenge(1993,1998;seealso
Tilley,1994).
Whatwedoknowisthattheserichspatialideologiesgavemeaningtothephysicalobjectspeople
builtandencountered.Althoughyettobesynthesized,theseencountershappenedinaspatial
terrainthatwassimultaneouslypartofasystem,suchasthatsomasterfullydescribedand
analyzedinMeinigsgeographicalhistoryofNorthAmerica(1986,1993)andfracturedinto
parts,aspresentedinLeoneandSilbermans(1995)remarkableatlas/travelguide/catalogofthe
U.S.historicalterrain.Thechallengeofstudyingthislandscapeistokeepclearthatstate
formation,race,gender,andclasswereenmeshedinthesespatialitiessothattheculturallandscape
wasconstructedandexperienceddifferentlydependinguponwhetheronewaswhite,blackorred,
whetheronewasrichorpoor,andwhetheronewasmaleorfemale(e.g.,DeCunzo,1995;
Epperson,1990;Paynter,1992;Upton,1985,1992).
DocumentsandMeanings
Historicalarchaeologyalsoisblessedandcursedwithaformofdatadistinctfromthatstudiedbymost
anthropologicalarchaeologistswrittendocuments(Deagan,1988;Schuyler,1988).Hodder(1986,p.
141)damnswithfaintpraisethevolumeofdataandthepresenceoftextsasprovidingthepotentialfor
morerichlynetworkeddata.Asaresult,historicalarchaeologyhasaneasierapproach
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tocontextualarchaeology(1986,p.141),somethingthatseemstoseparateitfromtherealtaskof
analyzingtheharder,documentfreedataofanthropologicalarchaeology[seealsoBeaudry(1996pp.
479480)orOrser(1996p.11)foratracingofthisprejudice].Ontheotherhand,historical
archaeologistsarealltoofamiliarwithhistorianswho,asdiscussantsatmeetings,questiontheneedfor
doingarchaeologybypointingoutthatsomeobservationbasedonhoursoftediousexcavationand
analysiswasreadilyavailableinadocument(Little,1992,p.5).So,dodocumentsprovidehistorical
archaeologywithanembarrassmentofrichesorsimplymakearchaeologyembarrassing?Howto
handledocumentsandmaterialobjectshasconcernedthedisciplinesinceitsinception.Ultimately,its
answerinfringesonquestionsofbothepistemologyandthestudyofmeaning.
MaryBeaudry(1988,p.1)hasproductivelycriticizedcommonmisusesofdocuments:Manyview
archivalmaterialasacontrollackinginprehistory: : :theymayusehistoricalsitesastestcasesfor
modelsdevelopedinprehistory;ortheysetouttodiscoverwhetherarchaeologicalevidenceproperly
reflectsthedocumentaryrecordorviceversa.Shearguesthatdocumentsarecomplexartifacts
reflectingapartialrealityandneedtobepaidtheirintellectualdue.Little(1992,p.4)similarly
criticizessimplisticusesofdocumentsbyarchaeologists:Documentaryandarchaeologicaldatamay
bethoughtofasinterdependentandcomplementary,orasindependentandcontradictory.Oddly
enough,bothoftheseviewsareviable.: : :Historicalarchaeologistsarguetodaythatdocumentsmust
beseenasaproblematicsourceofinformationinandofthemselvesrequiringcarefulstudy
andinterpretation(e.g.,DeCunzo,1995,pp.94100;Deagan,1988;Galloway,1991;Schuyler,1978,
1988).BothBeaudry(ed.,1988)andLittle(ed.,1992)haveeditedimportantvolumesthatexplore
methodstomelddocumentsandobjects.
Lessattentionhasbeendevotedtotheintegrationoforalhistoriesintotheresearchofhistorical
archaeologists.Amongothers,Schmidt(1995),Perry(1998),Purser(1992),Kus(1997),Bender
(1998),andHolland(1990)haveallmadeuseofandthoughtcriticallyaboutoraltraditions.Oral
historiesbringtheirownsetsofproblems,muchmorefamiliartoethnographerswhohavetobe
concernedabouttheirownplaceinthesocietytheyarestudyingandwhysomepeoplechooseto
becometheirkeyinformants.Thoughoralhistoriesrepresentuntappedpotentialsand
uninvestigatedproblems,theirusewouldbeareminderofwhothedocumentshaveforgottenand
whattheobjectsmayrecord.
