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TO VARANGIANS
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15
THE DANISH NATIONAL RESEARCH FOUNDATION'S
CENTRE FOR BLACK SEA STUDIES
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FROM GOTHS
TO VARANGIANS
C O M M U N I C A T I O N AND C U L T U R A L E X C H A N G E BETWEEN
THE B A L T I C AND THE B L A C K S E A
Edited by
Line Bjerg, John Lind & Sren Sindbk
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Contents
Leo S. Klejn
The Russian controversy over the Varangians
27
Johan Callmer
At the watershed between the Baltic and the Pontic before Gnezdovo
39
87
131
Fedir Androshchuk
Byzantium and the Scandinavian world in the 9th-10th century:
material evidence of contacts
147
Margarita Gleba
Chasing gold threads: auratae vestes from Hellenistic rulers to
Varangian guards
193
213
Volodymyr Kovalenko
Scandinavians in the East of Europe: in search of glory or a new
motherland?
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Contents
295
Elena Melnikova
mental maps of the old Russian chronicle-writer of the early twelfth
century
317
John H. Lind
Darkness in the East? Scandinavian scholars on the question of
Eastern influence in Scandinavia during the Viking Age and Early
Middle Ages
341
Ildar H. Garipzanov
The journey of St Clement's cult from the Black Sea to the Baltic Region 369
Ulla Haastrup & John H. Lind
Royal family connections and the Byzantine impact on Danish
Romanesque church frescos. Queen Margareth Fredkulla and her
nieces
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As the title suggests, the focus in this paper will be on scholarly views of the
eastern influence in Scandinavia during the later period covered by our network. In this period we shall concentrate first of all on the question of possible
Christian influences within different spheres; either direct influences from the
Byzantine Empire or those that were transmitted by people living or travelling through the areas in between - especially those who were themselves
Scandinavians or of Scandinavian descent.
We shall limit ourselves here to the period when archaeological and written
sources in Scandinavia and Rus' begin more or less to overlap, i.e. the Viking
Age from the 8th century onwards. Perhaps in the context of our Varangian
network, this period could more fittingly be named the 'Varangian Age', not
least because the word 'Varangians' was identified with Scandinavians which
Vikings were not.1
The possibility of earlier Christian influences in Scandinavia, which may
have been transmitted through the Christian Goths, who were active along
the borders of the Byzantine Empire in the earlier period, will only be given a
cursory consideration here. There seems, however, to have been links at least
between Scandinavia and the Ostrogoths in Pannonia during the period from
450 AD to around 490 AD, as gold solidi, struck in that period and presumably
paid as tribute to the Ostrogoths, found their way to Scandinavia but ceased
to appear after the Ostrogoths moved from Pannonia around 490.2 These links
to the Goths may have transmitted some of the evidence on which archaeologists like Ulf Nsman and Charlotte Fabech have based their theory that
the area that was to become Sweden experienced its first Christian impulses
in the 3d century AD and that the actual Christianisation began already in
the late 5th century AD.3 These are ideas that would find favour with one of
Nsman's and Fabech's Finnish colleagues, Unto Salo, who has recently published a book on early Christianity in Finland in the same period.4 True or
not, it is worth keeping in mind that Scandinavians may have been exposed
to Christian ideas from the east long before the period we usually associate
with the advent of Christianity in Scandinavia during the Viking Age. We
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should take into account that eastern influence, as observed in the Viking
Age, may reflect long-established, continuous relations between the Baltic
and Black Sea regions that were, however, unlikely to be reflected in written
sources because they were carried by peoples without a written culture.
Scandinavian scholarly attitudes to eastern influence are expressed in a
number of anthologies from the last thirty years, based on seminars or exhibitions in which the question of eastern - and especially Byzantine - influence
on Scandinavian Christianity was raised and debated.
These include:
Les Pays du Nord et Byzance, held in Uppsala in 1979 and published
in 1981;5
Bysans och Norden (Byzantium and the North), held in Uppsala
in 1986 and published in 1989;6
From Viking to crusader. The Scandinavians and Europe 800-1200,
The 22nd Council of Europe Exhibition;7
Rom und Byzanz im Norden. Mission und Glaubenswechsel im
Ostseeraum whrend des 8.-14. Jahrhunderts, held in Kiel in 1994
and published in two volumes in 1997-1999;8
The Cross goes North, held in York 2000 and published in 2003;9
Frn Bysans till Norden. stliga kyrkoinfluenser under vikingatid
och tidig medeltid (From Byzantium to the North. Eastern Church
Influences during the Viking Age and the Early Middle Ages),
held Gteborg in 2002 and published in 2005.10
Also to be considered is a small book from 1994, Nordens kristnande i europeiskt perspektiv (The Christianisation of Scandinavia in European Perspective), in which two church historians, Reinhart Staats and Per Beskow, both
also contributing to some of the five above-mentioned anthologies,11 express
their general scepticism with regard to possible Byzantine influence on early
Scandinavian Christianity.
It is an interesting fact that in all the anthologies mentioned, we find both
scholars who deny that there is any evidence of eastern influence in Scandinavia and scholars who find an abundance of such evidence. In the former
group we primarily find church historians like Staats and Beskow, while in
the latter we find first and foremost archaeologists.12 Art historians seem to
be divided on the question. A further observation that can be made is that
the scepticists, often in contrast to their opponents, are generally unfamiliar
with the situation in Eastern Europe and Byzantium.
