Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Institution 1
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Part I
Part II
Part III
Part IV
Part V
Part VI
Part VII
Preliminaries
Table of Contents
Our Shared Vision and Mission
Syllabus
1
2
3
Introduction
Why Study Rizal?
Rizal Law After 55 Years
Leveling-off with Rizals Thoughts
The Challenges of the 19th Century
6
7
9
10
21
23
27
31
35
43
49
54
68
71
77
Appendix
Other Works
References
Primary Facilitators Short Bio
90
98
100
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Part 1: Preliminaries
Mission
The University shall contribute substantially to better quality of life and ecological balance
through quality resident instruction, productivity, client-oriented research and extension
programs and projects supported by the adequate manpower and educational resources and
information technology. The University specifically aims to:
offer wide range of academic programs at the certificate, associate, baccalaureate, masters
and doctoral levels;
maintain the broad range of research programs both in the basic and applied sciences,
especially in the arts, agriculture, agribusiness, agro-forestry, fisheries, teacher education,
rural sociology, management, and technology which will generate knowledge and provide a
basis for solutions to the development needs of the province and of the region;
provide off-campus continuing education and extension services to meet the needs of the
residents of the province and the region within the context of regional and national nonformal education; and,
serve as the focus for the regional cooperative and development center for public and private
colleges and universities in the Ilocos region.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Syllabus
(PLEASE READ CAREFULLY AND THOUGHTFULLY)
COURSE OVERVIEW AND DESCRIPTION
The course explores the greatness of Jose Rizals character, the richness of his thoughts and
teachings. Focusing on his legacies, this course aims at inspiring students to take a more critical
and appreciative perspective on the vision and ideals of Rizal as they live towards championing
the cause of freedom and justice.
COURSE OBJECTIVES
Upon successful completion of this course, participants will have attained or developed:
A critical understanding of Rizals life and works and their impact on contemporary
academic and non-academic discussions;
Familiarity with fundamental texts and scholarly journals about the course;
A wider perspective towards Rizals role as a citizen of the world in espousing and
defending human rights and fundamental freedoms;
Ability to build bridges between the Rizals aspirations and thoughts and the
contemporary Philippine socio-economic situation.
Appreciate and practice the patriotic goals of the course.
COURSE PRODUCTS
1. Critical reflection and learning journal
As a participant in this course, you are required to write a critical reflection and learning journal
(a form of ongoing personal reflective/reflexive learning conversation with yourself about what
you are learning and how you are learning and relating to the course content and process and
reflections on the usefulness/application (or not). The paper focuses on a critical response/critical
reflection on what you learned during the previous months readings and class discussions. You
are required to submit three (3) learning journals (minimum of 1500 words for each journal) on
our first meeting in the succeeding month. Any day late is equivalent to one (1) point deduction
from the requirements assigned points.
2. Class co-facilitation and critical response
Participants will be grouped, and each group will be required to co-facilitate class discussions
based on assigned group readings/assignments. This forms part of the class process/discussion
and a groups critical response should raise interesting questions about the topic and about the
readings.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
3. Examination
Through this activity, you are privileged to tackle relevant questions or problems either in
writing or in dialogue with the primary facilitator/instructor. Areas of discussion may include (1)
a personal/individual summative view of the course and (2) a specific subject matter within the
larger areas of the various topics in the course. Other participants may be assigned as part of the
dialogue.
4. Informed Participation
Your active and informed engagement in class discussion, which shows your level of thinking
and engagement with your reflections i.e. metacognition, is an essential component of the
pedagogy and methodology of this course and valued as such in the evaluation of your learning
- and in the assignment of final grades for this course. In other words, in addition to what you
learn (content) this course intends to help you develop critical thinking skills and further
develop your conceptual and metacognitive skills. You will be evaluated based on your
(periodic) performances in the midterm and final periods.
COURSE PEDAGOGY/PROCESS/METHODOLOGY
METHOD: Please take note that I dont necessarily teach this course - in the sense of
directive teaching content or lectures. This course has been designed to engage and model
liberational learning methodologies and principles and as such, the emphasis IS ON
LEARNING and NOT ON TEACHING. I consider this class to be a facilitated learning
experience and not a conventionally taught course. You need to be aware of this and to
understand that the responsibility for learning and presenting and evaluating what you are
learning and what you have learned - is therefore a shared responsibility yours and mine. The
course assumes that each learner brings to class, a rich and diverse base of experience and
knowledge and the function of the class is therefore to provide a collaboratively designed and
facilitated learning environment - and a context and climate that enables each participant to
engage, share, reflect, construct and learn from each other and with each other - through
engagement with the course content/topics/readings through engagement with each other and
through engagement with ones own reading, thinking and reflections that take place within and
outside of the scope of the syllabus. Also note that the course content is (somewhat) negotiable
and that you will be required to shape the learning content, and the focus and direction of the
course hence the current draft nature of this current version of the syllabus!
EXPECTATION: In order for this to be a productive learning experience for all, you are
required to prepare thoroughly for each class by (1) reading and thinking about the topics, (2)
reading beyond the texts assigned for each class, (3) by capturing your reflections on your
learning through the critical reflection journals, (4) coming to class prepared to engage in
thoughtful, critical discussion and debate, (5) continuously reflecting on what you learn and how
you are learning, and (6) bridging your learning and knowledge production with your personal
experiences.
CO-FACILITATION: The class discussion and the interrogation of (and engagement with) the
topics and readings - will be co-facilitated by different groups of participants and the primary
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
facilitator/instructor - and these groups will be assigned. Each group will be responsible for
developing five or six questions prior to the class and share these to all participants - which
will help you to engage the assigned readings and facilitate discussion and learning in a
thoughtful, learner-centered, and critical manner. The intent is to provide an opportunity for you
to learn and develop skills to engage and enact (facilitate) relevant and critical discussion.
GRADING SYSTEM:
Requirement
1. Regular Informed Participation
2. Critical Reflection / Learning Journal
3. Co-facilitation
4. Examination
TOTAL
Percentage
20%
30%
20%
30%
100%
Due to its naturally sensitive and often complex nature, the grading rubric will be discussed more
comprehensively in class.
LEARNING MATERIALS:
While participants are expected to do individual homework based on the schedule, some reading
and learning materials will be given to your class president/contact person who will be
responsible for disseminating the materials.
SCHEDULE:
Please see Table of Contents (p.1)
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
The answer to such questions can be summed up in two points: First and foremost, because it is
mandated by law. Secondly, because of the lessons contained within the course itself.
Mandated By Law
The teaching of Jose Rizals life, works, and writings is mandated by Republic Act 1425,
otherwise known as the Rizal Law. Senator Jose P. Laurel, the person who sponsored the said
law, said that since Rizal was the founder of Philippine nationalism and has contributed much to
the current standing of this nation, it is only right that the youth as well as all the people in the
country know about and learn to imbibe the great ideals for which he died. The Rizal Law,
enacted in 1956, seeks to accomplish the following goals:
1. To rededicate the lives of youth to the ideals of freedom and nationalism, for which our
heroes lived and died
2. To pay tribute to our national hero for devoting his life and works in shaping the Filipino
character
3. To gain an inspiring source of patriotism through the study of Rizals life, works, and
writings.
The Lessons Contained Within the Course
Aside from those mentioned above, there are other reasons for teaching the Rizal course in
Philippine schools:
1. To recognize the importance of Rizals ideals and teachings in relation to present conditions
and situations in the society.
2. To encourage the application of such ideals in current social and personal problems and
issues.
3. To develop an appreciation and deeper understanding of all that Rizal fought and died for.
4. To foster the development of the Filipino youth in all aspects of citizenship.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
How have we come to this? In school we only get the very basic information about him. We get
to read his novels, essays, poems, learn of the places he visited and even the women who became
part of his life but we end up not learning what he really stood for. We wear shirts bearing his
image but we dont act like him. We do not really go deeper in understanding Rizal; we content
ourselves with merely scratching the surface of his identity.
Some students in the tertiary level who take up technical courses such as engineering or
medicine had even questioned the relevance of the Rizal subject to their courses and careers;
they insist that the subject is just a waste of time and money. Thinking that the subject is a
repetition of what they learned from high school, they show themselves to be hostile towards the
subject matter.
Jose Rizal and the Rizal Law are part of our history. Rizal the Filipino and Rizal the course both
have a reason and purpose to us. Rizal stood as one of the great men produced by the Malay race.
His peaceful means of reform make him Asias first modern non-violent proponent of political
reforms. On the other hand, the Rizal Law is an avenue for the youth to know Rizal and fully
understand his ideas and visions which, after all, continue to make sense. The Rizal Law aims to
put Rizal closer to the hearts of every one of us.
Strengthening not only the Rizal Course but the subject of Philippine History is important. We
will not only be inspired by Rizal but also by other Filipino heroes such as Andres Bonifacio,
Apolinario Mabini, Emilio Jacinto and Marcelo H. del Pilar, who like Rizal exemplified virtues
of honesty, integrity, peace based on justice, and patriotism. Filipinos are capable of achieving
great things in life and just like our heroes we can excel in our ways.
But the most important thing of all is to know the reasons why heroes exist. Why there is a need
for them. Studying Heroism 101 is to look beyond heroes lives, far into the social circumstances
or problems that created them, and that heroes are supposed to solve. If the problem still exists
today then it is our turn to become heroes too.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Your Thoughts
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
10
11
Lastly, safer, faster and more comfortable means of transportation such as railways and
steamships were constructed. The construction of steel bridges and the opening of Suez Canal
opened shorter routes to commerce. Faster means of communications enable people to have
better contacts for business and trade. This resulted to closer communication between the
Philippines and Spain and to the rest of the world in the 19th century.
The French Revolution
If the Industrial Revolution changed the economic landscape of Europe and of the Philippines,
another great Revolution changed the political tone of the periodthe French Revolution. The
French revolution (1789-1799) started a political revolution in Europe and in some parts of the
world. This revolution is a period of political and social upheaval and radical change in the
history of France during which the French governmental structure was transformed from
absolute monarchy with feudal privileges for the rich and clergy to a more democratic
government form based on the principles of citizenship and inalienable rights. With the
overthrow of monarchial rule, democratic principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity--the
battle cry of the French Revolution--started to spread in Europe and around the world.
Not all democratic principles were spread as a result of the French Revolution. The anarchy or
political disturbance caused by the revolution had reached not only the neighboring countries of
France, it also reached Spain in the 19th century. Spain experienced a turbulent century of
political disturbances during this era which included numerous changes in parliaments and
constitutions, the Peninsular War, the loss of Spanish America, and the struggle between liberals
and conservatives. Moreover, radical shifts in government structure were introduced by liberals
in the motherland. From 1834 to 1862, for instance, a brief span of only 28 years, Spain had four
constitutions, 28 parliaments, and 529 ministers with portfolio. All these political changes in
Spain had their repercussions in the Philippines, cracking the fabric of the old colonial system
and introducing through cracks perilous possibilities of reform, of equality and even
emancipation.
The American Revolution
Finally, the American Revolution, though not directly affecting the local economy and politics of
the Philippines in the nineteenth century, had important repercussions to democratic aspirations
of the Filipino reformist led by Rizal during this period. The American Revolution refers to the
political upheaval during the last half of the 18th century in which the 13 colonies of North
America overthrew the rule of the British Empire and rejected the British monarchy to make the
United States of American a sovereign nation. In this period, the colonies first rejected the
authority of British Parliament to govern without representation, and formed self-governing
independent states. The American revolution had given the world in the 19th century the idea
that colonized people can gain their independence from their colonizers. The Americans were
able to overthrow their British colonial masters to gain independence and the status of one free
nation-state. This significant event had reverberated in Europe and around the world and inspired
others to follow. Indirectly, the American Revolution had in a way inspired Filipino reformists
like Rizal to aspire for freedom and independence. When the Philippines was opened by Spain to
world trade in the 19th century, liberal ideas from America borne by ships and men from foreign
ports began to reach the country and influenced the ilustrados. These ideas, contained in books
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
12
and newspapers, were ideologies of the American and French Revolutions and the thoughts of
Montesquieu, Rousseau, Voltaire, Locke, Jefferson, and other political philosophers.
13
period. In the last decades of the 19th century, the Spanish friars were so influential and powerful
that they practically ruled the whole archipelago. The Spanish civil authorities as well as patriotic
Filipinos feared them. In every Christian town in the country, for instance, the friar was the real
ruler, not the elected gobernadorcillo. He was the supervisor of local elections, the inspector of
the schools, the arbiter of morals, and the censor of books and stage shows. He could order the
arrest or exile to distant land of any filibustero (traitor) or anti-friar Filipino who disobeyed him
or refused to kiss his hands.
One of the aims of Rizal and the propagandists in order to prepare the Filipino people for
revolution and independence was to discredit the friars. Exposing the abuses and immoralities of
the friars was one way to downplay their power and influence among the people and thus could
shift the allegiance of the Indios from the friars to the Filipino reformists and leaders. The
strengthening power of the friars in the 19th century had encouraged the nationalists to double
their efforts to win the people to their side.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
14
15
This unfortunate incident in Cavite became an opportunity, however, for the Spaniards to
implicate the three Filipino priests who had been campaigning for Filipino rights, particularly the
right of Filipino priests to become parish priests or the Filipinization of the parishes in the
country. These three priests, especially Father Jose Burgos, the youngest and the most intelligent,
championed the rights of the Filipino priests and were critical of Spanish policies. The Spanish
government then wanted them to be placed behind bars or executed. To do this, it magnified the
event and made it appear as a revolt against the government. Thus, after the mutineers were
imprisoned, Fathers Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora (GOMBURZA) were
arrested and charged falsely with treason and mutiny under a military court. To implicate them,
the government bribed Francisco Zaldua, a former soldier, as the star witness. With a farcical
trial, a biased court, and a weak defense from their government-hired lawyers, the three priests
were convicted of a crime they did not commit. Governor Izquierdo approved their death
sentence and at sunrise of February 17, 1872, Fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora were escorted
under heavy guard to Luneta and were executed by garrote (strangulation machine) before a vast
crowd of Filipinos and foreigners.
The execution of GOMBURZA had hastened not only the downfall of the Spanish government
but also the growth of Philippine nationalism. The Filipino people resented the execution of the
three priests because they knew that they were innocent and were executed because they
championed Filipino rights. Among those in the crowd who resented the execution was Paciano,
the older brother of Jose Rizal, who inspired the national hero to follow the cause of the three
priests. Rizal dedicated his novel Noli Me Tangere to GOMBURZA to show his appreciation to
the latters courage, dedication to Filipino rights, and sense of nationalism.
Discontent with Spanish Institutions
Spain introduced into the country mechanisms or institutions to enable the colonial government
in the country to comply with its obligations of supporting the Churchs mission of
Christianizing the natives and to contribute to the Spanish Kings economic welfare. These
institutions include the encomienda, the polo or forced labor and the tributo or tribute. The
tribute consisted of direct (personal tribute and income tax) and indirect (customs duties and the
bandala), taxes, monopolies (rentas estancadas) of special crops and items as spirituous liquors
(1712-1864), betel nut (1764), tobacco (1782-1882), explosives (1805-1864), and opium (1847).
These colonial systems also became the major sources of discontent of many indios during the
Spanish period. Because of the oppressive nature of these systems, many revolts and uprisings
erupted in various parts of the country which contribute to the weakening of the Spanish rule in
the 19th century.
The Tribute or Tributo
As a sign of vassalage to Spain, the Filipino paid tribute to the colonial government in the island.
