Ang mga Tausug ay isang pangkat-etniko sa Pilipinas.

Ang katawagang Tausug ay nagmula sa

mga salitang Tau at Sg na nangangahulugang "mga tao ng agos" (Ingles: "people of the
current"), na tumutukoy sa kanilang lupang tinubuan sa Kapuluan ng Sulu. Ang mga Tausug ay
tinatawag na Suluk sa Sabah, Malaysia. Sila ay bahagi ng mas malaking pangkat-etniko
na Moro, ang ika-anim na pinalalaking pangkat-etniko sa Pilipinas. Mayroon sila noong
isang nagsasariling estado na tinawag na Sultanato ng Sulu, kung saan dati nilang ipinamalas ang
kanilang kapangyarihan sa pook na sa ngayon ay binubuo na ng mga lalawigan ng
Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi at ng estado ng Malaysia na Sabah (dating Hilagang Borneo).
Identification. The Tausug ("people of the current" tau, "people"; sug, "sea current") are the
numerically dominant group in the Sulu Archipelago of the southern Philippines. Jolo Island,
strategically located near the heart of the archipelago, constitutes the cultural and political center
of Tausug society. Major concentrations of Tausug are also present on Pata, Tapul, Lugus, and
Siasi islands, on the north and eastern coasts of Basilan, and in the Mindanao provinces of
Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato. Additional populations are found in eastern Sabah (Malaysia),
from Labuk-Sugut southward to Tawau. In Sulu the Tausug typically occupy the larger high
islands, suitable for intensive agriculture, leaving the low coraline islands to the more maritime
Samal. The Tausug are a culturally unified group, and regional differentiation is minimal. On
Jolo Island, coastal-dwelling Tausug refer to themselves as "Tau Higad" ( higad, "seacoast") and
to inland dwellers as "Tau Gimnba" ( gimba,"hinterland"), whereas both groups refer to Tausug
living on islands other than Jolo as "Tau Pu" ( pu, "island"). In Sabah the Tausug are known
officially and in the ethnographic literature as "Suluk."
Location. The 400 or so islands of the Sulu Archipelago, bounded on the west by the Sulu Sea
and on the east and south by the Celebes Sea, lie between 430 and 650 N and 11910 and
12225 E. Jolo, the largest of the group, is a rugged, high island, 59 kilometers long by 16
kilometers wide. Fertile volcanic soils make possible intensive dry-field cultivation over
approximately one-half of its area; the rest is either unarable mountain land, remnant forest, or
former farmland turned to imperata grass. Rainfall is abundant, 178 to 254 centimeters annually,
but erratic, particularly during the northeast monsoon (November-March). Jolo Island is
surrounded by coral reefs and fringed with sand beaches and mangrove swamps.
Demography. The Tausug population of the Philippines was estimated at 325,000 in 1970, of
which 190,000 lived on Jolo Island. Following the destruction of Jolo town in 1974 in fighting
between Muslim separatists and Christian soldiers, this latter figure has probably declined, as
considerable numbers of Tausug were evacuated or fled, many to Basilan, Zamboanga, and
Sabah. In Sabah locally born Tausug numbered 10,900 in 1970. Current estimates of their
number, together with recent refugees, run from 20,000 to as high as 100,000.
Linguistic Affiliation. The Tausug language belongs to the East Mindanao Subgroup of Central
Philippine languages. Its closest affiliation is with Butuanun, spoken at the mouth of the Agusan
River (northeast Mindanao), from which it is believed to have separated some 900 years ago. It
also exhibits extensive linguistic convergence with Sama-Bajau, indicating a long and close
association. Tausug shows little dialectal variation and served historically as the lingua franca of
the Sulu sultanate. A Malay-Arabic script is used for religious and other writings.

