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Ukraine: From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Author(s): Roman Szporluk


Source: Daedalus, Vol. 126, No. 3, A New Europe for the Old? (Summer, 1997), pp. 85-119
Published by: The MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20027443
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Roman Szporluk

to a

From an Imperial Periphery


Sovereign State

Ukraine:

present

Ukraine's
concern

condition

to many

are matters
of
prospects
live outside
that country's
borders.

who

and

one

of the largest states of Europe,


geo
a population
to
France, with
graphically
comparable
only slightly
smaller
than that of Italy. To understand
the country
calls for
a
stem
with
host
of
that
Soviet
from
the
familiarity
problems
It is, after

all,

from its much


but also derive
past rela
longer pre-Soviet
period
tions with Poland and Russia. The historic relations between Ukraine
are too little understood,
in particular
and Russia
and the most
common

to the formulation

lead

misperceptions

of all manner

of

one

mistaken

for example,
Thus,
contemporary
author,
policies.
American
the
for
of
Ukraine's
writing
quarterly Foreign Policy,
speaks
future
into the greater Russian
state,"
imagining
"r?int?gration
in possession
1991 Russia
had been
that before
of Ukraine
for
three
"nearly
To consider

and

a half

centuries."1

to be that it is part of
condition
one
of
that implies
that its
misreading
history,
an
to cor
is
This
essay attempts
present
anomaly.
independence
a
rect such misreadings
brief sketch of the formation
by presenting

Russia

Ukraine's

of the modern

Ukrainian

the formation

of

an approach
looked?its
for recognition

Roman

normal

is a major

Szporluk

nation

the modern

and

nations

state

in the wider

of Poland

context

and Russia.

of
Such

an aspect of nationalism
that is often over
international
and the nationalists'
perspective
striving
reveals

within

isM.

the world

S. Hrushevskyi

Professor

community.

of Ukrainian

History

at Harvard

Univer

sity.
85

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Roman Szporluk

86

of a nation
from the condition
emergence
as
case
in relation
such
the
of
Ukraine
periphery,
The

may be measured
by the extent
seeks to define
itself in a broader

Poland,
making

extending

beyond

or

of province
to Russia

and

a nation-in-the

to which

international

framework

the confines of the entity from which

it is

is not motivated
independence
at large; on the contrary,
the world

by a
it is

The

quest
"seceding."
to be cut off from
desire

for

to participate
in the affairs
of the
directly
the
of
another
but
world,
country
through
capital
by making
a capital out of one's own central
in the
place. To have standing
even
as
or
matters
in such
world,
sports, music,
science,
requires
driven

the wish

by
not

political
independence.
to be viewed
The making
of modern
Ukraine
needs
accordingly
context. The first Russian
in an international
nation-builders
wanted
the Ukrainians
Ukrainians
ans was

to be Russian;
to be Polish. The

formulated

by

those

Polish

nation-builders

national
who,

identity
in defining

wanted

of modern

"their"
Ukraini

Ukraine,

rejected

both the Russian

identity and the Polish identity. But while

Ukrainians

themselves

and

made

thus

by defining
from Russia
and Poland,
their own modern
identities

"seceding,"
also formed

the Poles
tion with,

and

the

as distinct,
the Russians
and

themselves

in a confronta

in relation

the West.2
those
to, their "Other,"
Thus,
in
the
of
War
Ukraine?St.
powers
history
Petersburg,
the realization
that while
saw, Istanbul?confronted
they com
a position
manded
vis-?-vis
of supremacy
their respective
"Ukraines,"
to the West,
to Europe,
in an unequal
they remained
relationship
involved

to "civilization"?which,

them as peripheries
indeed, viewed
(or,
In
nation
sum, then, the Ukrainian
may
say, "Ukraines").3
to
project was nothing more nor less than an undertaking
building
the peripheries
of several
transform
which
themselves
nations,

we

were
able

civilizational

were
eth,

peripheries

to communicate
seen

the West,

directly
in the nineteenth
century,

to be the centers

science,

of
with

and

of modern

the
and

civilization,

into a sovereign
larger world?with
even more
in politics,

entity
what

in the twenti
culture

economics.

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and

From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:

to a Sovereign State

87

GEOGRAPHY

BASIC FACTS OF HISTORICAL

Did Ukraine then become part of Russia three and a half centuries
ago? Only a small part. Before 1648, virtually all Ukrainians lived
the Polish-Lithuanian

within

eastern

whose

Commonwealth,

fron

tier extended to the east of the Dnieper River. Only after 1667 did
a part of that vast territory?today's
regions of Poltava and Chernihiv,
rule of the tsar in Moscow.
under
the city of Kiev?come
with
After

ruled more

Warsaw

1667,

Ukrainian

and more

territory

Ukrainians than did Moscow. The land to the west of the Dnieper
remained within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth until 1793
1795. The Polish nobility was the dominant group in the area until
1830, if not 1863, and the Poles retained great social and cultural
until

influence

after

rule

century,
in St. Petersburg

tsar

the

of

influence

revolutions

whether

In the nineteenth
Polish

the Russian

remained

or

1917.4

Ukrainians
the

substantial.

very

of

lived

the

under

in Vienna,
the
emperor
true even on
This was

the East Bank, where the Poles had lost their dominant position as
as

early

seventeenth

the

if one

Ukraine

today's
Ukrainian-Polish

nexus

of Russia.

very clear some


national
revival

years ago,
in Galicia,

Ivan Rudnytsky
made
course
of the Ukrainian

1945.

As

entire

I and beyond, was

1848 until World War

so until

The
1939

determined
Polish

of ever-increasing
intensity,
against
struggle,
the province."5
Polish
landowners
remained

in Galicia and Volhynia

to understand

It is impossible
century.
sees it simply as a province
was
and remained
critical

"The
from

by the
in

dominance

a dominant

presence

until 1939.

As for southern
the Crimea,
Ukraine,
by
including
conquered
in
the Russian
the
late
from the Otto
century
eighteenth
Empire
man Turks,
this region showed
the continuing
influence
of centu
inWest Ukraine.
ries of Islamic rule. Very different was the situation
The

region

was

of Transcarpathia

new
1944,
ruled
The

It became

Czechoslovakia.
and

only
from Moscow.
Chernivtsi

trian province

after

that

Hungarian
the
date?for

region?the
of Bukovina?was

a part

uninterruptedly

gary from theMiddle Ages until 1919, when

northern

of Hun

itwas annexed to the

from 1939
again
first time ever?was

part
Romanian

of

the

from

former
1918

to
it

Aus

to 1940

and became Soviet only in 1940, being formally incorporated into

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88

Roman Szporluk

the Soviet

Union

As

1944.

of L'viv,
the present
regions
and Ivano-Frankivsk,
from the
Ternopil,
they were part of Poland
were
in
middle
of the fourteenth
annexed
Austria
century,
by
as
eastern
"Galicia"
under
the
rule
and
remained
of
Vienna
1772,
after

for

until 1918. After a brief period of independence as the West


the region fell under
Ukrainian People's Republic, in 1918-1919,
the new

Soviet only when


that state
Poland,
becoming
and Soviet Russia.
by the armies of Nazi Germany
destroyed
came under
invasion
of the Soviet Union,
After Hitler's
Galicia
to
in
Soviet
It has unin
German
rule
1944.
occupation,
returning
the rule of

was

since then, under Soviet domi


been a part of Ukraine
terruptedly
nation
Ukraine
until 1991, part of an independent
today.
cannot
It is obvious
be viewed
that today's Ukraine
simply as a
part

of

a historic

or modern

Russian

Soviet

but
linked not only to Russia
intimately
Sea
the
Black
and
Central
region.
Europe
that the
end of the nineteenth
century
to call

Ukrainians

began
"Ukraine."

land

in the Russian

Cossacks)
nian name

for a people
to consider
all the
had

Ukraine,

country,

themselves

from

north

the

land

Europe
"borderland"

that

as

and

their home

lived as one
people
that newly
imagined
literal meaning
of

those

to do with

nothing

of

anyplace?a
in Polish

and Russian
parlance
a geographical
to designate
space
to the northern
the Don
Cossacks
both

of

of Hungary,
of Sumy and Kharkiv.
show

known

only
now

were

lands where

from

will

the

as
known
they
variously
or Little Russians
in Hungary,
(or
to adopt the Ukrai
Empire. The decision
several different
jurisdictions
living under

a "borderland"
country
being
common
the term "Ukraine,"
came
for centuries.
Ukraine
extending
counties

of

toward

It was

people
"Ukrainian"

that,
Rusnaks

in Austria,

Ruthenians

and

Before

also

is

space; Ukraine
to the countries

the mouth
Even

to points
at the map
of

the Danube

a casual

a vast

such

of

glance
could
territory

not

be

the

or "periphery"

of anything.
The fact is that for the
new
in their
existed
invented?it
and
only
they
large country
of
"Ukraine"
and
first
heads?the
promoters
defiantly
originators
of a nation.
them the dignity
that denied
the very name
adopted
was
of all the "Ukraines"
This putting
by
completed
together
1945?or

by 1954,

of Ottoman
Ukraine

ifwe

count

former

Turkey's
a single
became

the time when

"Ukraines,"
a center
with

entity,

Ukraine

Crimea.
of

It was

gained
then

its own.

one
that

If these

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From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:
facts

are too

nation

to a Sovereign State

89

one
little known,
to be mentioned.

ought
was
nationalism

first

other myth
about
the origin of the
In the view of many,
Ukrainian
in Galicia,
formulated
under Austrian
rule,

to the East, to Russian


Ukraine. While
spread gradually
was
influence
indeed
the Austrian
the Austrian
great?giving
a unique
to
"Ruthenians"
modern
and law,
exposure
government

and

then

as belonging
to the
their international
facilitating
recognition
were
not
of
Slavic
idea
that
Ruthenians
community
people?the
they
in the
nation was
but part of a larger Ukrainian
first formulated
and

not

in Russia,
and
East,
Austria's
Ruthenians

It was

in Austria.
after

to that Ukraine
and

that

careful

decided,
reflection,
long
to belong.
that they consti
they wished
They never believed
even though,
to more
tuted the core of Ukraine
favorable
owing
that

NATION

What
To

FORMATION:

leading

in the national

role

century.