Oneofthemostsophisticatedconsiderationsofhowtoconsiderdocumentsandobjectscanbefoundin
Leonesnotionofmiddlerangetheory(e.g.,Leone,1988a,b;LeoneandCrosby,1987;Leoneand
Potter,1988).ThisisobviouslyanappreciativenodtoBinford;nonetheless,whatLeonesuggestsisa
transformationofBinford.Specifically,theideaistocomparetheresultsofadocumentarystudyanda
studyofthematerialrecord.Themostfamiliarstrategyinhistoricalarchaeologylooksforpointsof
similarity,ofconfirmation:deedchainsthatcanbematchedwithassemblagedates,socialstatusindices
thatcanbematchedwith
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probateand/ortaxand/orcensusclassassessments(Miller,1980;SpencerWood,1987).Pointsof
disjuncturetypicallysuggestproblemsofsamplebiasonthepartofthematerialrecord,a
methodologicalstancethatcontributestothepositionbymanyhistorians(andhistorical
anthropologists)thatanythingtheycanlearnfromobjectsisalreadyknowninthedocuments.Leone
makesakeyargument.First,heacknowledgesthatdocumentsandobjectsarenotreallyindependent
linesofevidence;theyare,afterall,theresultsofpeopleparticipatinginthesameculturalpractices.
Nonetheless,theytrackverydifferentmomentsofthatprocesssubjecttoverydifferentbiasesand
socialprocesses.If,asLeoneargues,theyarethoughtofasiftheyareindependent,onecanguard
againstunwarrantedfunctionalism.Guardingagainstunduefunctionalismisimportant.When
documentsandobjectstelldifferentstories,especiallystoriesinwhichonerecordismetwithsilencein
theother,thismaybeduetosampleproblems,oritmaybeduetotheoperationsofthatpastwayof
life,operationsthatseektohide,silence,andtherebydominate.Inshort,pointsofmismatchbetween
objectsanddocumentscanbeusedtotracktheworkofsocialpower.
LeonesmiddlerangetheoryisquitecompatiblewiththeinsightsofAlisonWylieonmethodin
historicalarchaeology.Wylie(1993),inhertypicallyclearandlucidmanner,considersthelimitsofa
Binfordianepistemologyoflogicalpositivismforhistoricalarchaeology,givenitsenmeshmentofa
documentaryandobjectifieddatabase,andthearchaeologistssimultaneouspositionasparticipantand
observer[seealsoSaitta(1989)foranimportantcritiqueofpositivistepistemologies].Sheconcludes
thatanappropriateepistemologyisonethatusesthenotionofcablesofinference.Suchanexposition
isoneinwhichnoindividuallineofevidencemayenjoyfoundationalsecurity,[but]takentogether,
multiple(independent)linesofevidencecanimposedecisiveempiricalconstraintsonwhatwecan
reasonablyaccept(orentertain)asaplausibleaccountofthepast.Indeed,thisseemsthemorefavored,
ifrarelyexplicitlyarticulated,epistemologyofmosthistoricalarchaeologists(seealsoDeagan,1988;
Deetz,1993,pp.158163).
Historicalarchaeologyalsofindsitselfenmeshedinmorefamiliardebatesaboutepistemology.The
commonanthropologicalarchaeologyepistemologyoftestingandverificationhasbeenarguedforin
historicalarchaeology;asinanthropologicalarchaeology,therehasbeentherecentadvocacyofan
interpretiveepistemologythatseeksaninsidersviewofthesepastcultures(e.g.,Beaudry,1996;
Cleland,1988;South,1977;Yentsch,1994).Thepromiseofaninterpretiveapproach,asHoddernotes
above,isallthestrongerbecauseofthepresenceofdocumentsthatgiveaccesstoanemicperspective,
themeaningsystemsofpastpeoples(Schuyler,1977).Thispossibilityforthestudyofmeaningisthe
sourceofsomeofthemostintensedebatesandfruitfulmethodologicaldevelopmentsinthe
subdiscipline.LittleandShackel(1992)cogentlyparsethedebatesinhistoricalarchaeology,
catalogingthevariousperspectivesasprocessualapproachesthatconsidermeaningtobesecondary
andinvisible,structuralapproachesthatsee
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creatingmeaningasthegoalofculture,andpostprocessualapproachesthateschewthedistinction
betweenactionandmeaning(e.g.,LittleandShackel,1992,p.1).
Despitetheheatgeneratedbythesearguments,therearepointsofgeneralagreementamongtheholders
ofthesedifferentpositions.Foronethereisconsiderableagreementthatthemeaningsofthingsneedto
beandcanbeconsideredinhistoricalarchaeology.Thereasonhistoricalarchaeologistscanuseobjects
toapproachmeaningisbecauseofageneralagreementthatobjectsarerecursive,thatobjectsrecycle
culture,returningittotheconcreteandempiricalworldwhereitmaybeexperienced,learned,and
changed(seealsoLeone,1986,pp.416417;LittleandShackel,1992,p.1).Moreover,thereis
agreementthatthemeaningsofobjectscanemergefromstudyingobjectsintheircontextualrelations.