On July 26, 1523, King Charles V decreed that Indians who had been pacified should contribute
a moderate amount in recognition of their vassalage. In theory, the tribute or tax was collected
from the natives in order to defray the costs of colonization and to recognize their vassalage to
the king of Spain. From the point of view of the Catholic Church, tribute could be extracted from
the natives only if it was used primarily for the work of Christianization like the building of
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
16
churches in the colony, support for missionaries, and so on. But from the point of view of the
natives, the payment of the tribute was, however, seen as a symbol of acceptance of their
vassalage to Spain.
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi was first to order the payment of tribute, both in the Visayas and
Luzon. His successors followed this practice. As mentioned above, the buwis (tribute) during this
period consisted of two types: the direct taxes which came from personal tribute and income tax,
and indirect taxes which were collected from customs duties and bandala taxes, monopolies
(rentas escantadas) of special crops and items.
The tribute or buwis was collected from the natives both in specie (gold or money) and kind (e.g.
rice, cloth, chicken, coconut oil, abaca, etc.). The King of Spain preferred the payment of gold
but the natives paid largely in kind. That was why King Philip II was annoyed upon knowing that
most of the tributes in the colony was paid in kind. In the 1570s, the tribute was fixed at eight
reales (1 real=121 centavos) or in kind of gold, blankets, cotton, rice, bells and raised to fifteen
reales till the end of the Spanish period. Until the mid-nineteenth century, the Filipinos were
required to pay the tribute of 10 reales; 1 real diezmos prediales (tithes), 1 real town community
chest, 3 reales of sanctorum tax for church support or a total of 15 reales.
In addition, a special tax called bandala was also collected from the natives. Coming from the
word mandala (a round stack of rice stalks to be threshed), bandala was an annual enforced sale
or requisitioning of goods, particularly of rice or coconut oil, in the case of Tayabas. If this tax
was not paid or paid only in promissory notes, an outright confiscation of goods or crops would
follow. This type of tax was so oppressive that it sparked a revolt in 1660-61. In November 1782,
bandala was abolished in the provinces of Tondo, Bulacan, Pampanga, Laguna, Batangas,
Tayabas and Cavite since natives refused to plant rice and other crops because of this tax.
By 1884, the tribute was replaced by the cedula personal or personal identity paper which
resembles the present community or residence tax today. Everyone, whether Filipino or other
nationalities and over eighteen years of age, was required to pay this kind of tax.
The intended effect of the tribute was primarily to advance the Christianization of the natives in
the archipelago. The unintended effect however was the exploitation of the natives in the hands
of some abusive Spaniards in the collection of this tribute. Due to its lack of uniformity and fixed
policy in collecting tribute in the beginning, many natives complained of paying taxes beyond
legal prescription. Says Renato Constantino, The tribute-collectors alcaldes, mayors,
encomenderos, gobernadorcillos, and cabezasoften abused their offices by collecting more
than the law required and appropriating the difference.
The Encomienda
Another colonial system that was intimately connected with the tribute was the encomienda
system. The word encomienda comes from the Spanish encomendar which means to
entrust. The ecomienda was a grant of inhabitants living in a particular conquered territory
which Spain gave to Spanish colonizer as a reward for his services. It was given by the king of
Spain as gesture of gratitude to those who assisted him in colonizing the Indies. In the strict
sense, it was not a land grant but a grant to exercise control over a specific place including its
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
17
inhabitants. This included the right for the encomendero (owner of encomienda) to impose
tribute or taxes according to the limit and kind set by higher authorities. In exchange for this
right, the encomendero was duty-bound by law to (1) defend his encomienda from external
incursions, (2) to keep peace and order, and (3) to assist the missionaries in evangelizing the
natives within his territory.
The encomiendas during the Spanish period were of two kindsthe royal and private. The royal
encomiendas which consisted of big cities, seaports, and inhabitants of regions rich in natural
resources were owned by the king. The private encomiendas were owned by private individuals
or charitable institutions such as the Colegio de Santa Potenciana and the Hospital de San Juan
de Dios. By 1591, a total of 257 encomiendas with a total population of over 600,000 were
created by the Spanish king in the Philippines (31 royal and 236 private). The encomienda
system lasted a little longer and finally ended in the first decade of the 19th century.
Like the tribute, the encomienda system was one of the major sources of discontent of the natives
against the Spanish rule. This system had empowered the Spanish encomiendero to collect
tribute or taxes according to his whim or desire. Because there was no systematic taxation system
in the colony, the encomiendero has the option to collect the tribute in gold, cash, or kind. When
gold was abundant and money was scarce, he demanded cash or reales; when reales were
plentiful and there was scarcity of gold, they asked for gold, even when the poor Filipinos were
coerced to buy them. During bumper harvests, he demanded products like rice, tobacco or even
all of the Filipino possessions, and they were forced to travel great distances to try to buy them
at high rates. The encomiendero had indeed become abusive because of his discretionary power
to collect taxes within his jurisdiction. Filipinos who resisted his power were publicly flogged,
tortured or jailed. These unjust collections of taxes within the encomienda system became one of
the causes of intermittent uprisings in the Philippines during the Spanish period.
The Polo or Forced Labor
In addition to the tribute, the Polo or forced labor was another practice that created discontent
among the indios during the Spanish times. The word polo is actually a corruption of the
Tagalog pulong, originally meaning meeting of persons and things or community labor.
Drafted laborers were either Filipino or Chinese male mestizos who were obligated to give
personal service to community projects, like construction and repair of infrastructure, church
construction, or cutting logs in forests, for forty days. All able-body males, from 16 to 60 years
of old, except chieftains and their elder sons, were required to render labor for these various
projects in the colony. This was instituted in 1580 and reduced to 15 days per year in 1884.
There were laws that regulated polo. For instance, the polista (the person who rendered forced
labor) would be paid a daily wage of real plus rice. Moreover, the polista was not supposed to
be brought from a distant place nor required to work during planting and harvesting seasons.
Despite restrictions, polo resulted in disastrous consequences, e.g., the ruining of communities
that men left behind. The promised wage was not given exactly as promised that led to starvation
or even death of some polistas and their families. Moreover, the polo had affected the village
economy negatively. The labor drafts coincided with the planting and harvesting seasons; forced
separation from the family and relocation to different places, sometimes outside the Philippines;
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
18
and reduction of male population as they were compelled at times, to escape to the mountains
instead of working in the labor pool.
Union of Church and State
During the Spanish period, there was a union of Church and State. The Catholic religion became
the State religion. Both civil and ecclesiastical authorities served God and king. Thus, the
functions of the government officials oftentimes overlapped with those of the clergy in the
Church. Under the arrangements between the Pope and the Spanish King called the Patronato
Real de las Indias, civil and Church authorities must coordinate to Christianize the natives in the
colony. Since the evangelization of the natives was the only reason, according to the Church,
which gave Spain the right to colonize the Philippines and to extract tribute, civil authorities
should support the material needs of the missionaries in building Churches and catechizing the
inhabitants. Thus, the government provided salaries to the Spanish missionaries and the clergy,
making them technically government officials.
The union of Church and State also implied the non-payment of all forms of tribute or taxes by
the Catholic Church and members of its clergy. The Church did not pay any personal or income
tax to the government. Instead, the government contributed a huge amount of the taxes or duties
collected from the colony to the Church for its evangelization work. Owing to this union, the
clergy and friars enjoyed political influence in the country. In the town, for instance, the parish
priest holds immense power compared to the gobernadorcillo or town mayor. He represented the
Spanish King in his area of responsibility. He supervised local elections, education, charities,
morals and taxation. Until 1762, members of the Church hierarchy like bishops and archbishops
acted as governor-generals in case of vacancy in the gubernatorial office. Among them were:
Archbishop Francisco de la Cuesta (1719-21), Bishop Juan de Arrechederra (1745-50), Bishop
Lino de Espeleta (1759-61) and Archbishop Manuel Antonio Rojo (1761-62).
With todays doctrine of Separation of Church and State introduced by the Americans, it is
unthinkable for bishops and priests to hold public office or exercise government power owing to
the ban imposed by the Pope to the clergy. With vast powers both spiritual and political in their
hands, Spanish friars and the clergy held absolute powers in the colony during the Spanish
period. This had attracted the attention of the reformists and ilustrados led by Jose Rizal that
resulted in a nationalist desire for reforms in the country and eventually independence from
Spain.
Abuses and Immoralities of the Friars
Although not all friars are bad, abusive and immoral friars became a source cause of peoples
disenchantment with the Spanish rule. The Filipino reformists led by Dr. Rizal hated the abusive
friars and wanted them to be expelled from the country as attested by their Anti-Friars
Manifesto of 1888.
The bad friars were portrayed by Rizal in his two novels Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo
and by Graciano Lopez Jaena as Fray Botod. These bad friars were arrogant, abusive and
immoral. They impregnated native women and sire illegitimate children.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
19
The reformist Marcelo H. Del Pilar parodied the Ten Commandments to ridicule the friars:
1. Thou shalt worship and love the friars above all.
2. Thou shalt not cheat them of their stipends.
3. Thou shalt sanctify the friar, Sundays or holidays.
4. Thou shalt pawn thyself to pay for the burial of thy father and mother.
5. Thou shouldst not die if thou hast not the money to pay for thine interment.
6. Thou shalt not covet his wife.
7. Thou shalt not steal with him.
8. Thou shalt not accuse him even if thou be called a liar.
9. Thou shalt not refuse him your wife.
10. Thou shalt not deny him your property
Racial Discrimination
Another area of animosity between Filipinos and Spaniards that led to discontent of the Spanish
rule was racial discrimination. Racial discrimination is a form of social exclusion where people
are prevented from having access to public goods by virtue of their physical traits. It is an
abusive behavior of one race against another. In colonization, the white colonizers who were
Caucasians often looked down on their colonized people or natives as inferior by virtue of their
skin, height, nose, or physical traits. In the Philippines, the Spanish authorities regarded the
brown Filipino as an inferior people and derisively called them Indios or Indians. This racial
prejudice against native Filipinos existed in government offices, in the armed forces, in
universities and colleges, in courts of justice, and in high society. Although the laws applied in
the colony recognized no difference between various races, documentary evidence on racism in
the Philippines is abundant. A description of Pardo de Tavera illustrates this racial discrimination
in social etiquette:
The townspeople were obliged to remove their hats when a Spaniard passed, and
this was especially the case if he occupied some official position; if the Spaniard
happened to be a priest; in addition to the removal of the hat the native was
obliged to kiss his hat. No Indian [i.e.,Filipino] was allowed to sit at the same
table with a Spaniard, even though the Spaniard was a guest in the Indians house.
The Spaniards addressed the Filipinos [i.e., Spaniards born in the Philippines] by
the pronoun thou, and although many of the Spaniards married pure blood
native women, the wives were always looked down on in society as belonging to
an inferior class.
The friars and some Spanish writers maligned the Filipino race in their writings. They degraded
the indios as neither a merchant nor an industrial, neither a farmer nor a philosopher. The
Franciscan Fr. Miguel Lucio y Bustamante opined in his Si Tandang Basio Macunat (Manila,
1885) that the Filipino could never learn the Spanish language or be civilized: The Spaniards
will always be a Spaniard, and the indio will always be an indioThe monkey will always be a
monkey however you dress him with shirt and trousers, and will always be a monkey and not
human.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
20
To prove that indios were not inferior people, some talented and intelligent Filipinos excelled in
their chosen fields. Juan Luna excelled in painting. Fr. Jose Burgos in Theology and Canon Law.
Jose Rizal, by surpassing the Spanish writers in literary contests and winning fame as a
physician, man-of-letters, scholar, and a scientist, proved that a brown man could be as great, or
even greater, than a white man.
The decline of the Spanish rule in the 19th century and the popularity of Rizal and his reform
agenda were products of the interplay of various economic, social, political and cultural forces
both in the global and local scale. The three great revolutions, namely: Industrial, French and
American as well the birth of the social sciences and liberal ideas had gradually secularized
societies in the 19th century and thereby weakened the influence of religion in peoples mind,
especially the well-educated reformists and ilustrados. The political turmoil in Spain caused by
the rapid change of leadership and struggle between conservatives and liberals had also
weakened the Spanish administration in the Philippines. Although the influence of the Catholic
Church in the 19th century led by the friars had not diminished, the liberal and progressive ideas
of Rizal and the reformists had already awakened the nationalist sentiment of the natives that
soon became the catalyst for political change in the late 19th century.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
21
A Biographical Sketch
Teofilo H. Montemayor
JOSE RIZAL, the national hero of the Philippines and pride of the Malayan race, was born on
June 19, 1861, in the town of Calamba, Laguna. He was the seventh child in a family of 11
children (2 boys and 9 girls). Both his parents were educated and belonged to distinguished
families.
His father, Francisco Mercado Rizal, an industrious farmer whom Rizal called "a model of
fathers," came from Bian, Laguna; while his mother, Teodora Alonzo y Quintos, a highly
cultured and accomplished woman whom Rizal called "loving and prudent mother," was born in
Sta. Cruz, Manila. At the age of 3, he learned the alphabet from his mother; at 5, while learning
to read and write, he already showed inclinations to be an artist. He astounded his family and
relatives by his pencil drawings and sketches and by his moldings of clay. At the age 8, he wrote
a Tagalog poem, "Sa Aking Mga Kabata," the theme of which revolves on the love of ones
language. In 1877, at the age of 16, he obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree with an average of
"excellent" from the Ateneo Municipal de Manila. In the same year, he enrolled in Philosophy
and Letters at the University of Santo Tomas, while at the same time took courses leading to the
degree of surveyor and expert assessor at the Ateneo. He finished the latter course on March 21,
1877 and passed the Surveyors examination on May 21, 1878; but because of his age, 17, he
was not granted license to practice the profession until December 30, 1881. In 1878, he enrolled
in medicine at the University of Santo Tomas but had to stop in his studies when he felt that the
Filipino students were being discriminated upon by their Dominican tutors. On May 3, 1882, he
sailed for Spain where he continued his studies at the Universidad Central de Madrid. On June
21, 1884, at the age of 23, he was conferred the degree of Licentiate in Medicine and on June 19,
1885, at the age of 24, he finished his course in Philosophy and Letters with a grade of
"excellent."
Having traveled extensively in Europe, America and Asia, he mastered 22 languages. These
include Arabic, Catalan, Chinese, English, French, German, Greek, Hebrew, Italian, Japanese,
Latin, Malayan, Portuguese, Russian, Sanskrit, Spanish, Tagalog, and other native dialects. A
versatile genius, he was an architect, artists, businessman, cartoonist, educator, economist,
ethnologist, scientific farmer, historian, inventor, journalist, linguist, musician, mythologist,
nationalist, naturalist, novelist, opthalmic surgeon, poet, propagandist, psychologist, scientist,
sculptor, sociologist, and theologian.He was also an expert swordsman and marksman.
In the hope of securing political and social reforms for his country and at the same time educate
his countrymen, Rizal, the greatest apostle of Filipino nationalism, published, while in Europe,
several works with highly nationalistic and revolutionary tendencies. In March 1887, his daring
book, NOLI ME TANGERE, a satirical novel exposing the arrogance and despotism of the
Spanish clergy, was published in Berlin; in 1890, he reprinted in Paris Morgas SUCCESSOS
DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS with his annotations to prove that the Filipinos had a civilization
worthy to be proud of even long before the Spaniards set foot on Philippine soil; on September
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
22
18, 1891, EL FILIBUSTERISMO, his second novel and a sequel to the NOLI and more
revolutionary and tragic than the latter, was printed in Ghent. Because of his fearless exposures
of the injustices committed by the civil and clerical officials, Rizal provoked the animosity of
those in power. This led himself, his relatives and countrymen into trouble with the Spanish
officials in the country. As a consequence, he and those who had contacts with him, were
shadowed; the authorities were not only finding faults but even fabricating charges to pin him
down. Thus, he was imprisoned in Fort Santiago from July 6, 1892 to July 15, 1892 on a charge
that anti-friar pamphlets were found in the luggage of his sister Lucia who arrived with him from
Hong Kong. While a political exile in Dapitan, he engaged in agriculture, fishing and business;
he maintained and operated a hospital; he conducted classes- taught his pupils the English and
Spanish languages, the arts, mathematics, natural sciences, physical education, etc.