SOME GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

is a Nation?

understand

tion,

to play

they claimed
in the twentieth

conditions,
movement

it helps

in Ukrainian

the problems
involved
to draw on theoretical
with

such

nationalism,
beginning
tion" is and how
it comes

and

nation-forma

historical

literature
as what

basic

on

a "na

questions
into being. For these purposes,
Benedict
excellent
is
Anderson's
formula
invaluable.
Anderson
that
argues
a nation
an imaginary
commu
is an "imagined
community"?not
is both
and sovereign."6
"limited
National
nity?that
inherently
a people
ism accomplishes
it "nationalizes"
three things:
by sepa
in them the right of national
rating them from others,
by vesting
a national
it constructs
self-determination;
history
by attributing
national

ideas

it nationalizes

to individuals

in the prenational
age; and
as
the
space
territory,
property
designating
the boundaries
of the homeland.
As for typology
of
who

lived

a certain

of the nation,
Liah Greenfeld
nations,
tions
in her Nationalism:

a very useful
set of defini
provided
to Modernity.
Five Roads
Greenfeld
that
nations?with
modern
the exception
of the English,
argues
who
formed
the first modern
nation?were
all created
through
confrontation
consciousness

with

other

in Russia,

has

nations.
she

For

says, was

example,
formed

modern
as

national

the West

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im

90

Roman Szporluk

consciousness
and on government
itself upon Russian
pressed
poli
cies. This happened
and after the reign of Peter the Great.
during
was
an integral
"The West
indelible
national
part of the Russian
no
sense
a
consciousness.
in
There
would
be
nation
if
simply
being
not
the West
did
exist."7
Nations,

are a very modern

so understood,

The

phenomenon.

nation could be defined as a community of people living within

was

the prevailing
in
definition
of nation
territory?this
specific
as a community
the West?or
of language
and culture,
which
in Central
nations
Eu
became
the way
of defining
and Eastern
of nation
subordinated
rope. This modern
understanding
economic
social status, and religion to nationality.
condition,
in
nation
its revolutionary
the
gave nationalism
sovereignty
subversive

acter,
rived

towards

the old

authority
nations were

class,
Vesting
char

of

the monarchy,
de
without
unimaginable

from religion. Modern


national
identities
included
ideas of popular
sovereignty.
Creating
on
status
in
of
the
of
nation
the
and
future
what
process
deciding
come
to
construction
would
be termed subnational
identities. What

or nationalism
to one nation
to say,
is, needless
or protonational
to others. What
is a full-fledged
lan
one
a
to
to
nation's
is
nationalist
dialect
another
guage
regional
in modern
it is common
nation-states
nation's
adherent.
for
Thus,
to be treated as national
(or "standard"),
only one language
taught
is subnational

national

in the schools,
used in the public
sphere.
In the history
of modern
nation-formation
ways
been

of treating
followed.

rank

of dialects.

in Europe
several
differences
have

internal cultural-linguistic-ethnic
a tendency
to
In France,
for example,
there was
as
one
and
official
and
"national,"
accordingly
impose
language
to the
to reduce
in status, by coercion
if necessary,
all the others
The

cally fragmented
see their way
to imposing

how politi
of Germany,
recognizing
it entered
the modern
era, could not
such uniformity.
they toler
Prudently,

ated linguistic variations,

though only within

leaders

itwas

family of "German"
yet another
strategy
British

nation

was

when

and
institutions,
speech,
was
followed.
According
created

and Welsh.
Scottish,
English,
or eliminating
their
hood

above

a broadly defined

traditions.
to Linda

the existing
national
them
Without
denying

institutions?England,

In Britain,
the
Colley,
identities?
their nation

Scotland,

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and

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:
Wales

not

did

cease

a common

against

common

to exist?new
external

were

bonds

91

created

"Other."8

Periodization
a view

This

essay takes
Miroslav
Hroch,
tion. Hroch's
tions

has

schema

of

enjoyed
of a modern

and

different

international
as an

nation

economic

from

the

change,
a given

that

scholar

distinguished
the formation

wide

formation
social

rather

another

of

advanced

by

of nation-forma

the so-called

small

na

treats

the

He
recognition.9
internal process
generated
transition
from
feudalism

by
to

or "small nation"?
ethnic
group
as a point of departure?is
seen to pass
to the
the
academic
and
the
cultural,
through
reaching
finally
as
a
or
of
reflection
of
stage
consequence
political
development,
In the first stage, the main
actors are
the rise of capitalist
society.

in which
capitalism,
whose
existence
is assumed

scholars
shape
stage,"

who
gather
to its narrative.
in which

material
This

about

the nation's

initial

stage
takes on

the narrative
awareness

significance

as a means

a unifying

of

in
culture;
the
in
the
which
final, political
stage,
by
idea of national
seeks political
identity
expression.
as politi
In this essay I regard nation-building
and nationalism
cal ab initio?even
in nationalist
when
those engaged
activities
or
or
denied
intent
insisted
that
their
sole
any political
meaning,
facilitating
due course

growing
is succeeded

object was a scholarly


or local history.
Such

Beyond

relations

speak meaningfully
or
material
goods,

as

social

dissemination
of domination

of relations

(by no means
of communication,
and

mation,
of symbols,

and

this

of popular
culture,
folklore,
understanding
a view
is grounded
in an understanding
of
not
in
the
classic
formulation
political
only
on the legitimate
use of force); there is also

as something
(that is, a monopoly
as well
economic
power,
over
the production
and

power

ideas.

of

and give
history
the
"cultural
by

is followed

and

cultural

power?power

of

values,
symbols,
or coercion
we may

of production
unimportantly)
the production

and
also

and distribution
relations

of

of infor

and dissemination

ideas, and values. Thus,


ques
"national-awakeners,"
virtue
of their endeavors
established
structures,
power
tioning by
are quite
and the values
power
them,
relationships,
upholding
an
in
at
is
what
least
under
obviously
engaged
inherently
political
to
the
of
their
is
work
subvert
the
impact
taking;
finally
sphere of

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92

Roman Szporluk

in which
domination,
ideological
are the supreme
instruments
of
One

Hroch's
sider

that

not

in the analysis
here, does
presented
approach,
he terms a small
revival of what
the national

an aspect
Nation-formation

of the unmaking
is thus not

also

identity,

Rise

Nation's

is Another

Fall

Nations

and values,
symbols
social power.10

of another,
already
only an inter-national

con

not
nation

existing
process

is

nation.
in the

it by Greenfeld
(that is, a process
sovereign
involving
given
as an old ("large") nation
an
intra-state
it
is
also
process,
states);
new nations.
into two (or more)
and is reconstituted
disintegrates
to the nation
that retains
"new" then properly
The epithet
applies
sense

the name

of

the

large,
nation

nation

former

or historic;

for aside

conventionally
the continuity

from

a new
in important
respects,
becomes,
Such an approach
thus created.
other nation
or Bohemia
of Ukraine,
the making
Slovakia,

of

as old,
such a

views

as any
of

classified
its name,
entity, as new

the process
as an aspect of

the

and German
Russian,
Hungarian,
na
We
"historic"
that
see,
then,
respectively.
premodern
with
is
contrasted
whose
tions,
continuity
usually
uninterrupted
or "unhistoric"
in the history
of the "small"
the discontinuities
remaking

the

of

and

Polish

nations

also

nations,

underwent

period
formed

by their

losses,

in the modern

transformations

profound
On

the one

out of which

new

of nation-formation.11

hand,
nations

trans
they were
were
formed; on
those
the nation

into
other,
by integrating
they expanded
nation.
from the premodern
that had been excluded
social groups
a distinct
a social class with
In the formation
of a new nation,

the

character,
thought
ethnic-linguistic
transformed
becomes
and society,
classes.
national

to belong
to an existing
nation
into a full-fledged
society of all
the basis of a
marker
becomes

its ethnic
In this process,
culture.
national
and
language
often

nation-unmaking
of economic
problem

at first,
appears
reform or cultural

of
the process
Conversely,
as a
and is so diagnosed,
the
this was
integration:

was
national
for some a Jewish
when
what
for example,
case,
was
modern
revival
by
perceived
(that is,
Jewish
nation-making)
the Polish
as an "internal"
within
others
social/religious
problem
assertion
of the emerg
Herzl's
Theodor
process.
nation-remaking

ing Jewish identity could be voiced by other national writers


countless

other

cases:

"I do not

consider

the Jewish

question

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in

to be

From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:

or religious.

a social

to a Sovereign State

. .it is a national

.question.

We

problem.

93
are

a nation."12

THE MAKING

OF UKRAINE

Little

Great

Russia,

Russia,

Russia

a concrete
of that dialec
example
provide
of
and
the
process
remaking
unmaking,
making,
concurrent
a
At
the
and
is
simultaneous
nations
phenomenon.
case will

The Ukrainian

in which

tical

elites be
educated
Empire's
in the modern
sense, they
sub
Some other
(or "Europe").
to become Russian,
the
declined

historical

the Russian

gan
did

as "Russians"

juncture when
to define
themselves

so in reaction

to "the West"

as eligible
jects of the tsar, viewed
to the nation-in-the-making;
offer of admission
themselves
that if they had to define
clared
they had not done
nation.
another

which

One

may

find

before?they
of their

evidence

"A Conversation

1762

poem
we may

which

consider

would

reasoning
of Great Russia

one of the earliest

they de
terms?

instead
in national
do

so as members

of

in Semen

Divovych's
Little Russia,"
statements
of the Ukrai
with

In that work,
"Little Russia"
patiently
explained
position.
both had the same ruler,
and Great Russia
Little Russia
that while
and was not subordinate
and character
she had her own history
to,

nian

or a part

of, Great

Russia.

On

the contrary,

she was

latter's

the

equal.13

see why
it makes
little sense to speak of "Ukraine"
in
the concept
the seventeenth
century;
part of "Russia"
becoming
as something
state
from
the
distinct
of a Russian
(or nation)
we

Here

and possessions
person
as
reminds
Greenfeld
emerged,

monarch's
first

did

not

then

exist.

in the

This

time

idea

of Peter

us, only
not clearly established
until the reign of Catherine
to being the autocrat
of Great
II. Yet when
the tsar, in addition
Russia?as
the
northeastern
of
Little
the
became
Russia,
sovereign
came to be called?Little
Russia
did not thereby
part of Ukraine
the Great

and was

sense. This Little


in the modern,
national
part of Russia
or historic Ukrainian
was
a kind of a premodern
which
Russia,
own
its
retained
Cossack
nation,
government,
laws, and institu
a
under the scepter of
tions for at least
after its acceptance
century
become

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94

Roman Szporluk

the tsar. The

called for the elimi


project of Russia
nation-building
of Little Russia's
it was precisely
in
but
separate
identity:
the final decades
autonomous
of Little Russia's
existence
that its

nation

rights

to be defended

began

conception
The

Russian

Before

in a

language

a modern

revealing

of nation.
Project

the Ukrainians

tion-and-state-building
that had ramifications
sense) we may

in ways

(in a premodern,
prenational
subjects of the Empire.
Especially

for those who

call the Ukrainian

in Catherine

the na

their national
put forward
agenda,
of Russia was already under way,

IPs reign (1762-1796),

St. Petersburg held the view

was
the elimination
of Little Russia's
traditional
institutions
one
a
stateelement
of
and
and
just
larger
project
nation-building
a variety
was
to
thus required
of measures,
the aim of which
achieve
the complete
of Little Russia
into the Russian
integration
state and Russian
notes
Greenfeld
that,
society.
curiously,
that

that as much as 50 percent of this first mass of Russian


were
In itself, this fact would not be signifi
nationalists
Ukrainians.
was
to move
cant, but in Russia, which
steadily toward becoming
one of the model
ethnic nations,
the prominence
of ethnic non
Russians
In St.
does indeed add a touch of irony to the story....
it is possible

and Moscow,
Petersburg
literally
Russian
the humble
intelligentsia,
the

Great

While

Russian

Greenfeld's

that the nation


time

national

not

consciousness.14

are

facts

indisputable,
were helping

those Ukrainians

a Russian

in the front ranks of the nascent


youths from Little Russia forged

ethnic

nation:

the

one must

remember
to create was at that

imperial

project did not then define the all-Russian


reference
rise

to its Great

of Ukraine

Russian

ethnic

later

contributed

that

component.
to the

nation-building

identity simply by
It was

of Russian
"downsizing"
identity, which
ultimately
a
"Russian"
for "Great Russian."
synonym
making
to the Russian
It seemed quite reasonable
imperial

been
more

under
recent

the tsars

for more

acquisitions

of

resulted

the
and
in

government
after separating
(which,
of the seventeenth
had
century,
than a hundred
years), as well as the

to expect
that Little
society
in the middle
itself from Poland

and

rather

ethnicization

Russia

1793-1795,

would

join

in with

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the

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:

95

in the making
Russia. Many
of a new, "European"
natives
of Little Russia
criteria)
(Ukrainians
by our contemporary
we may put under
in the diverse
in fact did participate
activities

Great

Russians

umbrella
of
the general
the eighteenth
century.
the same was

While

tant to note

in Russia,

"nation-building"
true

in

especially

in the nineteenth

it is impor
century,
has meant
quite different

that Russian

nation-building
In the eighteenth
times.
and into the
century
things at different
the concept
nation was
first half of the nineteenth,
of the Russian
was
not
mean
to
Russia
still relatively
understood
the
open:
yet
country
Russian

of the Great

history,

built

the construction
of a
Significantly,
the construction
of a national
included

Russians.

national

identity
around
the

idea of a state

by a thou
connected

distinguished

in unbroken

which

procession
sand-year-long
history,
Kiev with Vladimir,
and ultimately
the St. Pe
Suzdal', Moscow,
was
tsars.
construct
In
this
in
of
the
first
formulated
fact,
tersburg
with

connection
the

idea was

own

without

from

For

South

Muscovites
grating
Russians

mate,

informed

continuation

direct

later

who

function
further

really
in the

claiming
and
(and its empire)
as
Kiev's
heirs
macy
Kiev
ence

of Kiev.15

It was

the Muscovites
state. The

"Russians"

eighteenth
embellished
their

arguments,
an ethnic

to

the

deny

them

any

such a reading of history gravely


the

union

with

any at
from
a
state was

if indeed

the newcomers
that

their

idea that

they and the


a
inte
performed
significant
and afterwards.
The
century
"national"
history
by according

to the grand principality


of Moscow
and direct successor
of Kiev?first

religious

thereby

to
centuries
prior
had a very dim sense,

of the Kievan

were

and

Rus

the Ukrainians

several

credulity.
official Muscovy
Ukraine,
all, of being the direct heir
the

to disinherit

1654;
their

of

statehood.

Even if politically expedient,


tested

the

after

a state

possessed
time of Kievan

statehood

to independent

to Russia

had

this was

of

corollary
claim to historic

claim

attached

becoming
Russians

interruption

The

present.
from any
future

Ukraine's

that modern

the claim

of sole,

legiti
and
by invoking
dynastic
and then, in the age of ethnic nationalism,
by
between
the modern
nation
Russian
identity
the

state

of Kievan

Rus, denying
any legiti
in the post
that functioned
polities
to make
the Lithuanian
and Polish pres
As
ethnic
nationalism
inten
illegitimate.)

to other

space.
(This served
in those territories

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96

Roman Szporluk

sified

throughout
carried one step
the

real Russians,
as
viewed
either
Russians

while
a

the Ukrainians

junior

was

this operation
Europe,
were
Russians
declared

nineteenth-century
farther:
the Great

of

branch

and

the Russian

to be
were

Belorussians
family

or

as

influences.
by foreign
of
nation-formation
the relation
of "Little
early phase
or of "Great Russians"
to "Russians
in general"
Russians"
had
some
not yet been resolved. Many
"Great
"Little Russians,"
and
was
most
Russians"
mattered
that what
that the
too, thought
corrupted

In the

Russian

narodnost

cultural

stock

experiences,
identity?the
the imperial
of the Russian
material

That

a member

of the Slavic family and that the


even historical
its
songs,
Russia,
legends,
into a common
could
be integrated
"pan-Russian"
content
not
If
of
which
had
been
defined.
yet
precise
the
"Official
idea
government
Nationality"
promoted

with

some

nation,
which

some

Russians

of

nation

of

history
anti-tsarist

libertarian,
(thus the well-known

in Ukrainian

the Decembrists
version

the

in Ukraine's

found

a more

to promote
Russian
all-Rus

an

of

conception
interest of

was

of Little

history).
nation was

the Russian

defined
imperial
with
the
West?had
do
confrontation
important
ideologically?in
status
Russian
and
for
the
of
Little
mestic
history
implications
a vision
state was
nation
of the Russian
society. The
promoting
on the understanding
as an autoc
of Russia
centered
above,
was
not
the
civil
the
educated
racy;
emerging
society,
public,
a competing
to advance
vision. Thus,
nation
the Russian
allowed
from

in which
in an international
with
comparisons
setting
forming
were
but the implicit adoption
of Western
the West
always made;
some ele
of
with
the explicit
hand-in-hand
ways went
rejection

was

ments

of

the West.

The Idea of Ukraine


If natives

of Little

Russia

were

so prominent

in the Russian

nation

building project, why did some of them refuse to join what had
to declare
themselves
Ukrainian?
instead
crafted,
choosing
a
of Russia,
the Russian
Europeanization
project
signified
a
a reactionary
to accept
was Ukrainianism
refusal
movement,
a
was
it the result of
conclusion
that the road to
Or
"Europe"?
been

Since

Europe
Ukraine?

being

built

in St. Petersburg

was

not

the

right

road

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for

Ukraine:
This

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

essay argues for the latter interpretation.


and Poland were
themselves
peripheral

Russia

the early
West,
access
establish

Ukrainian

nation-builders

to

that both
Sensing
in relation
to the
believed

rather

97

"Europe"
directly,
is to say, without
Petersburg?that
acquiescing
a
of
periphery
periphery.
The emergence
of modern
Ukrainian
national

it better

to

of

St.

than

by way
in enduring

as the

consciousness

can

be dated with relative precision; its beginnings are found in the late
Certain
features
century.
eighteenth
as
be
characterized
the
earliest
may
literate?indeed,

well

to a certain
to be
the

standing

to those who

nationalists:

they
social groups;
upper-strata
they were
the world
the
educated;
they knew
beyond

land and people inwhich


sessed,
taken

common

Ukrainian

then were

to what

belonged

were

they had been born. They already pos


a secular

degree,

believers;
religious
state in terms other

outlook,
this outlook
than

even when
extended

the ones

they were
to under

propounded

by

those who still advocated the divine right of kings. They knew that
at least some
be governed.
Those
few

other

nations

individuals

decided
who

land and of a larger world


themselves.
No
redefining

could

for themselves

had

a broader

see that

how
view

societies

of
and

they would
their

own

states were

it the case that the monarch


longer was
was
defined his subjects;
it
the other way around. But
increasingly,
how
then was one to know who
were
the "people" were? What
the criteria for defining
to define
that collectivity
of people
entitled
the government
under which
they would
a government
would
be responsible?

live, and

to whom

such

The first definition of Ukraine was historical. The Little Russia


of the age of Catherine
a child
it was
(some

was

aware, and took pride in the fact, that


a
said
of the Polish-Lithuanian
stepchild)
its defenders
asserted
their rights
the
Commonwealth;
against
Little
Russia's
ties
with
the
Common
empire
by invoking
past
wealth.
Such was
the view of Hryhorii
who
"articulated
Poletyka,
a view of Ukraine
ruled as a gentry democracy
in the manner
of
the Polish Commonwealth."16
In the nineteenth
the
century
popu
list historian

of Ukraine,
Aleksander
criticized
the
Lazarevsky,
a leader of Ukraine's
Ivan Mazepa,
abortive
early eigh
for
for
the suppos
quest
teenth-century
independence,
perverting
social order:
"There is no doubt,"
edly open Ukrainian
Lazarevsky
efforts

of

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98

Roman Szporluk
if there

"that

wrote,
Russian

not

had

been

then Mazepa

government,

of the
power
restraining
out of Little
have made

the
would

Russia a little Poland, with all its splendor for the pany and all its
for the muzhiki."17

hardships

However much he disapproved of the social system of old Po


land and the ideas of its imitators, Lazarevsky thus acknowledged
The construction
world.
ties to the non-Russian
political
a
the imperial
from
that "seceded"
national
Ukrainian
of
history
the declaration
of a link, a
version
of "Russian"
included
history

Ukraine's

of

direct

product
on the one

wealth,

after

Later,
both
internal

and Kievan

hand

nation

on

Rus

the other.

Russia

of Little

the Common

with

association

the Cossack

the historic
and

itself a

tradition, between Little Russia,

in political

continuity

was

for

dissolved

to eth

Ukrainians

external

reasons,
appealed
as to who
"us" and who was
for guidance
constituted
as the
defined Ukraine
The ethnic argument
territorially
the
Ukrainian
dialects were
land where
peasantry.
by
spoken

nography
"other."

Whether framed in ethnographic, linguistic, or historical terms,


declarations of a distinct Ukrainian cultural identity had political
to modify
the
Their effect was
from the first moment.
significance
was
to
a
of
in
the
that
the
definition
nation
official
way
contrary
the
held
that
of the empire.
official
aims and intentions
If
ideology
an autocracy,
folk
then collecting
and popularizing
to
served
that
extolled
"freedom"
system?
question
songs
was acquiring
its existence
The Ukraine
through
being constructed
"name
of
and conceptualizers;
the activities
classifiers,
givers,"

Russia

was

that

their words

created

individuals,

members

Ukrainian,
the roles

the material

of national

for

and

leaders

identity.

These

of
intelligentsia,
assumed
descent,

the Russian-speaking
or mixed Ukrainian-Russian

Russian,
of spokesmen

overwhelmingly

entities

of

of

a nation

that was

were
these
In many
intellectuals
ways
the
and Russian,
sociological
reflecting
of any
The mass
of Ukraine.
constituency
it ever to emerge,
consisted
were
primarily

peasant.
Ukrainian

simultaneously
and political
realities
Ukrainian
movement,

of serfs and thus remained beyond the pale of social and cultural
in the empire.
of Little
The defense

life

ture,

in theater,

and

Russia

in historical,

was

expressed

philological,

in works
and other

of

litera

researches.

At this initial stage in the late eighteenth century, language itself

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From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:

as the defining marker


regarded
the politico-historical
identity
especially
stood as the sine qua non of nationhood.

was

not

to a Sovereign State
of the nation;
of the nation,

culture, and
was under

in the part of Ukraine


eastern
farthest
culturally?the

The

of the vernacular
adoption
was
most
the
that
"Westernized"

took place

in Poltava
and Kharkiv. Marc Raeff has written
region,
on this subject, noting
the crucial
role of educational
between
the
Raeff
contribution
of those
distinguishes
in Kharkiv.