Disagreementexistsaboutexactlywhattherelevantcontextsare,whosemeaningsareinterpretable,
whethertheperceptionsofsomefactionsdominatethoseofallmembersofsociety,andwhetherthe
interpretationofmeaningisanendinitselforpartofalargerenterprise(Beaudry,1996).Awiderange
ofmethods(e.g.,LeoneandPotter,1988;ShackelandLittle,1992)hasbeensuggestedtogetat
meaning,includingstructuralanalysis(e.g.,Deetz,1977;Yentsch,1991),contextualanalysis(e.g.,
Beaudry,1993;Beaudryetal.,1991;LittleandShackel,1992;Mrozowski,1993,1996),dialogical
analysis(Hall,1992),Foucauldianapproaches(e.g.,Shackel,1993),analysesofideology(e.g.,Leone,
1984;McGuire,1991;Shackel,1995;Wurst,1991),studiesofritual(DeCunzo,1995;Wall,1991),
analysesofdoubleconsciousness(Mullins,1996,1999;Paynter,1992),analysesdrawnfroma
humanisticanthropology(e.g.,Yentsch,1994),andhermeneuticreadings(Garman,1994).Thehistory
ofthedebatesiswelltilledground,worththeattentionofanyarchaeologistinterestedinlinking
meaningandmaterialremains(e.g.,Beaudry,1996;Beaudryetal.,1991;Deetz,1977;Leone,1984,
1986;Little,1994;Orser,1996,pp.159182).
Theapproachtohowmeaningworkedinthepasthashadimplicationsforhowarchaeologistsconstruct
meaningstoday,resultinginexperimentationsinwritingarchaeology.Someofthestrongestwriting
thatmakesimplicituseoftheideaofcablesofinferencecanbefoundintheworkofAnneYentsch
(1988a,b,1994).BethesubjectoldhousesinNewEngland,fishingcommunitiesofCapeCod,orthe
relationsbetweenmastersandslaves,EuropeansandAfricans,whitesandblacks,Yentschbuildsstrong
cablesthatdiscloseinintricateinterweavingsthetextureofpastlives,structures,andhistories.
RussellHandsmans(1987)experimentalnarrativesinNewEnglandhistoryprovidebothacritiqueof
howNewEnglandspasthasbeenrepresentedandaprospectusforthewritingoftheregionshidden
histories.Otherexperimentshaveincludedforaysintofiction.Inanimportantstudy,Spector(1993)
exploresthelimitsoftraditionalscientificmethodsandepistemologiesforbridgingthepresenttothe
past.Herstudyoffersapowerfulmixoffictionandbiographytotheendofdecolonizingour
understandingsofDakotalivesinthe19thcenturyandthoseof
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archaeologistsinthe20th.AnotherimportantmoveinthisdirectionisFergusons(1992)assessmentof
colonoware.He,too,mixesgenres,usingfictiontoforceonhimselfandhisreaderaconfrontationwith
thetextureandthehumanityoftheAfricanandAfricanAmericanpeoplewhoconstructedthese
distinctiveceramicvessels.Ferguson(1992)alsooffersanotherimportantdeparturefromstandardso
cialscientificproseinhistoricalarchaeology,astrongauthorialvoice.Inastrikingconclusion,
FergusonrelatessomeofhispersonalexperiencesinthedesegragatingSouth,experiencesthatunite
personal,political,andstructuralhistorytogiveanurgencytohisinquiryintoAfricanAmerican
folkways.AsimilarstrongvoicecanbefoundintheworkofSchrire(1995),whorecountsthe
enmeshmentofherhistoricalarchaeologyofSouthAfricawithherlifeexperienceswithinSouth
Africasvariousfacesofprejudice.Farmorethantheprofessionalreminiscences(e.g.,Binford,1972)
orfictionalparables(e.g.,Flannery,1976),thesestrongvoicesandexperimentalwritingtechniques
seektoconvinceusaboutthepast,andourownpractices,innewways.Thismarksquitean
epistemologicaldistanceforadisciplinetotravelgiventhatitsleadingjournaladvisedauthorstoavoid
theuseofthefirstpersonpronouninsubmittedarticles(Anonymous,1991,p.124).
Fromlandscapestoselfreflection,historicalarchaeologyhasbeendiscoveringnewwaystoopenup
itssubjectmatter,togiveamoretexturedunderstandingofitssubject,andtoberesponsiveto
intellectualcurrentsinthebroaderdisciplinesofanthropology,history,andcontemporaryacademic
ideology.Inalltheseissuestherearemanyparallelsbetweenworkinhistoricalarchaeologyandin
anthropologicalarchaeology.Thereisoneadditionalwayinwhich,atleastaspracticedinNorth
America,thesetwosubdisciplinesdifferthetreatmentoftheculturalrelationshipbetweenthe
archaeologistandthepeopleofthepast.
