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POLITICAL
THOUGHT
Hegemony, Consciousness, and
the Revolutionary Process
by
JO S E P H V. F E M A
C LA R EN D O N PR ESS O XFO RD
To
M Y M O TH ER,
and to the memory of
M Y FA TH ER
Preface
Translations of passages from Gramsci quoted in the course of
this book are my own. This does not imply serious dissatisfac
tion with existing English translations, which are generally
reliable. The problem is that most of his writings have not yet
been translated. For reasons of consistency in the rendering of
Gram scis terms and style, it was best, I decided, to work from
the Italian original even when an English translation was
available. Nevertheless, I have consulted, and in many cases
benefited from, the English translations mentioned in the
Bibliography. My debt to them is here gratefully recorded. As
regards terminology in the Quademi, the reader should be fore
warned that Gramsci (probably because of prison censorship)
tended to use the neutral word group when he apparently
meant class in its M arxist sense. The former word, however, is
not always meant as a euphemism for the latter. Whenever they
appear in a quotation from the Notebooks, I translate gruppo and
gruppi literally and leave It up to the reader to sort out Gramscis
meaning in the particular instance.
The primary research for this study was completed before the
appearance of Valentino Gerratanas critical edition of the
Quademi del Carcere in 1975. Citations in the text are conse
quently given with reference to the original Einaudi edition,
which it should be observed has in noway been superseded
by the new one. By grouping together notes on related subjects,
the old edition has the merit of imposing a thematic structure on
Gram scis fragmentary and disordered work. In so doing, it of
course obscures the subtle development of his thought between
1929 and 1935, the period when he penned the Quademi. But
how significant was this development? No one has managed to
show that Gramscis ideas changed in any important or relevant
ways during these years. Gerratana presents the notes in the
order in which they were written and not according to topic
headings. Indeed, his edition even reproduces preliminary
viii
Preface
Preface
IX
66 95
47 3
Joseph V. Femia
December 1980
Contents
A b b r e v ia t io n s
B r ie f B io g r a p h ic a l S ketch
Pages
xii
of
G ram sci
xiii
23
61
4.
130
165
190
217
N o tes
256
B ib l io g r a p h y
286
I nd ex
299
Abbreviations
PCI
PS I
1914-18
19191920
1916-1920
192122
192326
11
97
CH APTER i
Though
io
11
12
,17
13
14
15
16
17
*.26
r8
19
20
21
22
CHAPTER
126
24
) .2
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32 .
In every epoch the ideas of the ruling class are the ruling ideas, that is,
the class that is the ruling material power of society is at the same time
its ruling intellectual power. The class having the means of material
production, has also control over the means of intellectual produc
tion, so that it also controls, generally speaking, the ideas of those who
lack the means of intellectual production.36
This assertion, which was reiterated in the Communist Mani
festo
is consonant with Marxs famous dictum, expressed in
his essay on Hegel's Philosophy of Rights that 'religion is the
opium of the people. Marx and Engels plainly conceded the
possibility that the ruling class could perpetuate its rule by
controlling the means of legitimation and enshrining its defini
tions in the major institutional orders. Still, the lounders of the
'philosophy of praxis gravely underestimated the depth and
pervasiveness of so-called false consciousness . In the very
same work quoted above, they inform us that, for the pro
letarians, such theoretical notions [bourgeois ideology] do not
exist . I f the working class ever did adhere to these notions, they
have now long been dissolved by circumstances .38 These cir
cumstances are made explicit in the Manifesto:
. . . modern industrial labour, modem subjection to capital, the same
in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him
[the proletarian] of every trace of national character. Law, morality,
religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices behind which lurk
in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.39
The workers, on this argument, have come to inhabit a world
where bourgeois culture its norms and values, ideals and
beliefs is irrelevant, and where new forms have emerged in its
stead. Commenting on the class structure of nineteenth-century
England, Engels remarks that the proletariat has become a
'race wholly apart from the middle classes. The workers speak
other dialects, have other thoughts and ideas, other customs
and moral principles, a different religion, and other politics
than those of the bourgeoisie.40
Attendant upon this radical cultural divergence is open
hostility, manifest in a wage struggle Marx describes as a
veritable civil w ar.41 For Marx and Engels, as for all Marxists
before Gramsci, conflict, not consensus, permeates the system:
Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie possesses this distinctive
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
4-8
49
50
were essentially conservative in the sense that they did not tend to
allow an organic passage from the other classes into their own: i.e. to
enlarge their class sphere technically' and ideologically; their con
ception was that of a closed caste. The bourgeois class poses itself as
an organism in continuous movement, capable of absorbing the entire
society, assimilating it to its own cultural and economic, level. The
entire function of the State has been transformed: Lhe State has
become an 'educator5. . . ,81
Lrr place of the vulgar caricature of liberalismoffered by both
romantic conservatives and socialistsas an atomistic doctrine,
seeking lo dissolve the solidarities of social relationships arid to
replace them by' the unfettered individual, the masterless man,
Gramsci presents a view of the doctrine, and its bearers, as
deeply informed by a spirit of common life and social union.
Thus, the modern state (assuming that it is functioning properly)
transcends the particularism of the economic-corporate
phase ; il is a stale in the real sense, enjoying the "consent of the
governed, however superficial this consent may be.82
V I . War o f Manoeuvre! War o f Position
Hegemony, as Gramsci understood it. was not just a tool of
historical and social analysis: it was also a guiding concept for
political practice. His ideas on integration enabled him to add a
new dimension to the Marxist theory of revolution, thus super
seding its aridities but, at the same time, introducing a whole
new set of problems.
The United Front policy of 1922 pointed to the need to
formulate new approaches to the socialist revolution, owing to
the notable dilferencc in development between pre- tgi 7 Russia
and Western European countries. No one spoke of deviating from
the Russian model (which remained the unquestioned paradigm
of revolutionary practice), only ofadhering to it in more reso
lute and imaginative ways. Gramsci first deals with the problem
theoretically in a letter of 1924, where he discusses the strength
of superstructure! forms created by the greater development of
capitalism , which render the action of the masses slower and
more prudent and therefore demand of the revolutionary party
a strategy and tactics much more complex and vigorous than
those used by the Bolsheviks in the period between March and
November of 19 17'. Refurbishing one feature of the old L^Ordine
51
52
an historical period in which the great mass political parties and the
great economic trade unions did not yet exist, and society was still, so
to speak, in a state of fluidity in many aspects: greater backwardness
of the countryside, and almost complete monopoly of political-state
power \effxcunza\ by a few cities or even by a single one (Paris in the
case of France); a relatively simple state apparatus, and greater
autonomy of civil society from state activity;. , . greater autonomy of
the national economies from the economic relations of the world
market, etc.87
From this catalogue we can infer three historical trends which,
for Gramsci, complicate rather than further the revolutionary
process: rapid economic development, increased centraliza
tion, and the growth of popular participation. So the optimism
pf Marxist thinking had been misplaced. The march of industry,
according to him, leads not to certain revolution but to the
integration of the masses into the capitalist system, as the
agencies of socialization become more and more sophisticated
and ubiquitous. What is needed in such circumstances is a war
of position' on the cultural front. This strategy requires steady
penetration and subversion of the complex and multiple
mechanisms of ideological diffusion. The point of the struggle is
to conquer one after another all the agencies of civil society (e.g,
the schools, the universities, the publishing houses, the mass
media, the trade unions). I n the absence of a prior revolution of
the spirit , a seizure of state power would prove transitory' if not
disastrous. It would be a matter of destroying only the outer
perimeter of the capitalist system of defence. The momen
tarily triumphant revolutionary forces would find themselves
facing a largely hostile population, still confined within the
mental universe of the bourgeoisie. Attention must therefore be
directed to the inner redoubt of civil society, to the dissemina
tion of radical ideas about man and society in short, to the
creation of a proletarian counter-hegemony. Before revolu
tionizing class and political relations Communists must revolu
tionize man himself, his way of thinking and feeling. Gramsci
expresses some doubt as to whether this mental transformation
can befully achieved before the demolition of the capitalist state
apparatus; in two passages he admits that the new Marxist
regime will need to employ legal punishments (and rewards) in
order to eradicate certain customs and attitudes and encourage
53
54
55
56
57
58
necessity)
need (the
p r a c tic a l e x
th e re fo re th e p r o le ta r ia t c a n a n d m u st e m a n c i
w h ic h
th e b o u r g e o is ie p r o d u c e s a n d a p p r o p r ia te s
p r o d u c t s . W h a t th e b o u r g e o is ie th e re fo re p r o d u c e s , a b o v e a ll, is its
own
g r a v e -d ig g e r s . I t s fa ll a n d
th e v ic t o r y o f the p r o le ta r ia t a re
e q u a l l y i n e v it a b l e .100
59
no
lo n g e r s e e m
to b e in d e p e n d e n t. T h e y
h a v e no
h is t o r y o r d e v e l o p m e n t . R a t h e r , m en w h o d e v e lo p th e ir m a te ria l
p r o d u c t io n a n d t h e ir m a t e r i a l r e la tio n s h ip s a lte r th e ir th in k in g a n d
th e p r o d u c t s o f th e ir t h in k in g a lo n g w it h th e ir re a l e x iste n c e . C o n
s c io u s n e s s d o e s n o t d e t e r m in e life, but life d e te rm in e s c o n s c io u s n e s s .102
6o
C H A P T E R
post-factum ,
to s t u d y a n d c o m p r e h e n d the e v e n ts o f
t h e p a s t ; t h e y o u g h t n o t to b e c o m e a m o r tg a g e on
t h e p r e s e n t a n d fu t u r e .
( G r a m s c i , L a c r i t i c a c r i t i c a 5,
62
63
64
65
66--
!>
67
68
69
70
71
and thinking. After K ant and Hegel had pointed to the creative
role of the mind in shaping the world of experience present to
the individual consciousness, the naive sensationalism of the
orthodox Marxists seemed to Gramsci a giant step backwards.35
He used as his authority on these issues the testimony.of
M arxs Theses on Feuerbach, to which he referred repeaLedly in has
Qiiaderni in order to prove that Marx posits as the most impor
tant factor in history not brute matter but thinking, feeling
man*b To be sure, in his critique of Feuerbach (and French
materialism) M arx denounced the dualism of mind and matter,
mental activity and external reality, which regarded conscious
ness as nothing but a reflection' of the material conditions of
mans existence:
The
c h ie f d e fe c t
o f a ll
p r e v io u s
m a te r ia lis m
(in c lu d in g
th at o f
72
not o u r co n ce rn
but how
it is s o c ia lly a n d
h is to ric a lly
o r g a n i z e d fo r p r o d u c t io n . . . th e p h ilo s o p h y o f p r a x is d o e s no t s tu d y a
m a c h i n e in o r d e r to k n o w a n d to e s ta b lis h the a to m ic s tru c tu re o f its
m a te r ia ls
or
th e
p h y s c i a l -c h e m i c a l-m e c h a n i c a l
p r o p e rtie s
o f its
n a t u r a l c o m p o n e n t s . . . b u t o n ly to th e e x te n t th a t it is a m o m e n t o f
th e m a t e r i a l fo r c e s o f p r o d u c t io n , is an o b je c t o f p r o p e r ty o f d e te r
m in a t e s o c ia l, f a r c e s , a n d e x p r e s s e s a s o c ia l re la tio n w h ic h in tu rn
c o r r e s p o n d s to a d e t e r m in a t e h is to r ic a l p e r io d .42
73
74-
75
76
77
effort
a n d th e re fo re c o n tr ib u te s c o n
c r e t e l y to th e f o r e s e e n r e s u lt . P r e d ic tio n is th u s re v e a le d not as a
s c ie n t ific a c t o f k n o w l e d g e , b u t a s the a b s t r a c t e x p r e s s io n o f the effort
m a d e .64
78
79
t h e r e fo r e
to
be
id e n tifie d
w ith
m e c h a n i c a l d e t e r m in is m b e c o m e s a fo r m id a b le fo rce o f m o ra l resis
t a n c e , o f c o h e s io n a n d o f p a t i e n t a n d o b s tin a te p e r s e v e r a n c e .72
81
8a
83
84
85
86
'87
11
tion , 9 2
88
89
go
91
im m e d ia te ly
to th e fa s c in a t io n o f the s y s te m o r the
is l a c k i n g in
p e rso n a lity
in
esprit de svsteme.
whom
o r w h e n o n e is d e a l i n g w ith a
th e o re tica l and
p r a c t ic a l a c t i v i t y a r e in d is
o f c o n t r a d i c t i o n s in h e r e n t . . .
in a r e g im e o f
c a p i t a l i s t p r o p e r t y . 105
92
93
94
processus
will come.