The

older

intellectual

center

in the early
not

hand

which

of the nineteenth

decades

fostered

insightfully
institutions.
in Kiev

and

center, Kiev, had been of central


to imperial po
from Muscovite
as Ukraine's
functioned
cultural

the transition

importance
during
litical culture.
Kharkiv,

99

the Russification

of

on the other
century,
the elites but also the

only
to Raeff,
of idealism and Romanticism,
which,
reception
according
were
of
"the necessary
modern
nationalism."18
preconditions
was
not only different
in kind from the
The new nationalism
on
it was also
and
historical
preceding
emphasis
regional
identity;
of

subversive
tional

elite

cordingly
the first
national

the state

and

of Ukraine,

the

imperial
become

developed

academics

was

dead.

who

tradi

was

largely Russified,
in this new expression;
of this new
propagators

its scholarly and philosophical


old

The

having
involved

only marginally
and most
energetic
intellectuals,
identity were

"The
notes,
on historical
was
thought

establishment.

ac

instead,
sense of

systematically

justification. As Raeff

A new

based
nationalism,
folk
culture
(or what
anthropology,
philology
to be folk culture) was
under
the
influence
emerging
com
of Romanticism,
and the government's
idealistic philosophy,
to
an
refusal
active
civil
role."19
grant
plete
society
on the rise of the science
Benedict
Anderson's
of
argument
regionalism

and

philology
helps us to understand
the Ukrainian
idea was
formulated.

the circumstances

the study of
century, Anderson

he places

and

Advances
uniquely

languages,
notes:

in Semitics
ancient

or

which

undermined
of

divine

Of

the revolution

which

in language

in the later eighteenth

the idea that Hebrew


provenance....

under

"Language

was

either
became

an outside power
less of a continuity
between
and the human
an
than
internal
field
created
and
speaker
accomplished
by language
users
came
themselves."
Out
of these discoveries
among
on
From
this
the
old
sacred
point
philology....
languages?Latin,

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100

Roman Szporluk

on equal
and Hebrew?were
forced to mingle
a
with
crowd
of
vernacular
footing
motley
plebeian
movement
which complemented
their earlier demotion
If
all
ket-place by print-capitalism.
languages now shared
Greek,

status, then all were in principle


(intra-) mundane
But by who?
admiration.
and
Logically,
study
new owners:
to
their
each
God,
belonged
by

equally worthy of
since now none
native

language's

readers.20

speakers?and

The

ontological
rivals, in a
in the mar
a common

construction

of modern

Ukraine

or monar
theological
longer
the dominance
of the clergy in the

into account

takes

(western) parts of Ukraine

Greek-Catholic

a different

required

no

framework?one

philosophical
If one
chical.

also

into

(which lasted well

on the one hand and the formation


of a
century)
as early as the sixteenth
on
literature
the
century
to
it
understand
both
the
becomes
pro
other,
protracted
possible
cess of a specifically
in Galicia
Ukrainian
nation-formation
and
the nineteenth

Polish

vernacular

other

areas

Polish

national

but

of Austria

especially

project

and

enormous

the

attractiveness

to "Ruthenians"?not

pronounced
confronted

evident

Austrian

under

rule.

a modern
secular
Weltanschauung
in this society;
of power
the question
related was
masters
for divine mediation,
of a sacred language
share power
and 1840s,
the young
sion
into
aristocracy.

with

or abdicate

power

to secular

of

before
A

the

1772,

theological

outlook.

Closely
the clergy, as the
to
did not want
In the 1830s

elites.

the vernacular
against
by
fought
proposed
to
in
1848
admis
clerics
managed
deny
intelligentsia;
to members
of the landed
the Ukrainian
community
to fight
lan
The Greek-Catholic
continued
clergy
the clergy

guage-power
not
century,

struggles

into

the

giving up for good


it was
the process

final
until

decades
the

of

the

nineteenth

twentieth.

to the delineation
of the
leading
to
be completed;
Ukraine
that took the longest
1917.
In
in a sense, this was
the
nineteenth
after
only
completed
use
and
but
it
of
both
involved
the
century
history
ethnography
Ultimately,
territory of modern

also, crucially,
the previously

a material,

had
Tatar

the colonization
of
aspect:
practical
and Turkish
South
peasants
by Ukrainian

from the Russian East Ukraine


Polish,

right-bank

eighteenth

Ukraine,

(or Little Russia) and the former

conquered

by

the empire

in the

century.

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late

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:

shall never

We

the Stage

Rearranges

Geopolitics

how

know

101

the Ukrainian-Russian

relationship
might
in its pre-1770
remained
the Russian
Empire
scene transformed
events on the international
borders. Two major
Russian
in which
and Ukrai
of
the subsequent
the setting
history

have

had

evolved

nian

nation-making
the borders
moved
it possible

of Poland
the partitions
far to the west?making
Empire
a western
of the Russian
periphery

took

place.
of the Russian

for Little

First,

Russia,
to come
contact
into direct
with
the partitions,
on
western
eastern periphery
the
Poland's
(or "Ukraine")
in the formation
In the long run, this resulted
bank of the Dnieper.
a new
we know
Ukraine
of a new
today?around
entity?the
before

Empire
former

the city of Kiev, which


center,
town.
been a border
Second,
made
Black
Sea
of
the
region

before
Russian

the partitions

of Poland

had

in the
conquests
imperial
a Ukrainian
colonization

possible
and from Poland's
former
of Russia,
to
in 1793-1795),
what
Ukrainian
(annexed
by Russia
peripheries
lands of the
is now southern Ukraine,
which
had been peripheral
the Ukrainian

from

Ottoman
With

peripheries

Empire.
the Russian

annexation

of what

had

been

between Warsaw
of Ukraine
partition
For Ukrainians,
the Polish partitions

border

Poland's

an "undoing of 1667"

territories in 1793-1795,

(that is, of the

and Moscow)

took

place.
stage in the
rearranged
from an administrative
midst
of their transition
regional or provin
to an "inter-nationality"
and fi
within
cial problem
the empire
an
east
west
Most
the
and
international
problem.
obviously,
nally
were now united within
one state. Not
banks of the Dnieper
only
the

were

in post-1795
there many more Ukrainians
to play
first time, the Polish question
began
Russo-Ukrainian
relationship.
But

the Russian

Poland

had

between
and
for
sians

public
transformed

Great

Russia

the empire,
the politics
in the

would
and

did not understand


the conditions
and

Little

under

was

And
century.
yet
and Uniates,
millions
of Roman
Catholics
more
of Russian
Jews, put on the agenda

but

for the

role

in the

that

the partitions
of
which
the relations

the
between
Russia,
The critical
importance

develop.
culture
of Russia

nineteenth

Russia,
a crucial

"Ukraine"
of Poland

perceived
by
the inclusion

few Rus

of

million

and

politics

several

of

a number

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new
of

102

Roman Szporluk

Were
these new subjects
citizens
pressing
questions.
full-fledged
even
were
not
Russia? Were
if
they
they rossiyane
russkiye}21
The

Russian-Polish

Andreas

for

Struggle
in his

Kappeler,
the
argues

of
importance
the Russian
Empire

rightly

undermining
of Poles
themselves

crisis

of

century."22
the Russian
1795,

After

in a de

tions

and

in the

Polish

nobility
Russo-Polish

the

in two ways:
influence
Poles

Soviet

Empire,
movement
in

national

the efforts
through
on the Lithuanians,
this

played
at

Empire

role
leading
end of the

the

ruled its former Polish acquisi


Empire
a de jure, alliance with
after 1815
the

and
facto,
of west-bank

relationship
in the manner

lasting,

as a Multinational

the Polish

by Polish
and Ukrainians.
"The

Belorussians,
once
again
twentieth

the "Borderlands"

Russia

study

of

and Lithuania.
This
Belarus,
Ukraine,
did not become
formal
and
something

of

the Austro-Hungarian

"compromise"

after 1866. But it did define the parameters inwhich

the Ukraini

ans

and

for more

lived

a generation:

than

Polish

social

cultural

and Russian

state, and military


power.
political,
in
situation
The
Polish
changed
dramatically.
surrection
this
of 1830-1831
Polish-Russian
cohabita
destroyed
tion (which was being subverted
of
anyway
by imperial violations
Each for their own reasons,
the Russians
and the
the 1815 accord).
to a common
formed
similar
front against
Ukrainians
something
were
to prove
resolved
these lands were
the Poles. The Russians
dominance,
After
1830,

the

and in this effort they were


assisted
Polish,
by the Ukrainians.
some
Russians
time
the
realized
the Ukrainians
took
before
(It
were
were
not Russian,
the lands in question
also trying to prove
not

was
Ukraine
of a modern
the making
either.) Thus,
taking place
as most
not in "Austria"
textbooks
and "Russia,"
say, but in a
an overwhelming
social space?where
social world?the
majority
lived under Polish nobles. The moderniz
Ukrainians
of would-be
es

of

the
new

intellectual
tion

from

concept
revolution
above?of

those

promised
at the same

free and Polish

become
This

nation

Polish

of

the

and
the

serfs

that

they would

time.
nation

Polish

political
final decade

first

reforms?a
of

the

in the

emerged

revolu

peaceful
eighteenth

century.

The Polish nation survived the destruction of the Polish state by


Berlin,

Vienna,

and

St. Petersburg.

Poland

further

survived

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as a

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:

the social

society;

landscape

103

was

of the late Rzeczpospolita

domi

nated by the Poles. But the old noble-dominated society was gradually
dissolved by industrialization and urbanization and by new ideas
of

In a real

and political
organization.
of the Commonwealth?modern

social

nations"

sense

the "successor

Poles, Jews, Lithuanians,


out of the transformation

and Ukrainians?emerged
Belorussians,
of its old classes,
and religious
estates,
modernization.

under

groups

Ukraine under Russia and Poland: The Nineteenth


In the early

of the nineteenth

decades

the impact

Century

the Russian

century,

of

public

did not know Ukraine in any other form except that of Little
Russia. As Paul Bushkovit?h has noted, the Russians thought of
the right bank of the Dnieper as Polish; they knew that the nobility
there was

Polish. And when


the Russians
thought about the south?
was Odessa,
the Steppe region?it
the sea, and economic
develop
ment
that came to mind,
not the Ukrainians:
and reader the Ukraine was Malorossija,
the
and the Slobodskaja
(later Char'kovskaja)
on the left bank was
This exclusive concentration
in
gubernija....
itself the product
of several forces. The assumption
that the left
so powerful
bank was
the entire Ukraine was
that none of the
authors of the time explained
this identification,
but the basic rea
son was undoubtedly
of a gentry
in that
the existence
society

To

old

the Russian
Hetmanate

area....

As

writer

most

Russian

writers

of

that

age

came

from

the

gentry,

when
they turned to the Ukraine,
they saw only their counterparts
in the so-called Little Russian
these gentry had
gentry. Further,
and
with
Russian
ties
many personal
gentry, and many had
family
been and still were prominent
in all-Russian
politics.23

At first glance it might seem that the life of the Ukrainian


national poet Taras Shevchenko (1814-1861)
supports Hroch's
thesis
drawn

that
from

national

awakeners

the lower

social

in the
strata.

so-called

Born

small

are

nations

a serf, Shevchenko

tech

nically remained a serf until his freedom was purchased by his


friends

when

he was

a man

in his

twenties,

a graduate

of

the St.