History and Cultural Relations

The Tausug appear to have come to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao as a result of contact with
Sama-Bajau traders. This movement probably began in early Sung times and was related to the
growth of Chinese trade during the Sung ( A.D. 960-1279) and Yuan ( A.D. 1280-1368) periods.
Linguistic evidence suggests that a Tausug-speaking community may have originated from a
bilingual population established in Jolo by Sama traders and their Tausug-speaking wives and
children between the tenth and eleventh centuries. By the end of the thirteenth century the
Tausug emerged in the islands as a regionally powerful commercial elite. The date of earliest
Islamic penetration is uncertain, but initial contact possibly began in late Sung times, when Arab
merchants opened direct trading links with southern China by way of the Sulu Archipelago.
There also seems to have been some early proselytizing by Chinese Muslims. Islam was later
reinvigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, who came from Arabia or Iraq via Malaya and
Sumatra. The Sulu sultanate was established in the mid-fifteenth century, putatively by the
legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Sultan Shariful Hashim. Its establishment consolidated
the ascendancy of the Tausug and appears to have furthered their social and economic
differentiation from the Sama-Bajau-speaking Samal. The sultanate reached the height of its
power in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when its influence extended from Sulu
through the coastal foreshores of Mindanao and northern Borneo. Jolo emerged as a major center
of trade and piracy and as an entrept for slaves, most of them taken in the Christian Philippines.
Slavery made possible an intensification of trade-related production and, in addition to being
practiced by Tausug slavers, was carried out by Ilanon and Balangingi Samal under the
commission of Tausug aristocrats. Following Spain's colonization of the Philippines in the
sixteenth century, warfare with the Spanish was almost continuous for the next 300 years. The
first Spanish attack on Jolo town occurred in 1578. The town was occupied briefly in the
seventeenth century and a permanent garrison was established for the first time in 1876. After
Spain's defeat in the Spanish-American War, American troops occupied Jolo town in 1899, but
stiff resistance prevented them from gaining control over the interior of the island until 1913.
The Pax Americana that followed saw the abolition of slavery, confiscation of firearms, and
temporary curtailment of piracy and feuding. In 1915, under the terms of the Carpenter
Agreement, Sultan Jamal ul-Kiram II relinquished all claims to secular power, while retaining his
religious role as an Islamic sovereign. Since World War II indigenous forms of armed conflict
have revived. Sulu today is a major center of Islamic separatism, the birthplace of many of the
founding leaders of the present Moro National Liberation Front, and the site of some of the most
destructive fighting of the recent past.
Settlements
Except for towns and coastal fishing villages, Tausug communities are typically dispersed, with
individual houses located close to family fields. The household, or cluster of two or three
adjacent households, comprises the smallest territorial grouping. The next larger unit is the
hamlet ( lungan ). Still larger is the community ( kauman ), having a common name and
headman. The unity of a kauman depends on intermarriage, the existence of a core kin group
among its members, their attendance at a common mosque, recent history of conflict, and the
political skills of the community's headman. Boundaries between kauman tend to be ill-defined,
varying according to the dynamics of alliance and feuding and the relative power of successive

headmen. The Tausug house typically consists of a single rectangular room, bamboo- or timberwalled, with a thatched roof, raised on posts about 2 to 3 meters above the ground. The structure
is generally surrounded by a series of elevated porches leading to a separate kitchen at the rear
and is often enclosed within a protective stockade encircling the house compound.
Economy
Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Subsistence is based primarily on agriculture, fishing,
and trade, with some livestock raising (cattle, chickens, ducks). The Tausug practice plow
agriculture, growing dry rice on permanently diked, nonirrigated fields, using cattle or water
buffalo as draft animals. Rice is intercropped with corn, cassava, and a small amount of millet,
sorghum, and sesame. There are three annual harvests: first, corn and other cereals; second, rice;
and third, cassava. The harvesting of cassava continues until the following dry season. Farms are
typically fallowed every third year. Other crops, generally planted in separate gardens, include
peanuts, yams, eggplants, beans, tomatoes, and onions. The principal cash crops are coconuts
(for copra), coffee, abaca, and fruit. Fruit, some of it wild, is an important source of seasonal
cash income and includes mangoes, mangosteens, bananas, jackfruits, durians, lanzones, and
oranges. Today many coastal Tausug are landless and make their living from fishing or petty
trade. Fishing, as either a full- or a part-time occupation, is carried out in coastal waters, mainly
using nets, hook-and-line, or traps.
Industrial Arts. Most farm and household items are made of bamboo. Iron implements are
forged locally and the manufacture of bladed weapons has historically been an important local
craft. Women produce pandanus mats and woven headcloths for both home use and sale.
Trade. From the founding of the Sulu sultanate until the mid-nineteenth century, the Tausug
conducted an extensive trade with China in pearls, birds' nests, trepang, camphor, and
sandalwood. Historically, considerable interisland trade has also existed within the archipelago.
Today copra and abaca are sold primarily through Chinese wholesalers, while most locally
consumed products are handled by Tausug or Samal traders. Smuggling between Sulu and
nearby Malaysian ports is an important economic activity to many with capital and commercial
connections and is a major source of local differences in wealth and power.
Division of Labor. Both sexes share in farm work, men doing much of the heavier work such as
clearing, plowing, and fencing fields; planting, weeding, and harvesting are done jointly. Women
tend the smaller vegetable gardens and gather fruit. Both sexes engage in trade. Fishing,
metalwork, interisland trade, and smuggling are largely male occupations, although, in the latter
case, women often manage the financial side.
Land Tenure. Landholdings typically are dispersed, with a man having rights of usufruct or
tenancy in farms in several different locations. These rights are individually held. In contrast
water holes, pasturelands, and beaches are by tradition unowned and available for common use.
In the past, titular rights were held by the sultan over all land within the state and secondarily by
local or regional leaders acting as his representatives.