PARTICIPANTSANDOBSERVERS
Letusforthemomentconstruethisproblem[ofwritinghistory]inamoreempiricalorcommonsensefashionasbeing
simplythatofourrelationshiptothepast,andofourpossibilityofunderstandingthelattersmonuments,artifacts,and
traces.Thedilemmaofanyhistoricismcanthenbedramatizedbythepeculiar,unavoidable,yetseeminglyunresolvable
alternationbetweenIdentityandDifference.(Jameson,1988,p.150)
Archaeologyoftenassumesadifferencebetweenthepeopleofthepresentandthepeopleofthepast.
Analternativepositionrecognizesthesignificanceofidentityintheconstructionofthepast:
Archaeologicalinterpretationsareasmuchafunctionofthesocialsettinginwhichtheyareformulated
andpresentedastheyareofthesocialmatrixfromwhichtheyareexcavated(LeoneandPreucel,
1992,p.119).Obviously,thinkingabouthistoryinvolvesthesimultaneousrecognitionofidentityand
difference,acomplexprobleminandofitself(e.g.,Gero,1989;Geroetal.,1983;Leone,1981,1986;
Lowenthal,1985;Patterson,1995;ShanksandTilley,1987a;Tilley,1989;Wobst,1989).Theproblem
takesona
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peculiarlyempirical,ratherthansimplyphilosophical,twistinhistoricalarchaeology,since
indeedhistoricalarchaeologyisthestudyoftheoriginsofmoderncultures(e.g.,Deetz,1977,pp.
156161).Inaverystraightforwardsense,andunliketheepistemologicalproblemsfacing
anthropologicalarchaeologists,historicalarchaeologistsaresimultaneouslyobserversofand
participantsinthesubjectoftheirinquiry.
Withinhistoricalarchaeology,studiesthattakeonthisdilemmaarereferredtoascritical
archaeology.Themesinacriticalhistoricalarchaeologyincludebringingclassrelationsintoview
inasocietythatinsistsontheomnipresenceofthemiddleclass,bringingpeopleofcolorintoview
inaculturethatisEurocentric,arguingagainstthemasterthemesoftriumphalisthistory(Hu
DeHart,1995),suchasthevanishingIndianortheinevitabilityofprogress,andidentifyingthe
historicalcontextsthatgaverisetokeyandseeminglyuniversalmetaphorsthatundergirdsuch
narratives,suchasthenaturalnessofindividualsandtherealityofobjectivetime.
HandsmanandLeone(1989)presentaparticularlyclearbriefforandexemplificationofthemethodof
criticalhistoricalarchaeology.Theybeginbynotingthatthereisaremarkableseparationincapitalist
societiesbetweenlifeasitis,lifeasitisthoughttobe,andlifeasitmighthavebeen(p.118).Lifeasit
isthoughttobe,ideology,istakentobeanunderstandingthatservestheinterestsofsocietyselites.
Criticalsocialsciencehasasitsgoaltheunmaskingoftheseideologies,andcriticalarchaeologystask
istoanalyzehowmodernideologyisprojectedintothepastandhowthatprojectionreproduced
presentsocietysrelationsofdomination(p.119).Theobjectofanalysisshouldbetheinterpretive
models,museuminterpretations,ormoregenerally,thestoriesthataretoldabouttheprehistoricand
historicpast(p.119).Inthesestoriesandinterpretations,archaeologistsshouldlookforhowlifeis
constructedastimelessormatteroffact,maskingseparationsandoppositionsthatmighthaveledto
differentpresents.Thesetimelessqualitiesspecificallyhidethehistoricalcontingencyoftodayspower
structures;disclosingtheircontingencyisthegoaloftheanalysis.Thisanalysisshouldnotsimply
remaininthedomainofthescholar,but,theyargue,shouldbepresentedinequallypublicand
accessibleformstoempowerthegeneralpublic.Theendgoalofsuchpublicpresentationsshouldbe
notonlynegativelycritical,butalsopositivelycritical,bysuggestingthattherehavebeenmany
possiblewaysoflifeandthatthefuturealsoisrichwithpossibility(p.119).HandsmanandLeonego
ontomakeparticularlydeftanalysesofhowexhibitsaboutsuchdiversefiguresasGeorgeWashington
andworkingclassConnecticutclockmakersareusedbyandmystifiedinservicetotheideological
preceptsofindividualism.Theiranalysesincludecounterexhibits,whoseaimwouldbetoalterthe
impressionthatthesocialworldismadeupofhistoricallyconstituted,selfdetermining,sentient: : :
individuals[who]areassumedtohaveexistedinalltimesandplaces(p.133)andreplacethiswithan
understandingthatourconceptionof
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individualismisboundupwiththehistoriesofmerchantcapitalandindustrialcapitalism(p.