Many of the scholars involved in the discussion on both sides are Swedes.
This is understandable, since it is generally assumed that the majority of Scandinavians active in the east came from present-day Swedish territory, which
meant therefore, that Sweden was more exposed to eastern influence than
other parts of Scandinavia. Of course, if we look at the highest stratum of so-
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ciety, Norwegians in the shape of the four successive kings - Olav Tryggvason,
Olav Haraldson, Magnus Olavson and Harald Sigurdson Hardradi - who all
spent periods of their lives in Rus' or Byzantium, certainly outnumber their
Swedish counterparts. This may, however, reflect the nature of the preserved
written sources rather than differences in the 'real world'.
The Art Historian
Taking a long view on scholarly attitudes to the question of eastern influence
it becomes clear that these have shifted from one extreme to another. We may
consider for instance the famous Hoen hoard from Norway, thought to be
one of the largest finds of gold from the Viking Age in Northern Europe. The
hoard was presumably deposited in the late 9th century. It was unearthed in
1834 and since then it has been at the centre of a lively debate, which was
summarised a few years ago in an international and interdisciplinary study.
The editor of the ensuing volume (The Hoen Hoard. A Viking gold treasure of
the ninth century), the well-known Norwegian art historian and archaeologist
Signe Horn Fuglesang, stated well before its publication that the 'previous
theories' which 'have assumed that the bulk of ornaments in the Hoen hoard
had been imported from the East are now disproved'. She continued: 'only one
or two small objects are attributable to Byzantium, and two more may be of
an unspecifiable eastern origin', while 'all the neck and arm rings which have
often been referred to as Russian, are now proved to be Scandinavian'(italics,
JHL).13
The team behind the new investigation, which was eventually published
in 2006, consisted of thirteen international experts from Norway, Denmark,
England, Germany and Sweden, each claimed to be a 'specialist in his or her
field' and therefore able to 'identify the origins of the objects with a high degree
of precision'.14 However, precisely with regard to the crucial discussion of the
origin of production of the various items in the Hoen hoard, it is striking that
none of these thirteen scholars can be said to be an expert on what Fuglesang
designates as 'Russian', and only one, David Buckton, can be seen as an expert
on Byzantium. Furthermore, Buckton's contribution to the volume takes up
less than one page and concerns a disc, which, as an inscription also shows,
is of undeniable Byzantine origin. With such a composition of experts it is
not surprising that the team, in Fuglesang's words, can reach the conclusion
that 'the eastern element [in the Hoen hoard] is far smaller than previously
believed'.15
In one of her own chapters, The Necklace, in the 2006 edition Fuglesang
admits that a garnet boss (no. 38) and the disc (no. 39) 'were both originally
used in Christian contexts' and that 'both are attributable to Byzantium'. To
this, however, she adds significantly that both 'probably came to Scandinavia
by way of the continent',16 by which she obviously means Western Europe. That these general conclusions may not be the last words with regard to the
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Hoen hoard was signalled in a paper at the recent 22nd International Congress
of Byzantine Studies (2011) by the archaeologist, Christoph Kilger, 'Treasures,
myths and female belongings: the Hoen hoard revisited'. Here Kilger stressed
that 'some of the artefacts alluding to a Christian symbolism come from the
Byzantine world'.17
The view advanced by Fuglesang in the new edition of the Hoen hoard
is anticipated in several earlier papers. The arguments presented here are
instructive as illustrations of common attitudes among Scandinavian scholars. A paper entitled 'A Critical Survey of Theories on Byzantine Influence
in Scandinavia' was first read in 1994 at the conference, Rom und Byzanz im
Norden,18 and then repeated in August 1996 at the XIX International Congress
of Byzantine Studies, where it was also included among the pre-published papers.19
Here Fuglesang initially considers what should be meant by 'Byzantine
influence', because, as she and other participants in this discussion rightly
point out, not only Scandinavia but Western Europe at large was exposed to
strong influence from Byzantium as long as the East Roman empire existed. As
a result, themes and motifs that originated in Byzantium may not necessarily
have been transmitted to Scandinavia directly from Byzantium but could have
their immediate origin in the west. Therefore, what is often termed 'Byzantine
influence' in Scandinavia may in reality have been filtered through the arts
of Italy, France, Germany, England or Russia. Consequently, to the extent the
transmitting country can be identified, one may, according to Fuglesang, use
terms like 'Russo-Byzantine', 'Anglo-Byzantine', or 'German-Byzantine'.
Based on these considerations she argues that 'each question of Byzantine
influence thus demands a two-pronged method: firstly, identifying the model
as unquestionably direct and Byzantine, not transmitted through a Russian,
German, French or English intermediary; and secondly determining the significance of an impulse - was it restricted to the copying of a visual model, or
did it depend on a wider ecclesiastical or secular pattern of political ideals?'