Petersburg Academy of Fine Arts. But as Omeljan Pritsak has


recently reminded us, Shevchenko did not become a builder of
modern

Ukrainian

consciousness

because

he was

born

in the vil

lage, because he lived his childhood surrounded by folk culture, or

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104

Roman Szporluk

because

he spoke

was

the Ukrainian

as his

vernacular

first

a modern

he had

It
language.
and cultural

only after
political
acquired
after he had
left his native
and became
awareness?long
village
aware
a
in
of
first
Vilnius
and then in St. Peters
larger world,
to
see
Shevchenko
the
of
burg?that
political
began
significance
a
his native
and "nationalized"
it by making
culture
its language

medium

of

counter

with

Poltava"

artistic

Pritsak

expression.
Yevhen
Hrebinka
other

(among

things),

that

argues

it was

the en

"a landowner

(1812-1848),
that opened

Shevchenko's

from

and

song

that modern

literature
original
of
those
folk
language

in the
produced
The great Russian

was

to

eyes

the fact that literary circles had great interest in Ukrainian


in fact being

folk

already

songs.24

critic Vissarion

under
(1811-1848)
Belinsky
were
the Ukrainian
literati
stood
instantly what
really up to and
a Ukrainian-language
knew
that creating
literature might?indeed
a nation,
to
to the idea that a Ukrainian
would?lead
society,
match

that

Grabowicz

should

literature,
has noted,

"Belinsky's

be

next.

created
consistently

As

negative

George
reaction

G.
to

Shevchenko was occasioned precisely by his principled opposition


to

and

'separatism'
For
implied."25

literary

sarily
understand

their

that Shevchenko

in the formation
were

of Ukraine

that it neces
separatism
the Russians
did not
part, however,
a qualitatively
new stage
represented
and the decline
of Little Russia.
The
the political

in the bipolar
Russian-Polish
world,
to regard them as their own province.
some Poles were
the
accepting
gradually
(Interestingly
enough,
in formerly
nation
and of other nations
of a Ukrainian
emergence

Ukrainians
but

the Russians

operating
continued

Polish lands.)
to this national
state responded
the Russian
Indeed,
and the coming
of
of the empire
gious diversification
own
in Europe
its
definition
nationalism
by formulating

the doctrine of Official Nationality,


doxy,
Russia
dom

and

reli

the era of
of Russia:

according to which Ortho

on which
were
the principles
and narodnosf
autocracy,
the property
of the monarch;
serf
stood. The nation was
was
Peter
the Great was
institution.
held to be a national

extolled

to almost

creator

of Russia.
was

incidentally
even suggested

divine

that

and was

tsarist official,
in Germany
with
"Russia
be
should

One
born

levels

described
routinely
E. Kankrin
Count
the
called

as the

(who
of Krebs),
and we
Petrovia,

surname

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From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:

or

Petrovians:
Romanovites."
course

of

significant
the time that

precisely

the Ukrainian

defining
Before

long,

105

and we
Romanovia,
com
read
this
journalist
proposal
an
correct
but
one!"26
It is
idea,
essentially
were
that Kankrin's
ideas
aired at
being

the empire
A Russian

"An unusual

mented:

to a Sovereign State

should

be named
who

an emerging
was
Ukrainian
intelligentsia
as
a
to
nation
devoted
people
liberty.

the Russians

began

to understand

the connection

between the Polish and the Ukrainian questions. They did so in a


manner

a number
of a police mentality.
of
Drawing
Polish uprising, which was
finally sup
in St. Petersburg
the government
pressed
by the summer of 1864,
the terms of the emancipation
in regions
modified
of 1861
that
a
had been the scene of the Polish uprising;
it
announced
further,
characteristic

conclusions

number
that

from

the 1863

of anti-Catholic

the Ukrainian

movement

the Russian

dismember
In 1863

measures.

the so-called

was

St. Petersburg
also concluded
a product
of the Polish plot to

nation.
ukaz, named
Valuyev
the first restrictions

after

the minister

of

on the use of the


introduced
interior,
Ukrainian
The
which
the support
government,
language.
enjoyed
of the public
in this respect,
of a large segment
concluded
that the
was
Ukrainian
the Ukraini
phenomenon
dangerous?even
though
ans limited
to literary and scholarly
their activities
in
pursuits,
the

contrast

marked
some

Russians

Russian

nation,

to the Poles. What


came
which

were
the Ukrainians
doing,
to realize,
subverted
the very unity of the
in the view of educated
Russians
consisted

or folkloristic
of three major
Great
subdivisions?the
ethnographic
or
the
Little
and
the
White
Russians,
Russians,
Belo-Russians?yet
was one nation,
in its common
united
culture
and in poli
higher
tics.

did not believe


that the Ukrainian
government
an expression
of any authentic
and
legitimate
of the population
of Little Russia
and chose to treat it

Russian

The

was

movement
aspirations
as a product

of foreign
This set the
(in this case, Polish)
"intrigue."
tone for how Russia
view Ukrainian
would
nationalism
for de
in the future, "Ukrainianism"
cades to come:
as
would
be viewed
a product
or
of German,
Vatican
besides
Austrian,
plots,
being
seen as, in one way
or another,
an
Polish
invention.
originally
In 1876 the imperial government
even farther
went
in its iden
tification

of Ukrainian

language

and culture

with

political

separat

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106

Roman Szporluk
in a secret

ism when,

edict

of Ukrainian

publication
nian plays

and

songs.

writings

According

government
out of
literature

political
import
or protonationalist:
must

qualities

or

Shevchenko,

the
by the tsar at Ems, it forbade
and the performance
of Ukrai
to Grabowicz,
in taking this step

to raise Ukrai
albeit
helped,
ironically,
its provincial
it newfound
mode,
giving

the Russian
nian

signed

it as something
subversive,
by casting
separatist,
"It goes without
that these
saying, of course,
or
as in
have
less openly,
existed?more
already
in potential17

The model of the Russian nation and society promoted by the


state encountered

from two directions.


One might
challenges
in approximately
that there emerged,
the same
say figuratively
or
two
historical
alternative
for
ways,
models,
period,
seceding
to the rejection
from the empire. One path of secession
amounted
a challenge
on
to, the fundamental
of, and eventually
principle
This became
which
the empire was built?autocracy.
the basis of
a deep
as
in
in
Russian
revealed
the title of
cleavage
identity,
tsarist

V. Riasanovsky's
book A Parting
amines
the relations
between
the government
cated elite in the first half of the nineteenth

Alexander

mode

of

Ukraine

and

While

was

"secession"

represented

the Turkish/Tatar

similar

thing

happened
the Russian

to,
sponses
and Tatar holdings

in the Black

centuries

been

in the Ukrainian

Thus,
than a matter

idea.

in a way

the Ukrainians
after

the

some

the

event,
long
the Ukrainian
of, and re
perception
annexation
of formerly
Turkish
imperial

the eighteenth
century
in the south and southeast.

in past

other

to

From
out

century.28
the Ukrainian

edu

The

Connection

the partition
of Poland
affected
to
notice
failed
until
public

Russian

by

ex

which
of Ways,
and Russia's

region.
colonization
onward,
The newly colonized

inhabited
case,

Sea

by Ukrainians
the nationalization

was

carried

lands had not


or

other

Slavs.

of space was more


to an already
inhabited

labels
of attaching
national
or nationalist
some other nation
movement
upon which
the
of Eu
another
among
Uniquely
designation.
peoples

territory
had put
rope in the nineteenth

were
in fact creating
the Ukrainians
century,
a
in
what
would
the age of nationalism
become
part of their
major
new
their national
homeland.
These were
future national
space,
"New Rus
the Russians
called
lands of Russia?indeed,
them

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From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:
sia"?but
course

107

they were being


would
be claimed

south?and

and in due
settled mainly
by Ukrainians
of settling
the
for Ukraine.
The process
not
understood
the Ukrainian
space?was

expanding

in the national

as an aspect

of Ukrainian

nation-building
nor the public
state
the
Russian
(Neither
taking place.
to this fact.) The opera Zaporozhets'
attached any special importance
za Dunayem
Cossack
the Danube")
("The Zaporozhian
beyond
was not written
and produced
and
until much
later, in the 1860s;
thought

itwas

when

it was

in the late 1870s


that Mykhailo
only
was
Russia
the reasons why New
definition
of Ukraine.

Drahomanov

set out

In Russian
coast

included

clearly
within
his

the conquest
of the Black Sea
consciousness,
in terms of imperial wars,
is perceived
impe
of Odessa
and Sevastopol.
and the building

national

and of Crimea

rial military
grandeur,
seen from the perspective
By contrast,
centuries
several
the
story begins
epic,

of

the Ukrainian

national

it is a
earlier;
a
wars
of
and
settlement.
story
history,
people's
people's
people's
can help shed light on the psycho
in this way
the matter
Seeing
about
of the current Russo-Ukrainian
dispute
logical background
it is a matter
of military
the Black
Sea fleet. For the Russians,
it
from the Ukrainian
and national
perspective,
prestige
grandeur;
is yet another
of
expression
so typified
in Repin's
freedom
to the Sultan

Letter
Vienna

Only now may we


modern
Ukraine,
definition
further
that
The

much

Russia

of Vienna

long-term

enters accounts
that typically
of
seen that the
We
have
as a process
took place
of self
earlier.

Yet

and Poland.

or "ethnicization"
that had

there

took

place

of the nation,
beyond
undertaken
by

first been

a nation, Vienna
opened
tionalization"
of the Ukrainian
to Austrian

rule

although

historians.

become

also

was
of
history
in a way normally

into Ukrainian

directly

significance,

presented by Ukrainian

Polish

Writing

elite.

entry

enormous

turn to a theme

of nation-formation

a historical

"Zaporozhians

upon

Question

both
against
"culturalization"

effort

insistence

plebeian

painting

though
Ukraine
of modern

formation

brave

of Turkey."

the Slavic

and

that

moreover,

not

If esse percipi

a new

to

in the "interna

dimension

phenomenon.
made
possible

is needed

The
the

transfer
transition

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from
to a

108

Roman Szporluk

different level of life: serfs became legal subjects with standing in


public law, human beings de jure.
What

Hawthorn
Geoffrey
of the European
can equally
be said

absolutism
century

has observed

about

in Africa

powers
about Vienna's

the impact of the


in the nineteenth

impact

on

"Galicia":

states were,
states. They controlled
in their absolutism,
Absolutist
their territories and their population
within
them. And if they did
not emerge from an already existing political
community,
they al
most always served to create one. Those who came later to contest
them. . .could take that community
for granted, or at least could
it that there was

take

a community

to be fought

for.29

made
the rise of a political
pos
community
not
out
did
make
Ukrainians
of
and
Greek
sible,
peasants
they
Their
Catholics.
first "higher"
and
"Ruthenian,"
identity was
was
consciousness
their first political
call it, in
may
imperial?we
Austrian

reforms

but

Tom?s

Masaryk's
of what
advantage

The party capable


term, "Viennism."
was
the Austrians
had set in motion

of taking
the Poles;

from the creation


of a single Galicia,
i.e.,
they knew how to benefit
a new entity
a Ruthenian
eastern
that consisted
of mainly
part,
of "Ruthenia"
the province
before
and an over
1772,
forming
western
Polish
would
have
been quite
part. Things
whelmingly
as
a
had "Ruthenia"
been retained
distinct
different
entity under
Vienna.