95
g6
97
98
99
i 00
i oi
102
i03
104
105
106
idealist doctrine that the natural and social worlds are simply,
constructions of mind. As for the more drastic forms of subjec
tive idealism, like Berkeley's, which hold that the individual
human mind .knows only its own ideas as distinct from extramentally existing things, Gramsci dismisses them as bizarre
and fantastic.168 But elsewhere he makes it dear that no ideal
ism is immune from the sin of solipsism. In discussing the
nature of philosophical activity, Gramsci asks: What does
creative mean? Should it mean that the external world is
created by thought? But what thought and whose? One can fall
intp solipsism, and in fact every form of idealism necessarily doesfa ll
into solipsism
Presumably because, in the final analysis, no
idealism can consistently admit of objective necessity.
Gramsci's terminology, in his consideration of the external
world, is obviously influenced by idealism, but close inspection
indicates that, in fact, he is denying not the existence of a nature
prior to the human spirit, only the relevance or intelligibility of
such a natural order: We know reality only in relation to
m an.'170 It is one thing to hold that nature is significant solely in
terms of human activity; it is quite another to assert, with
Croce, that nature is a creation of human activity.171 For the
Sardinian, the crucial point is not that nature in itself exists or
does not exist, hut simply that there is no sense in speaking of it,
for an objective reality unrelated to man is unthinkable1, in
the sense that it provides us with no object of reflection. This,
according to him, is merely a tautology: a statement necessarily
true by virtue of the structure of language itself. Thus, the
question whether there exists some reality of nature even when
men have not yet interacted with it isstrictly speakinga
false question. Nevertheless (and here he appears to contradict
himself), it is a question Gramsci does noi entirely avoid. When
he does broach it, the answer he gives is far from idealist. It ts
possible, he declares, to think of something real1 beyond our
present consciousness, something still unknown, which will
however be known one day when the physical and intellectual
instruments of mankind are more perfect. . . . We are then
making an historical prediction which consists simply in an act
of thought that projects into the future a process ofdevelopment
similar to that which has taken place.from the past to the
present. That part of nature which still escapes human know
.'1*9
107
108
and
i 09
o u t s i d e o f r e a l h i s t o r y e v e r y p o i n t o n th e e a r th is E a s t a n d W e s t at the
s a m e t im e . . . . N e v e r t h e l e s s th e se r e fe re n c e s a r e real, th e y c o r r e s
p o n d to r e a l f a c t s , i h e v a l l o w o n e to t r a v e l b y la n d a n d b y sea, to a r r iv e
w h e r e o n e h a s d e c i d e d to a r r i v e , . . . to u n d e r s t a n d the objec tiv ity o f
th e e x t e r n a l w o r l d . 17<r
i io
11i
Gramsci, of course, links the objectivity of science with uniJversal acceptance of its findings (as distinct from congruence
with external reality), but this acceptance in turn depends
upon whether or not the findings (or theories) work in practice.
Gram scis concept of science, as a matter of historical fact, is not
ail that different from that of Weber, whoas is well known
resolutely upheld the cognitive supremacy of the scientific
method. Weber, too, thought that descriptions of natural
phenomena had to be filtered through a priori, assumptions, but
he also recognized that when these assumptions blatently con
flict with the data of the external world, they must be discarded.
While scientists do not, to his mind, discover an external reality,
totally independent of the human mind, neither do they pro
duce5 scientific theories in the same way that ideologists pro
duce theories of man and society. There is no reason to believe
that Gramsci disagreed with this characterization of the scien
tific enterprise. I f there is a difference, it is purely verbal.
Indeed, his depiction of natural science is quite laudatory:
T h e r e ran
112
s e p a r a t e s t w o h is t o r i c a l w o r l d s , t w o e p o c h s, an d initiates the p r o c e ss
o f d isso lu tio n
d e v e lo p m en t
o f th e o lo g y
of
m odern
and
m etap h ysics,
th ou ght,
w hose
and
the
process
c o n s u m m a t io n
is
of
the
p h ilo so p h y o f p raxis.
113
of mind. He denies, too, that men are free to mouJd their world
in1 accordance with their abstract wishes. If Gramsci is an
idealist, it is only in the attenuated sense that, since Kant, we
are all idealists1. But wavs Gramsci a bona-fide Marxist? Those
who believe he, betrayed the legacy of Marx and Engels will
need further convincing. In the next section. I shall attempt to
explain how Gramsci fits into the Marxist tradition.
V. The Gramscian Synthesis
j
114
115
th e b a s i s o f th e le v e l o f d e v e l o p m e n t o f th e m a t e r ia l forces o f
p r o d u c t i o n , t h e r e a r i s e th e v a r i o u s s o c ia l g r o u p i n g s , e a c h r e p r ese n t
i n g a f u n c t i o n a n d o c c u p y i n g a sp e c ific p o s itio n w i t h i n p r o d u c tio n
its e lf.
. . . By
p ro d u c tio n ],
s t u d y i n g t h e s e f u n d a m e n t a l d a t a [m a t e r i a l forces o f
it is
p o ssib le
to a sse ss w h e t h e r , w i t h i n a p a r t ic u la r
116
plication here is that the material base not only sets limits to.
historical change but also shapes the contours of the super
structure. This list of quotations could be lengthened still
further.199 Close inspection of the Quaderm thus indicates that
Gramsci completely rejected the Croccan notion that values
and beliefs constitute the primary determinants of social life.
Neither can his theory be reduced to a facile intcractionism,
asserting merely that the economic realm must be given its due.
Rather, priority is given to the productive forces (tools,
machines, human skills, etc.}, which operate with a certain
automatism1, i.e. a relative independence from individual
choices and from arbitrary government intervention'.200
A qualification must be entered here, Gramsci, it would
appear, believes only that the basic trajectory of human history is
explained by the development of productive forces. The specific
course of any given society, however, may van-' in accordance with
the dynamics of its own individual situation. There are, in other
words, exceptions to the rule: backward countries may find
themselves in a position to borrow1 ideas and institutions from
more technologically advanced zones. As he fully realized, both
the Italian Risorgimento and the Russian Revolution did itot so
much liberate already developed economic forces from anti
quated legal and political fetters1 as create the general condi
tions that would allow these forces' to arise and evolve on the
model of other countries.201 Exogenous factors, such as the
relation of international forces', can influence the sequence of
events in a country, producing progressive change even where
the internal material conditions for such change are scanty
and inadequate5.202 In these cases, the normal base/superstructure relationship-is inverted. But even under normal*
conditions, according to Gramsci, superstructural forms do not
passively reflect alterations occurring in the economic: infra
structure. Remember, he represented the relationship between
the two spheres as necessarily interactive and reciprocal .
While changes in the productive process may be of primary
importance, the superstructure is by no means devoid of in
dependent influence: At certain moments the automatic: thrust
due to the economic factor is slowed down, obstructed, or
even momentarily broken down by traditional ideological
elements.203 Though they are initially rationalizations ofsocio-
117
118
11 9
120
12 1
122
1Q3
124.
p resen t,
'p h i l o s o p h i c a l *
event,
m uch
m o re
im p o rta n t
and
125
fused with any neo-Kan dan belief that the goals of socialism
can somehow be deduced from a supra-historica) ethic, binding
on all mankind.227 On the surface, he does appear to endorse
K an ts dualism between miissen and soilen, 'is1 and ought\ but
his historicisnr prevented him from appealing to absolute
moral standards or sets of values, whose desirability needed no
demonstration, being self-evident to all men with normal moral
vision. For M arxists like Max Adler and Otto Bauer, who
thought that the science of historical materialism had to be
supplemented by the transcendental ethics of Kant, Gramsci
expressed nothing but contempt. The so-called neo-Kantians,
he lamented, had transformed the doctrine into a sub-species of
speculative idealism,228 Correctly understood, socialism is not
a derivation from fundamental laws of human nature: it is
essentially the expression of proletarian class interests, them
selves the manifestation of concrete economic developments.
For Gramsci as for M arxjudgements of value cannot be
sharply distinguished from those of fact. There is tio nonempirical, purely contemplative moral reason. Marxist morality
must have a scientific basis', which" is to be sought in the
affirmation that " society does not pose for itself tasks the condi
tions for whose resolution do not already exist . . A 229 Far
from being a traditional moral imperative, based ori an eternal
model' and divorced from changing historical conditions, the
ought-to-be is the projection of forms and principles inherent
in existing actuality. In the absence offerees that make for their
realization, ideals are nothing but absurd fantasies. What
ought-to-be cannot be arbitrary . . . idle fancy, yearning,
day-dream ; it must be necessary, concrete, implicit within
the existing equilibrium of forces. When formulating aims and
goals for action, we should emulate Machiavelli, who remains
firmly on the terrain of actual reality .230 And it so happens
that, in terms of realizing the abstract potentialities of man,
within a co-operative community, the process of production
under capitalism affords better opportunities than ever before.
The oughKto-be of socialism is immanent in though not
guaranteed by things as they are.
V I. Conclusion and Summary
In Gram sci we encounter a Marxism strongly influenced by
1 26
127
.128
The
1 29
CHAPTER
I . The Intellectuals
G i v e n t h e importance that Gramsci attributed to the battle
of ideas1, his wdl-known emphasis on the role of intellectuals is
hardly surprising. The fruit of his historical research was a firm
belief that intellectuals are the group most responsible for social
stability and change; it is they who sustain, modify, and alter
the modes of thinking and behaviour of the masses. In Gramscis
conception of history, then, intellectuals are the purveyors of
consciousness; but, as we have seen in the previous chapter, the
form and content of this consciousness must be rooted in the
world of production. The image of intellectuals as a social
category independent of class is false and misleading;
Every social group born on the terrain of an essential function in the
world of economic production creates together with itself. . . one or
more strata of intellectuals which give it homogeneity and an aware
ness of its own function not only in the economic, but also in the social
and political fields. The capitalist entrepreneur creates alongside
himself the industrial technician, the specialist in political economy,
the organizer of a new culture, of a new legal order, etc.1
Gram scis highly original use of the term intellectual needs
elucidation. He decries the widespread error of method which
13 1
'2
132
133
134.