(italics, JHL). After these preliminaries Fuglesang expressly claims as her aim:
'to do away with some of the spurious claims for Byzantine influence in different spheres of society'.20
Against this background Fuglesang finds that there is no foundation for
linking to the east that Bishop Osmund, who to the disgust of Adam of Bremen
in the 1050s was kept as court bishop by the Swedish King Emund. Likewise
Fuglesang rejects the suggestion that bishops, present in Iceland at the same
time and mentioned in Norse sources like Islendingabk and as 'ermsker', were
of Armenian origin, preferring instead the view that 'they came from Ermland,
i.e. Pomerania east of the Vistula'. In this context Fuglesang also quotes this
stipulation from the Icelandic law codex Grgs: 'If bishops or priests should
come to this country, those that are not learned in the Latin language, whether
they are hermskir or girskir, then people are allowed to attend their service if
they want to' (italics, Fuglesang). However, even though she has italicized both
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'hermskir' and 'girskir' she fails to comment on 'girskir'21 and since 'girskir'
seems universally to be accepted as Old Norse for 'Greek', this needs also to
be explained.22
Ulla Haastrup is also among the scholars whose views are challenged
precisely with regard to the interpretation of the wall paintings in the two
churches V and Jrlunde, on which Haastrup writes in the present volume.
As to V, Fuglesang writes, 'Christ in Majesty has the type of "cloisonne" folds
which were a Western adaptation of the current Byzantine figure style that
was highly appreciated in most West European workshops', and her overall
conclusion with regard to the Danish wallpaintings of the 12th century is that
in no case 'are the Byzantinising elements in the Danish wall paintings of a
kind which suggests direct contact between Constantinople and Denmark'.23
This summary of Fuglesang's arguments highlights two observations.
First, a double standard is applied to the topic. While the notion of eastern,
Byzantine influence in scandinavia has to be proven as 'unquestionably direct'
in order to be accepted, this does not apply to a route via Western Europe. If
there is a possibility that a Byzantine theme or motif can have arrived along
a western route, that seems to be enough to disprove that it has arrived in
scandinavia directly from Byzantium.
A kind of double standard is also applied on another level. With regard
to both Bishop Osmund and the question of Armenian bishops in Iceland,
Fuglesang consistently chooses to rely on scholars who, on the one hand, have
argued against Bishop Osmund having links to the east, while, on the other,
argued against that 'ermsker' (or 'ermskir') in the Norse sources referred to
Armenian. Accordingly, with regard to Bishop Osmund, no mention is made
of the historian and archaeologist Peter sawyer's endorsement of Ture Arne's
argument presented in 1947 that Osmund had been ordained as bishop in
Kiev, which sawyer supports with additional evidence;24 nor do we find any
mention of the slavicist Anders sjoberg's articles to the same effect.25 With
regard to the Armenians as bishops in Iceland, we find no reference to Ya.R.
Dashkvytch nor to Jan Ragnar Hagland.26 Not least as a result of Hagland's
articles on the subject most scholars today subscribe to the Armenian solution.27
The second observation to be made is that, when Fuglesang looks for alternative models for Byzantine themes, motifs or ornaments in scandinavia, she
does not seem to have considered who the carriers or transmitters to scandinavia may have been. It should be noted also that there is little evidence that
scandinavians prominent enough to influence religious culture and art in
scandinavia ever visited the places in Western Europe where possible models
are to be found. By contrast, we do know that over a longer period countless
influential scandinavians did visit Byzantium.
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This is no doubt an extreme view, not least considering the critical attitude
to the sources emanating from Hamburg-Bremen, Rimbert's Life of St. Anskar
and Adam of Bremen's chronicle, that characterized Schmid's and Palme's
works and which today is shared by secular historians at large. It is true that
these two sources describe a more or less continuous missionary activity in
Scandinavia or at least in the part of Scandinavia that became Denmark and
Sweden. Nevertheless, they are, despite their age, not necessarily very good
sources, when it comes to understand how and why Scandinavians turned
Christian. Furthermore, the continuity in the Scandinavian mission from
Hamburg-Bremen is a claim made by Adam, but Adam had a vested interest
in making such a claim, because when he wrote it was not at all sure that Scandinavia would be forever linked to Hamburg-Bremen, if indeed Scandinavia
ever was as closely linked to Hamburg-Bremen as Adam wishes to assert.31
Therefore Adam's chronicle is hardly a trustworthy source on precisely this
point.
Concerning the English mission in Scandinavia mentioned by Staats, we
do not have sources that compare with the sources originating in HamburgBremen in age or detail. In fact, apart from late home-grown sources of a hagiographical nature, much of the early information we have on the English
impact on Scandinavian Christianity is supplied (reluctantly) by Adam of
Bremen.
When it comes to possible influence on Scandinavian Christianity from
the east, whether directly from Byzantium or indirectly through what Staats
called the 'Church in Russia', such influence hardly exists in the view of recent
church historians. The main reason for this negative view is that, if we dismiss
the 'ermskir' bishops as Armenians and the links Bishop Osmund may have
had to Kiev, we find no mention of missionaries or missionary activity from
the east in Scandinavia.