133).
Anumberofstudiestaketheanalysisofpublicexhibitsandmonumentsaspointsofdeparturefor
acriticalarchaeology.Forinstance,MichaelBlakey(1990)analyzesthepresentationofwhites
andpeopleofcolorattheSmithsonianMuseumsinWashington,D.C.Hecondemnstheconsistent
associationofEuroAmericanswiththepowerfultechnologicalandintellectualstrandsof
AmericannationalidentityandAfroAmericansandNativeAmericanswiththeethnicallyand
emotionallydistinctandpassivewaysoflifethatsomehowcohabitedAmericabutwereseparate
fromandinsignificanttotheformationofanAmericanidentity.I(Paynter,1990)tookthepublic
historicallandscapeofMassachusetts,itsmuseums,livinghistoryexhibits,andNationalRegister
sites,asatextthatwroteAfroAmericanlifeoutofthehistoryofthenorth,therebyrecreatinga
distinctlynorthernformofwhiteracism.PaulShackel(1995)usesthechangingtreatmentofthe
enginehouseatHarpersFerrywhereJohnBrownmadehisfamousstandtopenetratetheshifting
contoursofarmedresistanceinthenationalstoryoftheCivilWar.
ParkerPotter(1994),inhismonographoncriticalhistoricalarchaeology,beginswithethnography
ratherthanexhibits(seealsoLeoneetal.,1987).HestudiedtheculturalhistoryofAnnapolisaspartof
theArchaeologyatAnnapolisProject.ThepasthaslongbeenusedbyeliteAnnapolitanstoestablish
theirsocialposition.Oneparticularlysignificantcontemporaryuse,inaneconomydominatedby
touristsandnonlocalstatelegislators,separatesthoseknowledgeableaboutcolonialartifactsand
architecture(thelocals)fromothermoretransientelites(thelegislators).Anotheruseofthepastisto
presentGeorgeWashingtonasamodelofappropriatetouristbehavior.Inanattempttounmaskthese
ideologicalusesofthepast,ArchaeologyatAnnapolisdevelopedarchaeologicaltoursthat
acknowledgedthesocialpositionoftheinterpreterandthevisitorinthepresent,withthegoalof
teachingabouthowknowledgeofthepastiscreated.Themodelnarrativesexplicitlyseektohistoricize
modernpatternsofbehavior,suchasdiningetiquetteandequipment,andarchitecturalcodesand
conventions,byidentifyingtheiroriginsduringtheGeorgianrevolution,andtodisclosethehistorically
inaccurateconstructionofGeorgeWashingtonasatourist.Potteralsopresentstheinstrumentsused
toevaluatethesignificantimpactsthesetourshadonthegeneralpublic.Thestudy,framedwith
informativediscussionsaboutthephilosophiesofcriticalresearch,thehistoryofhistorical
archaeology,andthehistoryofAnnapolis,isanengagingandimportantbook,ofsignificanceforany
archaeologistinterestedinhowthepastandpresentinterweave.
Criticalhistoricalarchaeologyspringsfromanthropologysdistinctivegenerallackofinterestinthe
whitecoreofthecontemporaryworldsystem.Thus,thereislittleinthewayofethnographyproduced
bynonarchaeologiststhatisreadilyamenabletomaterialstudyinthepast.Asaresult,historical
archaeologistsare
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fillingsomeofthisvoid,anenterpriseofinteresttoculturalanthropologistsaswellasanthropological
archaeologists,withculturalanalysesandethnographiesofhowAmericanculturemakeshistory.Part
ofthathistorymakingisthepracticeofanthropologicalarchaeology,butonlypart.Thus,thequestions
deemedsignificantinanthropologicalarchaeologyarebutonesourceofwhatconstitutessignificancein
historicalarchaeology;significancealsocomesintheconstructionofhegemonicandalternative
understandingsbyhistoricalarchaeologistswhoareparticipantsaswellasobserversoftheAmerican
wayoflife.