Well-versed in the sciences, vocational courses including agriculture, surveying, sculpturing, and
painting, he did some researches and collected specimens, entered into correspondence with
renowned men of letters and sciences abroad, and with the help of his pupils, constructed water
dam and a relief map of Mindanao both considered as remarkable engineering feats. His
sincerity and friendliness won for him the trust and confidence of even those assigned to guard
him; his good manners and warm personality were found irresistible by women of all races with
whom he had personal contacts; his intelligence and humility gained for him the respect and
admiration of prominent men of other nations; while his undaunted courage and determination to
uplift the welfare of his people were feared by his enemies.
When the Philippine Revolution started on August 26, 1896, his enemies lost no time in pressing
him down. They were able to enlist witnesses that linked him with the revolt and these were
never allowed to be confronted by him. Thus, from November 3, 1986, to the date of his
execution, he was again committed to Fort Santiago. In his prison cell, he wrote an untitled
poem, now known as "Ultimo Adios" which is considered a masterpiece and a living document
expressing not only the heros great love of country but also that of all Filipinos. After a mock
trial, he was convicted of rebellion, sedition and of forming illegal association. In the cold
morning of December 30, 1896, Rizal, a man whose 35 years of life had been packed with varied
activities which proved that the Filipino has capacity to equal if not excel even those who treated
him as a slave, was shot at Bagumbayan Field.
Activity
Instruction: Please write a brief biography (yours) highlighting the most important events in your life.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
23
Genealogy
The Mercado-Rizal Family
The family was considered one of the biggest families during their time. Domingo Lam-co, the
family's paternal ascendant was a full-blooded Chinese who came to the Philippines from Amoy,
China in the closing years of the 17th century and married a Chinese half-breed by the name of
Ines de la Rosa.
Researchers revealed that the Mercado-Rizal family had also traces of Japanese, Spanish, Malay
and Even Negrito blood aside from Chinese.
Jose Rizal came from a 13-member family consisting of his parents, Francisco Mercado and
Teodora Alonso Realonda, nine sisters and one brother.
FRANCISCO MERCADO (1818-1898)
Father of Jose Rizal who was the youngest of 13 offsprings of Juan and Cirila Mercado. Born in
Bian, Laguna on April 18, 1818; studied in San Jose College, Manila; and died in Manila.
TEODORA ALONSO (1827-1913)
Mother of Jose Rizal who was the second child of Lorenzo Alonso and Brijida de Quintos. She
studied at the Colegio de Santa Rosa. She was a business-minded woman, courteous, religious,
hard-working and well-read. She was born in Santa Cruz, Manila on November 14, 1827 and
died in 1913 in Manila.
SATURNINA RIZAL (1850-1913)
Eldest child of the Rizal-Alonzo marriage. Married Manuel Timoteo Hidalgo of Tanauan,
Batangas.
PACIANO RIZAL (1851-1930)
Only brother of Jose Rizal and the second child. Studied at San Jose College in Manila; became a
farmer and later a general of the Philippine Revolution.
NARCISA RIZAL (1852-1939)
The third child. Married Antonio Lopez at Morong, Rizal; a teacher and musician.
OLYMPIA RIZAL (1855-1887)
The fourth child. Married Silvestre Ubaldo; died in 1887 from childbirth.
LUCIA RIZAL (1857-1919)
The fifth child. Married Matriano Herbosa.
MARIA RIZAL (1859-1945)
The sixth child. Married Daniel Faustino Cruz of Bian, Laguna.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
24
Profile Pictures
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
25
Saturnina (1850-1913)
Narcisa (1852-1939)
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Paciano (1851-1930)
Olympia (1855-1887
26
Lucia (1857-1919)
Trinidad (1868-1951)
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Maria (1859-1945)
Soledad (1870-1929)
27
Education
Early Education in Calamba and Bian
Rizal had his early education in Calamba and Bian. It was a typical schooling that a son of an
ilustrado family received during his time, characterized by the four Rs- reading, writing,
arithmetic, and religion. Instruction was rigid and strict. Knowledge was forced into the minds of
the pupils by means of the tedious memory method aided by the teachers whip. Despite the
defects of the Spanish system of elementary education, Rizal was able to acquire the necessary
instruction preparatory for college work in Manila. It may be said that Rizal, who was born a
physical weakling, rose to become an intellectual giant not because of, but rather in spite of, the
outmoded and backward system of instruction in the Philippines during the last decades of
Spanish regime.
The Heros First Teacher
The first teacher of Rizal was his mother, who was a remarkable woman of good character and
fine culture. On her lap, he learned at the age of three the alphabet and the prayers. "My mother,"
wrote Rizal in his student memoirs, "taught me how to read and to say haltingly the humble
prayers which I raised fervently to God."
As tutor, Doa Teodora was patient, conscientious, and understanding. It was she who first
discovered that her son had a talent for poetry. Accordingly, she encouraged him to write poems.
To lighten the monotony of memorizing the ABCs and to stimulate her sons imagination, she
related many stories.
As Jose grew older, his parents employed private tutors to give him lessons at home. The first
was Maestro Celestino and the second, Maestro Lucas Padua. Later, an old man named Leon
Monroy, a former classmate of Rizals father, became the boys tutor. This old teacher lived at
the Rizal home and instructed Jose in Spanish and Latin. Unfortunately, he did not lived long. He
died five months later.
After a Monroys death, the heros parents decided to send their gifted son to a private school in
Bian.
Jose Goes to Bian
One Sunday afternoon in June , 1869, Jose, after kissing the hands of his parents and a tearful
parting from his sister, left Calamba for Bian. He was accompanied by Paciano , who acted as
his second father. The two brothers rode in a carromata, reaching their destination after one and
one-half hours drive. They proceeded to their aunts house, where Jose was to lodge. It was
almost night when they arrived, and the moon was about to rise.
That same night, Jose, with his cousin named Leandro, went sightseeing in the town. Instead of
enjoying the sights, Jose became depressed because of homesickness. "In the moonlight," he
recounted, "I remembered my home town, my idolized mother, and my solicitous sisters. Ah,
how sweet to me was Calamba, my own town, in spite of the fact that it was not as wealthy as
Bian."
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
28
29
30
Students were divided into two groups: the "Roman Empire" (boarders) and the "Carthaginian
Empire" (non-boarders).
The best student in each empire was the emperor, followed by the tribune, then the decurion, the
centurion, and the fifth best was the standard-bearer.
The Romans had red banners, and the Carthaginians had blue.
Jose's first professor at the Ateneo was Fr. Jose Bech.
To improve his Spanish, Jose took private lessons in Santa Isabel College at noon breaks.
Rizal's first favorite novel was The Count of Monte Cristo by Alexander Dumas.
He won a medal in Latin.
Jose considered Fr. Sanchez as his best professor in the Ateneo.
He obtained the highest grades in all subjects and graduated with the highest honors.
When Rizal was 16 years old he had his first romance with Segunda Katigbak. Unfortunately,
the lady was already engaged to be married. Rizal, as a shy and timid lover, failed to propose
despite her encouragement.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
31
32
Aboard the steamer Djemnah, Rizal sailed to the East via the Suez Canal on June 3, 1887 and
reached Saigon on the 30th of July. From Saigon, he boarded the steamer Hayfong bound
for Manila. On the sixth day of August, he arrived in Manila and visited some friends, and
reached Calamba two days later. In his native land, he opened a medical clinic and restored his
mother's vision. Such miraculous news spread throughout the community like wild fire, thus,
his clinic was flocked by people aspiring for better eyesight. Newly arrived from Germany, he
began to be known as Doctor Uliman (from the word Aleman).
Regarding his novel Noli Me Tangere, Rizal met Governor General Emilio Terrero who
informed him of the charges against him. As a defense, Rizal told Terrero that the Noli only
exposes the reality. Not having read the book yet and out of curiosity, the governor general asked
for a copy of the controversial novel, which he later confessed that he enjoyed reading. He saw
no problem on the book, yet to protect Rizal's life which was then in danger, he assigned Jose
Taviel de Andrade, a young Spanish lieutenant, as Rizal's personal bodyguard. Soon enough, the
attackers and defenders of the novel resurfaced.
33
in love not only with the view but more to its women, particularly with the 23-year old O-SeiSan (a.k.a. Usui Seiko).
The West
Rizal was almost tempted to settle in Japan with O-Sei-San, but on April 13, 1888, Rizal boarded
the English steamer, Belgic bound for the United States, reaching the land on April 28. He
visited San Francisco, left it on the second day for Oklahoma, then to Sacramento, then to Reno,
and finally to New York. On May 16, 1888, he boarded the ship City of Rome for Liverpool
where he decided to stay in London until March 1899. Rizal chose to stay in London so that he
could improve his English skills, study and do an annotation of Antonio Morga's Sucesos de las
Islas Filipinas and because he believed that the said English city was a safe place for him to
carry on the reforms he wanted for the Philippines. He stayed at Dr. Antonio Ma. Regidor's home
and boarded at the Beckett family where he fell in love with Gertrude.
Great Britain
In London, Rizal received both good news and bad news from home. The good news was that
Rev. Vicente Garcia was defending his Noli from the attacks of the friars. On the other hand, the
bad news were that the Filipino signatories of the Petition of 1888 and the tenants of the
Calamba agrarian trouble were facing persecution; that his brothers-in-law, Manuel T. Hidalgo
and Mariano Herbosa, were exiled to Bohol and was denied Christian burial, respectively; and
his friend, Laureano Viado, a UST medical student, was imprisoned for possessing a copy of
his Noli. During his stay in this country, Rizal also made used of his time in writing essays and
articles for the La Solidaridad. On June 12, 1889, with Filipino and Spanish friends, they
founded the Asociacion Hispano-Filipino which aimed for union and reforms. After ten months,
Rizal left London and departed for Paris.
France
In Paris, Rizal continued his study on various languages and practiced his artistic skills, and
finished two statues - The Beggar and The Maid with a Basket. He organized a social club
called Kidlat Club which brought together young Filipinos residing in France. Soon, the
members of the said club founded a new Filipino society the Indios Bravos, an organization
which envisioned Filipinos being recognized by Spain for being excellent in various fields of
knowledge. By January 1890, Rizal's annotation of the Sucesos was finally printed and publihed
by the Garnier Freres.
Belgium
With his roommate, Jose Albert, Rizal celebrated Christmas in Paris. Shortly after New Year, he
visited London for the last time and on January 28, 1890, left Paris for Brussels. With Albert,
they left the extravagant and gay social life in Paris and stayed in a boarding house owned by the
Jacoby sisters in Brussels. Rizal continued contributing for La Solidaridad under the
pseudonyms Dimas Alang and Laong Laan. From Calamba, Rizal received letters telling that the
agrarian trouble in the province was getting worse, and as such, he decided to go home. But
instead of going home, a letter from Paciano told him that they already lost the case against
the Dominicans and they were in need of a lawyer who would defend their family and the
families in Calamba from Madrid. Rizal traveled to Madrid to seek justice but in vain he could
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
34
not find the right person and he heard that his family was already evicted from their land in
Calamba and other family members were banished to Mindoro and Manila.
Spain
Rizal had many misadventures in Madrid. For one, he challenged Antonio Luna and Wenceslao
Retana in a duel. With Luna, it was about the latter's frustration with his unsuccessful love
affair with Nellie Boustead, and so gave negative remarks on the lady which Rizal did not
tolerated. The other encounter was with Retana who had insulted Rizal and his family by writing
in La Epoca, an anti-Filipino newspaper, that the Rizal family in Calamba was ejected from their
lands because they did not pay their rents. It was also from this city where Rizal heard the news
of Leonor Rivera's marriage with Henry Kipping, an Englishman, which terribly broke his heart.
Another marked event in Madrid was the Marcelo H. del Pilar-Jose Rizal rivalry for leadership in
the Asociacion Hispano Filipino. A faction emerged from the Filipinos in Madrid, the
Rizalistas and Pilaristas, Rizal and del Pilar's compatriots, respectively, during the organization's
election. Losing the election, Rizal decided to go back home, fearing that his presence may result
to bigger and stronger faction among the Filipinos in Madrid. But instead of going straight to
Hongkong, he went back to Brussels to finish his second novel, the El Filibusterismo.
Back in Hongkong
After the Fili was published, Rizal left Europe. Aboard the S.S. Melbourne, he sailed to
Hongkong where he lived for seven months. His reasons for venturing to Hongkong were the
following:
On November 20, 1891, Rizal arrived in Hongkong and was cordially welcomed by the Filipino
residents in the city, particularly, his friend Jose Ma. Basa. He resided at No. 5 D' Aguilar Street,
No. 2 Rednaxela Terrace and opened a medical clinic there. Rizal had a continued
correspondence with his family in Calamba and had been aware of the unsettled agrarian
problem. Through a letter from his brother-in-law, Manuel T. Hidalgo, he had been informed of
the deportation of twenty-five persons in Calamba, including the Rizal family. This news made
Rizal even more desperate to return to Manila, but his sorrow was replaced by surprise when his
family visited him in Hongkong and celebrated the 1891 Christmas with him.
While in Hongkong, Rizal practiced his medical career. With the help of his friend, Dr. Lorenzo
P. Marquez, they built a large clientle and opened a medical clinic where he was recognized as
an excellent eye surgeon. He was equally supported and aided both morally and financially by
his family and friends with his chosen career.
Another marked event during Rizal's stay in Hongkong was his plan to move the landless
Filipinos to Borneo and transform the said wilderness into a New Calamba through the so
called Borneo Colonization Project. In April 1892, he visited Borneo and negotiated with the
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
35
British authorities who wre willing to provide 100,000 acres of land for the Filipinos. Many
Filipino patriots found this project amusing, thus, promoted the said project. However, there
were a number who objected, one of which was Rizal's brother-in-law, Hidalgo. Twice did Rizal
write a letter addressed to Governor General Eulogio Despujol informing his Borneo
colonization project, with whom he received no response. Instead, Despujol commanded the
Spanish consul-general in Hongkong to notify Rizal that such project was very unpatriotic, and
by immigrating Filipinos to Borneo, the Philippines would surely be lacking of laborers.
Despite much opposition from friends and relatives, he decided to return to Manila on the
following reasons:
Before his departure, he wrote three more letters the first addressed to his parents and friends;
the second one, to the Filipinos; and the last to Governor General Eulogio Despujol. Instead of
having the protection he desired, Rizal and his sister, Lucia, fell into a Spanish trap a case was
secretly filed against Rizal, and Despujol ordered his secretary, Luis de la Torre, to verify
whether the patriot had naturalized himself as German citizen or not. And so the siblings sailed
across the China Sea without prior knowledge of what awaited them in the Philippines the
deportation of Jose Rizal to Dapitan.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
36
Exile in Dapitan
Peaceful Life in Dapitan
During the early part of his exile in Dapitan, Rizal lived at the commandants residence. With his
prize from the Manila Lottery and his earnings as a farmer and a merchant, he bought a piece of
land near the shore of Talisay near Dapitan. On this land, he built three houses- all made of
bamboo, wood, and nipa. The first house which was square in shape was his home. The second
house was the living quarters of his pupils. And the third house was the barn where he kept his
chickens. The second house had eight sides, while the third had six sides.
In a letter to his friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt, on December 19, 1893, Rizal described his
peaceful life in Dapitan.