135
136
r37
1 38
P r in c e m u s t b e a n d c a n n o t b u t b e the p r o c la im e r a n d
o r g a n i z e r o f a n i n t e lle c tu a l a n d
m o r a l re fo rm , w h i c h also m e a n s
c r e a t i n g the grftlm d s (or a s u b s e q u e n t d e v e l o p m e n t o f the n a tio n a lp o p u l a r c o lle c tiv e w ill t o w a r d s the a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f a s u p e rio r a n d
t o ta l fo r m of m o d e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n . 33
1 39
140
141
f a c t o r y c o u n c i l is th e m o d e l o f th e p r o le t a r ia n S t a ie . A l l the
p r o b l e m s i n h e r e n t in th e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the p r o le ta r ia n S t a t e a r e
i n h e r e n t in t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f th e c o u n c i l . In the o n e a n d in the o th e r,
th e c o n c e p t o f t h e c it i z e n d e c l i n e s a n d is r e p l a c e d b y the c o n cep t o f the
c o m r a d e : c o l l a b o r a t i o n to p r o d u c e w e a l t h . . . m u ltip lie s the b o n d s o f
a f f e c t i o n a n d b r o t h e r h o o d . E v e r y o n e is in d is p e n s a b l e : e v e r y o n e is at
h is p o s t : a n d
i g n o r a n t a n d b a c k w a r d o f th e w o r k e r s , e v e n the m ost v a in a n d c iv il
o f e n g i n e e r s e v e n t u a l l y c o n v i n c e s h i m s e l f o f this truth in the e x p e r i
e n c e o f f a c t o r y o r g a n i z a t i o n . E v e r y o n e e v e n t u a l l y a c q u ir e s a c o m
m u n i s t v i e w p o i n t t h r o u g h u n d e r s t a n d i n g the g r e a t step fo r w a r d that,
th e c o m m u n i s t e c o n o m y r e p r e s e n t s o v e r the c a p ita lis t e c o n o m y . T h e
c o u n c i l is th e m o s t fi t t in g o r g a n o f m u t u a l e d u c a tio n a n d d e v e lo p
m e n t o f th e n e w s o c i a l s p i r i t t h a t the p r o le t a r ia t has s u c c e e d e d in
e x p r e s s i n g . . . . W o r k i n g - c l a s s s o l id a r i t y . . . in th e cou n cil is p o sitiv e ,
p erm an en t,
and
in carn ate d
in e ve n
the m o st trivial m o m e n ts o f
i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n . It is c o n t a i n e d in th e jo y o u s a w a r e n e s s o f b e i n g
a n o r g a n i c w h o l e , a h o m o g e n o u s a n d c o m p a c t s y s te m th at, b y useful
la b o u r
and
d isin te re ste d
p ro d u c tio n
o f s o c ia l
142
143
144
145
tion was on the agenda was common to both sides in the class
struggle between 1918 and 1920. The Qrdine Nuovo movement
was inspired by the example of a triumphant Russian revolu
tion, which indicated that soviets could furnish the basis for a
socialist state, and supported by the widespread conviction that
the 1 talian social and political situation was objectively mature,
Certainly. Italian capitalism wras faltering and worker unrest
spurred on by rocketing inflation, high unemployment, and the
threat of starvation was at a high point. The period was
characterized by a succession of riots, lock-outs, general strikes
and local uprisings. Partly because of the experience of the
Great W ar (the sacrifices it demanded, the false hopes it raised,
the dislocations it engendered), the dominant hegemony had
apparently disintegrated. Moreover, in Gramsci's home city of
Turin, with its relatively homogeneous, skilled, and militant
work force, spontaneous revolutionary7 energy took a well
organized and fairly sophisticated form. The council movement
might have been geographically isolated in Italys motor-city,
but, granted its restricted range, it enjoyed considerable success
on the local level success which may have blinded Gramsci to
the limitations imposed by the general backwardness of the
country.
It is not easy to define precisely the role that Gramsci wished
to assign to the party in this period. One source of difficulty,
which receives no close attention in the exegetical literature, is
that Gramsci was speaking at different times in different con
texts of two separate parties: one, the Socialist Party, with which
he became increasingly disillusioned, and, the other, a pro
jected Communist Party, purged of all reformists and rhetorical
revolutionaries , which actually materialized only after the
Livorno split in 1921. Another (related) problem is this:
Gramsci, in his Ordine Nuovo articles and editorials, put forward
a number of arguments at least prima facie inconsistent with
one another inconsistency that was an accurate expression of
a confused and contradictory reality. It should be kept in mind
that these writings, even though now gathered together in one
volume, do not in any w ay resemble a systematic treatise. The
very nature of Gram scis position as an actively committed
political commentator forced him to respond to the dazzling
flux of events and circumstances; hence the ambiguities and
146
e x i s t e n c e o f a c o h e s i v e a n d s t r o n g l y d iscip lin ed C o m m u n i s t
pensable condition fo r a t t e m p t i n g
a n y S o v i e t e x p e r im e n t .58
147
148
149
i5
151
152
The Revolutionary Party:
directive will of the centre, but merely as something suspended in the
air. which develops in itself and for itself, and which the masses will
join when the sitnaiion is propitious and the crest of the revolutionary
wave is at its peak, or else when the party centre decides to initiate an
offensive and stoops to the level of the masses in order to stimulate
them and lead them into action.80
Clearly, his belief in the wisdom of the ordinary people never
wholly deserted him, even in the vears when he behaved like an
orthodox Bolshevik. But his concern lor mass involvement in
the formulation of Party policy became much more pronounced
after his imprisonment (although he never revived the conciliar
vision). The theory of the revolutionary' party that emerges
from the Quaderni will now1 be examined in some detail. What
follows can be taken as a critique not only of the Togliatti
interpretation but also of the Manifesto group assertion that
Gramsci, in his Notebooks, portrayed the Prince as the sole inter
preter of social reality and truth, that his doctrine detached the
party from its social base and obliterated the dialectic between
the class and its organizational expression.
Gramsci distinguishes three fundamental elements' in any
historically significant, or (to use his terminology) historically
necessary', political party. First, there is a diffuse element,
composed of ordinary, average men. whose participation takes
the form of discipline and loyalty rather than creative spirit or
sophisticated organizational ability.81 Though Gramsci writes
that every party-is only the nomenclature fora class, he makes
a distinction between the social group a party represents and
the party itself, which is the groups most advanced element.82
In one place, he insists that the revolutionary party must be an
organic fraction of the popular masses in other words, a
vanguard, an elite .83 But, assuming these words are to be taken
seriously, Gramsci does not construe the notion o fvanguard in
strict Leninist terms, as excluding all but the most dedicated,
self-conscious, and professional activists. For he says that the
ordinary, average members are a force only in so far as there is
someone to centralize, organize, and discipline them. In the
absence of this latter element, they would disperse into an
impotent diaspora and render themselves null and void.84 This
brings us to the second element, the principle cohesive element,
which makes effective and powerful a complex of forces which
/
153
154
1 55
.95
One can observe that in the modern world, in many countries, the
organic and fundamental parties, for necessity of class struggle or for
other reasons, have split into fractions, each of which assumes the
name o fparty and even of independent party. Often, therefore, the
intellectual headquarters of the organic party belongs to none of these
fractions and operates as if it were a directive force of its own. above
the parties, and sometimes is even believed to be so by the public. One
can study this function with greater precision if one starts from the
point of view that a newspaper (or a group of newspapers), a journal
(or group of journals) are also parties or fractions of a party or
functions of a particular party. Think of the function of The Times in
England. . . ,96
Elsewhere, in speaking of the liberal party in Italy after 1876,
he refers to the party as general ideology, superior to the
various, more immediate groupings , among which he includes
the Popular Party, nationalism, a great part of socialism, the
democratic radicals, and the conservatives,97 This broad defini
tion of party, as an ill-defined grouping of those with similar
interests and a similar ideology, is not without significance for
his conception of the revolutionary party and must guide our
understanding of the latter. In other words, his remarks about
the communist party must always be viewed in light of what he
says about organic parties in general. Definite consequences
flow from this canon of interpretation. For, though some textual
156
15 7
1 58
i 59
i Go
161
162
163
th e r e a l i t y a n d
practical q u e s t i o n .
power,
M a n m u s t p r o v e the truth,
p ractice.1 1
164
CH AP TER
truth
must
always
be re s p e c t e d , w h a t e v e r
c o n s e q u e n c e it m a y b r i n g .
G r a m s c i . L a c o n f e r e n z a e la vcritii.
166
Proletarian Hegemony
167
1 68
Proletarian Hegemony
i 69
1 70
Proletarian Hegemony
i 71
1 72
Proletarian Hegemony
people ever become the subject of history? Are thev not con
demned to remain the object of an intellectual priesthood
ordained to formulate their needs?27 This image of elitism and
condescension is reinforced by an observation Gramsci makes
on the following page, when discussing methods for changing
public opinion: . . . repetition is the best didactic means for
working on the popular mentality . Is this mentality, it may be
asked, the raw material for a superior . . . form of modern
civilization?28 Neither is Gramscis brief essay on 'State
Worship likely to reassure his critics. 'For some social groups,
he writes, 'which before their ascent to autonomous state life
have not had a long period of independent cultural and moral
development. , . a period of state worship is necessary and
indeed advisable.2y
III, Criticism
It is mv intention in what follows to defend a 'democratic
interpretation of Gramsci; but, at the outset, I must concede
that he was no liberal certainly not in the twentieth-century
sense (though I think it can be shown that he shared certain
liberal attitudes). To judge the rightness of acts on strict utili
tarian criteria, to elevate an institution, and the collective,
above the individual, to equate freedom with self-discipline, to
wish to negate the multiplicity of social groupings and institu
tions by harnessing them to a common purpose all this is to
depart from conventional liberalism in the most fundamental
way. But, as I shall argue, the alternative to liberalism is not
necessarily authoritarianism.
By way of preliminaries, certain misconceptions and
methodological weaknesses underlying the Stalinist interpre
tation of Gramsci should be exposed. The first relates to
Gram scis often misleading terminology, one example of which
merits our attention here. Let us look at his employment of the
word totalitarian. While Gramsci does indeed cal! his doctrine
totalitarian , he does not use this adjective in the now accepted
sense, which conjures up images of systematic repressionof
absolutism and despotism, fanatical statism and popular de
gradation. For Gramsci, totalitarianism is more a matter of
cultural unity than of political organization: a world-view is
totalitarian if it is comprehensive, that is, capable of affecting
t
173
1 74
Proletarian Hegemony
1 75
The first dement [of politics] is that there really do exist rulers and
ruled, leaders and led. The entire science and art of politics is based
on this primordial and (in certain general conditions)36 irreducible
fact. . . . Given this fact, it will have to be considered how one can lead
most effectively (given certain ends)... .37
Examined in this light, his remarks to the effect that the masses
can only experience philosophy as faith, lose all the sinister
connotations attributed to them. Far from expressing a prefer-
1 76
Proletarian Hegemony
177
178
Proletarian Hegemony
179
180
Proletarian Hegemony
.53 7
181
with the virtue of unity, on the one hand, and the dangers of
anti-sooiai behaviour and factionalism, on the other. In this
connection, one need only refer to the colourful passage where
he contrasts party spirit to the mean, petty individualism,
[characteristic of Italian social and political life] which is any
way an unruly satisfying of passing impulses . . . an animalistic
element admired by foreigners 1, like the behaviour of the
inmates o f a zoological garden.59
Gram scis lack of clarity and consistency on the question of
dissent mirrors the ambiguity which resides in the concept of
democratic centralism itself The phrase, of course, embodies a
recipe for combining the rewards of both free expression and
disciplined centralization. Bui the latter value, with its require
ment of unanimity, is in fact antithetical to the vigorous and
untrammelled exercise of the former. To insist on unity is
necessarily to discourage those regions of non-conformity with
in which alternative interpretations and viewpoints can flourish.
It is no accident that, in practice, democratic centralism turns
out to be much centralism and little or no democracy. The
attitude of the "democratic centralist towards dissent of any
kind must be, at best, uncertain.
Nevertheless, it remains my view that a democratic interpre
tation, suitably qualified, can legitimately be extracted from the
prison notes. But at this point, a crucial issue, which has been
latent throughout the preceding discussion, has finally reared
its vexatious head: namely, what is to be understood by that
coveted and much-abused adjective, democratic? It could be
argued that much of the Right5criticism of Gramscis authori
tarianism stems from an inability to grasp the complexities of
this and related issues. These commentators, even those with
socialist leanings, seem to view Gramsci from inside a liberaldemocratic paradigm a paradigm which holds that democracy
is to be equated with the formal procedures of contemporary
western political systems. Confronted by such a desideratum,
Gram sci is bound to seem undemocratic. But does this liberal
concept of democracy exhaust all the possibilities? Traditionally,
the democratic ideal has expressed a radical demand. The socalled classical theories of democracy were multi-faceted and
often equivocal, but they all envisaged widespread and con
tinual popular participation in the political process, where all
182
Proletarian Hegemony
1 83
1 84
Proletarian Hegemony
185
r86
Proletarian Hegemony
187
188
Proletarian Hegemony
189
CH APTER 6
seen, was far from Stalinist; indeed, with its concern lor popular
participation and free discussion, it can be viewed as a more
democratic alternative to the Leninist model, The purity of
Gram scis Leninism is also called into question by his convic
tion discussed in Chapter 2 that the revolution in Western
Europe must deviate sharply from the strategic path taken by
the Bolsheviks in Russia. With characteristic disdain for old
and rigid formulae. Gramsci pointed to the crucial differences
between advanced capitalist countries and the Russian Empire
of 19 17, and he attempted, in his Quaderni, to develop criteria of
orientation and action appropriate to modem circumstances.