After

the Poles

it became

clear

had
that

transformed
the Vienna

their own
reforms

1790s,
for the subsequent
the ground
triumphal march
was
more
in "Ruthenia"
Polonization
fact, there
there

had

been

in the four

centuries

a new
social
slowly,
defined
barriers
and
cient, sharply
undermined
by "culture"?growing
However

in the
identity
had merely
cleared
In
of "Polonism."

1370

after

1795

and

1772.

emerging.
reality was
structures were being
literacy, dissemination

The

between

than
an

gradually
of knowl

scientific
and secular
The
thought.
larger world,
was
as
trans
indicated
above,
Polish,
meaning
becoming
to
Polish
formed.
identity was open to these "Ruthenes,"
stratum?
to all who were
"Greek Catholics,"
leaving the peasant
or to those sons of the clergy who
to pursue
did not wish
their
edge

about

the

of being
The new

father's
teachers
lacked

or
to be doctors,
engineers,
hoped
the Ruthenes
century,
early nineteenth
own
not
use
their
did
ideology;
they
living Ian

in society
In the
instead.

station

a secular

and

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From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:

in print,

guage

or civic

education,

affairs.

All

these

spheres

109
were

serviced by Polish language and Polish ideas; those individuals


who

a certain

reached

had

else

nowhere

intellectual

level and

social

station

had

to go but to Polonism.
remained Greek Catholic

The masses

so long as
and "imperial"
the way of life of the overwhelming
In
majority.
the 1830s?after
the Polish
Insurrection
of 1830-1831,
and three
after
1772?some
"Ruthenians"
seri
turned
young
generations
to
was
on
in
what
and
Kiev.
Kharkiv,
ously
going
Poltava,
They
in it
culture
from the East and discovered
up to Ukrainian
opened
a force capable
of immunizing
them to Polonism
and at the same
serfdom

defined

time bringing
as
them to a world
"Ukraine"
stage. Thus
entered,
a third party,
contest
the great historic
between
Russia
and Po
land. An observer
from the side, the Czech
and activist
journalist

Karel Havlicek
between

(1821-1856),

the Russians

and

in the picture,"
he went
on,
of a distinct
Ukrainian
emergence

The

penetrating
spheres. The

the consciousness

As

the

nationality.
and as institutional
with

nation,

Ukrainian

lacking

political

differentiation

the Russians;

phenomenon,
advanced
by the
with
the birth of

status.

and Poland

the unity of those


those Ukrainians

the Galician

did

respectively
Ukrainians
who
who

refused

re
to be

needed to defend their identity


Ukrainians?even

had lived under Russia

been

against
sian" Ukrainians

further

associated

from Russia

bank region, who

1795?had
selves

was

or Two?

Polish. The Russian Ukrainians


against

was
thus
nationality
Russian-Polish
beyond

of the Ukrainian

of Poland,
in Europe

guarantee
necessarily
to be Russian
with

west

"it is the Ukrainian."30

took hold,
family of nations
this
reflecting
emerged?beginning
in Prague and in
of chairs of Slavic studies
in their own right as a distinct
"arrived"

Nation

Ukraine?One

"If

structures

Ukrainians
despite

(and struggle)

two wolves."

of

idea of a Slavonic

the establishment

Vienna?the

of the world

"internationalization"

the partitions
begun with
new
intellectual
climate

fused

"a fable

is a lamb

there

not

dubbed the polemic

the Poles

those

in the

from 1793

with maintaining
them
to pass before
the "Rus
of "Polish"
and "Austrian"
Ukrai

traditionally
preoccupied
the Poles.
Some time had
began

to think

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to

110

Roman Szporluk
as a part of one nation,
and before the latter
as their conationals.
Ukrainians

nians

took

note

of the

"Russian"
Itwas

the Galicians

who

first turned

their eyes toward "Ukraine."


to discern phases
in its history.

we

in dealing with Galicia


need
was
there
the
but
critical
from
the
First,
partial
emancipation
on
social
total
the
and
cultural
This
szlachta.
virtually
dependence
was accomplished
intervention
after about
1772. The
by Viennese
as
soon
was
became
"Ruthenianism,"
evident,
resulting
largely
in resisting
in
Mass
Polonization.
Polonization
occurred
helpless
But

came to mean
not only the old
Polonism
phase, when
noble
but also a revolutionary
of emancipation
power
program
a turn toward
in
and cultural
the
freedom.
third
did
Only
phase
the second

the people
and its language
come,
a
and
to, Ukrainian
receptiveness

accelerated

of,
by the discovery
life in the Russian
This
Empire.

third period began only in the 1830s.


But
were

was

this march

neither

simple

of moskvofiVstvo?an

periods

nor straightforward.
There
orientation
toward Russia?

before Galicia finally decided itwanted to be a part of Ukraine.


Why then did the Galicians, having decided they would not be
not want
Polish
likewise
the Russian
and having
rejected
option,
to be a Galician
to be a
nation? What
made
them choose
instead
small
Two

part of Ukraine?
answers
tentative
resources

tural

that

come

to mind.

First,

enabled

the culturally
of Galicia
Ruthenes

Ukraine

impoverished
to compete with

had

cul

and

so

Polish
underprivileged
and politics.
the Galicians
Second, by joining Ukraine
not by
members
of a nation
larger than Poland;
"Greater Ukraine."
With
did they call it Velyka Ukraina,
accident
was roughly
out an affiliation with Ukraine,
the Galician
community
cially

culture, society,
were
becoming

the

size of

the

sense

versus

or Lithuanian

the Slovak
that Ukraine

Poland

that made

offered

nationalities.

them

it possible

the

best

for Catholic

it was
Perhaps
of
survival
hope
Galicians

to unite

the Orthodox
Catholic
Poles.
East?against
of the fact that the period
This may be a place to remind oneself
into the nineteenth
after 1795?indeed,
well
de
century?was,

with

in all
rule, one of Polish cultural
political
hegemony
even saw an expansion
This period
the old republic.
into Kiev and as far to the east as Kharkiv.
of "Polonism"
(There
spite Russian
the lands of

were

Poles

involved

in the founding

of Kharkiv

University;

more

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From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:
over,

Kharkiv

passing
fications

the Moscow-St.

able

the necessity
felt
strongly

was

Petersburg

for Ukrainian

that
so

Polonism

as a link

functioned

that when

development.)
of defining
in Galicia.
Vienna

a deal with

and made

to the West

the Poles

via Warsaw,

channel,
Itwas

with

oneself

as distinct

So

ceased

111
by

rami
important
therefore
understand
from

Poles

was

Ukrainian
anti
strong
to be the Ruthenes'
protector

some Ruthenes

(after 1867),
even

their salvation
from the Poles
sought
Little
then, that the question
surprise,
as a key
was
seen by Ukrainian
patriots

in tsarist

of

Russia.

intra-Ukrainian

issue

As

for decades.

unity
late

as 1906, Mykhailo Hrushevsky published an article titled "Ukraine


in which

and Galicia,"

the historian

warned

his

compatriots

that

if they did not take care, they might well end up as the Serbs and
Croats

nations

had?two

that
argued
that one nation

Hrushevsky
guarantee
an ethnic

based

on

one

ethnic

a common
would

foundation.
not

could
ethnicity
by itself
rise on it; the transformation
of
to
work
and
the
wish
be
required

into a nation
group
was
a foundation.
The
Ethnicity
only a point of departure,
common
a
a
of
Ukrainian
development
literary language
required
a
to
deliberate
sustained
and
effort,
policy,
Hrushevsky
appealed
one.

on both

Ukrainians
can

We

speak

Poland

thought
interest?above

and

of

eastern

to step up their efforts.31


the completion
of the Ukrainian

the border
of

confidently
process

nation-building
who
emerged
national

sides

individuals
only when
in terms of a common
western

Ukraine's

and

organizations

"pan-Ukrainian"
with
preoccupation

Ukraine's

with Russia.
preoccupation
to create a
and
worked
consciously
energetically
common
on
west
eastern
Austrian
the
modeled
itself
language;
authors.
Even so, the relation
between
is
and
language
nationality
misunderstood.
The Ukrainians
of Russia
and Austria
commonly
one nation
same
did not become
the
because
they spoke
language;
The Ukrainians

to speak
the
they came
to be one nation.
decided

They

clusion

greatest

by Hrushevsky's

of Ukrainian

same

because
language
they
were
in reaching
helped

history. Hrushevsky

accomplishment?his

both established

had

first
this con

synthesis

the standard

a concep
and pointed
the way
toward achieving
it; he constructed
a
a
tion of Ukrainian
common
that
offered
toward
history
path
Ukrainian
toward
the future of the
strategy,
political
envisioning
a historical
not merely
whole
its parts. By constructing
nation,

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112

Roman Szporluk

for
argument
stressed
cially
at

L'viv

Armstrong
"Ukrainian

the unity of the Ukrainian


his work
nation,
espe
the crucial
of
links
Kiev
between
and
importance
as John A.
critical
of history.
junctures
Hrushevsky,
has argued
the
vindication
of the
recently,
provided
did

myth"?and
science.32

century

so

in the

language

of

nineteenth

as emphatically
ar
(and just as importantly),
Hrushevsky
a
the
of
state"
idea
Russian
and
"thousand-year-old
gued against
nation
denied
that any single "Russian"
had existed
for a millen
Just

nium.

a contemporary

To

accords of 1991,

and nations

republics

and Belarus
pretation
1904 on

the

"rational

Hrushevsky's
the same time
the historical

appear
Union,
of the Hrushevsky

structure"

schema;

of Ukraine,

from Hrushevsky's
it in a famous

of East

Russia,
inter
of

paper

Slav history.33

at roughly
explained
for the present
that emerged
from

Ivan Franko

the practical
constructions

tasks

of his

of Galicia,"
or nationalism

Young
what
nationality

states

easily be deduced
as he summarized

contemporary

Ukrainians

to be the

the Soviet

dissolved

can quite
of the past,

Belovezha

the leaders of the three East Slavic

terms
in real, political
of the independent

implementation
the establishment

the so-called

observer,

political

in which

In "An Open
Franko

friend.

written
was

the Ukrainian
intelligentsia an enormous practical
is
zadacha]
opening up now, under freer forms of life
create out of the vast ethnic mass of Ukrainian
people
cultural organism,
nation, a comprehensive
capable of

Before

life, resistant

to

Letter

in 1905,
about:

distilled

task [diyova
in Russia: to
a Ukrainian
an indepen

to assimilationist

efforts

of

dent cultural

and political

other

nations,

whatever

open
rate,

to receiving, on the widest


scale, and at the fastest
possible
which
without
those universal human cultural achievements

no

nation

and

no

state,

their

and,

origin,

however

at

the

can

powerful,

same

time,

a nation

survive.34

CONCLUSIONS
In evaluating
the prospects
of Ukraine
to turn to the ideas of the Russian
Georgii

Fedotov,

who

as a nation

itmay

be useful

and

theologian
philosopher
while
and 1930s,
early as the 1920s
on the future of Ukrainian-Russian
rela

as

living in exile, reflected


tions after the fall of communism.