In present-day Swedish church history this fact is important because here
the early adoption of Christianity seems to be all about the presence of missionaries in Sweden. Therefore the period in which the Christianisation of Sweden took place is called the 'epoch of mission' (missionstiden or missionskedet),
research in that period is called 'mission historical research' (missionshistorisk
forskning); and in the process of becoming Christians the Swedes had to be
exposed to what is called 'missionary preaching' (missionsfrkunnelse). With
this emphasis on the presence of missionaries in Sweden as a prerequisite
for Christianisation, the present view seems to be that a pagan Swede cannot
have turned Christian unless he met a missionary at home in Sweden. This is
a surprising position to take considering how well-travelled Swedes like other
Scandinavians were in precisely this period, the Viking Age. Furthermore it
is seemingly contradicted by as early as Rimbert in his Life of St. Anskar. Here
Rimbert retells this possibly imagined conversation, which Anskar had with
an old man on his second visit to Birka. Here the old man says:
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John H. Lind
"with regard to worshipping this God [Anskar's] several of us
have experienced that he can help those who put their hopes in
him ... and some of us, visiting Dorestad, have of our own accord
adopted this religion, thinking it to be useful" (translation, JHL).32
Even if this conversation is imagined, it must nevertheless reflect an experience many Scandinavians travelling far and wide must have had. In fact we
find a close parallel in the Gutasaga, where it is said of the originally Heathen
merchants of Gotland, trading in both heathen and Christian countries:
"then the merchants saw Christian ways in Christian countries.
Some let themselves be baptised there and brought Christian
priests to Gotland" (translation, JHL).33
Before we develop this theme we shall stay for a moment with the Swedish situation. In addition to the sources emanating from Bremen, we do
have almost contemporary native Swedish sources that reflect the status of
Christianity in Sweden, i.e. the runic stones. They are mostly dated to the
11th century and several aspects of the stones and their text have been used
in the discussion on possible eastern influence. This is hardly surprising
because, to the extent the texts mention Swedes abroad, a sizeable majority
show them to have been active in the east: in Rus', Byzantium or further
to the east.34 Here we shall not enter the discussion on whether the shapes
of crosses on the stones might reflect Byzantine style. Nor shall we discuss
Anders Sjoberg's suggested identifications of two of the most prolific rune
carvers: Asmund Kareson with Bishop Osmund and pir Ofeigr with the
priest and scribe Upir Lichyj. The latter in 1047 transcribed a Cyrillic ecclesiastical text in Novgorod, while the Swedish wife, Ingegerd, of Prince Jaroslav
held court there.35 Instead we shall focus on some aspects of the texts which
have divided Swedish church historians.
The majority of the 11th-century rune stones in Sweden somehow reflect
the Christian faith, either because the carver has supplied them with a cross
or because the texts contain Christian elements. In addition to informing
contemporaries and posterity about the person who had the stone raised and
carved, and the person for whom it was raised, many stones also contain a
prayer for the soul of the deceased, addressed to some Christian heavenly
figure: God, Christ, the Virgin Mary, an archangel or a saint.
In 1972 and in 1983 Eric Segelberg published two articles, in which he tried
to determine from which corners of the Christian world different elements
in these prayers could have originated. Thus, 'soul' spelt as 'sel' or 'sal' could
indicate an origin in German/Frisian territory as opposed to England. However, with regard to two features, Segelberg found a Byzantine origin likely.
That applies to the prayer 'God help his soul', which, according to Segelberg
is common in the inscriptions on Byzantine seals. The other is the prayer to
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God and God's mother, where the concept of Mary not as the Virgin Mary but
as Mother of God also points to the Eastern rather than the Western Church.36
These articles by Segelberg and a further article from 1984 by yet another
Swedish church historian, Carl Hallencreutz, on the Virgin Mary in runic inscriptions37 were later criticized by Per Beskow in one of his articles in Nordens
kristnande i europeiskt perspektiv. Giving credence to Rimbert's Life of St. Anskar
and Adam's chronicle, Beskow finds that both Segelberg and Hallencreutz
wish to 'minimise' the importance of what to Beskow are 'the better known
transmitters of Christianity' to Sweden, that is 'the more southern Germanic
people [Danes?] and the missions from England and Bremen' (translation,
JHL). It is on his conviction that these 'better known transmitters' were also
the 'true' transmitters of Christianity to Sweden that Beskow explicitly bases
his criticism of Segelberg and Hallencreutz. Besides, because the Latin west
adopted the Greek Theotokos, 'there is no reason with Segelberg ... to seek the
origin of the phrase in the contacts of Scandinavian Vikings with Byzantium'
(translation, JHL).38 Essentially, this is same argument we saw Fuglesang use:
it is enough to reject a Byzantine origin if a western origin is possible.
When Beskow and Staats wrote their 1994 book a large interdisciplinary
research project on the Christianisation of Sweden was already underway with professor in The History of Christianity, Bertil Nilsson, as coordinator and
author of the first volume. Here the problem of eastern influence does not loom
large, but Nilsson does make the claim that 'in reality there is no evidence of
Christianity in its Byzantine form ever striking root in Sweden' (translation and
italics, JHL).39 Here it seems that Nilsson uses the expression 'Christianity in
its Byzantine form' as if it was a clear, well-defined entity, which it was not,
especially if the Byzantine influence was filtered through Christianity as it took
root in Rus' in the first part of the 10th century. We shall return to this below.
In the most recent of the anthologies referred to above, Frn Bysans till
Norden. stliga kyrkoinfluenser under vikingatid och tidig medeltid, Nilsson returns in more detail to the problem in an almost direct confrontation with
the archaeologist, Ingmar Jansson. While Jansson, together with his colleague
Johan Callmer, a leading Swedish authority on the links between Scandinavia
and Rus', find strong archaeological evidence for eastern influence on the
form early Christianity took -at least in the eastern part of Sweden, the Mlar
region - Nilsson flatly denies any such influence.