HISTORIESANDARCHAEOLOGIES
Giventherangeofissuesconfrontedbyhistoricalarchaeology,whyistherethepersistentsensethatit
issomehowlacking?Ireferredatthestarttothepervasivesensethathistoricalarchaeologyis,in
BarbaraLittlesphrase,thejuniorvarsityofanthropologicalarchaeologies(1994,p.30).Thissense
alsoisfoundwithinthefield.In1987,theSocietyforHistoricalArchaeologyranaplenarysession
abouttheQuestionsthatCountinHistoricalArchaeology(Honerkamp,1988).Ageneralconcernfor
thelackoftheoreticallysignificantcontributionsbyhistoricalarchaeologistswasexpressedbythe
distinguishedpresenters,capturedexplicitlyinDeagans(1988,p.7)observationthathistorical
archaeologyhasnotproducedtheoriginalandunparalleledinsightsintohumanculturalbehavioror
evolutionthatwemightexpecttoresultfromtheuniqueperspectiveanddatabaseofthefield.Various
sourcesofdifficultywereidentified,includingbeingtrappedwithmethodologiesgeneratedby
prehistoriansandlimitedforhistoricalarchaeologysdocumentary,oral,andmaterialdatabase
(Deagan,1988),toogreataconcernwithdescription,especiallyinthenameofparticularismandthe
idiosyncratic,attheexpenseofconcernwithenduringissuesofcultureprocess(Cleland,1988;South,
1988),andanunwarrantedsenseofdeferencetoanthropologicalarchaeologyandhistory,characterized
bySchuyler(1988,pp.3637)asthePseudoProcessualProgressProfferedbyPrehistorianscomplex
andtheneedtostoptryingtomakeuncalledforofferingsatthealtarofClio.Remediesofferedbyall
theauthorsincludemakinguseoftheuniquedatabasesofhistoricalarchaeologyanddirectingattention
toissuesofbroadanthropologicalconcern(Leone,1988a;Mrozowski,1988).Andyettheseremedies
arealldirectedtowardcelebratingsomefuture,ratherthansomepast,contributionbyhistorical
archaeology.
Trigger(1984),Patterson(1995),andKohl(1998)embedarchaeologicaltheorywithinthecontextof
Westernculture,andtheirperspectivesputthestatusofhistoricalarchaeologyinadifferentlight.
Trigger(1984,p.616)distinguishesdifferentarchaeologies,appropriatetotherolesthatparticular
nationstatesplay,economically,politically,andculturally,asinterdependentpartsofthemodern
worldsystem.Oneisthenationalistarchaeology,whoseprimaryfunctionistobolstertheprideand
moraleofnationsorethnicgroups(p.620).Colonialist
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archaeologiesbyemphasizingtheprimitivenessandlackofaccomplishmentsof[colonized]peoples
[seek]tojustifytheirownpoortreatmentofthem(p.620).Imperialistarchaeologiesseekto
understandandunderpinwhyimperialpowerhasitsworldwidesway.Americanarchaeologybeganas
acolonialistendeavorbut,withtheadventoftheNewArchaeology,tookonthecharacteristicsofan
imperialistarchaeology.Itsemphasisonnomotheticgeneralizationsimpliesnotsimplythatthestudy
ofnativeAmericanprehistoryasanendinitselfistrivialbutalsothatthisistrueoftheinvestigationof
anynationaltradition(p.620).Kohls(1998)recentconsiderationofTriggersargumentnotesthe
varietyofwaysthatnationstateshaveusedarchaeologytounderwritetheirlegitimacy,notingthe
widerrangeofnationalistarchaeologiesthanapparentinTriggersanalysis.Seekingtoescapean
involvementinpoliticsbydevelopinganarchaeologythattrivializesanyparticularhistoryseems,on
thebasisofthestudiesbyTrigger,Patterson,andKohl,unlikelytosucceed.Rather,themoveto
trivializingnationaltraditionsseemstobetheideologicaldeviceofelevatingtheinterestofasegment
ofworldsocietytothestatusofauniversalasameanstohidetheparticularityofthatsegmentspoint
ofview(MillerandTilley,1984).
ThereisnoexplicitconsiderationofhistoricalarchaeologybyTrigger;however,itdoesseemcaught
betweenanunderdevelopedformofanationalistAmericanarchaeologyandthedominantAmerican
imperialistanthropologicalarchaeology.Borninthestrifeofthe1960s,someofhistorical
archaeologysfascinationwiththedramaticorbeautifulsignificantplacesontheAmericanhistor
icallandscaperepresentsatendencytowardsbeingahandmaidentoaconsensusandnationalisthistory
oftheUnitedStates.Butanotheroutcomeofthe1960sisthecriticaltradition(Patterson,1995,pp.