"I shall tell you how we lived here. I have three houses-one square, another hexagonal, and the
third octagonal. All these houses are made of bamboo, wood, and nipa. I live in the square house,
together with my mother, my sister, Trinidad, and my nephew. In the octagonal house live some
young boys who are my pupils. The hexagonal house is my barn where I keep my chickens.
"From my house, I hear the murmur of a clear brook which comes from the high rocks. I see the
seashore where I keep two boats, which are called barotos here.
"I have many fruit trees, such as mangoes, lanzones, guayabanos, baluno, nangka, etc. I have
rabbits, dogs, cats, and other animals.
"I rise early in the morning at five visit my plants, feed the chickens, awaken my people, and
prepare our breakfast. At half-past seven, we eat our breakfast, which consists of tea, bread,
cheese, sweets, and other things.
"After breakfast, I treat the poor patients who come to my house. Then I dress and go to Dapitan
in my baroto. I am busy the whole morning, attending to my patients in town.
"At noon, I return home to Talisay for lunch. Then, from 2:00 to 4:00 p.m., I am busy as a
teacher. I teach the young boys.
"I spend the rest of the afternoon in farming. My pupils help me in watering the plants, pruning
the fruits, and planting many kinds of trees. We stop at 6:00 p.m. for the Angelus
"I spend the night reading and writing."
First Christmas
After a short time, Jose Rizal began to enjoy the simple life of Dapitan. He also became
prosperous. Aside from his lottery prize, Rizal earned more money by practicing medicine. Some
rich patients paid him well for curing their eye ailments. He began to buy agricultural lands in
Talisay, a barrio near Dapitan. He planned to build his house in this scenic barrio by the
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
37
seashore.
As Christmas came nearer, Rizal became more cheerful. His savings increased, for the cost of
living in Dapitan was cheaper than in Calamba. His health improved. Many Dapitan folks, who
were formerly indifferent to him, became his friends.
No wonder, Rizal enjoyed his first Christmas in Dapitan. He was one of the guests of Captain
Carnicero at a Christmas Eve dinner in the comandancia (house of the commandant). The other
guests were three Spaniards from the neighboring town of Dipolog and a Frenchman named Jean
Lardet. It was a merry feast. The guests enjoyed the delicious dishes prepared by the
commandants native cook. With the exception of Rizal, they drank beer, for he disliked hard
liquor. At midnight, Captain Carnicero, Rizal, and other guests went to church to hear the Mass
of the Noche Buena.
In a letter to his mother, dated January 5, 1893, Rizal described how he enjoyed his first
Christmas in Dapitan. He said:
"I spent a merry Christmas here. It could not have been merrier. I had a happy dinner on
Christmas Eve, together with my host (the commandant), three Spaniards from a neighboring
town, and a Frenchman. We heard Mass at 12:00 midnight, for you know I go to Mass here
every Sunday."
The Farmer
To prove to his people that farming is a good a profession as medicine, Rizal became a farmer in
Dapitan. In a letter to his sister, Lucia, on February 12, 1896, he said: "We cannot all be doctors;
it is necessary that there would be some to cultivate the soil."
During the first year of his exile (1893), Rizal bought an abandoned farm in Talisay, a barrio
near Dapitan. This farm had an area of sixteen hectares and was rather rocky. It lay beside a river
that resembled the Calamba River-clear fresh water, wide and swift current. In his letter to his
sister Trinidad on January 15, 1896, Rizal said: "My land is half an hours walk from the sea.
The whole place is poetic and very picturesque, better than Ilaya River, without comparison. At
some points, it is wide like the Pasig River and as clear as the Pansol, and has some crocodiles in
some parts. There are dalag (fish) and pako (edible fern). If you and our parents come, I am
going to build a large house where we can all live together."
On this land in Talisay, Rizal actually built a permanent home. With the help of his pupils and
some laborers, he cleared it and planted cacao, coffee, coconuts, and fruit trees. Later, he bought
more lands in other barrios of Dapitan. In due time, his total land holdings reached 70 hectares.
They contained 6,000 abaca plants, 1,000 coconut palms, many coffee and cacao plants and
numerous kinds of fruit trees.
On his lands, Rizal introduced modern methods of agriculture which he had observed during his
travels in Europe and America. He encouraged the Dapitan farmers to replace their primitive
system of cultivation with these modern methods. These modern methods of farming consisted
of the use of fertilizers, the rotation of crops, and the use of farm machines. Rizal actually
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
38
39
"Doctor," he told Rizal, "I need your help. I would like to have a beautiful backdrop behind the
church altar that shows the spirit of the Holy Week. Ive in mind something similar to one in a
church in Barcelona."
Father Balaguer made some rough sketches as he described the backdrop in the Barcelona
church. "Can you paint in oil such a picture on a huge canvas, Doctor?" he asked.
"Ill try, Father. You see, I havent done any painting for many years, but Ill do my best."
The following day, Rizal went to the Jesuit priest, bringing his own sketch based on the latters
ideas. Father Balaguer was satisfied and urged Rizal to begin the painting job at once.
The actual painting of the backdrop was a difficult task. Rizal obtained the help of two
assistants-Sister Agustina Montoya, a Filipina nun from Cavite who could paint, and Francisco
Almirol, a native painter of Dapitan.
The trio Rizal, Sister Montoya, and Almirol made the sacristy of the church as their
workshop. Rizal sketched in soft pencil the general outline of the picture, after which his two
assistants applied the oil colors.
Daily, Rizal supervised the work of his assistants. He himself put the finishing touches. He was
glad to note that he still had the skill in painting.
Father Balaguer was very much satisfied with the finished oil painting of the backdrop. "
Beautiful, very beautiful," he said. He warmly thanked Rizal and his two assistants for the work
well done.
The gorgeous backdrop became a precious possession of the Dapitan church- Santiago Church. It
was truly a masterpiece.
Senate President Manuel L. Quezon saw Rizals painting masterpiece during his visit to Dapitan.
He was deeply impressed by its majestic beauty. At one time General Leonard Wood, governorgeneral of the Philippines, saw it and said that it was truly "a Rizalian legacy".
After the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, the beautiful backdrop was sent
to the Museum of the Ateneo de Manila for safekeeping.
Unfortunately, it was destroyed during the Second World War when fires and bombs razed the
city of Manila.
Last Christmas
The Christmas of 1895 was one of the happiest events in Rizals life. It was because of the
presence of Josephine, who proved to be a loving wife and a good housekeeper.
She was now used to living a simple rural life in the Philippines. She was industrious and learned
to cook all sorts of native dishes.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
40
In his letter to his sister, Trinidad, on September 25, 1895, Rizal praised Josephine, thus: "She
cooks, washes, and takes care of the chickens and the house. In the absence of miki for making
pancit, she made some long macaroni noodles out of flour and eggs, which serves the purpose. If
you could send me a little angkak, I should be grateful to you, for she makes bagoong. She
makes also chili miso, but it seems to me that what we have will last for 10 years."
On December 25, 1895, Rizal and Josephine gave a Christmas party at their home in Talisay. By
a strange twist of fate, it proved to be Rizals last Christmas in Dapitan.
Rizal roasted a small pig to golden brown over a slow fire. He also made chicken broth out of a
fat hen. He invited all his neighbors. They all danced and made merry until dawn.
Writing to his sister, Trinidad, on January 15, 1896, Rizal described his last Christmas party in
Dapitan. "We celebrated merrily, as almost always. We roasted a small pig and hen. We invited
our neighbors. There was dancing, and we laughed a great deal until dawn."
A Son Dies
By the beginning of 1896, Rizal was very happy. His beloved Josephine was heavy with child.
Within a few months, she would give birth to a child. As an expectant father, Rizal had every
reason to be cheerful and gay.
Unfortunately, Rizal and Josephine were not destined to have a child. One day in early March
1896, Rizal played a practical joke on Josephine, which frightened her terribly. As a result of her
great fright, she gave birth prematurely to an eight-month baby boy.
The baby was very weak and was gasping for breath. Seeing the babys condition, Rizal
immediately baptized him Francisco in honor of his father. He did everything he could to save
the life of his infant son, but in vain. All his knowledge and skill as a physician could not save
little Francisco. Sorrowfully, Rizal saw his child die three hours after birth.
With a heavy heart, he drew a sketch of his dead son. Then he buried him under a shady tree near
his home. He prayed": "Oh, God, I give you another tiny angel. Please bless his soul."
Adios!
On the morning of July 31, 1896, his last day in Dapitan, Rizal busily packed his things. He was
scheduled to leave the town on board the Espaa, which was sailing back to Manila. He had sold
his lands and other things he owned to his friends, mostly natives of Dapitan.
At 5:30 in the afternoon, he and eight other companions embarked on the steamer. His eight
companions were Josephine; Narcisa (his sister); Angelica (daughter of Narcisa); his three
nephews, Mauricio (son of Maria), Estanislao and Teodosio (sons of Lucia); and Mr. And Mrs.
Sunico.
Almost all Dapitan folks, young and old, were at the shore to see the departure of their beloved
doctor. The pupils of Rizal cried, for they could not accompany their dear teacher. Captain
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
41
Carnicero, in full regalia of a commandants uniform, was on hand to say goodbye to his
prisoner, whom he had come to admire and respect. The town brass band played the music of the
farewell ceremony.
At midnight, Friday, July 31, 1896, the steamer departed for Manila. The Dapitan folks shouted
"Adios, Dr. Rizal!" and threw their hats and handkerchiefs in the air. Captain Carnicero saluted
his departing friend. As the steamer left the town, the brass band played the sad music of
Chopins Farewell March.
Rizal was in the upper deck, with tears in his eyes. He raised his hand in farewell to the kind and
hospitable people of Dapitan, saying: Adios, Dapitan!" He gazed at the crowded shore for the
last time. His heart was filled with sorrow.
When he could no longer see the dim shoreline, he turned sadly into his cabin. He wrote in his
diary: "I have been in that district four years, thirteen days, and a few hours."
Back to Manila
1 August 1896, age 35. Left Dapitan en route to Spain as a volunteer surgeon for the Cuban
yellow fever hospitals. Carried letters of recommendation from Governor-General Blanco.
6 August 1896. At dawn the Espaa entered Manila Bay. He was not able to depart immediately
for Spain, because the Isla de Luzon which Rizal was supposed to board left the day before they
arrived at Manila.
(7 August to 2 September 1896) On Spanish cruiser Castilla in Manila Bay.Sailed for Spain on
Spanish mail steamer and just after leaving Port Said was confined to his cabin as a prisoner on
cabled order from Manila. (Rizals enemies to secure the appointment of a governor-general
subservient to them, the servile Polavieja had purchased Governor-General Blancos promotion.)
12 August 1896. He sent a letter to his sister Narcisa, asking her to let Josephine Bracken send
him pants, vests, collars, and cuffs, through a certain Prudencio Bulag.
19 August 1896. He advised his parents and sisters how they could visit him on board the
Castilla, and likewise requested Narcisa to buy fruits for the officers of the cruiser, who treated
him well.
25 August 1896. In a letter, he thanked his sister Narcisa for the hospitality she had shown by
letting Josephine Bracken stay in her house.
30 August 1896. Governor Ramon Balnco sent Rizal a letter recommending him to the Minister
of War, saying that Rizals conduct in Dapitan was exemplary and that he had no connection at
all with the Philippine Revolution.
2 September 1896. Rizal was transferred to the boat Isla de Panay at 6:00 oclock in the evening.
He was met by the captain of the boat, Capt. Alemany, and was given the best cabin. Later, he
wrote a letter to his mother informing her of his good health on board the ship.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
42
He informed his mother of his departure for Cuba, comforting her that everybody is in the hands
of the Divine Providence. To his sisters, he urged them to take good care and and love their aged
parents the way they expect their children to love them.
43
44
Preliminary Investigation
After fishing as much evidence as possible, on November 20, 1896, the preliminary investigation
on Rizal began. During the five-day investigation, Rizal was informed of the charges against him
before Judge Advocate Colonel Francisco Olive. He was put under interrogation without the
benefit of knowing who testified against him. Presented before him were two kinds of evidences
documentary and testimonial.
There were a total of fifteen exhibits for the documentary evidence.
Testimonial evidences, on the other hand, were comprised of oral proofs provided by Martin
Constantino, Aguedo del Rosario, Jose Reyes, Moises Salvador, Jose Dizon, Domingo Franco,
Deodato Arellano, Pio Valenzuela, Antonio Salazar, Francisco Quison, and Timoteo Paez.
These evidences were endorsed by Colonel Olive to Governor Ramon Blanco who designated
Captain Rafael Dominguez as the Judge Advocate assigned with the task of deciding what
corresponding action should be done. Dominguez, after a brief review, transmitted the records to
Don Nicolas de la Pea, the Judge Advocate General, for an opinion. Pea's recommendations
were as follows:
Although given with privilege to choose his own defense counsel, this was limited to a list of
100 names both first and second lieutenants - that the Spanish authorities provided him. Of the
list, one familiar name stood out Lt. Luis Taviel de Andrade. Rizal discovered that the said
lieutenant was the brother of Lt. Jose Taviel de Andrade who worked as Rizal's personal body
guard in Calamba in 1887.
Charges against Rizal
On the 11th of December 1896, in the presence of his Spanish counsel, charges against Rizal
were read. When asked regarding his sentiments or reaction on the charges, Rizal replied that:
Two days after, Rizal's case was endorsed to Blanco's successor, Governor Camilo de Polavieja,
who had the authority to command that the case be court-martialed. On December 15, inside his
cell at Fort Santiago, Rizal wrote the controversial Manifesto addressed to his countrymen a
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
45
letter denouncing bloody struggle, and promoting education and industry as the best means to
acquire independence. However, Judge Advocate General Nicolas de la Pea requested to Gov.
Polavieja that the publication of the manifesto be prohibited, and so, the governor did.
Trial
Accustomed to share the merry season with family, friends and relatives, the 1896 Christmas was
indeed, Rizal's saddest. Confined in a dark, gloomy cell, Rizal was in despair and had no idea of
what his fate may be. Under this delusion, he wrote a letter to Lt. Taviel de Andrade requesting
the latter to visit him before his trial for there was a very important matter they need to discuss.
Likewise, Rizal greeted the lieutenant a joyous Christmas.
The next day, December 26, about 8:00 o'clock in the morning, the court-martial of Rizal
commenced. The hearing was actually a kind of moro-moro a planned trial wherein Rizal,
before hearing his verdict, had already been prejudged. Unlike other accused, Rizal had not been
allowed to know the people who witnessed against him. The trial took place at Cuartel de
Espaa, a military building, with a court composed of seven military officers headed by Lt. Col.
Jose Togores Arjona. Present at the courtroom were Jose Rizal, the six other officers in uniform
(Capt. Ricardo Muoz Arias, Capt. Manuel Reguera, Capt. Santiago Izquierdo Osorio, Capt.
Braulio Rodriguez Nuez, Capt. Manuel Diaz Escribano, and Capt. Fernando Perez Rodriguez),
Lt. Taviel de Andrade, Judge Advocate Capt. Rafael Dominguez, Lt. Enrique de Alcocer
(prosecuting attorney) and a number of spectators, including Josephine Bracken.
After Judge Advocate Dominguez opened the trial, it was followed by Atty. Alcocer's reiteration
of the charges against Rizal, urging the court that the latter be punished with death. Accordingly,
the three crimes accused of him were rebellion, sedition and illegal association the penalty for
the first two being life imprisonment to death, while the last, correctional imprisonment and a
charge of 325 to 3,250 pesetas.
Lt. Taviel de Andrade, on the other hand, later took the floor reading his speech in defense of
Rizal. To supplement this, Rizal read his own defense which he wrote in his cell in Fort
Santiago. According to Rizal, there are twelve points to prove his innocence:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
46
If the La Liga had a revolutionary purpose, then Katipunan should not have been
organized.