Kinship
Kin Groups and Descent. The bilateral kindred ( usbawaris ) extending to second cousins is the
major kinship category. Lineal descent has no special functional or ideological significance, and
a hallmark of Tausug society is the absence of enduring corporate groups of any kind. According
to the Tausug interpretation of the Shafi marriage law, children are filiated with the father and his
kindred ( usbaq ), but in other contexts, aside from marriage and divorce, ties are acknowledged
bilaterally without distinction. Relations with kin are markedly dyadic; relatives act as a group
only during life crises, in times of sickness or special need, or when family honor is at stake.
Sibling solidarity is especially intense. Bonds between brothers and first cousins are particularly
important in forging political allegiances and in garnering support in times of armed conflict. In
addition to kinship, a variety of ritual-friendship relations is recognized. These include sworn
alliances between allies and ritual friendships between rivals, or potential rivals, entered into
often at the instigation of regional leadersto forestall open enmity or bring it to an end. Having
many friends is essential for success in armed feuds and litigation and for safety in traveling
outside one's home region.
Kinship Terminology. Terminology emphasizes generation, relative age, and lineality; cousin
terms are of the Eskimo type.
Marriage and Family
Marriage. Marriage is ideally arranged by parents. Contacts between the sexes are restricted and
marriageable women are kept in relative seclusion to protect their value to their family as
political and economic assets. First and second cousins are favored spouses (with the exception
of the children of brothers). A series of negotiations precedes marriage, concluding with an
agreement on the amount of bride-wealth and other expenses to be paid by the boy's family. In
addition to arranged marriages, wives may be obtained by elopement or abduction, both common
alternatives. Weddings are held in the groom's parents' house immediately upon payment of
bride-wealth and are officiated by an imam. Newly married couples generally reside uxorilocally
for the first year, or until the birth of a child, after which they are free to join the husband's
family, remain with the wife's family, or, preferably, build a new house of their own, typically
close to the husband's natal community. Independent residence is the eventual ideal. Relations
between husband and wife are characteristically close and enduring. Divorce is permitted but is
infrequent, occurring in less than 10 percent of all marriages and, although polygyny is allowed,
few men take more than one wife.
Domestic Unit. The Tausug household consists of either a nuclear family or a stem family, the
latter being comprised of parents, unmarried children, plus a married child, spouse, and
grandchildren. Fully extended families are rare.
Inheritance. Land is usually divided between sons, with some preference given to the eldest.
Other property is generally inherited bilaterally.

Socialization. Children are looked after by both parents and older siblings. A newborn infant's
hold on life is thought to be precarious; therefore, children are commonly protected with amulets
( hampan ) and temporarily secluded immediately after birth. At around 1 or 2 years of age, both
boys and girls undergo a ritual haircutting and immediately afterward are named. Most
preadolescent children attend Quranic school or study the Quran with a private tutor, and when
proficient they demonstrate their skills at recitation in a public ceremony called pagtammat. This
is typically a festive occasion, its scale reflecting the family's status and economic means. Boys
are circumcised ( pagislam ) in their early teens; girls undergo a similar rite ( pagsunnat ), but
without ceremony and attended only by females, when they reach the age of 5 or 6. Socialization
emphasizes sensitivity to shame, respect for authority, and family honor. Today children attend
public schools, but few attain more than a primary education. Only one in five who begin school
complete grade six.
Sociopolitical Organization
The major cultural focus of Tausug society is on conflict, politics, law, and litigation.
Social Organization. Tausug society is hierarchically stratified and has been since at least the
founding of the Sulu sultanate. Three major rank categories were formerly recognized: nobles,
commoners, and slaves. The nobility consisted of datu, men holding patrilineally inherited titles
who exercised regional power, and salip,religiously revered men and women who claimed
descent from the Prophet. As in other Malay polities, those of datu status were internally
differentiated into what have been called "royal datus" and "ordinary datus" (i.e., those directly
related to the line of the ruling sultan and others related only distantly or not at all). Commoners,
who comprised some 80 percent of the population, lacked ascribed titles and ranking. The
position of each category was defined by law. Commoners and slaves were required to pay
allegiance to a particular datu, although they exercised some choice in the matter, as individual
datus were not assigned unambiguously bounded territories. To a considerable degree wealth and
power were achieved independently of inherited titles, so that men of humble origin often gained
great influence and, in acknowledgment, received bestowed titles and recognized positions of
prominence in the alliance hierarchy. This status system has thus been characterized as one of
"status-conscious egalitarianism."
Political Organization. Although centralized as a polity, political power within the traditional
sultanate operated primarily through networks of interlocking leader-centered alliances. Personto-person bonds of friendship and patronage linked smaller alliances to larger ones in a ramifying
network that extended from community headmen and local factional leaders to the sultan and his
kindred at the apex of the system. Within the archipelago, the sultan's authority was strongest at
the geographical center of the state, on Jolo and neighboring high islands, shading to symbolic
hegemony at its outer peripheries. Recognition of a leader's authority and his position in the
alliance hierarchy were expressed through ranked titles ( panglima , maharaja, orangkaya,
parukka, etc.); part of the sultan's authority derived from his powers of investiture and control
over the title system. At each level of the alliance network, leaders acted as representatives of the
law, performing legal functions, mediating feuds, and imposing fines. They also offered their
followers physical protection and, from the sultan downward, were responsible for administering
religious law and for appointing local and regional religious officials. At the capital the sultan
was advised by a state council ( ruma bichara ) made up of religious advisers and leading datus,
which, in addition to its advisory role, reserved the right to determine succession. Today