Even a cursory look at their respective arguments reveals that the difference in opinion between the two sides largely reflects the difference in their
basic source material. Thus, while the archaeological sources are generally
contemporary with the topic discussed, the written sources stem almost without exception from a later period. The perspective of the archaeologist is therefore different from that of the church historian, and while the archaeologist
is securely based in the period he investigates, it seems the church historian
cannot help being influenced by what was to come in his evaluation of what
went before.
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long before the 'official' Christianisation of the rulers in the late 10th and
early 11th century. In all the hitherto pagan territories dominated by Scandinavians, archaeological data show to a still larger extent that Christianity was
quite widespread before these 'official' Christianisations. That is the case in
Denmark prior to the baptism of Harald Bluetooth c. 965.49 More importantly
in our context, it was also the case in Rus' before the baptism of Vladimir
Svjatoslavi in 988/9.50 With regard to early Christianity in Rus', however, we
do not have to rely only on archaeological data, nor do we have to rely on narrative sources like Rimbert's Life of St. Anskar or Adam of Bremen's chronicle
with their vested interests.
In the early Russian chronicle, The Tale of Bygone Years (Povest' vremennych
let), written c. 1110, the compiler had, in contrast to his immediate predecessor,51 access to the texts of a number of treaties which the Rus' leadership had
concluded with Byzantine emperors in 907, 911, 944 and 971. The original texts
were probably written in Greek but were translated into Old East Slavonic
before they were inserted in the chronicle. It is generally agreed that these
texts offer a faithful rendition of the original treaties with a few minor adaptations to 12th-century forms.52 As performative sources, these treaty texts
are far superior to the early narrative sources on the spread of Christianity
among Scandinavians that have been mentioned so far.
In both early treaties (907 and 911) the Rus' envoys with Scandinavian
names like their leader Prince Oleg (Helgi, preserved as HLGW in a contemporary Hebrew source), are portrayed as pagans, who swear oaths on the
treaty by their gods and their weapons.53 By contrast, the Byzantines, referred
to either as Greeks or simply Christians, as if the two terms were synonymous,
take their oaths by kissing the cross.54
In the third treaty from 944 this has changed. The treaty lists no less than
seventy-two or seventy-three names by whom, or on whose behalf, the treaty
was concluded on the part of the Rus'. Once again almost all the names of
the Rus' in the text are clearly Scandinavian.55 But in contrast to the previous
treaties, the 944 treaty repeatedly, when relevant, distinguishes between those
Rus', who are still pagan and those who are now Christians. The chronicler
ends his quotation from the treaty with a report by the Greek envoys on its
ratification by the Rus' in Kiev:
"in the morning, Igor' [the ruling prince, Ingor according to a
contemporary Greek source] summoned the envoys, and went to
a hill on which there was a statue of Perun. The Rus' laid down
their weapons, their shields, and their gold ornaments, and Igor'
and his people took oath - at least, such as were pagans, while
the Christian Rus' took oath in the church of St Elijah",
This situation the compiler of The Tale of Bygone Years expounds c. 1110:
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linked a Finnic-Baltic dominated region in the north with Staraja Ladoga and later Novgorod - as centres with a Slavic dominated region in the south,
with Kiev, ernigov and Perejaslavl' (Russkij) as centres.
As the Danish slavicist, Adolf Stender-Petersen demonstrated in his dissertation from 1933, this traffic is not just reflected in archaeological data, but also
in folkloric and literary motifs that were soaked up by Scandinavians in oral
tradition in Byzantium and transmitted through Rus' to Scandinavia, where
these motifs emerge in literary works such as the Russian chronicles and the
Norse sagas.64 The fact that we find these motifs in both Russian and Scandinavian contexts shows that in this case the route this type of Byzantine influence travelled to Scandinavia was via the eastern route and not through some
Western intermediary. Against this background it seems rather far-fetched to
seek alternative places of origin of Byzantine influence in Scandinavia in the
west, unless conclusive evidence supports such an alternative.
'Russian' as opposed to Scandinavian and the concept of the 'Church in Russia'
The hesitancy of some scholars to see and accept Eastern influence in Scandinavia has, to a large extent, to do with their general unfamiliarity with the
situation in the east. This can be exemplified in the way in which they use
the term 'Russian'. In connection with the 9th-century Hoen hoard we quoted
Signe Horn Fuglesang for the claim that 'all the neck and arm rings which
have often been referred to as Russian, are now proved to be Scandinavian'.
The question here is, what in a 9th-century context, 'Russian' as opposed to
Scandinavian can refer to? At that time the term Rus' still referred to Scandinavians or people of Scandinavian descent or to the polity to which they
gave their name and where they were the dominating force. Apart from these
Scandinavian Rus', the Rus' polity was a multi-ethnical and multi-cultural
formation. Therefore it hardly makes sense to characterise something as 'Russian' in this period unless it refers Scandinavians in Rus'.
It also seems problematic to refer, in the words of Reinhart Staats, to the
'Church in Russia' as a possible - if, in his opinion, unlikely - source of influence on Christianity in Scandinavia prior to 1104 when the Scandinavian
church province was established, centred at Lund. Similar to what was stated
above concerning Bertil Nilsson's use of the concept 'Christianity in its Byzantine form', such an expression seems to imply that we can really talk about
a 'Church in Russia' as if this was a clearly defined entity, which on the basis
of contemporary sources would allow us to distinguish the forms Christianity took in Rus' from Christianity in Scandinavia. But this is not the case.