If the Spanish authorities found his letters having bitter atmosphere, it was because in
1890 his family was being persecuted resulting to their dispossession of properties and
deportation of all his brothers-in-law.
He lived an exemplary life in Dapitan the politico-military commanders and missionary
priests in the province could attest to that.
If according to witnesses the speech he delivered at Doroteo Ongjunco's house had
inspired the revolution, then he want to confront these persons. If he really was for the
revolution, then why did the Katipunan sent an unfamiliar emissary to him in Dapitan? It
is so because all his friends were aware that he never advocated violence.
But the military court remained indifferent to the pleading of Rizal. After a short deliberation, he
was sentenced to be shot in musketry until death at 7 o'clock in the morning of December 30,
1896 at Bagumbayan. The decision was submitted to Gov. Polavieja who immediately sought the
opinion of Nicolas de la Pea the latter found the verdict just and final. Two days later, the
governor general signed the court's decision and ordered Rizal's execution.
Final Hours
Dec. 29, 1896. 6:00 7:00 a.m. Sr. S. Mataix asked Rizals permission to interview him. Capt.
Dominguez read death sentence to Rizal. Source of information: cablegram of Mataix to EL
Heraldo De Madrid; "Notes" of Capt. Dominguez and Testimony of Lt. Gallegos.
7:00 8:00 a.m. Rizal was transferred to his death cell. Fr. Saderra talked briefly with Rizal. Fr.
Viza presented statue of the Sacred Hearth of Jesus and medal of Mary. Rizal rejected the latter,
saying, "Im little of a Marian, Father." Source: Fr. Viza.
8:00 9:00 a.m. Rizal shared his milk and coffee with Fr. Rosell. Lt. Andrade and Chief of
Artillery visited Rizal. Rizal scribbled a note inviting his family tovisit him. Sources: Fr. Rosell
and letter of Invitation.
9:00 10:00 a.m. Sr. Mataix, defying stringent regulation, entered the death cell and
interviewed Rizal in the presence of Fr. Rosell. Later, Gov. Luengo dropped in to join the
conversation. Sources: Letter of Mataix ti Retana Testimony of Fr. Rosell.
10:00 11:00 a.m. Fr. Faura persuaded Rizal to put down his rancours and ordered to marry
Josephine canonically. A heated discussion on religion occured between them within the hearing
of Fr. Rosell. Sources: El Imparcial and Fr. Rosell.
11:00 12:00 noon. Rizal talked on "various topics" in a long conversation with Fr. Vilaclara
who would later conclude (with Fr. Balaguer, who was not allowed to enter the death cell) that
Rizal was either a Prostestant or rationalist who spoke in "a very cold and calculated manner"
with a mixture of a "strange piety." No debate or discussion on religion was recorded to have
taken place between the Fathers mentioned and Rizal. Sources: El Imarcial and Rizal y su Obra.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
47
12:00 1:00 p.m. Rizal read the Bible and Imitation of Christ by Kempis, and then meditated.
Fr. Balaguer reported to the Archbishop that only a little hope remained that Rizal was going to
retract for Rizal was heard saying that he was going to appear tranquilly before God. Sources:
Rizals habits and Rizal y su Obra.
1:00 2:00 p.m. Rizal was not allowed to attend to his personal necessities). Source: "Notes" of
Capt. Dominguez.
2:00 3:00 p.m. Rizal conferred with Fr. March and Fr. Vilaclara. Sources: "Notes" of Capt.
Dominguez in conjunction with the testimonies of Fr. Pi and Fr. Balaguer.
3:00 4:00 p.m. Rizal read verses which he had underlined in Eggers German Reader, a book
which he was going to hand over to his sisters to be sent to Dr. Blumentritt through F. Stahl. He
"writes several letters . . . with his last dedications," then he "rest for a short while." Sources: F.
Stahl and F. Blumentritt, Cavana (1956) Appendix 13, and the "Notes" of Capt. Dominguez.
4:00 5:30 p.m. Capt. Dominguez was moved with compassion at the sight of Rizals kneeling
before his mother and asking pardon. Fr. Rosell heard Rizals farewell to his sister and his
address to those presents eulogizing the cleverness of his nephew. The other sisters came in one
by one, one after the other, and to each Rizals gave promises to give a book, an alcohol burner,
his pair of shoes, an instruction, or something to remember. Sources "notes" of Capt. Dominguez
and Fr. Rosell, Diaro de Manila.
5:30 6:00 p.m. The Dean of the Cathedral, admitted on account of his dignity, came to
exchange views with Rizal. Fr. Rosell heard an order given to certain "gentlemen" and "two
friars" to leave the chapel at once. Fr. Balaguer left Fort Santiago. Sources: Rev. Silvino LopezTuon, Fr. Rosell, Fr. Serapio Tamayo, and Sworn Statement of Fr. Balaguer.
6:00 7:00 p.m. Fr. Rosell left Fort Santiago and saw Josephine Bracken. Rizal called for
Josephine; they spoke to each for the last time. Sources: Fr. Rosell, El Imparcial, and Testimony
of Josephine to R. Wildman in 1899.
7:00 8:00 p.m. Fr. Faura returned to console Rizal and persuaded him once more to trust him
and the other professors at the Ateneo. Rizal was emotion-filled and, after remaining for some
moments in silence, confessed to Fr. Faura. Sources: El Imparcial.
8:00 9:00 p.m. Rizal took supper (and, most probably, attended to his personal needs). Then,
he received Bro. Titllot with whom he had a very "tender" (according to Fr. Balaguer) or
"useful" (according to Fr. Pi) interview. Sources: Separate testimonies of Fr. Balaguer and Fr. Pi
on the report of Bro. Titllot; Fisal Castao.
9:00 10:00 p.m. Fiscal Castao exchanged views with Rizal regarding their respective
professors. Sources: Fiscal Castao.
10:00 11:00 p.m. Rizal manifested strange reaction, asked guards for paper and pen. From
rough drafts and copies of his poem recovered in his shoes, the Spaniards came to know that
Rizal was writing a poem. Sources: El Imparcial and Ultimo Adios; probably, Fiscal Castao.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
48
11:00 12:00 midnight. Rizal took time to hide his poem inside the alcohol burner. It had to be
done during night rather than during daytime because he was watched very carefully. He then
wrote his last letter to brother Paciano. Sources: Testimonies and circumstantial evidence.
12:00 4:00 a.m. Rizal slept restfully because of his confidence in the goodness of God and the
justness of his cause gave him astounding serenity and unusual calmness.
Dec. 30, 1986. 4:00 5:00 a.m. Rizal picked up Imitation of Christ, read, meditated and then
wrote in Kempis book a dectation to his wife Josephine and by this very act in itself he gave to
her their only certificate of marriage.
5:00 6:15. Rizal washed up, took breakfast, attended to his personal needs. Wrote a letter to
his parents. Read the Bible and meditated. Josephine was prohibited by the Spanish officers from
seeing Rizal, according to Josephines testimony to R. Wildman in 1899.
6:15 7:00. Rizal walked to the place of execution between Fr. March and Fr. Vilaclara with
whom he conversed. Kept looking around as if seeking or expecting to see someone. His last
word, said in a loud voice: "It is finished."
7:00 7:03 . Sounds of guns. Rizal vacillated, turned halfway around, fell down backwards and
facing the sun. Silence. Shouts of VIVAS for Spain.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
49
50
Governor Eulogio Despujol disapproved the project for obvious and self-serving reasons. He
considered the plan impractical and improper that Filipinos would settle and develop foreign
territories while the colony itself badly needed such developments.
Articles in La Solidaridad
La verdad para todos (The Truth for All) May 31, 1889 Rizals irst article.
Verdades nuevas (New Facts) July 31, 1889
Una profanacion (A Desecration) July 31, 1889 A scathing attack against the friars for refusing
to bury Mariano Herbosa in the Catholic cemetary. The friars alleged that the deceased had not
made any confession since his marriage to Lucia Rizal (1857-1919), Rizals elder sister.
Diferencias (Differences) September 15, 1889
Filipinas dentro de cien anos (The Philippines Within One Hundred Years) serialized in La
Solidaridad on September 30, October 31, December 15, 1889 and February 1, 1890 Rizal
prognosticated the Filipinos revolution against Spain winning their independence, but later the
Americans would take over the colonization.
Ingratitudes (Ingratitudes) January 15, 1890. A reply to Gov. Gen. Weyler who in company
with the Dominicans, visited the Provine of Laguna. The Governor told the people: "You should
not allow yourselves to be deceived by the vain promises of ungrateful sons."
Sin nombre (Without Name) February 28, 1890.
Sobre la nueva ortografia de la lengua tagala (On the New Orthography of the Tagalog
Language) April 15, 1890. Rizals advocacy of a new spelling in Tagalog.
Cosas de Filipinas (Things About the Philippines) April 30, 1890.
Sobre la indolencia de las Filipinas (On the Indolence of the Filipinos) serialized on July 15 to
September 15, 1890. Rizals brilliant and masterly defense against the imputation of the
indolence of the Filipinos.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
51
52
Rizal, himself, describing the nature of the Noli Me Tangere to his friend Blumentritt, wrote,
"The Novel is the first impartial and bold account of the life of the tagalogs. The Filipinos will
find in it the history of the last ten years"
Criticism and attacks against the Noli and its author came from all quarters. An anonymous letter
signed "A Friar" and sent to Rizal, dated February 15, 1888, says in part: "How ungrateful you
are If you, or for that matter all your men, think you have a grievance, then challenge us and
we shall pick up the gauntlet, for we are not cowards like you, which is not to say that a hidden
hand will not put an end to your life."
A special committee of the faculty of the University of Santo Tomas, at the request of
Archbishop Pedro Payo, found and condemned the novel as heretical, impious, and scandalous in
its religious aspect, and unpatriotic, subversive of public order and harmful to the Spanish
government and its administration of theses islands in its political aspect.
On December 28, 1887, Fray Salvador Font, the cura of Tondo and chairman of the Permanent
Commission of Censorship composed of laymen and ordered that the circulation of this
pernicious book be absolutely prohibited.
Not contented, Font caused the circulation of copies of the prohibition, an act which brought an
effect contrary to what he desired. Instead of what he expected, the negative publicity awakened
more the curiosity of the people who managed to get copies of the book.
Assisting Father Font in his aim to discredit the Noli was an Augustinian friar by the name of
Jose Rodriguez. In a pamphlet entitled Caiingat Cayo (Beware). Fr. Rodriguez warned the
people that in reading the book they "commit mortal sin," considering that it was full of heresy.
As far as Madrid, there was furor over the Noli, as evidenced by an article which bitterly
criticized the novel published in a Madrid newspaper in January, 1890, and written by one
Vicente Barrantes. In like manner, a member of the Senate in the Spanish Cortes assailed the
novel as "anti-Catholic, Protestant, socialistic."
It is well to note that not detractors alone visibly reacted to the effects of the Noli. For if there
were bitter critics, another group composed of staunch defenders found every reason to justify its
publication and circulation to the greatest number of Filipinos. For instance, Marcelo H. Del
Pilar, cleverly writing under an assumed name Dolores Manapat, successfully circulated a
publication that negated the effect of Father Rodriguez Caiingat Cayo, Del Pilars piece was
entitled Caiigat Cayo (Be Slippery as an Eel). Deceiving similar in format to Rodriguez
Caiingat Cayo, the people were readily "misled" into getting not a copy of Rodriguez piece but
Del Pilars.
The Noli Me Tangere found another staunch defender in the person of a Catholic theologian of
the Manila Cathedral, Father Vicente Garcia. Under the pen-name Justo Desiderio Magalang.
Father Garcia wrote a very scholarly defense of the Noli, claiming among other things that Rizal
cannot be an ignorant man, being the product of Spanish officials and corrupt friars; he himself
who had warned the people of committing mortal sin if they read the novel had therefore
committed such sin for he has read the novel.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
53
Consequently, realizing how much the Noli had awakened his countrymen, to the point of
defending his novel, Rizal said: "Now I die content."
Fittingly, Rizal found it a timely and effective gesture to dedicate his novel to the country of his
people whose experiences and sufferings he wrote about, sufferings which he brought to light in
an effort to awaken his countrymen to the truths that had long remained unspoken, although not
totally unheard of.
El Filibusterismo
The word "filibustero" wrote Rizal to his friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt, is very little known in
the Philippines. The masses do not know it yet.
Jose Alejandro, one of the new Filipinos who had been quite intimate with Rizal, said, "in
writing the Noli Rizal signed his own death warrant." Subsequent events, after the fate of the
Noli was sealed by the Spanish authorities, prompted Rizal to write the continuation of his first
novel. He confessed, however, that regretted very much having killed Elias instead of Ibarra,
reasoning that when he published the Noli his health was very much broken, and was very
unsure of being able to write the continuation and speak of a revolution.
Explaining to Marcelo H. del Pilar his inability to contribute articles to the La Solidaridad, Rizal
said that he was haunted by certain sad presentiments, and that he had been dreaming almost
every night of dead relatives and friends a few days before his 29th birthday, that is why he
wanted to finish the second part of the Noli at all costs.
Consequently, as expected of a determined character, Rizal apparently went in writing, for to his
friend, Blumentritt, he wrote on March 29, 1891: "I have finished my book. Ah! Ive not written
it with any idea of vengeance against my enemies, but only for the good of those who suffer and
for the rights of Tagalog humanity, although brown and not good-looking."
To a Filipino friend in Hong Kong, Jose Basa, Rizal likewise eagerly announced the completion
of his second novel. Having moved to Ghent to have the book published at cheaper cost, Rizal
once more wrote his friend, Basa, in Hongkong on July 9, 1891: "I am not sailing at once,
because I am now printing the second part of the Noli here, as you may see from the enclosed
pages. I prefer to publish it in some other way before leaving Europe, for it seemed to me a pity
not to do so. For the past three months I have not received a single centavo, so I have pawned all
that I have in order to publish this book. I will continue publishing it as long as I can; and when
there is nothing to pawn I will stop and return to be at your side."
Inevitably, Rizals next letter to Basa contained the tragic news of the suspension of the printing
of the sequel to his first novel due to lack of funds, forcing him to stop and leave the book halfway. "It is a pity," he wrote Basa, "because it seems to me that this second part is more important
than the first, and if I do not finish it here, it will never be finished."
Fortunately, Rizal was not to remain in despair for long. A compatriot, Valentin Ventura, learned
of Rizals predicament. He offered him financial assistance. Even then Rizal was forced to
shorten the novel quite drastically, leaving only thirty-eight chapters compared to the sixty-four
chapters of the first novel. The sequel to Rizals Noli came off the press by the middle of
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
54
September, 1891.On the 18th, he sent Basa two copies, and Valentin Ventura the original
manuscript and an autographed printed copy.
Inspired by what the word filibustero connoted in relation to the circumstances during his time,
and his spirits dampened by the tragic execution of the three martyred priests, Rizal aptly titled
the second part of the Noli Me Tangere, El Filibusterismo. In veneration of the three priests, he
dedicated the book to them.
"To the memory of the priests, Don Mariano Gomez (85 years old), Don Jose Burgos (30 years
old), and Don Jacinto Zamora (35 years old). Executed in the Bagumbayan Field on the 28th of
February, 1872."
"The church, by refusing to degrade you, has placed in doubt the crime that has been imputed to
you; the Government, by surrounding your trials with mystery and shadows causes the belief that
there was some error, committed in fatal moments; and all the Philippines, by worshipping your
memory and calling you martyrs, in no sense recognizes your culpability. In so far, therefore, as
your complicity in the Cavite Mutiny is not clearly proved, as you may or may not have been
patriots, and as you may or may not cherished sentiments for justice and for liberty, I have the
right to dedicate my work to you as victims of the evil which I undertake to combat. And while
we await expectantly upon Spain some day to restore your good name and cease to be
answerable for your death, let these pages serve as a tardy wreath of dried leaves over one who
without clear proofs attacks your memory stains his hands in your blood."