traditional political values remain largely intact. Minimal and medial alliances still operate,
whereas maximal alliances are now led by acculturated Tausug operating within the setting of
Philippine electoral politics. Sulu is divided into two provinces, Sulu (Jolo) and Tawitawi. Jolo in
turn is divided into eight municipalities, each with elected officials: mayors, vicemayors, and
municipal councillors. Provincial officials include a governor, a provincial board, and a national
congressperson. Their powers derive mainly from their ability to obtain government largesse and
to guarantee their followers legal immunity. Although the secular power of the sultan is greatly
diminished, he continues to preserve, mainly through the agama (religious court), much of his
traditional religious function. Since the death of Sultan Jamal ul-Karim II, the office has been
represented by two lines of claimants.
Social Control. The Tausug recognize three categories of law: pure Quranic law; interpreted
religious law ( sara ), codified by the sultan and other Tausug officials; and customary law
( adat ), including offenses of honor.
Conflict. Armed feuds are endemic. The pattern is chiefly one of individual revenge. A widely
ramifying feud may result in battles involving more than 100 persons on each side. In the past,
external warfare took the form of piracy and coastal raiding, organized at the levels of medial
and maximal alliance, chiefly for slaves and booty. In the nineteenth century, following the
establishment of a precarious Spanish military hegemony over Sulu, a pattern of ritual suicide
( sabbil ) developed as a form of personal jihad, or religious martyrdom.
Religion and Expressive Culture
Religious Beliefs. The Tausug are Sunni Muslims, followers of the Shaft school. The Five Pillars
are observed, although only the elderly practice daily prayers regularly. All illness, accidents, and
other misfortunes are ultimately God's will. However, the Tausug retain elements of pre-Islamic
belief and, additionally, see the world as inhabited by local spirits capable of causing good or ill
fortune. Folk curers ( mangungubat ) may be sought in time of illness. Traditional medical
specialists, who obtain their powers through dreams or by the instruction of older curers, heal
mainly by herbal remedies and prayers.
Religious Practitioners. The imam is an important community figure. He officiates at life-crisis
rites, offers religious counsel, and leads the faithful in prayer. Religion is central to Tausug
identity and traditionally played a major role in maintaining the hierarchical structure of the
state. The sultan, as head of an Islamic polity, was invested with religious authority. Official
genealogies traced his descent to the Prophet and in his person he was expected to exemplify
ideal qualities of virtue and religious devotion. Paralleling the political pyramid was a religious
one, united at its apex in the sultan's person, and consisting, from state to community level,
of kadi, ulama, imam, hatib, and bilal, juridical and religious advisors, and mosque officials.
Ceremonies. Major events in the religious calendar include fasting during Ramadan; Hari Raya
Puasa, a day of feasting immediately following Ramadan; Hari Raya Hadji, the feast of sacrifice
on the tenth day of the month of Jul-Hadj; Maulideen Nabi, the birthday of the Prophet, on the
twelfth day of Maulud; and Panulak Balah (lit., "to send away evil"), a day of ritual bathing on
the last Wednesday of Sappal.

Arts. Dancing, instrumental music, and song are popular forms of entertainment, but the
decorative arts are unelaborated.
Death and Afterlife. Four acts must be performed at death: bathing the corpse, enshrouding it,
reciting the prayer for the dead, and burial. Burial is followed by a seven-day vigil. Depending
on a family's economic circumstances, commemorative feasts may be held on the 7th, 20th, 40th,
and 100th day, and on the first, second, and third anniversaries of death. Each person is believed
to have four souls that leave the body at death. The body goes to hell, where the length of
punishment it suffers is determined by the misdeeds and accumulated religious merit of the
deceased. On the fifteenth day of the month of Shaaban, one of the souls ( ro ) of the dead is sent
back to earth: here the deceased is honored with prayers and on the following day graves are
cleared.
Literary