Fedotov

thought

the

central

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to a Sovereign State

From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:

in the Russo-Ukrainian

involved

question
existence

a third

of

party?Poland,
links. Objectively,
historical
Poland
and Russia,
between

centuries-long
a choice
make
on us that

"with

is not made

this choice

against

113

was
the
relationship
it is tied with
which
Ukraine
and

our old

will

to

have

it depends
common

in part
father

land."35

to Fedotov

important
was what

Equally
of Russia

he perceived

for the preservation


of the unity
to be the role of Russian
culture

"access to world
peoples
so in the St. Petersburg
so [in the post-Soviet
remain

in giving all of the Empire's


it: "This was
As he put
it should

and

Empire,

of Russia
peoples
in
Paris
but
and
We

then

of

the

If the

future].
not in St. Petersburg,
inMoscow,
us."36
they will not remain with

Fedotov

would

have

said

about

the

includes also regions


that in his time
today when Ukraine
to Poland, Czechoslovakia,
and Romania
and were
largely
a
rather than Orthodox.
Ukraine
does not have to make

situation
belonged
Catholic
"choice"

between

saw has

thus

Russia

Poland
has given up any
Poland;
Ukraine's
War
recognizes
independence.
transformed
from
itself, in the Ukrainian
perspective,

to Ukraine

claims

not

study

in Berlin,
know what

not

do

will

civilization."
period

and

and

a historic

into an important
it is not only in Paris,
enemy
ally. And
in
New
and
but
also
London,
Frankfurt,
York,
Boston,
Toronto,
are "study
and Tokyo
that non-Russians
and Russians
themselves
of the Soviet Union.
ing" after the collapse
But Fedotov's
serious attention
general point merits
today. Just
as the unity of Russia
as he saw it depended
on Russia's
capacity
to the world
so the survival
to be a window
for its peoples,
of
as an independent
state (one may
to
Ukraine
reason) will depend
a large extent
on how
to its
it succeeds
in bringing
the world
people?and
ing the major

to the world.
its people
"internal"
problems

Success
of Ukraine

or failure
today

in manag
will

be

af

fected by the relations it establishes between itself and the world


as a nation,
as argued
in this
idea of Ukraine
to the centers
its people
should have direct access
to an inferior
of civilization
rather than being condemned
status,
at large on
that they should
be communicating
with
the world
The

community.
essay, was

that

their own

rather

During
delivered

than

a speech

intermediaries.

through

his visit to Kiev

in May

at Shevchenko

of 1995, President Clinton

University

clearly

intended

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to

114

Roman Szporluk

assure

Ukrainians

ordinary

their
plauded.

that

States

the United

his audience
message
at the university
roared

independence?a
The crowd

embraced

fully

ap
con

enthusiastically
when
Clinton

cluded his speech with theUkrainian phrase Slava Ukraini-? "Glory


to Ukraine."
"He

spoke

came

Ukrainian!"

sixty-five-year-old
wall
and craned

retired
her

Aeroflot
over

head

American

the shout

a
Shulga,
on a stone

from Oksana

worker

who

stood

to

in order
throng
a clutch of American

the

see

the

Later,
reporters
president.
spying
on the sidewalk
to observe
the proceedings,
she took
gathered
to
want
not part
"We
them under
be part of the world,
tutelage:
she added
of Russia,"
she explained.
of the
Then,
approvingly,
he
"And
understands
that.5'37
president:

ENDNOTES
B. Rumer,

Eugene

Letter:

"Eurasia

Will

to Russia?"

Return

Ukraine

Foreign

Policy (96) (Fall 1994): 129-144. For comprehensive recent surveys of Ukrai
nian history see Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History
(Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1988) and Paul Robert Magoesi, A History of Ukraine (Seattle,
Wash.:
von

For

of Washington
Press,
University
1996).
a
"Does
Ukraine
Have
History?"

current

and

Hagen,

George

see Mark
debates,
G. Grabowicz,

"Ukrainian Studies: Framing the Contexts," Slavic Review 54 (3) (1995): 658
673, and 674-690, and the comments by Andreas Kappeier, Iaroslav Isaievych,
SerhiiM. Plokhy, and Yuri Slezkine. Ibid., 691-719.
2Contrary

to common

a religion with
cultural

entity

in the early modern

belief,

that was

in which

those

to the West.

superior

selves in relation to theWest,


the Russians

period

the Poles?despite

sharing

themselves as forming a distinct political and

theWest?viewed

They

thus

sought

to define

them

although they did so in terms very different from


saw

themselves

as

in opposition

to "Europe."

See

Andrzej Walicki, Poland Between East and West: The Controversies over Self
in Partitioned Poland, the August Zaleski Lec
Definition and Modernization
tures, Harvard University, 18-22 April 1994 (Cambridge, Mass.: Ukrainian
Research

Institute,

1994).

3LarryWolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on theMind


the Enlightenment (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1994).

of

4Daniel Beauvois, The Noble, the Serf and the Revizor: The Polish Nobility Be
tween Tsarist Imperialism and the Ukrainian Masses (1831-1863)
(Chur, Swit
zerland: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1991), translation by Barbara Reising
of Le Noble, le Serf et le Revizor: La noblesse polonaise entre le tsarisme et les
masses ukrainiennes (1831-1863)
1984),
(Paris: Archives Con-temporaines,
and La Bataille de la terre en Ukraine, 1863-1914: Les Polonais et les conflits
socio-ethniques (Lille: Presses Universitaires de Lille, 1993).

This content downloaded from 155.223.64.100 on Sat, 13 Jun 2015 21:36:13 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:

Duchinski

5Ivan L. Rudnytsky,
"Franciszek
inModern
in Essays
Thought,"
Research

Ukrainian

University,
on
works

and

Ukrainian

Polish-Ukrainian

his

on Ukrainian

Impact

Political

Mass.:
(Cambridge,
194. For references

History

Institute,
1987),
see Roman
relations

115

Harvard
to recent

"After

Szporluk,

Empire:

What?" Dcedalus 123 (3) (Summer 1994): 21-39. See also Ilya Prizel, "The In
in Roman
fluence of Ethnicity on Foreign Policy: The Case of Ukraine,"
States of
in
Russia
New
National
and
and
the
Ethnicity
Identity
Szporluk, ed.,
N.Y.

(Armonk,

volume,

by Peter J. Potichnyj,
Canadian

(Edmonton:

M.

and London:

Eurasia

Institute

E. Sharpe,

ed., Poland
of Ukrainian

An

103-128.

1994),

earlier

and Ukraine: Past and Present


Studies,

contains

1980),

es

useful

says.

6Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on theOrigin and Spread


(London and New York: Verso, 1991), 6.
of Nationalism
7Liah Greenfeld,
Harvard

to Modernity

(Cambridge, Mass.:

treatment
254.
For a comprehensive
1992),
Press,
see Iver B. Neumann,
in Russian
and politics,
thought

University
of

place

Five Roads

Nationalism:

"Europe"

of

and the Idea of Europe: A Study in Identity and International Relations


and New York: Routledge, 1996).
in the British

8Since

case

the defining

the "Other,"

was

"negatio,"

the

Russia

(London
and

Catholicism,

in politics, the Catholic France, the Irish did not qualify for admission. See Linda
(New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni
Colley, Britons: Forging theNation, 1707-1837
Press,
versity
that national

5-6.

1992),

"like

identity,

Peter
Sahlins's
cites, with
Colley
approval,
is contingent
ethnic or communal
identity,

argument
and rela

tional: it is defined by the social or territorial boundaries drawn to distinguish


the

collective

self

and

its implicit

the other."

negation,

See

5-6,

Ibid.,

quoting

from Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, Calif.: University of California Press, 1989), 271.
9Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of National Revival inEurope: A Compara
tive Analysis of the Social Composition of Patriotic Groups among the Smaller
European
1985).

Nations,
See Ernest

trans.

Ben

Fowkes

1994),
Blackwell,
bridge, Mass.:
tion of the emergence
of nations.
10According

Narratives

to Prasenjit

Duara,

of Modern

(Cambridge:
Cambridge
with Nationalism

Encounters

Gellner,

Rescuing

China

for an analysis

182-200,

History

from

University
and

(Oxford
of Hroch's

the Nation:

Press,
Cam

interpreta

Questioning

(Chicago, 111.and London: University of Chicago

is formed when
the perception
Press,
1995),
65-66,
"a[n]
incipient
nationality
. .when a
are [sic] transformed.
of the boundaries
of community
succeeds
group
a historical
on both
in imposing
narrative
of descent
and/or
dissent
heteroge
. .coin the word
neous
to suggest
Iwill.
and related
cultural
discent
the
practices.
.. .The narrative
of these two signifiers.
o? discent
is used to define
and
porosity
. .as
a community,
a
mobilize
often
cultural
practice.
by privileging
particular
as
or common
the constitutive
of community?such
principle
language,
religion,
out that "[historically,
At the same time, Duara
historical
experience."
points
is unique
and new
as a type of
identity
tional revolution
which.

what

about

of

the nation-state."

Greenfeld's

(and my

is not an epistemological
category,
of consciousness,"
institu
but "the global
its own extremely
powerful
representations
to that of
treatment
is close
of nationalism

nationalism

or a mode

such

Duara's

.produced
overall

own)

position:

"What

is novel

about

modern

nationalism

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

is

116

Roman Szporluk
of nation-states."
Ibid.,
system
with
concerned
nation-formation,
ed. John B. Thompson,
Power,

the world
primarily
Symbolic

or
he is not exclusively
Although
Pierre
Bourdieu's
and
Language
trans. Gino
and Matthew
Raymond

8-9.

Adamson (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), sheds light on


the intellectual effort it involves.
nFor

a reminder

about

wielu narodow
to say,

is very

large.

the decomposition
of the Ukrainian

nation

needless
12I discuss
gence

see

this,

the Commonwealth
in Paul

sion,"

for

of

ed., The

Latawski,
"Problem

Chojnowski,

Polish

Reconstruction
na

narodowosciowy

Russian

E. Kohut,

Centralism

and

emer

nations

of

in 1918: Notes

for Discus

1914-23

(London:

of Poland,
ziemiach

is taken from Andrzej


.

polskich.