Rizals memory seemed to have failed him, though, for Father Gomez was then 73 not 85, Father
Burgos 35 not 30 Father Zamora 37 not 35; and the date of execution 17th not 28th.
The FOREWORD of the Fili was addressed to his beloved countrymen, thus:
"TO THE FILIPINO PEOPLE AND THEIR GOVERNMENT"
Poetry
Mi ltimo adis
My Last Farewell
without regret;
The place matters not: where theres cypress,
laurel or lily,
On a plank or open field, in combat or cruel
martyrdom,
Its all the same if the home or country asks.
I die when I see the sky has unfurled its colors
And at last after a cloak of darkness announces
the day;
If you need scarlet to tint your dawn,
Shed my blood, pour it as the moment comes,
And may it be gilded by a reflection of the
heavens newly-born light.
My dreams, when scarcely an adolescent,
My dreams, when a young man already full of
life,
Were to see you one day, jewel of the sea of
the Orient,
Dry those eyes of black, that forehead high,
Without frown, without wrinkles, without
stains of shame.
My lifelong dream, my deep burning desire,
This soul that will soon depart cries out: Salud!
To your health! Oh how beautiful to fall to
give you flight,
To die to give you life, to die under your sky,
And in your enchanted land eternally sleep.
If upon my grave one day you see appear,
Amidst the dense grass, a simple humble
flower,
Place it near your lips and my soul youll kiss,
And on my brow may I feel, under the cold
tomb,
The gentle blow of your tenderness, the
warmth of your breath.
Let the moon see me in a soft and tranquil
light,
Let the dawn send its fleeting radiance,
Let the wind moan with its low murmur,
And should a bird descend and rest on my
cross,
Let it sing its canticle of peace.
56
57
Huling Paalam
Maudi A Pacada
60
Imno sa Paggawa
Hymn to Labor
KORO
Dahilan sa Bayan sa pagdirigmaan,
Dahil sa Bayan din sa kapayapaan,
Itong Pilipino ay maasahang
Marunong mabuhay o kayay mamatay.
(Chorus)
(Mga Lalaki)
Nakukulayan na ang dakong Silangan,
Tayo na sa bukid, paggaway simulan,
Pagkat ang paggaway siyang sumusuhay
Sa bayan, sa angkan, sa ating tahanan.
KORO
(Mga babaing may Asawa)
(Chorus)
WIVES:
61
(Chorus)
MAIDENS :
Hail! Hail! Praise to labour,
Of the country wealth and vigor!
For it brow serene's exalted,
It's her blood, life, and ardor.
If some youth would show his love
Labor his faith will sustain:
Only a man who struggles and works
Will his offspring know to maintain.
(Chorus)
CHILDREN:
KORO
(Mga Bata)
Kami ay turuan ninyo ng gawain;
At ang bukas ninyoy aming tutuntunin
Bukas, kung tumawag ang bayan sa amin,
Ang inyong ginaway aming tatapusin.
Kasabihan niyong mga matatanda:
Kung ano ang amay gayon din ang bata,
sapagkat sa patay ang papuriy wala.
Maliban sa isang anak na dakila.
To the Philippines
To my Creator I sing
Who did soothe me in my great loss;
To the Merciful and Kind
Who in my troubles gave me repose.
Memories of My Town
64
Sa Kabataang Pilipino *
Ikaw ay bumaba
Na taglay ang ilaw
Ng sining at agham
Sa paglalabanan,
Bunying kabataan,
At iyong kalagiun ang gapos mong iyang
Tanikalang bakal na kinatalian
Ng matulain mong waning kinagisnan.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
Malwalhating araw,
Ito, Pilipinas, sa lupang tuntungan!
Ang Lumikhay dapat na pasalamatan,
Dahilan sa kanyang mapagmahal,
Na ikawy pahatdan.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
66
* Salin ito ng tulang A La Juventud Filipina na sinulat ni Rizal sa Unibersidad ng Santo Tomas
noong siyay labingwalong taong gulang. Ang tulang ito ang nagkamit ng unang gantimpala sa
timnpalak sa pagsulat ng tula, na itinaguyod ng Liceo Artistico Literario, sanahang binubuo ng
mga taong mahilig sa panitikan at sa sining. Mga Kastilat katutubo ang lumahook na sa
paligsahan ngunit ang Lupon ng Inampalang binubuo ng mga kastila ay humanga sa tula ni
Rizal at ipinagkaloob ditto ang unang gantimpala.
Ang tulang ito ang kauna-unahang lantarang pagpapahayag ni Rizal ng kaniyang damdaming
makabansa. Hinihimok niya ang kabataang Pilipino upang mamukadkad at linangin ang
kaniyang masisining na katalinuhan, tinatawag itong Magandang Pag-asa ng Bayan Kong
Mutya, na ngayoy isang pariralang malimit banggitin.
Sa tulay ipinahahayag na ang Pilipinas ay bayan ng mga Pilipino at ang salitang Pilipino ay
unang ginagamit upang tawagin ang mga katutubo ng Pilipinas, hindi ang mga kastilang
ipinanganak sa Pilipinas, na siyang gamit ng salitang ito.
67
Being one of the prominent representatives of Filipino personalities, Jose Rizal is a fit subject
whose life philosophy deserves to be recognized. Having been a victim of Spanish brutality early
in his life in Calamba, Rizal had thus already formed the nucleus of an unfavorable opinion of
Castillian imperialistic administration of his country and people.
Pitiful social conditions existed in the Philippines as long as three centuries after its conquest by
Spain, with agriculture, commerce, communications and education languishing under its most
backward state. It was because of this social malady that social evils like inferiority complex,
cowardice, timidity and false pride pervaded nationally and contributed to the decay of social
life. This stimulated and shaped Rizals life philosophy to contain, if not eliminate, these social
ills.
Educational Philosophy
Rizals concept of the importance of education is clearly enunciated in his work entitled
Instruction wherein he sought improvements in the schools and in the methods of teaching. He
maintained that the backwardness of his country during the Spanish era was not due to the
Filipinos indifference, apathy or indolence as claimed by the rulers, but to the neglect of the
Spanish authorities in the islands. For Rizal, the mission of education is to elevate the country to
the highest seat of glory and to develop the peoples mentality. Since education is the foundation
of society and a prerequisite for social progress, Rizal claimed that only through education could
the country be saved from domination.
Rizals philosophy of education, therefore, centers on the provision of proper motivation in order
to bolster the great social forces that make education a success, to create in the youth an innate
desire to cultivate his intelligence and give him life eternal.
Religious Philosophy
Rizal grew up nurtured by a closely-knit Catholic family, was educated in the foremost Catholic
schools of the period in the elementary, secondary and college levels; logically, therefore, he
should have been a propagator of strictly Catholic traditions. However, in later life, he developed
a life philosophy of a different nature, a philosophy of a different Catholic practice intermingled
with the use of Truth and Reason.
Why the change?
It could have been the result of contemporary contact, companionship, observation, research and
the possession of an independent spirit. Being a critical observer, a profound thinker and a
zealous reformer, Rizal did not agree with the prevailing Christian propagation of the Faith by
fire and sword. This is shown in his Annotation of Morgas Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas.
Rizal did not believe in the Catholic dogma that salvation was only for Catholics and that outside
Christianity, salvation was not possible even if Catholics composed only a small minority of the
worlds religious groups. Nor did he believe in the Catholic observation of fasting as a sacrifice,
nor in the sale of such religious items as the cross, medals, rosaries and the like in order to
propagate the Faith and raise church funds. He also lambasted the superstitious beliefs
propagated by the priests in the church and in the schools. All of these and a lot more are
evidences of Rizals religious philosophy.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
68
Political Philosophy
In Rizals political view, a conquered country like the Philippines should not be taken advantage
of but rather should be developed, civilized, educated and trained in the science of selfgovernment. He bitterly assailed and criticized in publications the apparent backwardness of the
Spanish rulers method of governing the country which resulted in:
1. The bondage and slavery of the conquered;
2. The Spanish governments requirement of forced labor and force military service upon the
natives;
3. The abuse of power by means of exploitation;
4. The government ruling that any complaint against the authorities was criminal; and
5. Making the people ignorant, destitute and fanatic, thus discouraging the formation of a
national sentiment.
Rizals guiding political philosophy proved to be the study and application of reforms, the
extension of human rights, the training for self government and the arousing of spirit of
discontent over oppression, brutality, inhumanity, sensitivity and self love.
Moral Philosophy
The study of human behavior as to whether it is good or bad or whether it is right or wrong is
that science upon which Rizals ethical philosophy was based. The fact that the Philippines was
under Spanish domination during Rizals time led him to subordinate his philosophy to moral
problems. This trend was much more needed at that time because the Spaniards and the Filipinos
had different and sometimes conflicting morals. The moral status of the Philippines during this
period was one with a lack of freedom, one with predominance of foreign masters, one with an
imposition of foreign religious worship, devotion, homage and racial habits. This led to moral
confusion among the people, what with justice being stifled, limited or curtailed and the people
not enjoying any individual rights.
To bolster his ethical philosophy, Rizal had recognized not only the forces of good and evil, but
also the tendencies towards good and evil. As a result, he made use of the practical method of
appealing to the better nature of the conquerors and offering useful methods of solving the moral
problems of the conquered.
To support his ethical philosophy in life, Rizal:
1. Censured the friars for abusing the advantage of their position as spiritual leaders and the
ignorance and fanaticism of the natives;
2. Counseled the Filipinos not to resent a defect attributed to them but to accept same as
reasonable and just;
3. Advised the masses that the object of marriage was the happiness and love of the couple and
not financial gain;
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
69
4. Censured the priests who preached greed and wrong morality; and
5. Advised every one that love and respect for parents must be strictly observed.
Social Philosophy
That body of knowledge relating to society including the wisdom which man experiences in
society had taught Rizal his social philosophy. The facts dealt with are principles involved in
nation building and not individual social problems. The subject matter of this social philosophy
covers the problems of the whole race, with every problem having a distinct solution to bolster
the peoples social knowledge.
Rizals social philosophy dealt with;
1. Man in society;
2. Influential factors in human life;
3. Racial problems;
4. Social constant;
5. Social justice;
6. Social ideal;
7. Poverty and wealth;
8. Reforms;
9. Youth and greatness;
10. History and progress;
11. Future Philippines.
The above dealt with mans evolution and his environment, explaining for the most part human
behavior and capacities like his will to live; his desire to possess happiness; the change of his
mentality; the role of virtuous women in the guidance of great men; the need for elevating and
inspiring mission; the duties and dictates of mans conscience; mans need of practicing
gratitude; the necessity for consulting reliable people; his need for experience; his ability to
deny; the importance of deliberation; the voluntary offer of mans abilities and possibilities; the
ability to think, aspire and strive to rise; and the proper use of heart, brain and spirit all of these
combining to enhance the intricacies, beauty and values of human nature. All of the above served
as Rizals guide in his continuous effort to help make over his beloved Philippines.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
70
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
71
72
73
scenery, and visited the picturesque shrines. Rizal was then a lonely young physician,
disillusioned by his frustrated romance with Leonor Rivera and burdened by soured hopes for
justice in his country. O-Sei-San provided the beautiful escape that he deeply needed, and he
saw in her the qualities of his ideal woman.
Sayonara
Because of his deep affection for her, Rizal was almost tempted to settle down in Japan.
Conveniently enough, he was also offered a good position at the Spanish Legation during that
time. Rizal, however, had set his sights on other matters. He decided to leave Japan and forget
his romance, which pained him gravely, as attested by an entry in his diary. His 45-day sojourn
in Japan was one of the happiest interludes in his life.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
74
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
75
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
76
Overcoming Barriers
Rizal and Josephine fell in love at first sight. Their romantic interlude went on for about a
month, after which they decided to marry. The priest of Dapitan, however, refused to conduct
the ceremony without consent from the Bishop of Cebu.
When Mr. Taufer heard of his daughter's plan to marry he became so enraged at the thought of
losing Josephine that he attempted to kill himself with a razor to his throat. Rizal prevented this
tragedy by holding the man's wrists back. Josephine left with her father on the first available
steamer to Manila in order to avoid more trouble. Since Mr. Taufer's blindness was venereal in
nature, it was incurable.
Exchanging Vows
Mr. Taufer went back to Hong Kong alone, and Josephine stayed in Manila with Rizal's family.
At length, she returned to Dapitan. Since no priest would marry them, Rizal and Josephine held
hands, exchanged vows, and married themselves before God.
The Loss of a Child
Rizal and Josephine lived together in Dapitan as husband and wife, and in early 1896 they were
expecting a baby. Unfortunately, Josephine had to go into premature labor after Rizal played a
prank and frightened her. A little boy of eight months was born, who lived for only three hours.
Rizal named him Francisco in honor of his father, and buried the child in Dapitan.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
77
78
as the supreme symbol of our struggle for freedom. Others in fact privately agree with his stand
as evidenced by their emphasis on the gradualism of Rizals teachings particularly his insistence
on the primacy of education. [p. 126] They would probably praise Rizals stand against the
Revolution, if they dared. Since they do not dare for themselves, they are also prudently silent
for Rizals sake. Others, careless and superficial in their approach to history and perhaps afraid
to stir a hornets nest of controversy, do not think it important to dwell on this contradiction
between our Revolution and our national hero and elect to leave well enough alone. Perhaps they
do not perceive the adverse consequences of our refusal to analyze and resolve this contradiction.
Yet the consequences are manifest in our regard for our Revolution and in our understanding of
Rizal.
The Philippine Revolution has always been overshadowed by the omnipresent figure and
the towering reputation of Rizal. Because Rizal took no part in that Revolution and in fact
repudiated it, the general regard for our Revolution is not as high as it otherwise would be. On
the other hand, because we refuse to analyze the significance of his repudiation, our
understanding of Rizal and of his role in our national development remains superficial. This is a
disservice to the event, to the man, and to ourselves.
Viewed superficially, Rizals reaction toward the Revolution is unexpected, coming as it
did from a man whose life and labors were supposed to have been dedicated to the cause of his
countrys freedom. Had someone of lesser stature uttered those words of condemnation, he
would have been considered a traitor to the cause. As a matter of fact, those words were
treasonous in the light of the Filipinos struggle against Spain. Rizal repudiated the one act which
really synthesized our nationalist aspiration, and yet we consider him a nationalist leader. Such
an appraisal has dangerous implications because it can be used to exculpate those who actively
betrayed the Revolution and may serve to diminish the ardor of those who today may be called
upon to support another great nationalist undertaking to complete the anti-colonial movement.
An American-Sponsored Hero
We have magnified Rizals role to such an extent that we have lost our sense of
proportion and relegated to a subordinate position our other great men and the historic events in
which they took part. [p.127] Although Rizal was already a revered figure and became more so
after his martyrdom, it cannot be denied that his pre-eminence among our heroes was partly the
result of American sponsorship. This sponsorship took two forms: on one hand, that of
encouraging a Rizal cult, on the other, that of minimizing the importance of other heroes or even
of vilifying them. There is no question that Rizal had the qualities of greatness. History cannot
deny his patriotism. He was a martyr to oppression, obscurantism and bigotry. His dramatic
death captured the imagination of our people. Still, we must accept the fact that his formal
designation as our national hero, his elevation to his present eminence so far above all our other
heroes was abetted and encouraged by the Americans.