133139)inhistoricalarchaeology,whichseekstocontestaspectsoftheconsensusvision,outof
populistimpulsesthatrecognizetheimportanceofcommonpeople,andoutofmoreradicalimpulses
thatseektounmaskideologiesofrace,class,andgenderconsensus,orthataredissatisfiedwithstories
ofnationaltechnologicalprogressthatignoreglobalimpoverishment.Asifbeingcaughtbetween
consensusandcriticaltraditionsofhistorywerenotenough,historicalarchaeologyalsowasborninthe
1960senthusiasmfortheNewArchaeology,TriggersimperialistAmericanarchaeologythat
trivializesconcernwitheitherversionofalocalhistory.Nowonderitisdifficultforhistorical
archaeologiststomatchaspirationswithachievements.
Theimperialistimpulsesinanthropologicalarchaeologyarefacingaseveretestfromananti
colonialist,nationalistdirection.NAGPRAhasforcedaconversationwithnativepeoplesoftheUnited
StatesaboutaccesstothematerialsoftheNorthAmericanpastandthesignificanceofanimperialist
perspectivefortheirinterpretation.Minimally,asLeoneandPreucel(1992,p.123)pointout,
Archaeologistshavebeenmarkedlylesseffectiveinmakingtheirprofessionalinterestsknowntothe
publicandtoNativeAmericans.Appealstouniversalscientifictruthsanduniversalbenefitsof
educationhavefailedtoregisterwiththenationalistgoalsofNativeAmericansorwithUnitedStates
nationalinstitutions
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(McGuire,1992a,p.827;Spector,1993).Theseconversationshaveledanincreasingnumberof
archaeologiststoseektodeimperializeanddecolonizethediscipline(e.g.,HandsmanandRichmond,
1995;LeoneandPreucel,1992;McGuire,1992a;Rubertone,1989;SchmidtandPatterson,1995;
Zimmerman,1989),amovethatleadstotherevaluationofthelocalhistoryoftheNorthAmerican
past.
Inotherwords,Americananthropologicalarchaeologyincreasinglyfindsitselfcaughtinwhathasbeen
historicalarchaeologysdilemma,thatoftryingtounderstandlocalhistorywithperspectivesthattend
totrivializesuchanendeavor(Patterson,1990,1995;Ramenofsky,1991;Trigger,1989,1991).
Anthropologicalarchaeologistshaveincreasinglyturnedattentiontotheissueofhistory(suchasatthe
1997ChacmoolConferenceonTheEntangledPast: : :IntegratingHistoryandArchaeology).The
problem,inpart,ismakingstructuralistmodelsofhumansocietytakeonanonteleologicaldiachronic
dimension.Someapproachesseektheparallelsbetweenbiologicalandculturalevolution(e.g.,Dunnell,
1980,1982,1989;Schiffer,1996).OthershaveadvocatedtheperspectivesofBraudelandtheAnnales
school(e.g.,Hodder,1987;Knapp,1992;Smith,1992).Andothersapproachhistorywithinthebroad
parameterssetbyMarxs(1984,p.97)notionthatmenmaketheirownhistory,buttheydonotmakeit
justastheyplease;theydonotmakeitundercircumstanceschosenbythemselves,butunder
circumstancesdirectlyencountered,givenandtransmittedfromthepast(seealsoKohl,1987;
Marquardt,1992;McGuire,1992b;McGuireandSaitta,1996;Patterson,1995;Saitta,1989;Spriggs,
1984;Trigger,1991).
Feinmanhasbeenworkingonaspectsofanarchaeologicalhistorythatbridgesbetweenthe
idiosyncretismofthepostProcessualarchaeologyandtheuniversalismofProcessual
archaeology(1994,1997a,b).Thesedifferencesoftenareconstructedasthedifferencebetween
scienceandhistory.However,hearguesthatscienceandhistoryarenotnecessarilydiametrically
oppositeendeavors.Conceivedasanhistoricalscience,archaeologycantakeitsplacealongside
otherhistoricalsciences,suchasevolutionarybiology(Feinman,1994,pp.1825).Inthis,the
goalistowindourwaythroughparticularsandspecificsequences,whilenotlosingsightof
general,comparative,andtheoreticalquestionsconcerningculturaldifferences,similarities,and
change(Feinman,1994,p.19).Doingthisinvolves,amongothertasks,writingparticular
historiesforspecificplaces,times,andpeoplewhilemaintaininganinterestinsystemicprocesses,
makinguseofanyrelevantdatawithoutprivilegingtextsoverobjects(orviceversa),eschewing
normativenarrativesbyrecognizingtheordereddiversityofsociallife,andstructuringarguments
sothatideasanddataconfrontandconstrainoneanother(Feinman,1997b).