Interaction between Christianity in East and West
What we can do, more or less by coincidence, is to observe several instances of
possible interaction between Christianity in the two regions. As noted above
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already, Toni Schmid knew that Scandinavian saints in the twelfth century
had been venerated in Rus'.65 This concerns the following sequence of saints
included in the litany of a 12th-century Russian prayer to the Trinity: Magnus
(of Orkney), Canute, Benedict, Alban (St. Knud and his brother Benedict killed
in 1086 in St. Alban's Church in Odense, hence Alban), Olav, and Botulph.66
Another case of interaction can be seen in relation to the foundation in the
second half of the 11th century of the Kiev Monastery of the Caves, a leading
centre of Russian spirituality. The foundation is described in the monastery's
Paterikon, where the first three tales are devoted to the role played by a Varangian, imon (Sigmundr). Baptized according to the Latin rite, he had newly
arrived in Kiev from Scandinavia. In the Paterikon we are told how traditions
he had brought with him from Scandinavia influenced not only the building
of the main church, dedicated to the Dormition of the Mother of God, but also
the rituals that were adopted in the monastery. Elsewhere in the Paterikon we
are told how two other Varangians, a father and his son, this time baptized
according to the Greek rite and killed during pagan riots in Kiev in 983, were
now venerated in the monastery as the first martyrs in Rus'. As described in
the Paterikon, it is clear that the monks in the monastery held the early Varangian Christians in high regard, whether they had adopted Christianity in
Byzantium according to the Greek rite or at home in Scandinavia according
to the Latin rite. It is equally clear that the monks to a large extent saw these
Varangians as founders of Christianity as it was practised in the monastery,
where Christianity was presented as a blend of influences from both east and
west.67
Another kind of interaction can be seen in the early spread of saints' cults to
Rus' and to Scandinavia. With regard to the cult of St Clement this is demonstrated by Ildar Garipzanov in the present volume, while in an earlier parallel
article Garipzanov has done the same with regard to the cult of St. Nicholas.
In both cases Garipzanov has shown the spread of these cults to Rus' and to
Scandinavia to be interlinked and that they are not a separate phenomenon
within the Eastern and Western Churches.68
For a final case of possible interaction we shall return to Bishop Osmund,
mentioned several times above. The controversy concerning his person is
based on Adam of Bremen's account. According to this he appears in the 1050s
as King Emund's court bishop. Adam is critical towards the king because he
did not care about what Adam calls 'our religion', by which Adam presumably meant that the king did not accept the authority of Hamburg-Bremen.
Against Bishop Osmund, who is said to stand outside the church hierarchy
as 'headless' (episcopus acephalus), Adam is even more critical. He describes
him as a 'tramp' who, after having been taught in Bremen, had in vain sought
ordination in Rome before he was finally ordained by an archbishop in Polania.69 This may be Poland as many scholars think.70 It may, however, just as
well have been in Kiev, the centre of the East Slavic tribe, the Poljanians. Be
that as it may, there is however a further aspect to this story. Approximately
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Remarks
If we want to form an idea of the kind of influences that helped shape early
Christianity in Scandinavia and in Scandinavian-dominated regions like Rus'
at a time when we really have no or at best very few native written sources,
it is first of all important to avoid drawing conclusions based on sources
that describe a later situation or, worse, use that situation as an additional
source. That is particularly important with regard to Scandinavia. Apart from
the Runic inscriptions, native written sources describing local church life in
Scandinavia only begin to appear after the region had become firmly integrated into the Latin Church, which by then had already been taken over by
the Reform Papacy, with its wish to centralize, dominate and conform local
Christian usage in accordance with a strict set of rules.
Before this take-over of the Latin Church by the Cluny-inspired reform
popes, Christianity in the West could, just like in the East, take many local
forms. A case in point can be found in Adam of Bremen's criticism of his archbishop, Adalbert (1043-1072), because he had on three occasions used 'some
other Roman or Greek tradition', when he no longer wished to follow the established Latin rite.72 At that time it was still possible to use Church Slavonic
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John H. Lind
within the Western Church. But when Vratislav II of Bohemia in 1080 asked
permission for the Bohemian church to use the Church slavonic liturgy, Pope
Gregory VII refused,73 and the result was that the last vestiges of the Church
slavonic rite within this region of the Western Church were eradicated in
1096, when the szava Monastery in Bohemia was 'Latinized'.
In view of this ongoing process of centralization and standardization, first
of all within the Catholic Church - but also to a lesser degree within the Orthodox Church, the only features in later written sources that can cast light
on earlier stages of Christianity are those that cannot be explained within the
framework of the current form of Christianity but must be seen as remnants
of earlier stages. That is the case with regard to the early Latin influence in
the Caves Monastery; and it is the case with the remnants of Church slavonic
in the Finnish Christian vocabulary.
It must also be the case with regard to the stipulation in the Icelandic law
codex Grgs, quoted by Fuglesang, about the 'ermskir' and 'girskir' bishops,
whose services people were 'allowed to attend', if they wished to do so, even
though these bishops were not 'learned in the Latin language'.74 A stipulation
like this would hardly have been inserted into a normative source had the
problem not at some point been on the agenda. And even if we were to accept
the unlikely situation that the 'ermskir' bishops could be clerics from the Baltic Ermland and, therefore, baptized, educated and consecrated in the Latin
rite, even if they were unable to function in that rite, we are still faced with
the 'girskir' bishop(s). They did not necessarily have to be Greek. They could
very well be scandinavians (even Icelanders), who were baptized, educated
and consecrated in Byzantium or Rus', but they belonged in any case to the
Greek rite.