It was Governor William Howard Taft who in 1901 suggested that the Philippine
Commission to the Filipinos be given a national hero. The Free Press of December 28, 1946
gives this account of a meeting of the Philippine Commission:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
79
And now, gentlemen, you must have a national hero. In these fateful words, addressed
by then Civil Governor W. H. Taft to the Filipino members of the civil commission, Pardo de
Tavera, Legarda, and Luzuriaga, lay the genesis of Rizal Day..
In the subsequent discussion in which the rival merits of the revolutionary heroes were
considered, the final choice-now universally acclaimed as a wise one-was Rizal. And so was
history made.
Theodore Friend in his book, Between Two Empires, says that Taft with other American
colonial officials and some conservative Filipinos, chose him (Rizal) as a model hero over other
contestants - Aguinaldo too militant, Bonifacio too radical, Mabini unregenerate. [2] This
decision to sponsor Rizal was implemented with the passage of the following Acts of the
Philippine Commission: (1) Act No. 137 which organized the politico-military district of
Morong and named it the province of Rizal in honor of the most illustrious Filipino and the
most illustrious Tagalog the islands had ever known, (2) Act No.243 which authorized a public
subscription for the erection of a monument in honor or Rizal at the Luneta, and (3) Act No. 346
which set aside the anniversary of his death as a day of observance. [p.128]
This early example of American aid is summarized by Governor W. Cameron Forbes
who wrote in his book, The Philippine Islands:
It is eminently proper that Rizal should have become the acknowledged national hero of
the Philippine people. The American administration has lent every assistance to this recognition,
setting aside the anniversary of his death to be a day of observance, placing his picture on the
postage stamp most commonly used in the islands, and on the currency . And throughout the
islands the public schools tech the young Filipinos to revere his memory as the greatest of
Filipino patriots. (Underscoring supplied) [3]
The reason for the enthusiastic American attitude becomes clear in the following
appraisal of Rizal by Forbes:
Rizal never advocated independence, nor did he advocate armed resistance to the
government. He urged reform from within by publicity, by public education, and appeal to the
public conscience. (Underscoring supplied) [4]
Tafts appreciation for Rizal has much the same basis, as evidenced by his calling Rizal
the greatest Filipino, a physician, a novelist and a poet (who) because of his struggle for a
betterment of conditions under Spanish rule was unjustly convicted and shot.
The public image that the American desired for a Filipino national hero was quite clear.
They favored a hero who would not run against the grain of American colonial policy. We must
take these acts of the Americans in furtherance of a Rizal cult in the light of their initial policies
which required the passage of the Sedition Law prohibiting the display of the Filipino flag. The
heroes who advocated independence were therefore ignored. For to have encouraged a
movement to revere Bonifacio or Mabini would not have been consistent with American colonial
policy.
Several factors contributed to Rizals acceptability to the Americans as the official hero
of the Filipinos. In the first place, he was safely dead by the time the American began their
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
80
81
happened if Rizal had not been executed in December of 1896? Would the course of the
Philippine Revolution have been different? This poses the question of the role of the individual
in history. Was this historical phase of our libertarian struggle due to Rizal? Did the
propagandists of the 19th century create the period or were they created by the period?
The Role of Heroes
With or without these specific individuals the social relations engendered by
Spanish colonialism and the subsequent economic development of the country
would have produced the nationalist movement. Without Rizal there would have
developed other talents. Without Del Pilar another propagandist would have
emerged. That Rizal possessed a particular talent which influenced the style of the
period was accidental. That he w as executed on December 30 only added more
drama to the events of the period. [p. 131] If there had been no Rizal, another type
of talent would have appeared who might have given a different style to the historic
struggle; but the general trend engendered by the particular social relations would
have remained the same.
Without Rizal there may have been a delay in the maturation of our libertarian struggle,
but the economic development of the period would have insured the same result. Rizal maybe
accelerated it. Rizal may have given form and articulation and color to the aspirations of the
people. But even without him, the nationalist struggle would have ensued. This is likewise true in
the case of present-day national liberation movements. The fundamental cause of mass action is
not the utterances of a leader; rather, these leaders have been impelled to action by historical
forces unleashed by social development. We must therefore not fall into the error of projecting
the role of the individual to the extent of denying the play of these forces as well as the creative
energies of the people who are the true makers of their own history.
Because Rizal had certain qualities, he was able to serve the pressing social needs of the period,
needs that arose out of general and particular historical forces. He is a hero in the sense that he
was able to see the problems generated by historical forces, discern the new social needs created
by the historical development of new social relationships, and take an active part in meeting
these needs. But he is not a hero in the sense that he could have stopped and altered the course of
events. The truth of this statement is demonstrated by the fact that the Revolution broke out
despite his refusal to lead it and continued despite his condemnation of it. Rizal served his people
by consciously articulating the unconscious course of events. He saw more clearly than his
contemporaries and felt with more intensity the problems of his country, though his
viewpoint was delimited by his particular status and upbringing. He was the first Filipino but he
was only a limited Filipino, the ilustrado Filipino who fought for national unity but feared the
Revolution and loved his mother country, yes, but in his own ilustrado way.
Though we assert that the general course of history is not directed by the desires or ideas
of particular men, we must not fall into the error of thinking that because history can proceed
independently of individuals it can proceed independently of men. [p. 132] The fact is that
history is made by men who confront the problems of social progress and try to solve them in
accordance with the historical conditions of their epoch. They set their tasks in conformity with
the given conditions of their times. The closer the correspondence between a mans perception of
reality and reality itself, the greater the man. The deeper his commitment to the peoples cause in
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
82
his own time as evidence by his life and deeds. Hence, for a deeper understanding and a more
precise evaluation of Rizal as Filipino and as hero, we must examine at some length the period
during which Rizal lived.
Innovation and Change
Rizal lived in a period of great economic changes. These were inevitably accompanied by
cultural and political ferment. The country was undergoing grave and deep alterations which
resulted in a national awakening. The English occupation of the country, the end of the galleon
trade, and the Latin-American revolutions of that time were all factors which led to an economic
re-thinking by liberal Spanish officials. The establishment of non-Hispanic commercial houses
broke the insular belt that had circumscribed Philippine life for almost two centuries and a half.
The middle of the 19th century saw 51 shipping and commercial houses in Manila, 12 of which
were American and non-Hispanic European. These non-Spanish houses practically monopolized
the import-export trade. The opening of the ports of Sual, Cebu, Zamboanga, Legaspi and
Tacloban, all during the second half of the 19th century, enabled these non-Spanish interests to
establish branches beyond the capital city, thus further increasing cosmopolitan penetration. [5]
European and American financing were vital agents in the emerging export economy.
Merchants gave crop advances to indio and Chinese-mestizo cultivators, resulting in increased
surpluses of agricultural export products. The Chinese received loans for the distribution of
European goods and the collection of Philippine produce for shipment abroad. Abaca and sugar
became prime exports during this period as a result of these European and American
entrepreneurial activities. The Transformation of the sugar industry due to financing and the
introduction of steam-powered milling equipment increased sugar production from 3,000 piculs
in mid-19th century to nearly 2,000,000 piculs in four decades. [6] [p.133]
These economic developments inevitably led to improvement in communications. The
infra-structure program of the Spanish government resulted in a moderately functional road
system. The third quarter of the century saw the opening of railroad lines. The steamship effected
both internal and external linkages, postal services improved, the telegraph was inaugurated in
1873, and by 1880, we were connected with the world by a submarine cable to Hong Kong.
Manilas water system was modernized in 1870; we had street cars in 1881 and telephone and
electric lights in the metropolitan region during the same period. Material progress set the stage
for cultural and social changes, among them the cultivation of cosmopolitan attitudes and
heightened opposition to clerical control. Liberalism had invaded the country as a result of the
reduction of the Spain-Manila voyage to thirty days after the opening of the Suez canal. The
mestizo that developed became the crude ideological framework of the ferment among the
affluent indios and mestizos. [7]
The Ideological Framework
Economic prosperity spawned discontent when the native beneficiaries saw a new world
of affluence opening for themselves and their class. They attained a new consciousness and
hence, a new goal - that of equality with the peninsulares - not in the abstract, but in practical
economic and political terms. Hispanization became the conscious manifestation of economic
struggle, of the desire to realize the potentialities offered by the period of expansion and
progress. Hispanization and assimilation constituted the ideological expression of the economic
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
83
motivations of affluent indios and mestizos. Equality with the Spaniard meant equality of
opportunity. But they did not realize as yet that real equality must be based on national freedom
and independence. They were still in the initial phases of nationalist consciousness - a
consciousness made possible by the market situation of the time. The lordly friar who had been
partly responsible for the isolation of the islands became the target of attacks. Anti-clericalism
became the ideological style of the period. [p. 134]
These then were the salient economic and ideological features of this Rizals time. A
true historical review would prove that great men are those who read the time and have a deeper
understanding of reality. It is their insights that make them conversant with their periods and
which enable them to articulate the needs of the people. To a large extent, Rizal, the ilustrado,
fulfilled this function, for in voicing the goals of his class he had to include the aspirations of the
entire people. Though the aims of this class were limited to reformist measures, he expressed its
demands in terms of human liberty and human dignity and thus encompassed the wider
aspirations of all the people. This is not to say that he was conscious that these were class goals;
rather, that typical of his class, he equated class interest with peoples welfare. He did this in
good faith, unaware of any basic contradictions between the two. He was the product of his
society and as such could be expected to voice only those aims that were within the competence
of his class. Moreover, social contradictions had not ripened sufficiently in his time to reveal
clearly the essential disparateness between class and national goals. Neither could he have
transcended his class limitations, for his cultural upbringing was such that affection for Spain
and Spanish civilization precluded the idea of breaking the chains of colonialism. He had to
become a Spaniard first before becoming a Filipino. [8]
As a social commentator, as the exposer of oppression, he performed a remarkable task.
His writings were part of the tradition of protest which blossomed into revolution, into a
separatist movement. His original aim of elevating the indio to the level of Hispanization of the
peninsular so that the country could be assimilated, could become a province of Spain, was
transformed into its opposite. Instead of making the Filipinos closer to Spain, the propaganda
gave root to separation. The drive for Hispanization was transformed into the development of a
distinct national consciousness.
Rizal contributed much to the growth of this national c onsciousness. It was a
contribution not only in terms of propaganda but in something positive that the
present generation of Filipinos will owe to him and for which they will honor him
by completing the task which he so nobly began. He may have had a diffe rent and
limited goal at the time, a goal that for us is already passe, something we take for
granted. However, for his time this limited goal was already a big step in the right
direction. [p.135] This contribution was in the realm of Filipino nationhood - the
winning of our name as a race, the recognition of our people as one, and the
elevation of the indio into Filipino.
The Concept of Filipino Nationhood
This was a victory in the realm of consciousness, a victory in a racial sense. However, it
was only a partial gain, for Rizal repudiated real de-colonization. Beguiled by the new colonizer,
most Filipinos followed the example of Rizal. As a consequence, the development of the concept
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
84
of national consciousness stopped short of real de-colonization and we have not yet distinguished
the true Filipino from the incipient Filipino.
The concept of Filipino nationhood is an important tool of analysis as well as a
conceptual weapon of struggle. There are many Filipinos who do not realize they are Fiipinos
only in the old cultural, racial sense. They are not aware of the term Filipino as a developing
concept. Much less are they aware that today social conditions demand that the true Filipino be
one who is consciously striving for de-colonization and independence.
Perhaps it would be useful at this point to discuss in some detail the metamorphosis of the
term Filipino not just as a matter of historical information but so that we may realize the
importance of Rizals contribution in this regard. Even more valuable are the insights we may
gain into the inter-dependence between material conditions and consciousness as manifested in
the evolution of the word Filipino in terms of its widening applicability and deeper significance
through succeeding periods of our history.
It is important to bear in mind that the term Filipino originally referred to the creoles - the
Spaniards born in the Philippines - the Espaoles-Filipinos or Filipinos, for short. The natives
were called indios. Spanish mestizos who could pass off for white claimed to be creoles and
therefore Filipinos. Towards the last quarter of the 19th century, Hispanized and urbanized
indios along with Spanish mestizos and sangley [Chinese - rly] mestizos began to call themselves
Filipinos, especially after the abolition of the tribute lists in the 1880s and the economic growth
of the period. [p. 136]
We must also correct the common impression that the Filipinos who were in
Spain during the Propaganda Period were all indios. In fact, the original Circulo
Hispano-Filipino was dominated by creoles and peninsulares. The Filipino
community in Spain during the 1880s was a conglomerate of creoles, Spanish
mestizos and sons of urbanized indios and Chinese mestizos. [9]
This community came out with an organ called Espa a en Filipinas which
sought to take the place of th earlier Revista Circulo Hispano Filipino founded by
another creole Juan Atayde. Espaa en Filipinas was mainly an undertaking of
Spanish and Spanish mestizos. The only non -Spaniard in the staff was Baldomero
Roxas. Its first issue came out in 1887. It was moderate in tone and failed to win
the sympathy of the native elements. In a letter to Rizal, Lopez -Jaena criticized it in
these words:
From day to day I am becoming convinced that our countrymen, the mestizos,
far from working for the common welfare, follow the policy of their predecessors,
the Azcarragas. [10]
Lopez-Jaena was referring to the Azcarraga brothers who had held important
positions in the Philippines and in Spain, but who, though they ha d been born here,
showed more sympathy for the peninsulares. It is fortunate that a street which was
once named for one of them has become Claro M. Recto today.
Differences between the creoles and the genuine Filipinos as they called
themselves, soon set in. It was at this time that Rizal and other indios in Paris began
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
85
to use the term indios bravos, thus transforming an epithet into a badge of honor.
The cleavage in the Filipino colony abroad ushered in a new period of the
Propaganda which may be said to have had its formal beginning with the birth of La
Solidaridad. Its leaders were indios. The editor was not a creole like Lete or a
Spanish mestizo like Llorente but Lopez -Jaena and later Marcelo H. del Pilar. La
Solidaridad espoused the cause of liber alism and fought for democratic solutions to
the problems that beset the Spanish colonies.
From the declaration of aims and policies the class basis of the Propaganda is
quite obvious. The reformists could not shake off their Spanish orientation. [p. 137]
They wanted accommodation within the ruling system. Rizals own reformism is
evident in this excerpt from his letter to Blumentritt:
.under the present circumstances, we do not want separation from Spain.
All that we ask is greater attention, better ed ucation, better government employees,
one or two representatives and greater security for our persons and property. Spain
could always win the appreciation of the Filipinos if she were only reasonable! [11]
The indios led by Rizal gained acceptability as Filipinos because they proved their
equality with the Spaniards in terms of both culture and property. This was an important stage in
our appropriation of the term Filipino. Rizals intellectual excellence paved the way for the
winning of the name for the natives of the land. It was an unconscious struggle which led to a
conscious recognition of the pejorative meaning of indio. Thus, the winning of the term Filipino
was an anti-colonial victory for it signified the recognition of racial equality between Spaniards
and Filipinos.
The Limited Filipinos
But the appropriation of this term was not the end of the historic struggle for
national identity. While for Rizals time this was a signal victory, it was in truth a
limited victory for us. For the users of t he term were themselves limited Filipinos
based on education and property. Sincethis term was applied to those who spoke in
the name of the people but were not really of the people, the next stage for this
growing concept should be the recognition of the m asses as the real nation and their
transformation into real Filipinos. However, the Filipino of today must undergo a
process of de-colonization before he can become a true Filipino. The de -colonized
Filipino is the real goal for our time just as the Hispan ized Filipino was once the
goal of the reformists.