What he offered was a new What is to be done? for the developed
West, a fundamental reassessment and revision of the accepted
M arxist approach to revolution. The nature of this enterprise
has prompted many critics and admirers alike to lay em
phasis on the tie between Gramsci and Togliattism. Gramsci
put forward ideas, it is claimed, whose logic is manifest in the
Italian (read constitutional , parliamentary , democratic ,
pacific ) road to socialism1. It is now casually assumed in
many circles that he was the ideological progenitor of what has
come to be known as Eurocommunism, the increasingly in
fluential body of doctrines that purports to marry liberalism
and Marxism. In the following pages, this assumption, and
other related ones, will be closely examined and evaluated.
I. A Via OccidentaLe
At the outset, it would be useful to restate what Gramsci took to
191
i 92
193
t94
195
i c)6
A P eacefu l R o a d to S ocialism ?
i 97
1 98
199
200
.25
201
202
The central idea of the political action of Gramsci was the idea of
unity: unity of the working-class parties in the struggle for the defence
of democratic institutions . . . unity of the working-class parties with
the democratic forces which were beginning to organize . . . unity of
the socialist working masses with the Catholic working masses of the
city and countryside; unity of the workers; unity of workers and
peasants; unity of workers of the arm with those of the mind, for the
creation of a great bloc of national forces.34
This attempt to invest the Italian Road ideology with
Gramscian paternity is not to be confused with the democratic
203
204
them. There are two broad reasons for this. First, as should be
abundantly dear by now, Gramsci's prison writings were
neither well-defined nor devoid of ambiguity: theoretical gaps
and uncertainties often cloud his formulations, and this allows
for a multitude of plausible readings. Second, the various inter
pretations that view Gramsci as a precursor of the peaceful road
to socialism are not themselves usually enunciated with any
great precision. Slippery words such as 'reformist', 'revolu
tionary1, gradualist, and democratic, though sometimes used
in idiosyncratic ways, are bandied about as if their meanings
were transparent. Neither is the cause of clarity served when
analysts make odd distinctions between Gramscis subjective
commitment to total revolution, and the contrary logical conse
quences of his theory. It is no small task to assess an interpreta
tion that one cannot entirely pin -down, and the difficulty is
compounded when the evidence is, by is very nature, fragmen
tary and incomplete. Yet Gramscis prison notes on the nature
of the revolution were not so unformed or ambiguous as to be
beyond distortion. Careful examination of them in their his
torical context enables us to argue that the above interpreta
tions, while not wholly false or implausible, are seriously detec
tive and in some respects flatly contrary to Gramscis expressed
convictions. I f the democratic road to socialism is simply a
matter of repudiating minority revolution, willingness to com
promise on immediate objectives, and a receptive attitude to
interclass alliances, then Gramsci certainly favoured it. If,
however, it implies disavowal of violence and insurrection, i.e.
a commitment to gradual evolution through parliamentary
channels (and this is the way we normally understand demo
cratic socialism), then nothing that Gramsci actually says per
mits us to associate him with it. Conciliation and moderation
are little evident in his theory; the Jacobinism he favours is a
radical and intransigent attitude, involving implacable hostility
to both the old order and its guardians. And he shows little
doubt that this hostility must culminate in a violent contest
which will permit no compromise and which will result in the
annihilation of one of the protagonists. The theory and practice
o f the Third International had been thoroughly imbued with
emphasis on the historical necessity of violence in the destruc
tion and construction of states. The creation of a radically new
205
206
207
208
209
2io
211
57
212
213
2i4
215
2 16
CHAPTER 7
2 i 8.
219
220
221
222
223
Other studies report like findings.14 All the same, there is little
evidence that workers wish to limit trade union power in their
own enterprises15 or that they are opposed to socially disruptive,
illegal and even violent industrial action in furtherance of their
own particular demands.
In reviewing much of the literature on delinquency, Hyman
Rodman finds a similarly paradoxical situation. He concludes
that because lower-class people often find dominant values,
such as achievement orientation, irrelevant to their particular
circumstances, they' come to tolerate arid eventually to evaluate
favourably certain deviations from these values. But the result
is not abandonment or even flouting of the middle-class ethos; it
is, instead, what Rodman calls a stretched value system', with
a low degree of commitment to all values, including the
dominant ones.16
Drawing these survey results together, it would seem that the
average man tends to have two levels of normative reference
the abstract and the situational.17 On the former plane, he
expresses a great deal o f agreement with the dominant ideology;
on the latter, he reveals not outright dissensus but a diminished
level of commitment to the bourgeois' ethos, because it is often
inapposite to the exigencies of his class position. Serious dis
content and militant postures often come to the surface, but
they arc not accompanied by a realistic appraisal of alternative
structures. Both the consensus and conflict schools stand
partially refuted by the evidence.
Hence, despite his lack of familiarity with questionnaires and
computers, Gramsci comprehended what appear to be the
salient features of mass consciousness in those advanced capita
list societies where Communist Parties have made no inroads.
To begin with, he understood that the average individual's
belief system is internally contradictory7; yet he also recognized
the widespread, if somewhat equivocal, acceptance of percep
tions and values favourable to the status quo. It is. of course,
difficult to prove that this abstract adherence has substantive
implications for action. As pointed out above, much research
casts some doubt on the operational significance of the existing
consensus; and no one yet has adequately specified either the
conditions under which people's beliefs influence their re
sponses or the forms these influences take. Gramsci himself saw
224
225
226
to see how force could he the main cause of social obedience over
a lengthy period of time, especially in complex liberal societies
where the UvSe of coercive mechanisms is greatly circumscribed
by custom and law. If (as psychological analysis and historical
experience seem to indicate) men are by nature believing
animals, incapable of shedding all the myths of existence, then
they undoubtedly need to feel that they are governed noton the
basis of mere material force but on the basis of moral principles.
It is this deep need which gives the reigning symbols and
doctrines of a society their powerful emotional appeal.
It might be objected, at this stage, that a third important line
of attack on the problem of social order has been ignored in the
preceding discussion exchange theory.21 While this theory,
unlike its consensus and conflict* counterparts, has not stood
at the centre of the major debates in sociological thought, it has
become increasingly fashionable in professional academic circles
and merits some comment. Firmly rooted in utilitarian modes
of theorizing, and obviously influenced by classical economic
doctrines, the theory is based on the model of the market-place,
with individuals conceived as entrepreneurs seeking to gain
profit in interaction with others. Central to the theorys con
ceptual apparatus is cost-benefit analysis, focusing on material
and psychological incentives as determinants of action. Social
order emerges out of bargaining relationships between private
actors engaging in the rational pursuit of self-interest. Men
realize that they stand to maximize their interests through
acceptance of a system of rules whose function is to specify the
basis of social co-operation. Compliance, therefore, is achieved
without recourse to coercion or appeal to cohesive values. It is
essentially a matter of pragmatism, "Ilie theoretical short
comings of this type of explanation should be apparent on a
moments reflection. Acts of exchange take place within a con
text that itself determines the bargaining power that different
participants can wield, which distributes differentially the
services they can offer and the resources they can employ. As* a
matter of fact, in most societies, the conditions under which
actors compete are vastly unequal in the sense that some start
with huge advantages derived from social position. Now ex
change theory appears to assume precisely that which needs
explanation: why do people agree, to interact even though the
Evaluation an d Conclusion
227
228
229
230
2 31
232
233
234
235
236
237
238
ments could mobilize the support of the mass media and other
ideological instruments when faced with a serious threat.45 In
his favour, however, we could point to the present situations in
France and Italy, where Marxist ideas have gone some way
towards undermining bourgeois hegemony. The universities,
above all, have proved amenable to the siren calls of the Left,
and the trade union movements in both countries are heavily
impregnated with Marxist doctrine. In each country, further
more, nearly half the electorate is willing to vote for avowedly
M arxist parties (though it barely needs saying that not all such
voters adhere to even the main points of the Marxist creed). But
even this evidence does not provide unambiguous support for
Gram scis strategy. To begin with, Communist and Socialist
parties in France and Italy are operating within uniquely
favourable conditions hoary insurrectionary traditions, the
dominant role of Marxists in the resistance movements against
the Nazis, extreme inequalities, uneven and extraordinarily
rapid industrializationwhich make it difficult to draw general
inferences. Second, in neither country has the dominant
hegemony been truly subverted. Left-wing voting, it is often
noted, does not necessarily reflect a rejection of the liberal
capitalist o r d e r s such; the PCF or PCI voter, for example, may
simply wish to register a protest: against gross corruption and
political immobilism pathological traits to be sure but not
necessarily endemic in, or distinctive of, capitalist regimes. It
remains to be seen whether a Marxist definition of reality can
become the guiding mode of thought in either France or Italy.
Finally, it is far from obvious that further advances inrMarxist
cultural penetration would not be met by repression. Gramsci
himself admitted that the ruling groups would increasingly
resort to coercion as their ideological authority eroded (see
pages 206-7). But if this is so, might not the whole counterhegemonic project come to grief? When radical newspapers are
closed, Marxist professors sacked and militant trade unionists
arrested, the war of position must perforce grind to a halt. In
such an eventuality, Gramsci would counsel a shift to the war
of movement, to general disruption and violent confrontations,
but one wonders if this would save the day for the revolutionary
legions. What if repression occurs well before the revolutionary
party has managed to establish its hegemony? In this case, (a) it
E valuation an d Conclusion
239
240
241
242
Evaluation an d Conclusion
243
244
245
246
247
[vanificata]
in
sc e p tic ism
or m oral and
subsequent
epoch,
w it h o u t
h o w e v e r failin g
id e o l o g ic a l re la tiv ism . . .
into
is a s o m e w h a t
a r d u o u s a n d d i f f ic u l t m e n t a l o p e r a t i o n . 60
24-8
249
they tend to collapse upon contact with the surface of social life.
The very language of Western Marxism has been cast in a
specialized and inaccessible mould. Marx wished to develop
concepts and categories clearer and closer to material reality
than those of Hegel, and to present his work in as lucid a
manner as possible. In contrast. Western Marxism, in part
because of its divorce from any mass movement, has been
caught up in a tangle of verbal complexity which turns theory
into an esoteric and exclusive discipline. The cult of words has
blotted out the living sense of things. Abstruse diction and
inflated abstractions rule, with free-floating concepts and
hypnotic formulae taking over from realistic social analysis.
Perceived against the purity of grand theory, an insistence upon
concreteness, precision, formal logic, and the complexity of
reality appears as bourgeois empiricism or worse. In its dif
ferent forms. Western Marxism has fallen prey to the very
spectre of abstractions from which Marx himself tried to flee.
Let us look briefly at three typical exemplars of modern Marxist
thought in order to illustrate the connection (psychologically
intelligible if not logical) between intellectual 'mandarinism
and political despotism.
Consider Lukaes, who counsels us to leave empirical reality
behind'.0'* Genuine knowledge, he announces, can only be
generated from the standpoint of the totality, which cannot be
constructed by accumulating mere facts. Only opportunists
and revisionists, lacking rational insight, appeal to facts. If facts
contradict the truth, so much the worse for the facts: the overall
trend of historical development is more Veal than the data of
experience. Indeed, Marxism d la Lukaes can survive the
systematic disproof of every one o f its empirical claims! Thus he
declares;
L e i u s a s s u m e fo r th e s a k e o f a r g u m e n t th a t r e c e n t re s e a r c h h a d
d i s p r o v e d o n c e a n d fo r a l l e v e r y one o f M a r x s i n d i v id u a l theses. E v e n
i f t h is w e r e to b e p r o v e d , e v e r y s e r io u s 'o r t h o d o x M a r x i s t w o u l d still
b e a b l e to a c c e p t a l l s u c h m o d e r n fi n d in g s w i t h o u t r e s e r v a tio n a n d
h e n c e d i s m i s s a ll o f M a r x s th e se s
in toto
w i t h o u t h a v i n g to re n o u n c e
h is o r t h o d o x y fo r a s i n g l e m o m e n t . 65
250
251
252
253
254
255
Notes
Chapter
Biography
Notes to pages 1 7 -2 6
25.
26.
27 .
28.
29 .
257
PP, p. 63.
M S , p. 239 (my emphasis).
{London, Longmans, 1963), I, ix.
S. Wolin, Politics and Vision (London, Allen & Unwin, 1961), p, 27.
Ibid., p. 2G.
Chapter
258
Notes to pages 3 3 -4 7
259
301-2. In this later passage he says: The very conditions of their lives make the
workers capable ofstruggle and impel themto struggle.