ThesearesensibleresponsestothepolemicaldebatesofProcessualandpostProcessualarchaeologists
(seealsoTrigger,1991).Inaddition,criticalarchaeologysuggestsextendingtheseideastoaddressthe
roleofarchaeologywithinourculture.Foranthropologicalarchaeologythispointhasbeenmost
acutelymadein
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thecontestsbetweenarchaeologistsandNativeAmericansoverwritingtheNativepast.Asnoted
above,thereemergenceoftheNativehistoryofNorthAmericaisdueinparttothecontestbetween
archaeologistsandsomeNativenationsoverthecontentandstewardshipofthishistory(e.g.,Deloria,
1992a,b;Wylie,1992).McGuire(1992b)hasablychronicledthiscontestanddetailedtherolethat
archaeologyhasplayedinconservativeandliberaltheoriesconcerningNativeNorthAmericans(see
alsoPatterson,1995;Trigger,1980,1989).McGuiresanalysismakesclearthatregardlessofintention,
theresultsofanthropologicalarchaeologywillbeusedwithinmainstreamsocietyasitcontinually
comestogripwiththelegacyofconquest.Italsomakesclearthatwithfewexceptions,archaeologyhas
gravitatedtotheliberal,noblesavageposition,apositionwithhonorbut,nonetheless,aposition
caughtinthedialecticofnobleandignoblesavagescharacteristicofcolonialistideologies.Awayoutis
toimagineaworldofdifferentsocialrelations,ofNativeautonomy,ofNativeanticolonialnationalism.
RegardlessofwhatonethinksofMcGuireschallenge(andIfinditworthourattention),anyattemptto
write,intheoryorinparticular,thehistoryofNativeNorthAmericawillneedtorecognizeexplicitly
thatitisinextricablycaughtindiscoursesaboutcolonialismandanticolonialismintheculturethatis
producingarchaeology.
Tryingtounderstandwherearchaeologyfitswithinnationalistideologiesisfamiliarterrainfor
historicalarchaeology.Historicalarchaeologistshavetakenonthetaskofwritingantitriumphalist
historiesthatemphasizetheroleofsocialrelationsaswellasindividuals,thecommonpeopleaswellas
theprominent,thestrugglesalongclass,color,andgenderlines,andtheemergentsocialandcultural
diversityofasupposedlyuniformnationstate.Tosaythatitisfamiliarterrainisnottosaythatithas
beensolved.Forinstance,addingtheanticolonialisthistoriestobewrittenbyanthropological
archaeologistsaboutresistantandpersistent,aswellasvanquished,indigenouspeopleswouldbea
powerfulsynthesis.Historicalandanthropologicalarchaeologistshavemuchincommonindeveloping
epistemologies,theories,andmethodstoengagethisimportantareaofresearch.Adynamicblendingof
thescientificabstractionoftheNewArchaeologywiththehistoricalconcernsofarchaeologistswho
recognizetheirengagementintheirownculturewouldprovideasalutaryamalgamationintheUntied
Statesandinotherarchaeologyproducingculturesaroundtheglobe.
Insum,historicalarchaeologyandanthropologicalarchaeologyfacemanyofthesameissues.
Theorizingdiverseformsofmateriality(especiallyregardingthemethodsandtheoriesoflandscapes),
workingontheepistemologicalproblemsofusingwrittendocumentsaswellasmaterialobjects,and
studyingtheplaceofarchaeologyinarchaeologymakingculturesarethreeareasofcongruence.Most
importantistheproblemofdevisingdisciplinaryagreementonwhatconstitutesculturehistory.What
standardsofproofarerelevant?Whatprocessesshouldbegivenresearchpriority?Whatquestionsare
ofpressingimport?And,howdoanswersfitintothevariouswaysthepastisusedinthecontemporary
world?
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Insightsfromanthropologicalandhistoricalarchaeologiesareneededtonegotiatetheseissues.A
forthcomingreviewwillinvestigatehowhistoricalarchaeologistshavesoughttodevelopan
understandingofthepostColumbianworldbasedintheanalysisoftheformationofrace,class,state,
andgenderrelations.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ThanksgotoMargeAbel,UziBaram,MarkBograd,ClaireCarlson,MartaCarlson,LizChilton,
JimDelle,JimGarman,RickGumaer,SusanHautaniemi,SteveHimmer,EdHood,Ross
Jamieson,DavidLacy,KerryLynch,PatriciaMangan,RuthMathis,PaulMullins,NancyMuller,
JulianaNairouz,MikeNassaney,SachaPage,RichardPanchyk,MarlysPearson,RitaReinke,
MaryRobison,EllenSavulis,MartaYolandaQuezada,andDeanSaitta.Thanksgo,too,toMartin
Wobst,DenaDincauze,ArtKeene,AlanSwedlund,HelanEnochPage,JackieUrla,Arturo
Escobar,WarrenPerry,SteveMrozowski,RandyMcGuire,andTomPatterson.Iespecially
benefitedfromGaryFeinmanandDougPricespatienceandsageadvice.
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