Though Rizal was able to win for his countrymen the name Filipino, it was
still as ilustrado that he conceived of this term. As ilustrado he was speaking in
behalf of all the indios though he was separate d by culture and even by property
from the masses. His ilustrado orientation manifests itself in his novels. [p. 138]
Though they are supposed to represent 19th century Philippine society in
microcosm, all the principal characters belonged to the principal ia. His hero, Ibarra,
was a Spanish mestizo. The Spaniards, the creole, the mestizo, and the wealthy
Chinese - these were characters he could portray with mastery because they were
within his milieu and class. But there are only very hazy description of ch aracters
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
86
who belonged to the masses. His class position, his upbringing, and his foreign
education were profound influences which constituted a limitation on his
understanding of his countrymen.
Rizal, therefore, was an ilustrado hero whose lifes mission corresponded in a
general way to the wishes and aspirations of the people. He died for his people, yet
his repudiation of the Revolution was an act against the people. There seems to be a
contradiction between the two acts; there is actually none. Both ac ts were in
character; Rizal was acting from patriotic motives in both instances.
He condemned the Revolution because as an ilustrado he instinctively underestimated the
power and the talents of the people. He believed in freedom not so much as a national right but
as something to be deserved, like a medal for good behavior. Moreover, he did not equate liberty
with independence. Since his idea of liberty was essentially the demand for those rights which
the elite needed in order to prosper economically. Rizal did not consider political independence
as a prerequisite to freedom. Fearful of the violence of peoples action, he did not want us to
fight for our independence. Rather, he wanted us to wait for the time when Spain, acting in her
own best interests, would abandon us. He expressed himself clearly on these points in the
following passage from a letter which he wrote in his cell on December 12, 1896, for the use of
his defense counsel.
.. many have have interpreted my phrase to have liberties as to have independence,
which are two different things. A people can be free without being independent, and a people can
be independent without being free. I have always desired liberties for the Philippines and I have
said so. Others who testify that I said independence either have put the cart before the horse or
they lie. [12]
He had expressed much the same opinion earlier in his El Filibusterismo when Father
Florentino said: [p.139]
I do not mean to say that our liberty will be secured at the swords point, for the sword
plays but little part in modern affairs, but that we must secure it by making ourselves worthy of
it, by exalting the intelligence and the dignity of the individual, by loving justice, right and
greatness, even to the extent of dying for them - and when a people reaches that height God will
provide a weapon, the idols will be shattered, the tyranny will crumble like a house of cards and
liberty will shine out like the first dawn. 13
Yet the people revered him because, though he was not with them, he died for certain
principles which they believed in. He was their martyr; they recognized his labors although they
knew that he was already behind them in their forward march.
In line with their avowed policy of preparing us for eventual self-government, the
Americans projected Rizal as the model of an educated citizen. His name was invoked whenever
the incapacity of the masses for self-government was pointed out as a justification for American
tutelage. Rizals preoccupation with education served to further the impression that the majority
of the Filipinos were unlettered and therefore needed tutelage before they could be ready for
independence. A book, Rizal, Educator and Economist, used in certain Philippine schools,
supports this thesis by quoting a portion of Rizals manifesto of December 15, 1896 which states:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
87
..I am one most anxious for liberties in our country and I am still desirous of them. But
I placed as a prior condition the education of the people that by means of instruction and industry
our country may have an individuality of its own and make itself worthy of these liberties. [14]
The authors of this book then make the following comment:
Rizal intentionally avoided the use of the term independence, perhaps because he
honestly believed that independence in its true, real, and strict sense should not be granted us
until we were educated enough to appreciate its importance, and its blessings, and until we were
economically self-reliant. [15] [p. 140]
This statement not only supports the American line but is also an example of how our
admiration for Rizal may be used to beguile us into accepting reactionary beliefs, the products of
colonial mentality.
A people have every right to be free. Tutelage in the art of government as an excuse for
colonialism is a discredited alibi. People learn and educate themselves in the process of
struggling for freedom and liberty. They attain their highest potential only when they are masters
of their own destiny. Colonialism is the only agency still trying to sell the idea that freedom is a
diploma to be granted by a superior people to an inferior one after years of apprenticeship.
The Precursors of Mendicancy
In a way, Rizals generation is no different from the generation that was engaged in our
independence campaigns. Neither was his generation much different from those who today say
they stand for independence but do not want to hurt the feelings of the Americans. In a way,
Rizal and his generation were the precursors of the present-day mendicants. It may be shocking
to say that Rizal was one of the practitioners of a mendicant policy, but the fact is that the
propagandists, in working for certain reforms, chose Spain as the arena of their struggle instead
of working among their own people, educating them and learning from them, helping them to
realize their own condition and articulating their aspirations. This reflects the bifurcation
between the educated and the masses.
The elite had a sub-conscious disrespect for the ability of the people to articulate their
own demands and to move on their own. They felt that education gave them the right to speak
for the people. They proposed an elitist form of leadership, all the while believing that what the
elite leadership decided was what the people would and should follow. They failed to realize that
at critical moments of history the people decide on their own, what they want and what they want
to do. Today, the ilustrados are shocked by the spate of rallies and demonstrations. They cannot
seem to accept the fact that peasants and workers and the youth have moved without waiting for
their word. They are not accustomed to the people moving on their own. [p. 141]
The ilustrados were the Hispanized sector of our population, hence they tried to prove
that they were as Spanish as the peninsulares. They wanted to be called Filipinos in the creole
sense: Filipino-Spaniards as Rizal called Ibarra. They are no different from the modern-day
mendicants who try to prove that they are Americanized, meaning that they are FilipinoAmericans. As a matter of fact, the ilustrados of the first propaganda movement utilized the same
techniques and adopted the same general attitude as the modern-day mendicants and pseudonationalists, in so far as the colonizing power was concerned.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
88
89
heroic individuals life, and to encourage a cult bereft of historical meaning - a cult of the
individual shorn of his historical significance. It is form without content, a fad that can be used
for almost anything, because it is really nothing. We must view Rizal as an evolving personality
within an evolving historical period. That his martyrdom was tainted by his attacks on our
independist struggle is not a ground for condemning him entirely. We must determine the factors
- economic and cultural [p. 143] - that made Rizal what he was. We must see in his life and in
his works the evolution of the Filipino and must realize that the period crowned by his death is
only a moment in the totality of our history.
It is a reflection of our lack of creative thinking that we continue to invoke Rizal when
we discuss specific problems and present-day society. This is also a reflection of our intellectual
timidity, our reluctance to espouse new causes unless we can find sanctions, however remote, in
Rizal. This tendency is fraught with dangers.
Limitations of Rizal
We are living in an age of anti-colonial revolutions different in content from those of
Rizals period. Rizal could not have anticipated the problems of today. He was not conversant
with economic tools of analysis that would unravel the intricate techniques that today are being
used by outside forces to consign us to a state of continued poverty. The revolutions of today
would be beyond the understanding of Rizal whose Castilian orientation necessarily limited his
horizon even for that period. He was capable of unraveling the myths that were woven by the
oppressors of his time, but he would have been at a loss to see through the more sophisticated
myths and to recognize the subtle techniques of present-day colonialists, given the state of his
knowledge and experience at that time. This is not to say that were he alive today and subject to
modern experiences, he would not understand the means of our times. But it is useless
speculation to try to divine what he would now advocate.
Unless we have an ulterior motive, there is really no need to extend Rizals meaning so
that he may have contemporary value. Many of his social criticisms are still valid today because
certain aspects of our life are still carry-overs of the feudal and colonial society of his time. A
true appreciation of Rizal would require that we study these social criticisms and take steps to
eradicate the evils he decried.
Part and parcel of the attempt to use Rizal as an authority to defend the status quo is the
desire of some quarters to expunge from the Rizalist legacy the so-called controversial aspects of
his writings, particularly his views on the friars and on religion. We have but to recall the
resistance to the Rizal bill, [p. 144] the use of expurgated versions of the Noli Me Tangere and
the El Filibusterismo, and objections to the readings of his other writings to realize that while
many would have us venerate Rizal, they would want us to venerate a homogenized version.
In his time, the reformist Rizal was undoubtedly a progressive force. In many areas of our
life today, his ideas could still be a force for salutary change. Yet the nature of the Rizal cult is
such that he is being transformed into an authority to sanction the status quo by a confluence of
blind adoration and widespread ignorance of his most telling ideas.
We have magnified Rizals significance for too long. It is time to examine his limitations
and profit from his weaknesses just as we have learned from the strength of his character and his
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
90
virtues. His weaknesses were the weaknesses of his society. His wavering and his repudiation of
mass action should be studied as a product of the society that nurtured him.
The Negation of Rizal
Today, we need new heroes who can help us solve our pressing problems. We cannot rely
on Rizal alone. We must discard the belief that we are incapable of producing the heroes of our
epoch, that heroes are exceptional beings, accidents of history who stand above the masses and
apart from them. The true hero is one with the masses: he does not exist above them. In fact, a
whole people can be heroes given the proper motivation and articulation of their dreams.
Today we see the unfolding of the creative energies of a people who are beginning to
grasp the possibilities of human development and who are trying to formulate a theoretical
framework upon which they may base their practice. The inarticulate are now making history
while the the articulate may be headed for historical anonymity, if not ignominy. When the goals
of the people are finally achieved, Rizal the first Filipino, will be negated by the true Filipino by
whom he will be remembered as a great catalyzer in the metamorphosis of the de-colonized
indio. [p. 145]
Sample Notes:
* Third National Rizal Lecture, December 30, 1969.
1 The full text of the manifesto may be found in Jose Rizal, Political and Historical
Writings. Vol VII (Manila: National Heroes Commission, 1964), p. 348.
2 Theodore Friend, Between Two Empires (New Haven and New York: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1928), p. 15.
3 W. Cameron Forbes. The Philippine Islands (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1928), p. 55
4 Ibid. p. 53
5 See Robert R. Reed, Hispanic Urbanism in the Philippines: A Study of the Impact of
Church
and State (Manila: The University of Manila, 1967), Chapter VIII.
6 Ibid, p. 125
7 For a discussion of cultural and social context of the period, see Edgar Wickberg, The
Chinese in Philippine Life, 1850-1898 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press,
1965), pp. 131-134
8 A fuller discussion of the developing concept of the true Filipino may be found in my book,
The Making of a Filipino (Quezon city: Malaya Books, 1969), Chapter 1. [p.
190]
9 Ibid., see also my essay, The Filipino Elite, found in part two of this book.
10 Graciano Lopez-Jaena. Letter to Rizal, March 16, 1887, Rizals Correspondence with
Fellow Reformists, Vol. II, Book II (Manila: National Heroes Commission, 1963), p.
103.
11 The Rizal-Blumentritt Correspondence, Part 1: 1886-1889, Vol. II, January 26, 1887, p.
44.
12 Rizal, Data for my Defense, Political and Historical Writings, p. 340
13 Rizal, The Reign of Greed, translated by Charles Derbyshire (Manila: Philippine
Education Company, 1956), p. 360.
14 Rizal, Manifesto, December 15, 1896, Political and Historical Writings, p. 348.
15 Hernandez, Ella, Ocampo. Rizal, Educator and Economist, (Manila, 1949), p. 94 [p. 191]
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
91
Part 7: Appendix
Other Works
Paintings
Sketches
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
92
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
93
Title: Sulpakan
Material: Ink
Remarks: Epistolario Rizalino
Title: Father Pablo Pastells
Material:
Remarks: Lost
Title: Room in which El Filibusterismo was begun
Material: Crayon
Remarks: Made in October 1887 in Calamba
Title: Two sketches without description
Material: Crayon
Remarks: Madrid diary of January 1884. Academy of San Fernando
Title: A landscape and sketch of a figure
Material:
Remarks: Madrid diary of January 1884. Academy of San Fernando
Title: Side sketch of Rizal's nurse
Material:
Remarks:
Title: Side sketch of Seor Monroy
Material:
Remarks:
Title: Sketch of artist Juancho
Material:
Remarks:
Title: Padre Burgos
Material:
Remarks:
Title: Mt. Makiling
Material:
Remarks:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
94
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
95
Title: Pen sketches of Drs. de Wecker and Becker made by Rizal and inserted in a letter to
Dr. Viola
Material: Ink
Remarks: Lost. Made in Madrid in 1886
Title: Sketch of the ascent of Mt. Makiling
Material: Pencil
Remarks: Sent to Dr. Blumentritt
Title: Sketches of diary: De Heidelberg a Leipzig pasando por el Rhin
Material: Pencil
Remarks: Made in Germany, Switzerland and Italy in 1887
Title: Sketches of diary: De Marseille and Hong Kong
Material: Pencil
Remarks: Made on board the Djemnah in 1887
Title: Sketches of "Apuntas de Portificacion de Campaa"
Material: Ink
Remarks: Made in London in 1888
Title: "Limang Salita"
Material: Ink
Remarks: Made in Berlin 1886
Title: Notas Clinicas
Material: Ink
Remarks: Made in Madrid in 1884-1885
Title: Sketch of the plan of their lodging house in 15 Bao, Madrid
Material: Ink
Remarks: Lopez Museum
Title: Sketches of archeological findings in Lumanao hill
Material: Ink
Remarks: Made in Dapitan, 1894-1895
Title: Sketches in "Hundred Letters"
Material: Ink
Remarks: May be seen in "100 Letters of Jose Rizal"
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
96
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
97
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
98
References
Ancheta, Celedonio A. 1977. Jose Rizal's Life and His Complete Works. Diliman, Quezon City:
National Bookstore, Inc.
Bantug, Asuncion Lopez . 1982. Lolo Jose: An intimate portrait of Rizal. Manila: Instramuros
Administration.
Bantug, Asuncion Lopez-Rizal. 1997. Indio Bravo: The Story of Jose Rizal. Manila: Tahanan
Books.
Capino, Diosdado C., Gonzales, Ma. Minerva A. and Pineda, Filipinas. 1977. Rizal: Life, Works
and Writings. Quezon City. JMC Press.
Del Carmen, Vicente F. 1982. An Encyclopedic Collection (vol. 1). Quezon City: New
Publications.
Day
Dela Cruz, Virsely M. and Zulueta, Francisco. 1995. Rizal: Buhay at mga Kaisipan.
Manila: National Book Store.
Guerrero, Leon Ma. 1998. The First Filipino. Philippines: Guerrero Publishing.
Guerrero, Leon Ma. 1987. Rizal:The First Filipino. Manila: National Historical Institute.
Manolo O. Vao. 1985. Light in Rizal's Death Cell. Quezon City. New Day Publishers
Montemayor, Teofilo M. 1996. Rizal Pictorial Calendar. Manila: National Historical
Institute.
National Historical Institute. 1992. Quotation from Rizals Writings. Manila: National
Historical Institute.
National Historical Institute. 1995. Pictorial Album on Rizal. Manila: National Historical
Institute.
National Historical Institute. 1994. A Rizal Anthology Trilingual Edition. Manila: National
Historical Institute.
National Historical Institute. 2002. Writings of Jose Rizal: Rizal's Poem. Vol.III, Book 1.
Manila: National Historical Institute.
Ocampo, Ambeth R. 2000. Rizal: Without the Overcoat. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Ocampo, Ambeth. 1995. Rizal Sired Hitler. Phlippine Daily Inquirer, June.
Palma, Rafael. 1948. The Pride of the Malay Race. New York: Prentice-Hall.
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
99
Quezon, Manuel III. 1994. Adolf Rizal (And His Half Brother, Rizal Zedong). Today,
September.
Quibuyen, Alonzo C. 1999. A Nation Aborted. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University
Press.
Zaide, Gregorio and Zaide, Sonia. 1997. Jose Rizal: Buhay, mga Ginawa at mga Sinulat.
Quezon City. All-Nations Publishing Co., Inc.
Zaide, Gregorio F. Jose Rizal: Life, Works and Writings. Reprint, Mandaluyong City:
National Bookstore, Inc., 2005.
College:
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
100
101
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTION 1
102