Arts

Tausug literature includes poetry and prose, and narrative and nonnarrative forms. The content of
these forms belongs to either of two traditions: folk, which is more closely related with
indigenous culture; or Islamic, which is based on the Quran and the Hadith (sayings) and Sunna
(traditions
and
practices)
of
the
prophet
Muhammad.
Folk nonnarrative poetry includes tigum-tigum or tukud-tukud (riddles), masaalaa (proverbs),
daman (poetic dialogue or advice), pituwa (maxims), malikata (word inversions), tilik (love
spells),
and
tarasul
(poems)
(Tuban
1977:101).
Tausug tigum-tigum are either asked in casual conversation or sung during celebrations; but in
both cases, the answer is volunteered as soon as the audience has given up guessing. In form,
they may be in quatrain form (when sung), in rimed couplet, or in prose. Common subjects
include flora and fauna, house-hold items, climate, topography, celestial bodies, human anatomy,
food,
games,
and
religious
practices
(Tuban
1977:101,
108,
111-112).
Riddling in Tausug society functions mainly as a form of entertainment, especially during
weddings, wakes, and the month of Ramadan, when it becomes a duel of wit and wisdom. It also
serves a pedagogical value by training children to think and be aware of nature and the objects
around
them.
Here
are
some
examples
(Tuban
1977:121-122):
Piyasud
Piyasausugaring
Pasura
Pasa
It
It
Let
Let

piyasling
usugaringa.

was

entered
it
it

My

inside
was
enter,
zigzag.

Pay
Nalatag
of

and

taken

take

it

hangka
laum
palay

outside
zigzagged
out
machine)

(Sewing

ku
in
grain

paslinga
pagtatahi)

(Makina

is

like

uhayuhay
bay.(Palitaan)
a

little

leaf

But

it

was

Day
You

able

kapa
climb

to

bud
a

fill

the

whole

datag

mountain

in

but

its

path

house.

(Lamplight)

labayan.

(Laud)

is

plain.

(Sea)

As with other ethnolinguistic groups, Tausug ulasaalaa (proverbs) represent a world view and a
perspective on life, and are often quoted at various times during celebrations, in moments of joy,
sadness, or disappointments. Proverbs also serve an educational p-urpose, teaching the young the
mores
of
Tausug
society
(Tuban
1977:140).
Many Tausug proverbs often reveal dominant ethnic characteristics. For instance,
Gam
ayaw

muti

in

bukug,
tikud-tikud.

in

It
rather

is
than

better
run

to
from

away

die
trouble.

On the other hand, another proverb warns against intemperate and hasty acts, thus:
In

isug

Courage

ha

way

without

akkal'

discretion

way

guna'.

is

useless.

Tausug proverbs also present a world view, an attitude towards life (Hassan et al 1974a):
In
tau
parasahan
A
person
comfortable
In
mangadjang
patumu'
One
prepared
ready

nagbubuluk
who

bihasa

mahumu

works

hard

halli'

marayaw
often

subay
in

must

always
have
the

a
life.
wajib
di'
ulan.

ha

to
before

has

in
niya.

a
rain

be
roof
falls.

Belief and faith in God is also enduring among the Tausug as in this proverb:
Tuhan
ha
minsan
maluhay

in
unu-unu
kaw
kaw

paunahun,
hinangun,
malaung,
maapun.

God
before
even
you

must

be

you

do

if

you

make

will

Sometimes

Tausug

be
proverbs

In
sagawa

have

Man
but

appeal

(Tuban

plans
decides.

in

pais

mu;
kaymu,
mu.

masakit
da

is

it
also

isab
your
is
painful

ha

kaibanan
own

when

1977:144):
magparuparu,
magbaya.

in

God

Kitbita
bang
masakit
Pinch
if
it

universal

manussiya
Tuhan

in

first
else,
mistake,
forgiven.

anything
a
easily

painful
done

to
to

your

skin;
you,
fellows.

Daman are poetic dialogues or advice used in courtship as well as in rites accompanying
marriage. The language used is archaic, and hence, difficult to understand. Through a daman, a
suitor can present his feelings in a polite and metaphorical way (Rixhon 1974a:41-44).
The following is a daman used in courtship when the father of the young woman discovers a
young man loitering around the vicinity of the house. He says (Rixhon 1974a:41-44):
Unu
unu
What
what

bagun
lubid
[kind
[kind

The

[I'm]
In
If
There

of]
of]

rope
rope

young

Mana'ta
Kimita'
Bang
duun

gikus,
usan?

us'
are
are

[you]
[you]

man

awn

answers:
lupu
pagtanuman
kantanaman
magjambangan.

na
na

search
[I]

surveying
of
can
[I'll]

the
place

a
find
make

twining,
coiling?

to
pleasant
my

field
plant
place
garden.

When the subject of discussion is delicate, one which carries a sexual connotation, the daman is
usually preferred to avoid giving offense. For example (Rixhon 1974a:45-46):
In
Yan
Bang
Bihun
Your
Is
If
I'll

bawgan'
da
kaw

mu
kaymu?
siyumu
kaymu

ta
arrow
still
tired
it

it
you

are
buy

The

with
of

using
from

response

Mayta'
Bihun
Bang
Kalu
Why
And
If
You

pana'
ka
biya'

may

mu

be:

subay

kaw

andagan?
paandigan
sukuran
mabawgan.

biya'
mu

do

you

have

to

buy
you
have

might

the

container
you?
it
you.

ask
for
it
are
bow

the

price?
insinuatingly?
lucky
for
free.

Less symbolic but as archaic as the daman, Tausug pituwa (maxims or advice) are similar to
proverbs
(Rixhon
1974a:45):
Suppak
The

bata
retribution

malangug,
for

mahumu'
naughty

kasakitan.

child

is

pain.

Dunya
Hapitan
Ayaw
Mahuli
The
a
do
for

ini

world
at

goes
stop-over
not
the

pinjaman
panayaman
maghamanhaman
kananaman
on

and

for
waste
end

comes

on
games
time
repentance.

Malikata (word inversions) are coded devices by which one conceals jokes or one's feelings for
another. Specifically, they are sentences with word inversions and mixtures which are

decipherable
Kaina
bahal

according

bang

Deciphered:

in

anu

Mayta'

Why

to
matinab

bang

init
tau

can't

code.

makatina'

kay

mabuta

di'

blind

manubu'
panadu?
makakita'?

men

see?

Ha'
aniya'
aniyu

yangad
sinaha'

Deciphered:
usahd
It
to

is

a
earn

maka-iyul-iyul
aniyu
ni

Makaluuyluuy
ta,
way
pity

for
a

people
salary,

sinanniyu'
pagkawakawalan,

biya'

kattu'
gadgi,

like
nor

us

not
to

binhi'
aniyu'

ini
way
to
have

bang

have

a
an

bang
higan,
janni.
way
pangadji'.
job
nor
education.

Tilik (love spells) are employed by Tausug men principally to win a woman's heart, but other
uses abound: to make oneself appear attractive, to soothe angry feelings, to weaken an enemy, to
attract custom-ers, and others. Tilik are considered sacred and should not be revealed. The
example below is recited so that the angels and the prophet will appear in the beloved woman's
dream. The incantation is accompanied by three taps on the corner of a pillow, which is then
inverted
(Tuban
1977:105-106):
Kaddim
alua
hi
Magsailu
kita
Alua
mumari
Alua
ku
mattun
Bang
adlaw
aku
in
ha
Bang
dum
aku
in
ha
Iya
Mikail,
iya
Sarapil,
iya
Gibrail,
Pasabisabilra
niyu
Katua
niyu
kaku'
hi
(ngan
sin
Barakat
Barakat
duwa
Muhammad
Our
Let's
Your
My
At
At

two
soul
soul
daytime
night

souls
exchange
will
will
I'm
time

I'm

dua
alua
kaku'!
kaymu,
atay
mu
mata
mu
iya
Muhammad
aku
babae).
Pukawa!
Laillahailqulla
Razurulla.
are

our
come
go
in
in

to
to
your
your

chained
souls
me;
you.
heart,
eyes.

O
Michael,
I
To
go
to
God's
Blessings

Raphael,
am
[name

O
of

Gabriel,
O
inviting
woman].
Wake

of

Muhammad
you
her
up?
blessings!
Muhammad!

Tarasul (poems) are both entertaining and peda-gogical. Although part of oral tradition, they are
also written down. Topics of the tarasul are various-nature, cooking, love, among others (Hassan
et
al
l974a:116,
118,
123,
126):
In
Kagunahan
U!
In

ulan

The
Are
Oh,
or
Help

rain
essential

iban

suga
dunya
Banuwa
tulunga.

ha
Apu'
jambangan

Apu'

and
on
["grandfather

Banuwa
angel
the

sun
earth,
chief"
Michael]
garden.

Manggis
Kasusuban
In
Bungangkahuy

iban
sin
marang

The
Are
The
Fruits

mangosteen
the
marang

buwahan
katan;
duyan
manaman.

iban
and
delight
and
are

the

lanzones
everybody;
durian
tasty.

of
the

Tarasul
Ganti'
Ha
Di
This
Serves
Concerning
Since

ini
pasal
ha

the
she

iban
ina'
dunya

tarasul
as
obligation
is
God's

subay
ganti'

daman
pamintangan
kalasahan
patuhanan.

and
a
to
love
representative

daman
lesson
mother
earth.

one's
on

Mabugtang
Pasal
Hangkan
Sabab

agun
sin

in

no
landu'

My
whole
[Thinking]
The
reason
I
Is
that
my

baran
atay

ku
ku.
magkadtu
ku.

[her]
grieving

paralyzed
rival.
visit
much.

raybal
aku
susa

di'

no
in

being
of
no

longer
heart

seems
my
pay
is

Tausug folk narratives include the salsila (ethno-historical narratives), the kaawn kissa (creation
stories), the usulan kissa (origin stories), and the katakata (marchen). The salsila are basically
genealogical accounts which trace noble descent. They tell of great ancestors, valiant feats, and
impor-tant happenings; some salsila even invest their pro-tagonists with superhuman capabilities.
A portion of a salsila narrated by Datu Salip Raja Bassal Pulalun, who traces his ancestry to
Sultan
Salahuddin
Karamat,
1648-1666,
is
typical:
Sultan Karamat's son Sultan Bararuddin I has four children-the twins Datu Alimuddin Han, who
is hand-some; Datu Salikala, who is ugly, abnormal, and looks like a monkey, Datu Nasaruddin;
and Dayangdayang Putli'Agtah Lana. Bararuddin gives away Salikala to Datu Maharaja Dindah
Bantilan. Salikala grows up strong and rescues Bararuddin from the invading Spaniards. Bantilan
reveals the truth and the family is united. Salikala and his twin brother Alimuddin re-ceive word
from Sultan Muhuddin of Brunei, request-ing for military assistance. The brothers oblige, but in
battle, Salikala is seriously wounded. He and his men later burn themselves. A monument is built
for them, and north Borneo is given as a price to the Tausug (Tuban 1977:44-46).
The theme of creation is told in various stories known as kaawn kissa. An example is "Apu'
Adam Iban Apu' Hawa" (Grandfather Adam and Grand-mother Eve) which tells of our first
parents
and
their
forced
exile
from
paradise.
God decides to create man and sends his angels to collect dust from the earth's four corners. After
over-coming the devils, the angels put the soil together into a lifeless form. Water, fire, and air
are added to give life. Adam is lonely and God gives him a woman, who is formed from his rib.
Four children are born to them-a white man, a white woman, a black man, and a black woman.
Intermarriages in later generations result in the various races of the world. Eve eats the forbidden
fruit and pours its juice into Adam's mouth. After defecating in paradise, they are sent out by God
(Tuban
1977:50-51).
The origins of Tausug customs and institutions are told in the usulan kissa. "In Usulan sin
Katantan Bungang Kahuy iban Binatang Halal" (The Origin of Edible Fruits and Animals)
narrates how Adam's circumcised skin becomes a tree, from which the edible animals-carabao,
cow, goat, chicken, pigeon, horse and so forth-have their origin. The tree, which has become an
obstruction to heaven's gate, is ordered cut, but it continues to grow and bears 99 fruit varieties
(Tuban
1977:59).
Another usulan kissa is "In Tau Nakauna" (The First People of Sulu). A war near the Sulu
archipelago leaves five male survivors, who settle in one of the islands. They meet five women
survivors of another war, whom they marry. Children are born to them. One day, two men, a tall
and a short one set out to search for other populated areas. They meet a woman named Putli'
Indal Suga who comes from heaven. She marries the tall man and gives birth to seven boys. Sulu

becomes popular in time and later begins attract Arab missionaries (Tuban 1977:59-60).
While kissa are instructive, katakata are stories which are not historical and which are recited
basically for entertainment. There are generally three types of katakata, one which resembles the
legend,
the
marchen,
and
the
trickster
tale.
An example of the first type is "In Duwa bud" (The Two Mountains). A man and a woman who
have died become two mountains, which today are believed to be enchanted. Resting between
the sea of Sulu and Zamboanga, the two mountains must not be referred to by travellers.
An example of the second type is the Tausug version of "Tom Thumb" folktales and is called
"Hangdangaw" (literally, "a span high"). Despite his size, Hangdangaw is a voracious eater and
grows with exceptional strength. He leaves his parents and -meets four powerful men who
become his friends: Mamuk Bunga, Tumibik Batu, Sumagpih Ipil, and Rumatag Bud. One day,
Hangdangaw catches s big fish but discovers that he needs fire to cook it. He sends the four to
get fire, but they are captured and imprisoned by a human-eating giant. Hangdangaw rescues
them, and they finally get to eat the fish. After the meal, Hangdangaw throws away the fish bone,
which, unfortunately lands on the maharajah's well. Hangdangaw helps the maharajah by
throwing the fish bone a second time; it lands on the water hole of a panglima (headman). This is
repeated two more times in the wells of the imam and the crown prince. As a reward, the
daughters of the maharajah, panglima, imam, and crown prince are married off to Hangdangaw's
four friends. From the crown prince's well, the fish bone lands on the sultan's. Hangdangaw
intervenes again and ends up marrying the sultan's sister (Tuban 1977:63-68).
More popular among the Tausug are the trickster tales which involve Pusong and Abunnawas
and which belong to the "clever lad" genre. In these tales, Pusong and Abunnawas always get
away with the tricks they play on the sultan. The popularity of these tales and the irreverence
they show towards the sultan betray the egalitarian attitude of the Tausug (Rixhon 1974a:34, 73).
Other katakata deal with agassi (giants) like the "Baguinda Iban Hinda Apu" (Baguinda and
Grand-father Agassi). There are also stories where handsome anak datu (royal princes) or
beautiful putli (royal prin-cesses) are turned into ugly creatures only to be return-ed to their true
selves after undergoing various trials. "Putli Pugut" and "Manik Buwangsi" are good examples of
this
type
of
katakata.
Animal tales such as that of pilanduk, a kind of mouse deer, are also types of the katakata. Pilanduk has evolved into a human trickster as wily as Pusong and Abunnawas (Tuban 1977:93-94).
Other examples of animal tales include the stories of "The Rabbit and the Lion," "The Tukling
and the Crow," and "There was a King" (Eugenio 1989:5-6, 38-39, 229-232).
Islamic literature finds expression in the inspired Arabic texts, the hadis (commentaries on
Islamic
law),
and
khutba
(Friday
sermon).
The azhan is the call marking the waktu (time) for the salat (prayers), which begin at subuh
(early dawn), then at luhul (noon), asar at around three in the after-noon, at magalib or after
sunset, and at aysa or early evening. In rural areas, the waktu for prayers is signalled by the
beating of drums or gongs while the azhan is called (Rixhon 1974a:6-14).
There are also duwaa or devotional prayers made in addition to the daily salat, especially when
an indi-vidual, family, or community experiences extraordi-nary difficulties or joy. Prayers
known as duwaa sala-mat or thanksgiving prayers are performed whenever these crises are
successfully resolved. Another duwaa called magtaubat is offered as a prayer of repentance; it
asks Allah for the forgiveness of taubat (sins). Other types of prayers are duwaa arowa or those
intended to commemorate death anniversaries; duwaa ulan, for the alleviation of drought. These
prayers
are
often
accompanied
by
a
jamu
(feast).

Another prayer is the jhiker, or the recitation of the 99 names of Allah guided by the tasbih
(prayer beads). This is done in private or as part of the daily salat.
Pangadji or the reading/recitation of the Quran is practised by the Muslims as a manifestation of
their faith and love for Allah. The recitation is either done in the masjid as part of duwaa, as an
opening in a public program, or as a personal expression of abiding devo-tion to Allah.
Pangadji is also done when there is death in the family. For seven nights, starting from the first
night of death, the Quran is recited by young men and women taking turns until the whole book
is read. The practice is meant to insure the deceased a safe journey to the next world.
The hadith or hadis are the sayings and practices of the Prophet Muhammad, collected,
compiled, and authenticated by Islamic scholars. Hadis constitute one of the sources for Islamic
law and jurisprudence. They are also used to explain and clarify certain points in the Quran. The
language
used
is
Arabic.
Tausug hadis are expressed in the form of tarasul (poem) or kissa (story), and are commentaries
on some points of Islamic law. The hadis tarasul are sung in the lugu (unaccompanied) tradition
and introduce the faithful to a chapter in the Quran. They are also performed to inspire the people
to
fulfill
their
religious
obligations
(Rixhon
1974a:16-18).
Hadis kissa are also sung and are usually accom-panied by musical instruments such as the
gabbang (native xylophone) and biyula (native violin). One ex-ample, the "Kissa sin Hadis sin
Duwa Magtiyaun" (The Story of the Tradition of Marriage), narrates the duties and
responsibilities
of
husbands
and
wives
(Rix-hon
1974a:16).
The khutba is the Friday sermon given during congregational prayers, and is delivered by the
khatib from the mimbar (platform). Generally, the khutba deals with religious topics and their
applications to contemporary life. Usually supplemented with read-ings from the Quran, the
khutba must contain at least the five rukun (essentials) to be considered valid. These are: reciting
a prayer or praise to Allah; extolling the virtues of Prophet Muhammad; advising those pre-sent
to remain God-conscious; reciting verses from the Quran; and praying for the faithful.
The local language is usually used for the khutba, although the Quranic verses and the prayers of
praise
for
Allah
and
the
Prophet
are
read
in
Arabic.
One Tausug oral tradition whose category has been shrouded in controversy is the parang sabil, a
narrative song that narrates the heroism of people who "fight in the way of God." The sabil
institution among the Tausug translates into a personal and religious obligation to defend Islam
and to protect the community from invasion. The act of committing parang sabil is celebrated in
songs known as kissa parang sabil or liangkit parang sabil. These are usually sung in the liangkit
tradition accompanied by the gabbang. As a literary form, they are considered epic ballads which
deal with the exploits of Muslims killed by Christians in warfare. Some parang sabil have been
printed. The "Liangkit Parang Sabil kan Apud" narrates the exploits of five young Tausug men
namely Apud, Jumah, Mukarram, Pisingan, and Isnain, who refuse to be inducted as trainees in
the militia. They become outlaws and are eventually killed in a continu-ous battle that lasts for
about
three
weeks
(Kiefer
1970).
The "Parang Sabil hi Baddon" tells the story of -Baddon who is insulted by a datu. Baddon
ambushes the nobleman, after which he is declared an outlaw. A military operation is launched
against him. Fighting begins between the relatives of Baddon and the datu (Mercado 1963).
The "Parang Sabil hi Abdulla" tells the story of Putli Isara, the beautiful daughter of a panglima
the fiance of Abdulla. By the river one day, a Spanish soldier accosts Putii Isara and touches her.
The event causes Putli Isara and Abdulla to commit parang sabil ("Parang Sabil" 1973).