We find a similar case on the other side of the confessional border. Probably
most early scandinavian Christians, whether in Rus' or at home, were unaware
of the existence of such a border, at least it was not felt as sharp among them as
it was felt between Constantinople and Rome. But over time this border became
more distinct. As we have seen, Varangians of both the Greek and Latin rite
were influential in the formation of Christianity in Rus', but in the course of the
Middle Ages the Latin rite did become a problem and already by the middle of
the 12th century the term Varangians in Rus' became synonymous with scandinavians of the Latin rite and later in the Middle Ages the term 'Varangian
faith' (varjakaja vera) even became synonymous with the Latin Christianity
- whether or not scandinavians were involved. It is against this background
we have to understand some questions on a list of inquiries from the middle
of the 12th century, attributed to the monk Kirik (Voproanije Kirika) and put to
his archbishop, Nifont of Novgorod. One question concerns a person baptized
in the Latin faith who wishes 'to convert to us'; the reply states that he 'should
attend a [Russian] church for seven days, take an [Orthodox Christian] name,
and say four prayers a day'. Another question concerns those Orthodox people
who bring their children to the 'Varangian priest' [to be baptized]. These were
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now said to be 'dual believers' and were to accept 6 weeks' penance.75 The decisions by the archbishop clearly reveal a new attitude to a problem that was
not earlier felt to be a problem. Especially the last question shows that ordinary
Novgorodians (people who were not of Scandinavian descent) often had their
children baptized by the priest at St. Olaf's Church, just like other Novgorodians did in other of Novgorod's many churches.
A final case concerns the very heart of the Scandinavian church, at least if
the Danish historian Kai Hrby is correct in assuming that Archbishop Absalon's liturgical reform in 1187 of the diocese of Lund 'removed the remnants
of a Greek-influenced liturgy in favour of the liturgy prescribed by Rome'
(translation, JHL). 76
Apart from this type of evidence from later written sources we have, in
general, to base our knowledge on early Christianity in both Scandinavia and
Rus' on archaeological data, and it is mainly through future archaeological
excavations that we can hope to gain added knowledge. With luck archaeology can, of course, also produce new written sources. Thus, in addition to the
more than 1.000 birch bark documents, unearthed so far during excavations
in Novgorod, archaeologists in 2000 also found some waxed wooden tablets,
now known as the Novgorod Codex. The codex contains two Psalms and
fragments of a third. It seems to have been written by the monk Isaakii, who
claims in the codex that he was consecrated as a priest in 999 in Suzdal' in
the 'church of St. Alexander the Armenian'. The reference to this Alexander
the Armenian may, according to Andrej Zaliznjak, reflect Bogomil influence.77
This suggests that many varieties of Christianity were at play at the time.
We can hope that future archaeological excavations may produce further
evidence of this type. With luck archaeologists may also eventually be able
to bridge the gap that still faces us with regard to relations between the Baltic
and the Black-Sea regions in the period between the migration of the Goths in
the early centuries of the Christian era and the appearance of the Scandinavian
Rus' along the East European river system in the 8th century. If this will also
produce further evidence of early Christian influence in Scandinavia, it is to
be hoped that in the future this will be appraised without sidelong glances
at Christianity as it developed in later periods. In any case there is a distinct
need among scholars for a keener awareness of the links between Scandinavia,
Rus' and Byzantium during the early spread of Christianity.
Notes
1
2
3
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5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
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5b50750780002443.html;. English presentation of project: http://www2.hik.se/
applikationer/forskningspresentation/project.aspx?culture=en&projectid=423 (all
accessed 5.09.2010)
Salo 2006. For a comparative approach to the question of Christianization, Berend
(ed.) 2007, and herein esp. Bagge & Nordeide 2007; Blomkvist, Brink & Lindkvist
2007; Gelting 2007; and Shepard 2007.
Zeitler 1981.
Piltz 1989.
Roesdahl & Wilson 1992.
Muller-Wille 1997.
Carver 2003.
Janson 2005.
Beskow 2003, Staats 1997.
There are sceptics also among archaeologists such as Anne-Sofie Grslund, who,
although she wishes 'to show the potential of archaeological evidence to highlight
the process of Christianization', in her introductory overview and before she has
presented this evidence nevertheless a priori claims that Sweden was christianized
from the west, Grslund 2002, 24, 140.
Fuglesang 2001. Below we shall return to the apparent inconsistency concerning
'Russian' vs. 'Scandinavian'.
Fuglesang 2001.
Fuglesang 2001.
Fuglesang & Wilson 2006, 94.
Kilger 2011.
Fuglesang 1997.
Fuglesang 1996.
Fuglesang 1997, 35-36.
Fuglesang 1997, 36.
In fact the close link between 'hermskir' and 'girskir' about bishops and priests
who are not familiar with the Latin rite seems in itself to lend support to the
identification of the '[h]ermsker' bishops as Armenians rather than coming from
Ermland, where we would expect them to have been 'learned in the Latin language'. We shall return to this quote in Grgs below.
Fuglesang 1997, 47.
Sawyer 1982, 141; Arne 1947.
Sjberg, 1982; Sjberg 1985.
