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Milagros Denis
Resea de "Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth Century Puerto Rico" de Luis Figueroa, "La esclavitud
menor: la esclavitud en los municipios del interior de Puerto Rico en el siglo XIX" de Mariano Negrn Portillo
and Ral Mayo Santana y "Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico" de Guillermo Baralt
Centro Journal, vol. XXI, nm. 1, 2009, pp. 236-245,
The City University of New York
Estados Unidos
Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=37721248012
Centro Journal,
ISSN (Printed Version): 1538-6279
centro-journal@hunter.cuny.edu
The City University of New York
Estados Unidos
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review essay
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REVIEW ESSAY
Studies on race and racial exclusion cannot be conducted without assessing the
socioeconomic strategies used by the institutions that were established to maintain
the social order. Throughout history, racism has changed and evolved, yet it has
remained a dominant and pervasive force in virtually every society. In Puerto Rican
society racism is subtle and has being trivialized by proclaiming that the islands
history is based on a long tradition of mestizaje (Blanco 1985 [1942]). The claim that
the island is a colorblind society is another way to disguise a problem that finds
its roots on the islands colonial history and in slavery. It has become a shameful
episode, which as Godreau et al. (2008) put it is thorny and problematic topic for
nation building projects.
In the Puerto Rican context, race is characterized and defined as a phenomenon
of non-racist racism. While the Puerto Rican government declares the absence of
institutionalized racist practices, the conditions of Afro-Puerto Ricans contradict
this position. For instance, in the folkloric traditions of the 1940s and 1950s,
only those with European ancestry were privileged as constitutive founders of the
new nation. The newly projected images and rhetoric coincide with the massive
implementation of modernization in Puerto Rico in which dramatic changes took
place in the economy and society (Denis 2005). These changes affected the working
class, which was comprised mostly of African descent people positively and negatively.
Comparable to Latin American scholarship, in Puerto Rico the history of slavery
reflects a tendency of being tamed and limited. The history of slavery is asGodreau
et al. pointed outinstrumental in the reproduction of national ideologies of
mestizaje. In finding a solution to the socioeconomic disadvantages that are
characteristic among the Afro-Puerto Rican population, the history of slavery is
instrumental (Daz-Quiones 1985). But what kind of historical interpretations
should one refer that can be useful for public policy making or to understand
the dynamics in a society that everyday is turning even whiter, and blackness is
suppressed and rejected? How a historian or a social scientist can use those sources
that mostly focus on slavery as an economic institution and silence the human
aspect of the enslaved? How educators and intellectuals can shift the paradigms
of a colorblind society without underestimating relevant research on slavery in
Puerto Rico? Perhaps in this context one might apply a very critical judgment to
that information. It is ones responsibility.
This essay revisits the history of slavery in Puerto Rico using Slave Revolts in Puerto
Rico (translated from Spanish), La esclavitud menor and Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom
in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico. This essay also analyzes specific aspects on the
treatment of slavery, resistance and emancipation that are addressed in each one of
the books reviewed. Furthermore, in this narrative is used the mentioned texts to test
what historians and social scientists have pointed out somewhere else that a better
understanding of the history of slavery help us to elucidate the roots of contemporary
racial inequality and related racial identities (Godreau et al. 2008).
The most recent publications on the topic of slavery in Puerto Rico, Slave Revolts
in Puerto Rico (translated from Spanish to English), La esclavitud menor: la esclavitud en
los municipios del interior de Puerto Rico, and Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in NineteenthCentury Puerto Rico highlight some aspects that previous scholars have overlooked:
1) the degree to which slaves in Puerto Rico through rebellions and others
manifestations struggled to gain their freedom, 2) the individual and collective lives
of former slaves in the subsequent decades after the abolition of slavery, 3) and the
correlation between slavery and race in the Puerto Rican society.
Slaves Revolts in Puerto Rico, which its original Spanish publication dates back to
the early 1980s, represents a step forward in making accessible to a broader public
an influential study about how slaves in Puerto Rico resisted enslavement. In this
study the historian Guillermo Baralt sustains that the Haitian revolution was a
catalyst agent of all the insurrections and rebellions that took place in Puerto Rico
(chapter 1). The text focuses on the period from 1795 to 1873 covering the so-called
downfall of Haiti to the abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico (1873).
In the late eighteenth-century Puerto Ricos sugar economy experienced a
radical change. As a direct consequence of the revolution in Haiti, an increase
in the sugar production forced the hacendados to acquire more labor force, that is,
enslaved Africans, in order to satisfy the demand for sugar products. This situation
brought about a significant increase in the African descent population on the island.
Since Spanish colonial times, blacks (free and enslaved) have been subjected to harsh
measures of surveillance and social control. During the period immediately following
the Haitian Revolution (18101850), the colonial government and the hacendados
took steps to prevent possible uprisings among the black population (Baralt 2007
[1981]; Moscoso 1995; Nistal-Moret 2000 [1984]). Slave Revolts in Puerto Rico shows
repeatedly how the Spanish colonial authorities implemented measures to suppress
the enslaved and free black population. An excellent example of this is seen in the
numerous decrees and edicts enacted by the Spanish governors right after the first
conspiracy erupted. This is from Governor Toribio Montes to the infamous Bando
de Prim, better known as the bando contra la raza Africana. This proclamation
was a code of conduct, which attempted to institutionalize racial control of blacks
whether or not they were free or enslaved. Moreover, it entitled the white Puerto
Ricans, particular the ruling elite to subjugate and discriminate against blacks.
This kind of persecution against people of African descent became the norm of the
day. It decisively influenced the racial discourse on the island.
The abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico (1873) is a topic that is mostly focused from
the point of view of the planters and the colonial authorities. Again, one cannot deny
the relevant role that many of the abolitionists played in this ordeal. Furthermore,
one should highlight that in comparison to other slave societies, Puerto Rico placed
itself at the avant-garde of the liberal movement in the Spanish colonial Caribbean.
The Puerto Rican diputados disagreed with their Cuban counterparts in the Cortes
over the issue of the abolition of slavery. For Cuban planters, the abolition of slavery
was perceived as an econocide because when this proposal was introduced Cuba
was enjoying of a boom in its economy (Knight 1970; Ferrer 1999; Prez 2006).
For Puerto Rican Creoles, the abolition of slavery was a matter of finding a suitable
solution to the increasing number of a free labor force and also to calm down the
external pressure to end slavery (Curet 1985). However, this is not the way that
Nistal-Moret (1985) interprets this situation among the Puerto Rican Creole elite.
He points out to the fact that the big landowners in Puerto Rico were members of
the Conservative Party so supporting the abolition of slavery was not of the interest
for this segment of the ruling class.
In order to understand aspects related to the abolition of slavery and how it
impacted the islands economy and society, one must take a closer look to the
measures that the Spanish colonial authorities took, once again, to please the
planter class. The Moret Law (1870) and the Rgimen de Coartacin reflect the
terms related to the gradual abolition of slavery and it was a measure intended to
compensate the planters for the loss of their slaves.
For that purpose the Spanish colonial authorities, along with the planter
class, agreed in creating the general slave registry (registro general de esclavos).
This document was a census or physical inventory of slave property throughout the
different geographic regions of the island. The relevance of this document relies on
the fact that it provides information about the town, name, ownership, and other
quantitative data. More importantly, as it going to be discussed later in this essay,
the registro (registry) provides information about the ethnicity, skills, age, origin
(ethnicity), and marital status of the slaves.
In Negrn-Portillo and Mayo-Santanas most recent publication, La esclavitud
menor, the registry is utilized as the main primary source for the study. In this
particular instance, the authors shift their focus to the municipalities in the
interior of the island and reinforce other studies (Ayala and Bergad 2002;
Pic 1993, 1981; Bergad 1984) that highlight the significance of slave labor in the
economic activity of the region. The study is also a contribution to the scholarship
on slave labor in a region where its economy is not essentially based on the sugar
cane production. La esclavitud menor challenges the paradigm that establishes
that slave labor was relatively inexistent or less important in the economy of the
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REVIEW ESSAY
use of bomba dancing to organize rebellions). This type of information in the way
that is addressed in the text allows the reader to establish comparisons with other
slave societies. At the same time, it deconstructs the misconceptions that Puerto
Rico, in comparison to other systems in the Caribbean, slavery was relatively milder
(Tannnebaum 1992 [1946]; Flinter 1976 [1832]). In Puerto Rico the slave population
revolted. They caused fear and chaos. The white elite were afraid of blacks.
By rebelling, the slaves made the unthinkable and the unexpected. They broke
up the racial and class hierarchies imbedded in the islands colonial system.
interior (Nistal-Moret 1985) and much attention is given to the free white labor
force. In addition, the study provides data that shows the different levels of skills
that the slaves executed (men and women) in the haciendas. Another important
aspect of the study is the analysis of the slaves access to land before the abolition
of slavery. In this regard, La esclavitud menor, complements earlier research
(Pic 1993, 1981, 1979) that suggests that the new boom in the coffee production in
the interior of the island gave white peasants better access to land and ownership.
In fact, La esclavitud menor contends that after the abolition of slavery, the libertos
(former slaves) were given few or none alternatives after their liberation.
Then, this confirms previous research (Mayo-Santana and Negrn-Portillo 1997;
Figueroa 2005) that the few alternatives that the freed men were given forced
them to immigrate to other parts of the island or to accept the terms of the
apprenticeship system. In this sense, in Puerto Rico the transition from slavery to
freedom shares a similar pattern than other slave societies where there was not a
cohesive structural system to integrate the freed men and women into the society
(Scott 2005; Beckles 2004; Beckles and Shepherd 1996).
The difficulties that today black Puerto Ricans confront in achieving social
mobilization might be find its explanation by examining the precarious
conditions that former slaves encountered after the abolition of slavery.
In the first chapters of Slavery, Sugar and Freedom, the historian Luis A. Figueroa
outlines the distinctive patterns in organization of work among the slaves in
the municipality of Guayama. Overall, the book examines the dynamic from
slavery to freedom to free labor in the region of Guayama, which was one of
the most important sugar cane producers in the island. The historian draws
upon legal documents, such as the liberto records, apprenticeship contracts,
and other archival sources to establish that Guayama was not a typical Puerto
Rican municipality. The study gives voice to the emancipados in terms of their
agency in pursuing their freedom. In addition, the study demonstrates that in
terms of economic activity Guayama, along with the coastal municipalities of
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REVIEW ESSAY
associate with the jbaro. Gonzlez challenges the socio-historic discourse about
the symbol of the jbaro as the foundation of the Puerto Rican identity. He argues
that the association of jbaro with a white person is disputable; that the poor white
peasanttoday called jbarowho lived in the rural areas coexisted culturally with
the African Creoles and they were certainly a poor peasantry forced to adopt
a lifestyle similar to that of other poor people previously living in the country,
similar to the slaves lifestyle.
The study of Negrn-Portillo and Mayo-Santana deconstructs traditional
silences by showing that direct confrontation of ones racial selves alters drastically
the terms of discussion or identity as Puerto Ricans. It this sense chapter four of
the study explores the different level of racial and physical characterizations of the
slaves. The authors refer to their previous studies (1992, 1997) that discuss issues
of race, gender, color and class within the slave system. According to NegrnPortillo and Mayo-Santana, in Puerto Rico, La esclavitud menor offers important
information to understand how skin color has contributed to the dilemma of racial
identity among black Puerto Ricans. The data analyzed in La esclavitud menor,
suggest that there is a correlation between skin color and the task assigned to the
slaves (Tables 2124). Again, this trend can be interpreted in various ways. First,
one might suggest that the islands slave system shares similarities with other slave
societies where racial nomenclatures created hierarchies based on skin pigmentation.
For example, people of darker complexion are usually assigned to more difficult tasks
or they are mostly at the bottom of the society, while those of lighter complexion
have better chances to get better positions. According to Negrn-Portillo and MayoSantana, color hierarchies contributed to black Puerto Ricans to associate blackness
with slavery causing an identity crisis that forced them to distance themselves
from their black/African roots. In other words, the embracing of the mestizaje,
meaning blanquearse, was perhaps the only option to improve their chances into the
free society. Another way to put it is that a greater degree of whiteness facilitates a
better position in the society. This kind of rationale is going to be reflected in both
racial groups the whites and the blacks. For blacks slavery was a constant reminder
of their suffering and oppression and they are going to do whatever was necessary
to erase that stigma. The white Puerto Rican elite would ensure of keeping blacks
at the bottom. A very popular Puerto Rican saying that recites y a el negro hay que
manternerlo en su lugar perfectly gathers that attitude.
Conclusion
In Puerto Rico slavery was part of the colonial structure. It shaped race relations.
When reevaluating the history of slavery in Puerto Rico, one should not be misled
by the apparent distinctions of this institution on the island. Yes, it was different,
but still it was a social disease. The publications discussed above test the hypothesis
that the measures taken by the colonial authorities and the planters after the
abolition of slavery have proven to be an example of the institutionalization of
racism on the island. These three publications balance the historiography of slavery
in Puerto Rico to the rest of the Caribbean.
La esclavitud menor contributes to the scholarship on the role of slave labor in
the interior of the island. It opens more discussion about the presence of African/
black in the mountains. Based on the study, the area had considerable enclaves of
slaves so the mountain was not a white emigrant domain. Slave Revolts in Puerto
Rico maintains its integrity of the Spanish version. It was about time that this
influential study was made available to English speaking public. There is so much
to draw from this publication but the essay limited its review to the slaves leading
role in pursuing their freedom.
The limitations of gaining access to land and decent contracts for free labor
reflect that the society and the colonial authorities were committed neither
to assist former slaves nor to reach a compromise to facilitate their transition
to freedom. The data discussed in Figueroas Sugar, Slavery and Freedom clearly
provides important evidence to the hypothesis on racial/class exclusion of
black Puerto Ricans. This exclusion began when Africans were brought under
enslavement and were maintained under such horrible conditions for hundreds
of years. So after the abolition of slavery, what was left for former slaves? What
choices did they have? Baralt and Figueroas research coincides on their analysis
of Creole elites efforts to restrict social activities among blacks. Still, today in
Puerto Rico, African ancestry people are struggling to maintain a place of respect
in the islands culture and national identity. The history of slavery is one of survival
and resistance. Today, Afro-Puerto Ricans struggle translates into contesting
marginalization and silencing from the islands national identity. The new research
about the history of slavery in Puerto Rico can contribute to target the issue of
race relations in the society.
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REVIEW ESSAY
although the same research also mentions that some of the former slaves
managed to establish in the townships, traditionally these enclaves were the
worst in the area. What this part of the study shows is that former slaves
did everything possible to be far from the plantations and begin a new life.
Their expectations were not different at all from other former slaves in the
Caribbean region who were seeking to better their lives.
Finally, the last chapter of the study offers interesting analysis of the social
tensions on the post-emancipation period. It also explores the various ways
that the colonial authorities implemented as measures of social control.
Comparable to other post emancipation societies in the hemisphere, in Puerto
Rico, the elites along the municipal authorities implemented measures to restrict
former slaves activities, such as moving around without proper documentation,
and even enjoying bomba and plena music. Still, with this repressive environment
freed men and women developed strategies of survival and resistance. As a very
popular saying recites, no se quedaron daos.
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