4 5 . Cited in T. Cliff, Rosa Luxemburg (published aa volumes 2 and 3 of International
Socialism , 1939). p. 48,
46 . The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky\ inV. I. Lenin, Selected
Works (London, Lawrence & Wishart, 1947), II, 372.
47. Gramsci was especially hard on trade unions: Trade unionismis . . . nothingbut
a formofcapitalist society, not apotential overcomingofthatsociety. It organizes
workers not as producers but as wage earners, that is, as creaturesof thecapitalist
regime of private property, Siudacalismo e consigli (8 Nov. 1919); O N , p. 45.
4 8 . M a ck ., pp. 59, 58-62. B3-5.
4 9 . A. ,J. Carlyle, A History o j M ediaeval Political Theory in the West; cited in P. H.
Partridge, Consent and Consensus (London. Pall Mall Press, 1971), pp. 13-14.
50 . John Locke, Second Treatise o f C iv il Government. 122, in Two Treatises o f Government
(New York, The New American Library, rpG^), p. 394.
51 . J. Plameuatz. Consent. Freedom, and Political Obligation (London, OxfordUniversity
Press. 1968), Postscript, p. 170.
52 . A. Gewirth, PoliticalJustice inR. B. Brandt, ed., SocialJustice (ErigclwoodCliffs,
NewJersey, Prentice Hall, 1962), pp. 13 r, 137-8.
53 . Centre and Periphery, in The Ijogic o j Personal Knowledge: Essays Presented to
M ichael Polanyi (London, Routledgr & Kegan Paul, 1961}, pp. 117-30.
54 . /, p. 9.
55 . M a ch ., p. 31. See, also, M S , p. 43, where Gramsci associates hegemony with
active consent. In M ach ., p. 79, he talks about howthe ruling class manages to
obtain theactive consent ofthe ruled, but theword 'hegemony' does not actually
appear in this passage.
56 . Gramsci eIegemonia del proletariato, Studi Gramscian!, p. 282.
5 7 . M S , pp. 5-6,
5 8 . Ibid., p. 6.
59 . Ibid., p. 11.
60 . When Gramsci speaks of the dominant ideology in modemcapitalist society, he
sometimes means that world-view which is specifically fiourgroissecular
liberalism inall its variants. Butin other places (e.g. thepassages quoted above),
he seems to refer to a broader conception: an amalgam or alliance of diverse
traditional ideologies (especially religion) with that of the ruling class, However,
some traditional belirls, he observes, are so primitive as to possess oni\ the most
tenuous links with the official world-view. In this connection, he discusses
folklore. Yet this colourful mosaic of superstition and myth still serves the
interests of the dominant groups, inasmuch as it narrows the mental perspective
of the masses. See L VN, pp. 2i518.
61 . M S , pp. 3-5, 25-6, 147- 8 . See, also, the exceptionally sketchy setofnotes headed
National Language and Grammar, L V N , pp. 197-211.
62 . M S , p. 4,
63 . R , pp;' 7l
a.
64 . Ibid., pp. 85-6- Gramsci exhibits theMarxist tendency toexaggerate theachieve
ments ofthe French Revolution and glorify itsJacobin heroes. For amorerealistic
assessment, sec P. Ginsborg, Gramsci and the Era of Bourgeois Revolution in
Italy, in J . A. Davis, cd., Gram sci and Ita ly s Passive Revolution (London, Groom
Helm, 1979), pp. 54-5.
6 5 . R> p. 72.
26o
66.
67 .
68.
69 .
70 .
71 .
Notes to pages
47-59
TbicLp. 157.
Ibid., p. 106.
Ibid., pp. 70, 157.
Ibid., p. 100.
Ibid., p. 107.
Ibid., pp. 69-70, 83, 107; M ack., p. 70.
72. ft. p. 94.
73 . Ibid., p. 70.
74-. Ibid., pp. 71, 157. Gramsci also uses the rather ambiguous concept ofpassive
revolution ina slightly different sense, torefer toa molecular,gradual processof
changewhich does resuJtinagenuine shift inthelocusofpower. An example is the
advance of the bourgeoisie in Restoration France after 1815. See M S , pp. T92-4.
In both its senses, however, passive revolution1is, inGramscisphrase,revolu
tion without revolution (ft, p. 71). a series of transformations involving
neither upheaval nor the active participation ofthe masses.
75 . For a study ofprimitive rebellion in various countries, see E. J. Hobsbawm,
Prim itive Rebels (New York. W. W. Norton, 1959).
76 . P P , p. 14.
77 . ft, p. 71.
78 . Ibid., p. 195.
79 . It is not at all clear how the ancient Greek city-states would fit inio Gramscis
typology. But to criticize himon the basis ofhistorical evidence, as hasoftenbeen
done, is perhaps to misunderstand the nature ofhis enterprise. While he always
upheld the virtues of empirical research, he was, I think, less interested in
presenting accurate historical explanations than in developing concepts and
models for historical and political inquiry7. In any case his imprisonment pre
vented himfromconsulting most of the relevant sources.
8 0 . ft, p. 196.
8 1 . M ach., p. 129.
82 . ft, p. 9.
8 3 . Reproduced in P. Togliatti. La ftmnaziane. del gruppo dingenie del parlilo cowtmisla
ilahano (Rome, Editori Riuniti, 1965), pp. 196-7,
8 4 . See. for example, C P C , p. 64.
85 . M ack., pp. 62-3.
86. M ach ., pp. 66-7. Gramscis extensive (and curious) use of military jargon and
analogies perhaps stemmed fromhis admiration for Machiavelli (seeChapter 4),
who employed military metaphors todescribe and explain Florentine politics.
8 7 . Ibid., p. 84.
88. Ibid., p. 88; M S , pp. 266-7.
89 . M a ck ., p. 42.
90 . M S . pp. r3o-i.
91. ft, 70.
92 . M a ch ., p. 68.
93 . Ibid.
94 . ft, p. 70.
95 . M a ck ., p, 68.
96 . Three Tactics. The Background in M a rx (NewYork, Monthly ReviewPress, 1963).
97 . M S , p. 12,
98 . G. Lichthcim, On the Interpretation ofMarxsThought1, inN. Lobkowicz (ed.),
M a rx and the Western W orld (Indiana, Univ. ofNotreDame Press, 1967), pp. 14
15'
9 9 . Easton and Guddat, Writings o f the Young M a rx . p. 368.
.100 : Feuer, M a rx & Engels,' Baste Writings, p p . 19
20.
101 . K.. Marx, Capital, translated by S. Moore and E. Aveling (Ixjndon, Lawrence &
Notes to pages 5 9 -6 4
261
p. 4 1 5 .
262
Notes to pages 64 66
Consciousness and Society (St. Albans, Paladin, 1974), p. 104, The PCI watch-dogs
could not be bothered totake any notice orHughess brief(eight-page) discussion
of Gramsci.
10 . Antonio Gramsci, L a vita, il jiensiero, V a iiom (Bari, Laterza, 1963).
11. Ibid., p. T95.
12 . Ibid., p. 202.
13 . Ibid., p-223.
14 . Ibid., p. 212.
15 . Ibid., p. 2i6.
16 . Ibid , p.197.
17 . For example., at the international conference ofGramsd scholars, heldat Cagliari
in F967, the eminent Norberto Bobbio delivereda nowfamous paper which inall
crucial respects supported the Tamburrano interpretation. For Gramsci. Bobbio
wrote, 'the ethico-polilical moment . . . dominates theeconomic moment, through the
recognition that the active subject of history creates oi>;ctu)Ur, a recognition which
permits the resolution of the material conditions into an instrument of action, and
therefore the attainment of the w illed purpose\ Gramsci e la conee-sione della
societa civile', in Gramsci e la cuUura conlemporanea, I (Rome, Edirori Riuniti, 1969),
90. Throughout the 1960s the tendency to read Gramsci in an idealist key was
particularly noticeable in the lew Anglo-Saxon scholars who wrote about him.
See, e.g.. N. Mclnnes. Antonio Gramsci, Survey, n. 53 (October 1964), 315;
A. Davidson, Antonio Gram sci, the M a n . his Idem (Sydney, Australian Left Review.
1968), ch. 2; and E. Genovese, On Antonio Gramsci'. Studies on the Left, VII
(March
April 1967), 83107. Like Tamburrano (and Bobbio), none of these
scholars went so far as to claim that Gramsci's voluntarist approach was
actually un-Marxist.
18 . See, e.g., C. Reichers, Antonio Gramsci: Marxismus in Itahen (Frankfurt. Europaische Verfanganstalt. 1970); and G. Marramao, Per una critiea dell'ideologia
di Gramsci, Quadtmt piaceniini, XI (March 19721, 74-92. A very early versionof
this far Left thesis was published in 1949 by O. Damen, who concluded that 'the
disagreement between Gramsci-ism and Marxism is fundamental. PremarxistTio filosofico di Gramsci. Pnmeteo, HI (August 1949), 605-t 2. Prometeo
was the linear descendant ol Amadeo BordigasIISoviet, a communist newspaper
that many years earlier expressed displeasure at Gramscis alleged voluntarist
and idealist tendencies.
19 . Reichers, Antonio Gramsci, p . 243. It is perhaps superfluous to point out that the
author uses democratic1 in the pejorative bourgeois' sense.
20 . Gramsci's critique of Bukharin is in M S , pp. 119-68; his critique ofGroce, ibid.,
pp. 169-258. Bukharins book was first published in Moscow in 1921. where it
went through several editions. Gramsci probably read the French translation,
published in 1927.
21 . Stephen Cohen stresses this side of Bukharins restatement of the orthodox
tradition inBukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution (NewYork, Vintage Books, 1975),
ch. IV. Certainly, Bukharin did make some innovations in response tocontem
porary social theorists critical of Marx. In particular, the Bolshevik thinker was
worried that Engels's understanding of the dialectic lumbered Marxismwith a
vaguely metaphysical explanation of movement, retaining the teleological
flavour inevitably connected with the Hegelian formulation which rests on the
self-movement of Spirit'". (Quotation from Bukharin, cited ibid., p. 115.) In
positing a semi-mystical unfolding or the dialectic in history and nature, Engels
seemed to be investing matter with what looked like covert spiritualization, and
this bore embarrassing affinities to German idealist and romantic philosophy,
Bukharin's desire to deny the charge that Marxism, through this concept of the
Notes to pages 6 6 -7 5
263
264
Notes to pages 7 5 -8 5
that Gramsci, while denying that Marxism was a science in the strict sense,
sometimes used the term science in a broad sense, to encompass any study
pursued through systematic thinkingandorderlyinquiryinloasericsofempirical
facts. See. e.g., ibid., p. 136.
54 . Ibid., p. 136; and P P . p. 162.
55. M S , p. 220.
56 . M a ch .,-p . 38.
57. Ibid., p. 36; M S , p. 162.
58 . M S , pp. 126-7; see M a ck ., p. 34 ns well.
5 9 . M S , p. 134.
60 . Ibid., p. 128.
61 . Ibid., p. 125.
6 2 . Ibid.,p. 135.
63 . Gramsci pours scorn on the Popular Mamud'% treatment of the quantity-quality
dialectic. The M anual completely ignores the human factor, instead 'contenting
itself with simple word play about water changing its state (ice, liquid, gas) with
changes in temperature, a purely mechanical fact determined by external agents
(fire, sun, evaporation of carbonic acid, etc.)1. Bukharin does not realize that if
one remains solely on the level of physical principles, one does not get out ofthe
quantitative sphere except metaphorically'. Hence the transformation from
quantity toquality becomes impossible. M S , p. 163.
6 4 . Ibid., p.135.
65 . M ack., p. 36.
66. M S , pp. 125-6.
67 . Ibid., p. 90.
68. Ibid., pp. 98-100.
6 9 . Ibid., p. 127; M ach., pp. 157-8.
70 . M S , pp. 13-14.
71 . Ibid., p. i 26. I have taken this translation fromthe Hoare/Nowell-Smith edition
of the Prison Notebooks, p. 428.
72 . M S , p. 13.
73 . Ibid., pp. 14-15,19-20.
74 . Letter toTatiana (1 December 1930), L C , p. 106; M S , pp. 84-5,223-5.
75 M a ck ., p. 34; M S , pp. 125-7, 136-7.
76 . Lo gic as the Science o f the Pure Concept, translatedbyD, Ainslie (London, Macmillan,
1917), pp. 172-3. (Translation amended byJ.F.)
77 . The Philosophy o f Benedetto Croce (London, Macmillan, 1917), p. 7 (myemphasis).
78 . Theory and History o f Historiography, translated by D. Ainslie (London, Harrap,
1921), p. 312.
79 . Ibid,
8 0 . Ibid,, pp. 51-63.
81 . See his Storm del Regno di N apoli (Bari. Laterza, 1925); Storia d 3Italia dal 1871 al 1915
(Bari, Laterza, 1928); Storia d elleta barocca in Italia (Bari, Later/a, 1929); Storia
d'Europa nel secolo decimonono (Bari, Laterza, 1932); and L a storia comepenstero e came
agione (Bari, Laterza, 1938).
8 2 . See Logic as the Science o f the Pure Concept, pp. 31030, loradiscussionollhc Identity
of Philosophy and History,
83 . Croce, Theory and History o f Historiography, p. 312.
8 4 . Consciousness and Society, p. 201.
8 5 . Gramsci (a collection of articles and addresses on Gramsci) (Florence, Parenti,
1955 ),P- 77 86. M S , p. 199.
8 7 . 17 August 1931, inL C , p. 132.
265
266
m i,
Conception o f
p. 17.
120 . G. Marramao, Marxismo e revisionisms in Italia (Bari, De Donato, 1971)1 P-117 121 . L. Faenza argues that Gramsci did indeed derive much of his vision from
Labriola. Labriola c Gramsci. Monde operaio, VII (4 December 1954), 15-17.
History,
his determination to classify all reality in Terms ofpure concepts, falls intoa new
kind of abstract and mechanical sociology, akin to that of Bukharin in its
indifference to the petty variations and contingencies ofordinary lifethat refuse
to Fit into rigid categories atid schemes, Ibid., p. 188.
137 . Ibid., pp. 43-4.
138 . Ibid., pp. 216-17.
139 . P P , p. 203.
14(1. M S , pp. 192, 189; Letter toTania (9 May 1932). LC. pp, 186-8.
143 . M S , pp. 241-2,87.
142 . P P , p. 63; M S , p. 93.
143 . M S , p. 196.
144 . Ibid., p. 191.
145 . Ibid., p. 229.
146 . L C , p. 193.
147 . M S , p. 250.
148 . Ibid., p. 221 (my emphasis).
267
149 . P P , p. 26.
150 . M S . pp. 174, 226, 247-50.
151 . I- Salammi, Gramsci and Marxist Sociology ofKnowledge. Sociological Quarterly,
160. Ibid., p.
161 . Ibid.
162. 1Karl Marx and theClassical Definition orTruth inMarxism and Beyond (London,
1 4 2 .
268
196 . M S , p. 101.
197 . M ach ., p. 45.
198 . Ibid., p. 128.
199 . For other passages expressing Gramscis belief in the predominance of the eco
nomic base, see, e.g., M S , pp, 139, 161. 212, 233; M ach., pp. 37.82. In only one of
these passages, however, does he. explicitly or unambiguously accord primacy to
the forces of production as such. Elsewhere, pre-eminence is attributed to 'the
structure, the economic factor, the economy, economic phenomena and
material premises. But it is always clear from the context that what Marx
sometimes called the 'material powers of production (i.e. productive forces) are
encompassed by these terms.
200 . M S , pp. 98-9.
2 0 1. R , p. 46.
202 . Selections fro m Ike Prison Notebooks, p. 116. This passage was not included in the
original Einaudi volumes.
203 . AfarA., p. 37.
204 . M S , p, 236.
205 . Ibid., p. 97.
206 . M ach ., p. 48.
207 . Ibid., p. 37.
208 . P P , p. 108. In M S , pp. 102-2 Gramsci discusses Machiavellis concepts oifortuna
and virtu, referring to themfavourably as 'simple and profound intuitions.
209 . M ach ., pp. 42-3.
210 . M S , pp. 29, 155, 256.
211 . Ibid., p. 161.
212 . H. B, Acton, The Materialist ConceptionofHistory, Proceedings o f The Aristotelian
Society, 1951-2; and 'Some Criticisms of Historical MaterialismProceedings o f The
Aristotelian Society, Supplementary volume. 1970; Plamenatz, M an and Society, II,
p. 2748".
213 . In the Grundnsse, for example, Marx talks about how the capitalist economic
system'arises fromthe conscious wills and particular purposesoftheindividuals,
yet is 'neither located in their consciousness nor subsumed under them as a
whole. Indeed the systemappears to themas an 'objective relation, which arises
spontaneously fromnature. . . .Their owncollisionswithoneanotherproducean
alien social power standing above them.. . . Cited in M. Evans, Kart M arx
(London, Allen & Unwin, T975), p. 57. On the non-Maraist side, E. Durkheim
develops the concept of social facts, which are 'ways of acting, thinking and
feeling, external to the individual, and endowed with a power of coercion, by
reason of which they control him. The Rules o f Sociological Method, translated by
S. Solovay andJ. Mueller (Glencoe, III., Free Press, 1950), p. 3.
214 . M S , p. 163.
215 . History, he writes in his discussionofliterary criticism, is a continuous process
ofself-consciousness and liberation. L V N , p. 13.
216 . M S , p. 40.
269
217 . M a ch ., p. 45.
2 1 8 . M S . p. 35.
219 . M a ch ., pp. 39,9-10, 13-15.
220 . M S , p, rgg,
2 2 1. Ibid., p. 232.
222 . Ibid.,pp..217-18, 1g7223 . Ibid., p, 5,
224 . Ibid., p. m .
225 . Ibid., p. 87.
226 . But Gramsci always retained admirationfor Sorel. In theNotebooks he credits the
Frenchman with genuine insight into present reality, though he also maintains
that Sorels political prescriptions have been surpassed1, See ibid., p. 243.
227 . For an example of such confusion, see Reichers, Antonio Gramsci, p. 114, where
Gramsci is accused ofold-fashionedrutopianism.
228 . M S , p.8o.
229 . Ibid., p. 98.
230 . M a ch ., p. 39,
231 . Bottomore and RubeL, K arl M a rx : Selected Writings, p. 85.
232 . In the lew pages that Gramsci does devote to economic matters, he actually
defends the theories of Capital from Croce's criticisms. See M S . pp. 208-!') in
particular. But on Gramscis interpretation, it is essential tonote, acceptance of
the lendential laws enunciated in Marx's great work does not commit us to the
prediction that capitalismwill 'automatically' collapse,
233 . Ibid,, p. T58.
234 . History and Class Consciousness, pp. 20, 177.
235 . Ibid., p. xxiii.
Chapter
! t, p. 3 .
2 . Ibid., p. 6.
3 . Ibid... pp. 6-7.
4 . Ibid., p. 6. What Gramsci seems to be suggesting here is that, indifferent social
6. /,p.3.
7 . Ibid., p. 5.
8.
9.
10 .
11.
12 .
13 .
Ibid., p. 9.
p. 149.
/, p. 144.
M S , p. 35.
. . . the whole systemof superstructures can be conceived as distinctions within
the realm of politics. M a c k ., p. 11. Gramscis broad concept of politics corres
ponds to his broad, Hegelian definitionof thestate.
14 . M a c k ., p.9015 . Letter toTatiana (7 Sept. 1931); LC, p. 138.
16 . M a c k ., p. 7.
M a ch .,
270
Jacobinism was the substitution of one authoritarian regime for another, and
went on toassert that the Russian Revolution could not beJacobin becauseit was
proletarian. Note sulla rivoluzione russa. II Grido dtl Popolo (29 April 1917);
reprinted inS G , p. ro6. See, also, Due rivoluzioni, L Ordine Nuavo (3July 1920);
reprinted in O N , p. 140. .
18 . M a ck ., p. 3,
19 . Ibid., pp. 5-6.
20 . Ibid., p. 13.
21 . Cited inA. Lisa, Discussiane politica conGramsci incarcere\ Rinascita (12 Dec.
1964), p. 20.
22 . See, for example, Lo strumento di lavoro, L Ordim Nuovo (14 Feb. 1920),
reprinted in O N , pp. 79-84; and II consigliodi fahbrica', L Ordine Nuovo (5June
1920), reprinted in O N , p. 123.
23 . M ach ,, p. 22.
24 . Ibid., p. 42.
25 . The Lenin, at any rate, of What is to be Done?
26 . M S . p, 13.
27 . Feuer, M arx & E n g els: B a sic Writings, p. 20.
28 . P P , p. 55. See also AfflcA., p. 8t: Ideas andopinionsdo notgrowspontaneously in
each individual brain: they have a centre of formation, of irradiation, of dis
semination, of persuasion.
29 . M a ch ., p. 5.
3 0 . Ibid., pp. 77-9.
3 1 . Ibid., pp. 45-6.
32 . Ibid., pp. 147-8.
33 . lbid.,pp. 8.
3 4 . M S , p. 7.
35 . Togliaiti had received two degrees, one in law and another in letters and
philosophy. Terracini also took a lawdegree, and went on tobecome one of the
most distinguished legal minds inItaly. Tasca (liketheothersagraduateofTurin
University) soon developed a reputation for meticulous scholarship.
36 . A. Gramsci, II programma dell'Ordirn Nuovo , L Ordine Nuovo (14 August 1920);
O N , p. 146.
37 . Before 1918, Gramsci tried hard to raise the intellectual level of the movement.
Through lectures, seminars and study groups, he hoped to encourage habits of
dispassionatestudy as well as an appreciation forgreat literature and philosophy.
But his efforts were less than successful in a party firmly committed to the view
that class consciousness came through struggle and not fromreading books. On
this, see A. Davidson, Gramsci and Lenin 1917-22, Socialist Register, edited by
R. Miliband andJ. Saville (London, The Merlin Press, r974), pp. 126-8.
38 . 'll programma d tW O rd in e Nuavo ; O N , p. 148,
39 . II programma dei commissari di reparto, unsigned, L'O rdine Nuovo (8 Nov.
1919); reprinted in O N , pp. 194-6.
4 0 . Unsigned editorial, L Ordine Nuovo (12 July 1919); O N , p, 447,
4 1 . 'Sindacati e consigli, L Ordine Nuovo (t 1 Oct. 1919); O N , p. 37,
4 2 . II programma dell' Ordiru N u o vo '; O N , p, 150. These distinctions are alsomade in
II partite e la revoluzione, L 'O rd in e Nuovo (27 Dec. 1919), O N , p. 67; and II
consigliodi fabbrica, O N , pp. 123-4.
43 . 1 gruppi comunistF, L Ordine Nuovo (17 July 1920); O N , p. 140.
4 4 . Ibid., p. . See, also, la conquista dello stato, L Ordine Nuovo (12 July 1919);
O N , pp, 14-15.
4 5 . I gruppi comunisti; O N , pp. 140-r.
271
272
88. Ibid.
8 9 . Gramsci quotes the summary of the law of fixed proportions offered by MafTeo
100.
101 .
102 .
103 .
104 .
105 .
273
Ibid., p. 158.
Ibid., p. 157,
Ibid., p. 76.
Ibid,, p. 26.
Ibid.
La siluazione italiana e i compiti del pci' (theses prepared by Gramsci and
approved by the 111 Congress of the Italian Communist Partythe Lyons
Congressheld inJanuary of 1926), C P C , p. 506; La lotta controla frazioneela
discussione nel panilo, L T J m t a (10 June 1925); C P C , p. 220. The wreckers
referred to by Gramsci were Bordiga and his followers, who organizeda dissident
Left' {action within the Party in [925. Supporters ofTrotsky, theylounri themselves
at odds with Comintern policy and dashed with Gramsci on questions of'
organization and strategy. For an informative discussion of this controversy, see
Davidson, Antonio Gramsci: Towards an Intellectual Biography, pp, 20431.
106 . M ach., p. 51; see, also. P P , p. 58.
107 . M a ch ., p. 77.
100 . One Step Forward, Two Steps Back. Collected Works, vol. 7 (1961), 405 n.
109 . P P . p. 57.
110 . M ach ., p. 77; M S , p. V20.
111. M ach ., p. 26.
1 12 . P P , p. 59.
113 . M S , p. 1B. See, also ibid,, pp. 23, 25.
114 . Ibid., p. 142.
115 . Gramsci tends to use rational, real', and necessary interchangeably. See MS,
p. 41, where he says that a conception of the world becomes actual, lives
historically (i.e. socially and no longerjust in the brains of individuals) when it
ceases to be arbitrary and becomes necessary-rational-rcal.
116 . Ibid., p. 48.
117 . A distinction should be underlined here. Gramsci, sofar as I can tell, never says
that a given ideology7is valid because the great majority of people accept it. that
mass acceptance creates truth. Rather, he asserts that an ideology wjll win mass
adhesion if it corresponds to the needs of a particular historical period. Truth is not
immanent in the process of verification. In this respect, his position differs from
that of the influential pragmatist philosopher, WilliamJames, who held that an
hypothesis becomes true when we verify it; i.e. true means confirmed.
118 . M S , p. 95.
119 . Bottomore and Rubel, K a rl M a r x : Selected Writings, p. 82.
120 . M S , p. 159.
121 . P P , p. 57: :. . . the leadership given to the [Turin] movement was both creative
and correct . . . [The] element of spontaneity was not neglected and even less
despised. It was educated, directed, purged of extraneous contaminations; the aim
was to bring it into line with modem theory [Marxism].'
122. I, p. 135.
123 . M S , p. r7.
124 . I , p. 7. Gramsci recognized how difficult it would be todevelopintellectuals from
274
social groups that have traditionally lacked the requisite attitudes and oppor
tunities lor disciplined study and rigorous thought Ibid,, p. 117.
125 . M S , p. 87.
126 . Gramsci and Lenin 1917-1923, p. 141.
Chapter
1. It is not clear whether this absence was for the benefit of the prison censor or
275
13.
14 .
15 .
16 .
17 .
18 .
19 .
20 .
21 .
22 .
23 .
24 . M S , pp. 18-rg,
25 . Le antinomic di Gramsci, 632; Tambnrrano, rathernaively, defendsGramsci by
28 . M o ck ., p. 8.
29 . P P , p. 166.
30 . Ibid., p. t2o.
31 . See, for example, M a ch ., pp. 134, 147.
32 . A Pop|x:rian, following the model of theexperimental sciences, would argue that if
a theory fails to work properly in practice, this alone shows that something is
wrong with the theory. Such is of course the case in the natural sciences where
there is, potentially, general agreement that a given theory has been correctly
applied, and where the criteria of the theorys refutation are more or less
unambiguous. Political theories, especially thosewith normative content, usually
elude such certainty. Nevertheless, thetendency toraisequestionsconcerningthe
possible practical consequences or such theories u legitimate, so long as we do not
confuse tkese consequences with the theories themselves,
33 . M ach ., p-134.
34 . Cited by Peter Gay in the Introduction to his English translation ofE. Cassirer,
The Question o f jean-Jacques Rousseau
276
Pareto, and Michels, tbai he was willing to make use of certain features of their
theories (the full implications of which he obviously rejected). See G. Galli,
Gramsci e ie. teorie deiie. elites , Gramsci c la culture contemporanea, vol. II,
201-16; and D. Confrancesco, 'Appunti su Gramsci e la teoria dellelile\ Mondo
operaio , no. 8-9 (August
September 1968), 28-34. Gramsci discusses Michels at
some length in M ack., pp. 95100.
36 . The conditions of class society.
37 . M a ck ., p. 17.
38 . M S . p. 17.
39 . P P , p, r66.
40 . M S , p. 18.
41 . M ack., p. 132. See, also, ibid., p. 94; M S , p. 75; and I, p. 155,
42 . M S , p. 40,
43 . Ibid., pp. 3-4; see, also,/, p. ri2.
44 . M S , p. 11. Gramsci is not here contradicting his contention that the Catholic
religion has managed tocreate a solid unity among thevarious intellectual strata
within the Church ( M S , p. 7). But what has beenestablished, be holds, is purely
mechanical, an external unity, based particularly on theliturgy andonaworship
of pomp and ceremony . . There is no attempt to raise 'the population to a
higher cultural life1 (ibid., p. 88).
4 5 . Ibid., p. t i (my emphasis).
46 . M a ck ., p. 133.
47 . Marinetti rivoluzionario?, L Ordmt Nuovo (5 Jan. 1921); reprinted in S F ,
pp. 20-2.
48 . But by 1921, one could plausibly argue, Gramsci had already entered into the
later or mature phase of his thought, which received fuller, if fragmentary,
elaboration in the Quademi. Nevertheless, given his intellectual journey of
development from an early idealism through the factory council thematic to a
modified Leninism, indiscriminate quotation without regard for the historical,
context can be quite misleading. Two defenders olGramsci. Massimo Salvadori
(Politica, potere e cultura nel pensiero di Gramsci, Rivista discoria contemporanea,
no. 1, January 1972, 630) and Maria Macdoochi (Per Gramsci, Bologna, il
Mulino, 1974, pp. 244-54) engage in the dubious practice of supporting an
anti-authoritarian interpretation of Gramsci with textual evidence from his
youthful writings. His multifarious opponents are not likely to be impressed by
such a defence, since they base their position on the post-factory council
Gramsci. Stilt these early articles are worth noting, if only because they point
towhat 1 consideran element of continuity in his thought and indicate that
his libertarian propensities had a long period of gestation. It is undeniable that
the young Gramsci conducted what Salvadori calls a serrata battagha' against
authoritarianism of all kinds. In one article, he refers todiscussion as a fusionof
souls and wills whereby theindividual elementsoftruth, whicheachpersonmay
bring, must be synthesized inthe complextruth.. . . Inorderforthis tohappen, in
order that the discussion be exhaustive and sincere, the greatest tolerance is
necessary. . (reprinted in S G , p. 137). This is consonant with another piece,
where he informs us that truth must never be presented ina dogmatic, absolute
form, as already matured and perfected (S G , p. 261). Elsewhere, he sees a
continuity between liberalismand socialismon thelevel ofcustomand method:
Liberalism, in so far as it is custom, is an intellectual and historical presupposi
tion ofsocialism (ibid., p. 225).
49 . L V N , pp. 6, 11-13; L C , pp. 125,205.
50 . M S , pp. 26-7,
277
Chapter
1 . M a c k ., p. 68.
2 . Ibid., p. 84.
78
3 . Ibid,, p. 68.
4 . Ibid., p. 66.
5 . Ibid., p. [61.
6.
7.
p-71.
M a ck ., pp. 114-15. See, also, ibid., p. 36, where he savagely condemns those
revolutionaries who object on principle tocompromises or alliances.
8. Lisa's report has been published inRinascita (11a December 1964). pp. r7-21; the
substantial correctness of his account is confirmed by another prisoner at Turi,
Giovanni Lay; see his Colloqui con Gramsci nel careers di Turi' in Rinascita
(22 February r9G5).
9 . Unless otherwise indicated, all the quotations in this paragraph are fromLisas
report (pp. tS19). not fromGramsci directly.
10. Gramscis attitude to the lower middle classes had certainly changed since his
Ordine Nuovo days, when he dismissed them as "social rubbish and debris de
posited by centuries of servility and the domination of the Italian nation by
foreigners and priests. The functionoftheseclasses couldonlyberegressive: 'The
petit and middle bourgeoisie is in Fact the barrier of corrupt, dissolute, rotten
humanity with which capitalism defends its economic and political power; a
servile, abject humanity, a humanity of lackeys and cut-throats. . . Gli
Avvenimenti del 2-3 dicembre', OrdineNuovo (6-13 December 19r9); reprintedin
O N , pp. 61-7. When it came to picturesque invective, Gramsci had Tewequals.
11 . In a letter of 28 March 193: to his brother Carlo, Gramsci wrote;\ . Ive come
into conflict with some other prisoners and been forced to break ofTpersonal
relationships. Quoted in Fiori, Antonio Gramsci: L ife o f a Revolutionary, p. 258. Ina
letter of 13 July >931 to his sister-in-law, Gramsci remarked on his growing
solitude. It is as if. every day, another thread tying me tothe past breaks, and it
becomes ever more impossible to knot these threads together again. Antonio
Gram sci ; Lettersfrom Prison, translated by L. Lawner (NewYork, Harper andRow,
PP,
973 )) P- 20r
12. At least one Left-wing critic, however, sees the reformist rot beginning toset inas
early as )924; see. S. Sechi, Gramsci a Turi. Rinascita sarda (115 October 1966).
13 . II partito comunrsta, Ordine Nuovo (4 Sept. 1920), now reprinted in O N ,
pp. 154-8.
14 . For an example ofsuchan erroneous approach, seeS. Tarrow, Peasant Communism
in Soutkem Italy (London, Yale XJniv. Press, 1967), Chapter 5.
15. Tamburra.no, Antonio Gramsci, pp. 173-6.
16 . Ibid., pp. 284-97.
17 . Fasi di sviluppodel pensicro politicodi Gramsci, inA. CaraccioloandG. Scalia
(eds.). L a cittafutura (Milan, Feltrinelli, 1959), pp. 131-2. Tamburranomakes the
same point inAntonio Gramsci, pp. 257-8.
18 . See, for example, A. Giolitti, R ifo m a e rivoluzione (Turin, Einaudi, 1957).
19 . Antonio Gramsci, pp. 260-1, 267.
20 . Ibid., p. 267.
21 . Pietro Nenni was an indefatigable Socialist Party activist and leader, whose
political career spanned half a century. Nennian was usedas a termofabuse by
Tamburranos critics onthe Left.
22 . T. Pcrlini, Gram sci e il Gramscismo (Milan, CELUC, 1974), p. 55.
23 . I nostri conti con la teoriadella rivoluzione senza rivoluzione inGramsci.
24 . Ibid., p. 70.
25 . See, for example, Periini, Gramsci e it Gramscismo, pp. 36-66; Marramao, Per una
.critica dellideologia di Gramsci; Reichers, Antoni/? Gramsci; and L. Gortesi, llm
convegno su Gramsci, Rivista slorica del socialism/?. 30 (Jan.-April 1967), 159
73.
26 . Gram sci e it Gramscismo, p. 46,
No tes to pages 2 0 0 -2 0 7
279
2 7 . Ibid., p. 61.
28 . P. Togliatti. L a via itahana ai sodalismo (Rome. Editori Riuniti, 1964), p. [97.
29 . From a speech delivered in April 1944 to the recently liberated people ofNaples.
1937
)
36 . Natta, Egcmonia, cultura. partito nel pen&ierodi AntonioGramsci, p, 19.
3 7 . R inascita-II Cvntemporaneo (14 April 1967), p. 4. The basic interpretationsetoutin
38 .
39 .
40 .
41.
42 .
43.
44.
45 .
46 .
280
47 . R , p . 72.
48 . P P , p. 188.
49 . See. e.g., Jean-Marc Piottc, L a pensee politique dt Gramsci (Paris. Editions Aothropos,
1970). p.. t6g; Ihr war of position must precede and prepare the way for the war
of movement; it is necessary- to deprive the ruling class of the direction of civif
society before attacking its state power: it is necessary to count on the help and
support of the popular masses before takingarms against the dominant class; the
struggle for hegemony must prepare for themilitarystruggle. Piottedocs capture
a part ofGramsets meaning. It is true that theproletariat must win thebattle for
cultural supremacy before launching a Full-scalearmed attackonthe lastbastion
of bourgeois control: the state apparatus. Yet Gramsci provides no textual
warrant for assuming that, the way of movement is valid only after the war of
position is won. The problem may be that Piotte and other commentators
interpret the war ofmovement toonarrowly, viewingit solely as lull-blownarmed
struggle. Gramsci gets so carried away by his use of military concepts that he
never spells out inany detail thecontentoftheirpolitical counterparts. Thewarof
movement is especially hazy. But it is a reasonable supposition that Gramsci
would include under this heading less cataclysmic acts, such as mass strikes,
sabotage, demonstrations, factory seizures, etc. Indeed, he does actually say, in
one (unfortunately undeveloped) passage, that strikes are a formof the war of
movement. M a ch ., p. 6a.
50 . Collected Works, vol. 32, pp. 471-5.
51 . M a ch ., p. 68.
5 2 . G. Galli and G. Mancini, Gramscis Presence, Government and Opposition, 3
(Summer 1968), 334.
5 3 . cLa crisi italtana, Ordine Nuovo (1 September 1924); reprinted in Scritti Politici,
edited by P. Spriano, III, 104.
54 . M S . p. 185.
55 . Ibid,
5 6 . Ibid., p. 221.
57 . Ibid., p* 185.
5 8 . It is worth pointing out that, around the turn of the century, Croce was the
leading Italian revisionist, a position he staked out in his collection of essays
entitled Historical Materialism.
59 . Sec, in particular. M S , pp. 219-22.
60 . Ibid., p. 184.
61 . Ibid., p. 222.
6 2 . In a short but cutting note, Gramsci explicitly criticizes Bernstein's evolutionist
belief thaL the movement is everything, the final goal nothing, and yet Merli
ascribes this very belieltoGramsci himself! See P P , pp. 190-1
63 . Antonio Gramsci and the Italian Revolution, N ew Left Review, 65 (Jan.-Feb.
9 7 '), 94 .
6 4 . G. C. Jocteau, Leggere Gramsci (Milan, Feltrinefli. 1975), p- 74. Not all com
mentators who perceive a disjunction between Gramscis thought and PCI
Strategy are unsympathetic to this strategy. Massimo Salvador!, for example,
argues that the Party shouldin the interests of truth and greater realism
settle its accounts with its theoretical tradition and admit that its policies and
ideas are qualitatively different from Gramscis. Gramsci and the PCI: Two
Conceptions of Hegemony, in C. Mouffe (ed.), Gramsci and M arxist Theory
(London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), pp- 256-7.
6 5 . The Italian R oad to Socialism, an interview by Eric Hobsbawm with Giorgio
Napolitano of the Italian Communist Party (London, Lawrence Hill & Co.,
r977 ),p, 29.
Notes to pages 2 1 5 -2 2 3
66.
67.
281
, p. 90.
p. 115.
M a ck .,
Chapter
1. Hubert M. Blalock Jnr.. Theory Building and Causal Inference, in H. M.
Blalock Jnr. and A. B. Blalock feds.), Methodology in Social Research (New York,
McGraw-Hill, 1968), p. 163.
2 . Translated by H. Reeve (New York. Century aridCo., 1899), C 3983 . See T. Parsons and E. Shils. eds.. Towards a General Theory o f Action (Cambridge,
Harvard University Press, 1951), p. 180 fora useful formulation of the theory.
4 . (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1959), pp. 162. 172.
5 . For a critique oftwosuch investigations, seemyownElites, Participationandthe
Democratic Creed, Political Studies- XXVIII (March 1979), 1-20.
6. For a summary ofthe social psychology literatureonthis subject' (up to 1969), sec
A. W. Wicker, Altitudes v. Actions: the Relationship of Verbal altd Overt
Responses to Attitude Objects.Journal o f Social Issues. 25 (1969), 41-78.
7 . Perhaps the most sophisticated and convincing empirical study to arrive at this
conclusion is P, E. Converse, The Nature of BeliefSystems in Mass Publics, in
D. E. Apter (ed.). Ideology and Discontent (London. Collicr-Macmillan, 1964), pp.
206-61. See also G. D. Garson. Radical Issues in the History of the American
Working Class, Politics and Society, 3 (Fall 1972), 25-32. Garson invents theterm
multiple consciousness to describe theseemingly schizophrenic attitudes of his
sample of US autoworkers. For similar conclusions about the cultural perspec
tives of British workers, see S. Hill, The Dockers: Class and Tradition in London
(London. Heinemann, 1976): and T. Nichols and P. Armstrong, Workers Divided
(Glasgow. Fontana. 1976). especially the chapter on Ideology and Incon
sistency. Hill portrays the social consciousness ofdockworkers as inchoate* and
inconsistent, based on a mixture of personal experience, some exposure to
radical ideologies, and the conditioning effects of die dominant culture* (p. 202).
Nichols and Armstrong, who departed fromformal survey methods by conduct
ing iti-depth interviews, found that their sample of chemical workers held in
choate and conflicting views on the legitimacy ofestablished social and political
arrangements (p. tg).
8. The C ivic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton Univer
sity Press, 1963), p. 186.
9 . Relative Deprivation and SocialJustice (London, Routledge He Kegan Paul, t966),pp.
170226 passim.
10 . R. McKenzie arid A, Silver, Angels in M arble: Working Class Conservatives in Urban
E n g lan d ( London, Heinemann, 1968), pp. 145-32.
11 . J. H. Rytina et al., Income and Stratification Ideology: Beliefs about the
American Opportunity Stxuclnre', AmericanJournal {//.Sociology (Jan. 1970), 707-8.
12 . See, e.g.. T. Veness, School Leavers: Their Aspirations and Expectations (London,
Methuen, r962), p. 144; E. Nordlingcr, The Working Class Tories (London,
MacGibbon and Kee, 1967), pp. 179-83; E, Chinoy, Automobile Workers and die
American Dream (New York, Random House, 1955), pp. 129-31. M. Mann, in
Consciousness and Action Am ong the Western Working Class (London, Macmillan,
1973)i refers to three studies employing the football team analogy, in which
workers are askedwhether employers andworkers areon thesamesideor ondifferent
sides. The overwhelming majority ofBritishworkers reply thesame side. Seep. 35.
13 . Reported in The Sunday T im es (31 Aug. 1969), p. 2.
14 . See, for example, J. Goldthorpe et al., The Affluent Worker in the Class Structure
(Cambridge, The University Press, 1968), 1,112-13; 1. C. Cannon, Ideologyand
282
Notes to pages 2 2 3 -2 2 7
Occupational Community, Sociology (May 1967), t68; and S. Hill, The Dockers,
p cw15 . Hill discovered that many dockworkcrs who agree that trade" unions have too
much power in this country nevertheless want their own union to have greater
influence in management. The Dockers, pp. 138-41.
lti. The Lower-Class Value Stretch, Social Forces (Dec. J963). -208-15. Chinny
uncovers a parallel phenomenon in his study of mid-westerri car-workers. For
example, while the workers by no means deny the desirability ofgetting ahead
and individual economic successa central tenet of theAmerican Creedmost
cither redeline it to coincide with their own modest ambitions or else seek to
relegate it toa lesser position inthehierarchy ofvalues', inordersays Chinov
to maintain self-esteem in the lace of their Own failure to realize the 'American
Dream'. Automobile Worker? and the American Dream, pp. 124-7.
17 . Frank Parkin uses these terms in Class Inequality and Political Order (London,
Paladin, 1972). p. 95.
IB. Our hypothesis js not disproved by the number of empirical studies which have
foundonly aslight correlation between "altitudes' and oven behaviour (sec note6
to this chapter). U is difficult to conceive how the muhi-faceted relationship
between beliefs (for purposes of exposition 1 shall make no distinction between
beliefs andaltitudes) and concrete action can be testedwithanything resembling
mathematical precision. Homatter howrefined theinstrumentsofmeasurement,
how sophisticated the delineation of concepts, or how.complex the theoretical
models. If one is searching for a direct linkbetweenvarious beliefsand behaviour,
the problem of inference is likely to be insurmountable. It is difficult to devise
ritethuds whereby types of'observable behaviour can beobjectively estimated for
the purpose of comparison with beliefs, themselves elastic complexes of ideas
and sentiments. Our statements about political Iiehaviour and ideological
phenomena arc not usually discrete and distinct enough to admit determinant
application offnrmal logic to them: discovering contradictions or consistencies is
a matter for judgement, not scientific accuracy. In any evrru. beliefs are simply
one Iactor we use in our attempts to understand and predict behaviour. Other
sources ol influence contribute to variation in actionmk- requirements, legal
sanctions, material satisfactions, and so on. Gramsci's concept ofcontradictory
consciousness' is predicated upon the realization that situational or structural
constraints can vitiate the causal impart nf ideational factors. But even in such
cases, beliefs may exert an indirect influence by shaping the definition of the
situation, thus conditioning and limiting the range of possible responses. This
rather intangible role of ideology lias not been properly explored by social
scientists, must ufwhomfind it insulficiendy quantifiableandresearchabIe. That,
however, does not make it futile to formulate propositions about, and adduce
evidence lor or against, this indirect role.
19 . I, L. Horowitz, Consensus. Conflict, and Co-operation: a Sociological Inven
tory, Social Fortes (Dec. 1962), t8o.
20 . For a. useful discussion of these issues, see C . Grertz, Ideology as a Cultural
System, in D. K, Apter (ed.). Ideology and Discontent, pp. 60-5.
21 . For a rigorous-lormulationof the theory, seeR. L. Curry andL. L, Wade, A Theory
o f Political Exchange (Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall, 1968).
22. Peter Blau, an important proponent of exchange theory, tries to overcome this
difficulty by explaining acceptance of enduring power inequalities in terms of
mechanisms through which common values are perpetuated, so that . . once
superior power has been attained by furnishing services, it can be maintained
without furnishing these same services. Exchange and Power in Social L ife (New
York, Wiley, 1964), pp. 197, 208. But then the explanation of powerdifferentials
Notes to pages 2 2 7 -2 3 4
283
(and social order) interms of free exchange transactions becomes irrelevant tothe
; it is at most relevant to that hypothetical moment in time when power
differentials first emerged. The inclusion of a moral obligation inculcated by
socializing agencies (p. 212) gives the theory addedplausibilty. but at thecost of
contradicting the authors avowed intention; to explain power distributions in
complex social structures by means of exchange, theory.
23 . C. J. Friedrich argues this point in A N ew B e lie f in-the Common .Man (New York.
Little. Brown, 1942), p. 153 fl
24 . Christ Stopped at E b o li, trans. by F. Frcnayc (New York, Farrar. Strauss and Co.,
present
U-
39 . As we pointed out in Chapter 2, Gramsci, ina couple ofplaces, notes that libera)
284
285
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25
Index
Acton. H. B., 118-19, *68
Actualism, 88, 265
Adler, M, 125
Almond, G.. 221
Aladitto, M-. 275
Aloisi. M 261
Althusser, L., *09-13, 217, 2461-7, 251-3,
258, 267. 268
Amendola, G., 11,213, 2561 279
Anderson, P-, 257, 258,284
Apter, D.. 281. 282
Aristotle, 39, *04-5
Armstrong, P., 28t
Art (Gramsci's viewon), 178
Audello. N., 256
AvantH , 4. 87, 89, 146
Axelrod, P B.. 257
Bakunin, M., 187
Base and Superstructure, 73-5, 113-21,
218-19,283.285, 268
Battaglia. R., 274
Bauer. O., 125
Bell, D., 283, 284
Benewick, R., 257
Berkeley, G.. 106
Berlin, I.. 17
Berliuguer. E., 201, 279
Bernstein. E., 189, 212, 280
Biennio rosso. 4, 5, 144
51
Birttbaum, N,, 283
Blackburn, R., 257, 284
Blalock, H. M.. 218, 281
Blau. P1. 282
Bobbin, N., 256, 262
Boggs. G.. 256. 258. 271
Bolsheviks, 50, 33-4,89-90, 167, (70,
190. 191. 198, 209.257, 261,274
Bolshevizacion, 151, t68, 197
Bordiga, A., 79 >H> 50, 151, 1.67-9
262.272, 273
Bottornore. T., 283
Brandt, R. B., 259
Brehm.J. W., 284
300
Index
Index
Historicism, 84-5, 96, 162-3, 185, 245,
273
85-7
274 ,279
301
Nazism, 159
Nenni, P_, 278
30 2
Index
Neo-Kantianism, r5
Nichols. T, 281
Nordlinger, E., 281
Index
Tarrow, S., 278
Tasca, A., 1394 1,2 7 0 ,2 72
Taylor, F., 29. 258
Taylorism, 29-31
Terracini, U .t 139, 270, 272
Theorem of Fixed Proportions, 153, 272
Togliatti, P., 1 0 - 1 1, 15, 85, i f >
165-7, 194-5, 201-3, 205, 210, 256,
2(>o, 270, 271, 272, 274, 279
Tolstoy, L., 122
39 5
TrasfoTmimo, 47
Tronti, M., 284
Trotsky, L., 5 1,15 8 , 169, i92>2
73>277
303
Via Italiana
36 9