Sjberg, 1982; Sjberg 1985; Dashkvytch 1986-1987; Hagland 1996. Hagland
returned to the question in Hagland 2005 and Hagland 2011.
Uspenskij 2000; Cormack 2007.
Schmid 1934, 55-56.
Palme 1962, 58, 104-27.
Staats 1994, 3. Below we shall return to what can be meant in this context by the
'Church in Russia'.
As we shall see below both the Swedish king, Edmund, and the Norwegian king,
Harald Hardradi, appointed bishops that were independent of Hamburg-Bremen,
for which Adam repudiated them severely. By contrast, he praised the Danish king
Sven Estridsen for his apparent obedience towards Hamburg-Bremen; however
while King Sven entertained Adam at his court in a friendly manner, the king
was at the same time in contact with the popes Alexander II and Gregory VII
342
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32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
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with the intention of establishing a separate Danish church province, which Pope
Gregory was apparently prepared to grant had King Sven not died in 1074/76.
Rimbert 1978, 90.
Gutasaga: http://runeberg.org/gutasaga/05.html (accessed 10.09.2010).
Larsson 1990.
Sjberg, A. 1982; Sjberg 1985. After Ingegerd's and Jaroslav's deaths in 1050 and
1054 a different branch of the dynasty without links to Sweden took power in
Novgorod. That, in Sjberg's opinion, could be the occasion when Upir Lichyj
left Rus' to become pir ofeigr, as 'ofeigr' could be a possible Swedish rendition
of 'lichyj'.
Segelberg 1972; Segelberg 1983. This point is also made by Sjberg 1985, 76.
Hallencreutz 1982.
Beskow 1994, 16, 25.
Nilsson 1998, 64.
Nilsson 2005, 38.
Jansson 2005, 66-67.
Staecker 2003, 476.
Staecker 2003, 478.
Abrams 1995, 213.
Often we only operate with two major churches, the Greek Orthodox and the
Roman Catholic Churches. This may be relevant at a later period, but it is appropriate in this connection to recall that when the Byzantine Patriarch and the
Roman Pope towards the end of the 9th century jointly supported the CyrilloMethodian Mission to Great Moravia based on the Church Slavonic rite, they
were both opposed by the powerful Frankish Church that managed to expel the
Church-Slavonic missionaries from Great Moravia. Later, in the second half of
the 11th century the Frankish Church took over the papacy when Cluny-inspired
reform popes like Gregory VII came to power.
Wilson & Roesdahl 1992, 42.
Hagland 2007, 50.
Smedberg 1981, 235-36; Wood 2006.
http://lindegaarden.wordpress.com/ (accessed 27.12.11).
Petrukhin & Pushkina 1999 and articles in the present volume.
The Povest' vremennych let has been translated into English under the misleading title The Russian Primary Chronicle, cf. Cross & Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953. The
predecessor from c. 1095 is partly preserved as the initial part of the Younger
Version of the First Novgorod Chronicle. It is traditionally labelled Nacal'nyj svod
(Primary Chronicle or Compilation, which is why it is not helpful to refer to
Povest' vremennych let as The Russian Primary Chronicle).
Malingoudi 1994; Malingudi 1995-97; Bibikov 1999.
Compare Adam of Bremen's account of a peace making between Danes and
Franks at the time of Louis the Pious: 'the Danes swore on the treaty according
to the tradition of the people an unbreakable oath by their weapons', Adam of
Bremen, 298.
Bykov 1926, 30-31; Cross & Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953, 64-77.
Melnikova 2004.
Bykov 1926, 32-37; Cross & Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953, 73-77. Observe that whenever the chronicler quotes the treaty itself he only uses the term Rus', whereas he
has to call these Rus' 'Varangians' when commenting on the text because of the
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57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
John H. Lind
different connotations the term Rus' carried in the eleventh and twelfth centuries,
when it had already turned from a semi-ethnic term denoting scandinavians into
a term that also included the slavic majority population of the Rus' principality.
Lind 2006.
skovgaard-Petersen 2001.
Blndal 1978, 105.
Blndal 1978, 200.
Gillingstam 1981; Lind 1992.
see Haastrup & Lind, this volume.
see Androshchuk; Eniosova & Pukina, this volume.
stender-Petersen 1933.
schmid 1934, 55-56.
Lind 1990; Lind forthcoming.
Lind forthcoming.
Garipzanov 2010; and his article in this volume.
Adam of Bremen 1978, 344. After the death of King Emund, Bishop Osmund
went to England and lived his final years in the monastery at st Ely, where he
was eulogized in the Liber Eliensis, Fairweather 2005, 201.
Janson 1998, 113. Janson gives the most detailed, recent presentation of Osmund's
role, Janson 1998, 104-75.
Adam of Bremen 1978, 348.
Adam of Bremen 1978, 362.
Emerton 1969, 148.
see the quote from Fuglesang above. The original text reads, 'Ef biskupar koma
t hinga til lands ea prestar their er eigi eru lrSir latinutungu, hvorts their
eru ermskir ea girskir, og er mnnum rtt a hlSa tiir theirra ef vilja', see
Karlsson, sveinsson & rnason 1992, 19.
Pavlov 1880, 22, 31.
Hrby 1994, 29. The text of the reform was reconstructed by Hrby's colleague
Niels skyum-Nielsen and published posthumously; see skyum-Nielsen 1991-93
Zaliznjak 2003.
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