Garlicki, ed., Z dziejow Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej


Szkolne i Pedagogiczne, 1986), 180.
13Zenon

successor

the other

from Herzl

quotation

to the

in relation

nation
of

indirectly,

in "Polish-Ukrainian Relations

1992), 41-54. My

Macmillan,

Rzeczpospolita

1985), 38ff. The literature on this question,

the historic
and,

Tomaszewski,

Jerzy

example

(Warsaw: Czytelnik,

.,"

in Andrzej

(Warsaw: Wydawnictwa

Ukrainian

Autonomy:

Imperial

Ab

1760s-1830s
sorption of the Hetmanate,
(Cambridge, Mass.: Ukrainian Re
search Institute, 1988; distributed by Harvard University Press), 63. An excerpt
from the Divovych poem is included in Ralph Lindheim and George S. N.
an Intellectual
eds., Towards
Luckyj,
69-70.
of Toronto
Press,
1996),

of Ukraine

History

(Toronto:

University

to Modernity,
in origi
238-239;
emphasis
comments:
"The number
Greenfeld
of
discussion,
it is beyond
Ukrainians
the non-noble
intellectuals
is extraordinary;
among
a very prominent
role in the activities
of the eighteenth
doubt
that they played
Ibid., 531, n. 90.
century
intelligentsia...."

Nationalism:
14Greenfeld,
note
In a source
nal.

Five

Roads

to this

L. Keenan

15Edward

that Muscovite
argues
"These
of Kiev;
Certain
Beliefs
Mythical

a continuation

being

"On

Keenan,
Starr,

ed.,

The

N.Y.
(Armonk,
sees it, modern

of History
Legacy
M.
and London:

Russia

not

people
and Russian
in Russia

E.

Sharpe,

not

did

were

and
1994),

an

have
even

awareness

of

of Kiev."

thinking
in S. Frederick
Behaviors,"
the New
States
of Eurasia
esp. 23. As Keenan
19-40,

have
been misled
and the general
by certain
public,
without
the
"Russian"
that they were
history
realizing
early
mis
later
the
time
Russian
of
Those
era,
i.e.,
nation-building.
product
concern
and Kiev
the links between
("the Kiev myth"),
Muscovy
conceptions
and the popular
the nature
of the Mongol
("the Tatar-yoke
myth"),
period
myth
or Greek
"one of the great mystifications
of all
of an alleged
influence,
Byzantine

myths

scholars,

regarding
of a much

..." Keenan,
"On Certain
of European
cultural
27,
Beliefs,"
Mythical
history.
see Keenan,
East Slavs before
1654:
"Muscovite
37. Also
of Other
Perceptions
et al, eds., Ukraine
in Peter J. Potichnyj
An Agenda
and Russia
for Historians,"

in Their Historical Encounter


Studies Press, 1992), 20-38.
16"Poletyka,
Ukraine,
17David

in Danylo
Husar
entry
Hryhorii,"
vol. IV (Toronto:
of Toronto
University

Saunders,

(Edmonton:

(Edmonton: Canadian

The
Canadian

Ukrainian
Institute

on
Impact
of Ukrainian

Struk,
Press,

Institute of Ukrainian

ed.,
1993),

Encyclopedia
94.

Russian

Culture,

Studies,

University

1750-1850
of Alberta,

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

of

From an Imperial Periphery to a Sovereign State

Ukraine:

na
A. M.
Zamechaniia
9, quoting
1985),
Lazarevsky,
o malorusskom
i o statutovykh
D. P. Millera
dvorianstve

istoricheskie
sudakh

117

monografii
n.p.,

(Kharkiv:

1898), 15.
Encounters
Russia:
Intellectual
and Political
Imperial
to the Nineteenth
in Peter J. Potichnyj,
Marc
Century,"

and

18Marc Raeff,
"Ukraine
from
the Seventeenth

Raeff, Jaroslaw Pelenski, and Gleb N. Zekulin, eds., Ukraine and Russia in
Their Historical Encounter (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies
Press, 1992), 82.
case

80. This

19Ibid.,
poses

20Anderson,

illustrates

Bourdieu's

that "political
subversion
presup
the vision
of the world."
Bourdieu,

70-71.

Communities,

Imagined

of

127-128.

Power,

Symbolic

thesis

a subversion

subversion,

cognitive
and
Language

The

is from

quote

Edward

Said,

(New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 136.

Orientalism
21For a review

of competing

of

models

the Russian

nation

in the context

of

tsarist

Russia's and the Soviet Union's politics, seemy "The Fall of the Tsarist Empire
in Karen
and the USSR: The Russian Question and Imperial Overextension,"
Dawisha and Bruce Parrott, eds., The End of Empire? The Transformation of
the USSR inComparative Perspective (Armonk,N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1997), 65-93.
22
Andreas Kappeier, Russland als Vielvolker reich: Entstehung, Geschichte, Zerfall
(Munich: C. H. Beck, 1992), 179.
23PaulBushkovitch, "The Ukraine in Russian Culture, 1790-1860: The Evidence
of the Journals," Jahrbuch er fur Geschichte Osteuropas 39 (3) (1991): 343
344.

See also D.

Debate

about

B. Saunders,
Critics
of Gogol's
and the
Vechera
"Contemporary
narodnosf
Russian
Harvard
Ukrainian
StudiesV
(1831-1832),"

(1) (March 1981): 66-82.


24Omeljan Pritsak, "Prorok," Kyivs'ka starovyna (2) (1994): 11-12.
25George
Century:
in Their

G. Grabowicz,
A Formulation

the Problem,"
227.
Encounter,

Historical

26F. Bulgarin,

in the Nineteenth
Relations
Literary
et al., Ukraine
in Potichnyj
and Russia

"Ukrainian-Russian
of

(St. Petersburg:

Vospominaniia

n.p.,

1846-1849),

cited

I, 200-201;

inAlexander Riasanovsky, Nicholas I and Official Nationality inRussia, 1825


1855 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, Calif.: University of California Press, 1967),
138. Riasanovsky
also mentions
rename
the country
"Nikolayevia."
27Grabowicz,
Formulation

"Ukrainian-Russian

28See Alexander

of

the Problem,"

V.

Riasanovsky,

another

Literary
226-227.
A

tion

Leader
1982),

of

Africa,"

South, East, West

the Czech
25.

In his

Renascence
"Slovan

to

later proposed

in the Nineteenth

of Ways:

Government

Century:

and

the Edu

in David

Held,

ed.,

Prospects

for

(Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993), 344.

30KarelHavl?cek, Politick? spisy, ed. Z. Tobolka


quoted in Barbara K. Reinfeld, Kar elHavl?cek
graphs,

slightly

(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976).

"Sub-Saharan

Hawthorn,

Democracy: North,

who

Relations

Parting

cated Public in Russia, 1801-1855


29Geoffrey

author,

I, 70;
(Prague: n.p., 1900-1903),
(1821-1856): A National Libera

East European
Colo.:
(Boulder,
a Cech,"
Havl?cek
that Slavs
argued

Mono
are not

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

118

Roman Szporluk
as

nation,
between

shown

by

two

these

the Polish-Russian
that

peoples

relationship:
each
exclude

they

hood! The Poles claim the Russians areMongolians,

"So
other

intense

while

is the hatred
a Slav

from

brother

the Russians call the

bone of contention
which
has divided
every genera
of Ukraine.
is the possession
Both
the Poles
and the
Russians
this land on the basis of related
claim
The Russians
nationality.
point
to the fact that they share the same religion with
retort
the Ruthenes;
the Poles
to acquire
with
the formation
of the Uniate
church. At present
the Russians
hope
Poles

Sarmatians.

tion

of Poles

The

main

and Russians

the Ukraine by Russifying

the people as the Poles have been able to Polonize the

Lithuanians,

the upper

by alienating

classes

the rest of

from

own

their

people."

Havl?cek, Politick? spisy^ I, 63, cited by Reinfeld, Kar elHavl?cek, 24-25.


31Mykhailo

iHalychyna,"

"Ukraina

Hrushevsky,

visnyk

Literaturno-Naykovyi

XXXVI (1906): 489-496; cited inThomas M. Prymak, Mykhailo Hrushevsky:


The Politics of National Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987),
n.

79-80

32John A. Armstrong,
in Potichnyj
ness,"
125-139.
political

Anthony

in the Evolution
and History
of Ukrainian
"Myth
et al., Ukraine
in Their Historical
and Russia
Smith has noted
that ". . .ethnic communities

Conscious
Encounter,
often develop

that are constitutive


of the political
(or
community
myths
is between
of relevance
.The main
distinction
here
..)...
"dy
to
"communal"
between
attached
mythomoteurs,
political
myths
or those based
on the ideal of the sacred
or people."
community
kingship
myths,

mythomoteurs.
nastic"
and
sacral

inComparative

Anthony D. Smith, "Ethnic Identity and Territorial Nationalism


in Alexander

Perspective,"

J. Motyl,

ed.,

Nationalities, History and Comparison


Columbia University
Press, 1992),
"mythomoteur"
ward
ethical

and

the

upheld
social

Thus, itwas by definition


ity"
that

also

Russians."

1904);

reprinted

and

that
for

carried

for

its existence.

incompatible with the official definition of "national


the constitutive

Hrushevsky,
33Mykhailo
ratsional'noho
ukladu

in the Study of the USSR (New York:


see it, the Ukrainian
50. As we

and

that made

autocracy
"Little
included

Soviet

about

Theoretically

of a culturally
defined
people
on the state
did not depend

idea

values

Thinking

element

of an

imperial

skhema
'russkoi'
"Zvychaina
skhidnoho
slovianstva"

istoriyi
translated

in A. Gregorovich,

Russian

istoriyi

(St. Petersburg:
ed., The Traditional

identity

sprava
n.p.,
Scheme

of "Russian" History and the Problem of a Rational Organization of the His


tory of the East Slavs (Winnipeg: Ukrainian Free Academy of Sciences, 1966).
34Ivan Franko, "Odvertyi lyst do halyts'koi ukraiins'koi molodezhi," Zibrannia
tvoriv u piatdesiaty tomakh (Kiev:Naukova dumka, 1976), vol. 45,404, cited in
idei ta evropeiskyi
kontekst:
Oksana Zabuzhko, Filosof?a ukrains'koi
Frankivskyi period (Kiev:Naukova dumka, 1992), 61. (The title of Zabuzhko's
book reveals itsmessage: "The Philosophy of the Ukrainian Idea and its Euro
pean Context: The Period of Franko.")
35Fedotov, "Budet li sushchestvovat' Rossiya?,"
kuVture,

Filosofy

russkogo

posleoktiabr'skogo

inO Rossiyi
zarubezb'ya

i russkoy filosofskoy
(Moscow:

Nauka,

1990), 455.
36Ibid.,461.

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From an Imperial Periphery

Ukraine:
37Ann Devroy

and

James

Rupert,

"Clinton

to a Sovereign State

Commends

Ukrainians

119

for Sticking

with

Tough Reforms," Washington Post, 13May 1995, A20. In 1997, demonstra


tors inMinsk, at a solidarity rally with Serb and Bulgarian democrats, displayed
not
want
to
in Europe,
in Russia!"
live
Literaturnaia
5 February
Gazeta,
pugaiut,"
politiki
not
as a state, one may
will
of Belarus
surmise,
depend

the

slogan
"Kremlevskie

future

"we

people speak Belorussian


convince
ness

that
people
to "the world."

Oleg

Moroz,
9. The

1997,
on how

many

(rather than Russian) but on the nationalists' ability to

the republic's

independence

from Moscow

means

its open

This content downloaded from 155.223.64.100 on Sat, 13 Jun 2015 21:36:13 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions