Appendix

HASMONEAN COINS FOUND IN THE CA VE OF THE WARRIOR

Donald T. Ariel

The coins found in the Cave of the Warrior, while they

do not relate to the important early fourth millennium
finds in the cave, throw light on some interesting historical events that took place between the years 40 and 37
BCE.' In general, the Judean Desert and in particular
Jericho are reported by the historian Josephus as playing
a prominent role in the events of those years. The coins
from the Cave of the Warrior, together with the distribution of similar coins found in the region, contribute to
our understanding of the region's historical prominence.

THE COINS

The nine coins found in the cave are all of the reign of
one king, the Hasmonean Antigonus (Hebrew: ~'nnr.>
Mattathias), who ruled 40-37 BCE. All of Antigonus'
coins were minted in Jerusalem. Unlike other contemporary series of coins minted in the region, Antigonus
minted bronze coins in three denominations following
the Seleucid denominational system (Kindler 1967: 187188). He struck a (small) perutalz denomination, and
thus maintained continuity with the perutah (l.5-2.0
gm) denominations minted by his Hasmonean predecessors. In one case (AJC 1:158, Type W) Antigonus followed the classic Hasmonean type: inscription-withinwreath/double cornucopias, with the priestly sceptre between them (generally identified as a pomegranate):The
two larger denominations were four (AJC I: 158, Type
V) and eight (AJC I: 158, Type U) times the perutalz.
Similarly large denominations were also minted by Antigonus' rival Herod during the same period. It has been
suggested (Kanae! 1967:227) that the larger denominations were minted by Antigonus and Herod in order to
supply the Roman troops with large coins such as they

were accustomed to (but compare Meshorer 1990:223).

It can indeed be contended that soldiers were paid not in
bronze but rather in silver. This is true for the stipendium
(soldier's pay). For use as small change in daily transactions, the legionaries' preference would have definitely.
been for large bronze coins.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND'

Between 63 and 40 BCE, Antigonus' uncle, Hyrcanus

II, was high priest, and, for all or part of that time, also
ethnarch, which was largely a titular position. As early
as 56 BCE, Antigonus, with his father Aristobulus II,
had been involved in an earlier unsuccessful military
attempt to wrest control of the region from Roman
rule. In 47 BCE Antigonus appeared before Caesar, and
unsuccessfully presented his claim to rule.
By 42 BCE there were two contenders for control
over Judea: Antigonus and Herod. The latter had been
appointed (with his brother Phasael) tetrarch over the
Jewish territory. Antigonus' installation as king/high
priest by the Parthians in 40 BCE was based upon his
promise to depose both his Roman-appointed uncle and
the tetrarch Herod - as well as a promise to deliver to
the Parthians 1000 talents of silver and 500 women
(Josephus, War i.13.4 (257); Ant. xiv. 13.3 (330-331)).
Antigonus proceeded to Jerusalem, where his supporters
sparred with Herod and Phasael's supporters for control
of the city (Josephus, War i.13.2 (250-252); Ant. xiv.
13.3-4 (334-337)). By early summer 40 BCE Phasael
and Hyrcanus II were tricked into going to the camp
of the Parthian Barzaphranes, where they were taken
captive, while Herod and the rest of his family escaped
Jerusalem towards Masada. On the way, near the future

132

DONALD T. ARIEL

site of Herodion, the forces of Antigonus attacked

Herod (Josephus, War i. 13.8 (265); Ant. xiv. 13.9 (359)).
This confrontation is the first indication of Antigonus'
n1ilitary activity against Herod in the Judean Desert.
Herod's entourage survived the attack and continued

on to Masada, where the family remained, while Herod

continued to Petra and then to Rome to seek support
for his cause. In Rome Herod was appointed (vassal)
king by Marc Anthony, and the appointment was ratified by the Senate. All this time Antigonus' men besieged
Herod's family at Masada (Josephus, War i. 15.1 (286287); Ant. xiv. 14.6 (390-391)). Meanwhile the Parthian
army was defeated by the Roman legions, and Herod
returned to the region to prepare for his campaign
against Antigonus. Herod (with the intermittent aid of
Roman forces under Silo) succeeded in subduing large
parts of the country. Herod then turned to free his family
in Masada, which until then had been under siege by
Antigonus' men (Josephus, War i.15.1 (293-294); Ant.
xiv. 14.6 (398)). Apparently, somewhere in the Judean
Desert, Antigonus tried to stop Herod's advance, but
Herod succeeded in getting to his family in Masada.
Herod proceeded to Jerusalem and mounted a siege,
but as the winter of 39/38 approached, Herod also had
to arrange for provisions for his and Silo's armies. He
prepared a convoy of provisions in Jericho, \vhich, on

its way from there to Jerusalem was ambushed by

Antigonus' forces. Thereupon Herod himself, with a
large contingent of soldiers, descended to Jericho and

found the town almost abandoned (Josephus, TYar i.15.6

(300); Alli. xiv. 15.3 (409)). Silo's forces soon arrived as
\Vell and plundered the

tO\Vll.

Not wanting to cause

further disaffection in the local population Herod

moved the Ro1nans to \Vinter quarters elsewhere.

Around this time Herod fortified the Judean desert

fortress of Alexandrium.
After the final fall of the Parthians in June 38 Herod
\vent to Satnosata, leaving his now augn1ented forces

under the command of his brother Joseph, together with

the Roman forces based in Samaria. Joseph took these
Roman troops to mountains apparently above Jericho
and planned a foray to confiscate the harvest in that
town. Antigonus' troops were also in the area. Along
with the sympathetic population which had returned to
a plundered Jericho, they attacked Joseph 'on difficult
ground in the hills' (Josephus, War i.17.1 (324); Ant.
xiv. 15.10 (449)), won the skirmish and killed Joseph.
On his return, Herod led Ro111an and other troops to
Jericho to avenge his brother's death. The day after his
arrival so111e 6,000 of Antigonus' men attacked the town

from the hills (Josephus, War i.17.4 (332); Am. xiv. 15.2
(456)). In the battle that ensued, Herod was wounded
by a spear in his rib. As we shall see (below), the hills
noted above were in all liklihood the place of the archaeological survey and excavations of Operation Scroll,
where many coins of Antigonus were found.
While we do not know the outcome of the battle,
Herod succeeded in extricating himself: later he went
on to subdue Antigonus' troops, besiege Antigonus in
Jerusalem, conquer the city and capture Antigonus.
Consequently Herod gained full control of his kingdom
in the summer of 37 BCE.

DISTRIBUTION OF ANTIGONUS' COINS (see Fig. Ap.l)

Isolated coins of Antigonus have been found in numerous excavations, and as well as stray finds in the region.
It is not surprising that the majority were found in
Jerusalem, where they were minted. (A mould used for
making the flan employed in his large coins was uncovered in excavations in Jerusalem; see An1iran and Eitan

1975:53-54.) Twenty-two isolated coins of Antigonus

have been published from Jerusalem and environs: 14
in Ariel 1982:322 (one of these is published in Mazar
197l:Pl. XXVIII:3, and another three in Gitler 1996:
348-349, Nos. 238-240); 1 in Ariel 1990:105, C 135; 4
in Lawrenz 1985:160, Nos. 149-152; and 3 from unpublished excavations in Jerusalem (!AA 27968, 3312433125). In addition, a hoard of 31 coins of Antigonus
was found in the excavations of the Jewish Quarter of
Jerusalem (Avigad 1983:75, and Illus. 49-50; !AA
63301-63330, 63385).
To the north, west and south of Jerusalem, Antigonus'
coins were found in small numbers at Yodefat (1 coin;
unpublished, !AA 48853), Samaria (4 coins; Kirkman
1957:45 and p. 54), Bet She'an (1 coin; unpublished,
!AA 63671 ), Shoham ( 1 coin; unpublished, !AA 66599),
Khirbet el-' Aqd (two coins, one, along with a contemporary large module Herod coin, prepared for restriking
during the Bar Kokhba revolt, and the second, apparently also meant for that purpose; Kindler 1986-1987:
49-50, Nos. 15-17), Jaffa (1 coin; unpublished, !AA
61384), and Tel Qeshet (near Beer Sheva, Israel grid
1274 1052, l coin; unpublished stray find, !AA 59934).
However, to the east of Jerusalem, in the Judean
Desert, Antigonus' coins are plentiful relative to the
overall numbers of coins found there. Thus, already
before the 'Operation Scroll' survey, Antigonus' coins
were found in most of the late Hellenistic period sites

-------------

APPENDIX. HASMONEAN COINS FOUND IN THE CAVE OF THE WARRIOR

Yodcfal (I) e

Be! Shc'an(l)e

San1aria(4) e

Jaffa( I)
e Shoha1n {I J

Cavr of th('
Kh. cl-'Aqd (2) e

Cave (2)

(2?) 9

Jerusale1n
TdQcshr! (I)

::~:~~d Coins

Tulul Abu

cl-Alaiq (20)

(~~~~cshk~:(~1;:c1

Wadi
Mmabba'at(l)e

"
:0

\Varrior{9)e Cave 4 (I)

0
Hasmoncan 0 Cave 5 (2)

En Ged1 (2)

t:i

JJ)

30

--==--'km

Fig. Ap.l. Distribution of Antigonus' coins.

excavated there: at 'En Gedi (I coin fron1 a survey;

Mazar, Dothan, and Dunayewsky 1963:19; and 1 unpublished stray find, IAA 48937), 'Ein Feshkha (1 coin;
de Vaux 1973:66), Qumran (l coin; de Vaux 1973:1923), and Wadi Murabba'at (1 coin; de Vaux 1961:45,
No. "Mm. 274"). In addition, a hoard of 20 coins was
uncovered at Tulul Abu el-Alaiq (Netzer 1977:6, and p.
7, Fig. 9). Now, the finds from "Operation Scroll" have
almost doubled the number of sites in the Judean Desert
yielding coins of Antigonus: Besides the nine coins fron1
the Cave of the V/arrior, five coins of Antigonus were
found in three caves (one in Cave 4, the 'Column Cave';
two coins in Cave 5, the 'Loculi Cave'; t\VO or three in
the 'Hasmonean Cave'). In Cave 4 and the 'I-Iasinonean
Cave', the Antigonus coins are the latest coins found.
Seven caves examined in 'Operation Scroll' had either
coins of Alexander Jannaeus as their latest \Yell-identified coins, or it was found that any coins later than these

133

Jannaeus issues related to a completely different phase

of occupation of the cave. Jannaeus' coins ren1ained in
circulation until Herod's reign, after 37 BCE. A number
of these caves may also have been visited in the days of
Antigonus. That was probably the case in the 'Hasn1onean Cave' noted above, where, besides the t\0 certain Antigonus coins, there are coins of Hyrcanus I,
Alexander Jannaeus, and one uncertain Has1nonean
issue.
On the other hand, in Cave 5 the Antigonus coins
(of the penttah denomination) appear with coins of
Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 BCE), and Herod (also
small denominations, after 37 BCE). Therefore it is
equally likely that the Antigonus coins (along with the
Jannaeus coins) were deposited there after 37 BCE, and
not between 40 and 37 BCE.
The character of the coin finds from 'Operation
Scroll' will be discussed in a later volume dealing with
nu1nisn1atic material fro1n a larger nu1nber of sites.
Nevertheless, for the purpose of placing the coins of the
Cave of the Warrior into their proper context, son1e
points are noteworthy. The overall picture presented by
the coin finds of 'Operation Scroll' is the lack of a
con1mon regional distribution pattern. Caves or co111plexes of caves had their individual, isolated, short-term
occupations. One cave will have only late Persian period
coins, while another will yield only coins from two years
of the Jewish War. Occasionally two (or more) distinct
periods of occupation are indicated by the coins, just
as two distinct periods of occupation \Vere found in the
Cave of the Warrior. Although many of the caves have
occupations dating to the period of Judean Desert nlonasticisn1, most of the other ti111e-fra111es encountered
were periods of strife in the country, and hence it is
easy to view those caves functionally as refuges for
people fleeing their homes - albeit in a number of different time periods (for this idea see Schwartz and Spanier
1992). The appearance of the coins of Antigonus in four
sites of 'Operation Scroll', along with the possibility
that the dates of other caves belong to this horizon, is
strong evidence that the period bet\veen 40 and 37 \Vas
one of the more important periods of upheaval, as far
as the region around Jericho \Vas concerned.
None of the large coins of Herod was found in 'Operation Scroll'. Only three were found elsewhere in the
vicinity, one at 'Ein Feshkha (de Vaux 1973:23, n. l,
and p. 66) and two at Masada (Meshorer 1989:87, No.
110; and an unpublished stray find, !AA 74504). This
s1nall nun1ber 111ay support the consensus that 1-Jerod's
large coins \Vere minted in Sa1naria, son1e\vhat n1ore

134

DONALD T. ARIEL

distant from the Jericho region than is Jerusalem, \Vhere

Antigonus' mint was located. Alternatively, it may
reinforce our contention that the people occupying the
Cave of the Warrior were not simply fleeing the battles
of 40-37 BCE but, rathe1; were organized supporters of
Antigonus, preparing attacks upon the Herodian forces
from their hiding places. It would then be less likely
that they could have coins of Herod in their possession.
On the other hand, one cannot categorically argue
that all the coins of Antigonus found in the region relate
directly to the presence of Antigonus' warriors. For example, the three coins (among 3,857 coins) identified in
the excavations at Masada should not be used as evidence for the actual presence of Antigonus' forces on
the summit. In fact these forces remained below the
summit, besieging Herod's family for a long period of
time. At the same time, the coins' appearance there
supports their circulation in the region.

CONCLUSIONS

The historical background (above) focused on the historian Josephus' frequent references to events which
took place in the Judean Desert between 40 and 37
BCE. When all the references are considered together
with the numismatic evidence presented here, the following conclusions can be offered:
1. While there were military activities in Galilee, and
along the Mediterranean coast, there \Vere also important engagements in the Jericho region. Jericho was a
place to be coveted. An indication of its contemporary
importance is evidenced by the fact that in 34 BCE,
after the battles were over, Cleopatra received the town
and its environs from Anthony, whereupon Herod leased
it back from her (Josephus, War i.18.5 (361); An!. xv.
4.2 (96)).
2. Jericho and its surroundings were an important center
of support for Antigonus (Stern 1995:269). His troops
were unimpeded in their pursuit and attack on Herod
and his family when they escaped Jerusalem. Antigonus'
forces were able to conduct a long siege of Masada,
although they were unsuccessful in preventing Herod
from later relieving his family. At the same time Josephus
portrays the local populace as pragmatic, rallying to
Herod mostly out of a wish to be on what appeared to
be the winning side (Josephus, War i.15.4 (293); An!.
xiv. 15.1 (398); see also War i.17.6 (335); Ant. xiv. 15.2
(458)). Antigonus' forces succeeded in their attack on
the convoy of provisions in the winter of 39/38, in their

a111bush against the Ro1nan forces under Joseph, and

later against Herod \vhen he returned to Jericho.
Herod's only activity in the Judean Desert in which,
according to Josephus, Herod did not encounter resistance, was the fortification of Alexandrium (Sartaba;
Josephus, War i.16.3 (308); Ant. xiv.15.5 (419)). But
Alexandrium lies much further north, not in the vicinity
of Jericho. In fact the interesting subject of the Judean
Desert palace/fortresses of the Hasmonean and Herodian kings does not relate to the nature of the occupation
in the caves. Those structures served as forts commanding views over main roads, as adn1inistrative and
agiicultural centers, and even as prisons and mausolea
(Tsafrir 1982:142), but not as staging areas for military
activity. Even Antigonus' siste1; after Antigonus' defeat,
remained sequestered in Hyrcania (until 32). This fortress served her as a refuge, and not a base for renewed
resistance (Josephus, War i.19.l (364)).
3. That Herod could find Jericho abandoned in the winter
of 39/38, and then repopulated in the summer of 38 is
consistent with and even reinforces the above picture. The
town people were able to find temporary refuge in the
vicinity. It is possible if not likely that they fled to the
many nearby caves in Wadi Makkukh and near Qarantal.
Josephus states: 'Antigonus issued orders throughout the
country to hold up and waylay the convoys. Acting upon
these orders, large bodies of men assembled above Jericho
and took up positions on the hills, on the lookout for the
conveyors of the supplies' (Josephus, War i.15.6 (300)).
In fact, there was probably little difference between the
able-bodied men of Jericho who hid in the those caves
and the warrior bands who attacked the convoy of winter
provisions on their way out of Jericho. Whether the
fighters were local townsmen who went up from Jericho
into hiding in the caves or whether they were out-oftowners, it is clear that they conducted classic guerilla
warfare against Herod's regular troops.
This picture may also hold for the fighting that took
place in the eaves which abound in the vicinity of Mt.
Arbel in the Galilee (Josephus, War i.16.2 (304-306),
i.16.4 (310-311); Ant. xiv. 15.4 (415-417), xiv. 15.5 (420428)). There are in that case no published numismatic
(or archaeological) finds to illustrate what transpired
there. At the same time, Josephus' description of the
caves, and Herod's treat1nent of them, confor111s 111ore
to their function as refuges than as staging areas for
guerilla attacks.
Parts of the Judean Desert were ideal for guerilla
warfare. Tsafrir (1982:122) comments that the Judean
Desert was employed as a 'base of mobilization' during

APPENDIX HASMONEAN COINS FOUND IN THE CAVE OF THE WARRIOR

the beginning of the Maccabbean movement. Nevertheless, the phenomenon we describe, although close, is
still different from the use of the desert as a mobilization
base. While Herod was on his way to Masada to free
his family, 'Antigonus sought to obstruct his advance
by posting ambuscades in suitable passes .. .'(Josephus,

135

War i.15.4 (294); see also Josephus, Ant. xiv. 15.2 (399)).
Antigonus clearly employed this relative advantage
whenever Herod's troops passed through. But such warfare at best can only achieve localized victories When
the battleground moved elsewhere, Antigonus' troops
lost that advantage, and were ultimately subdued.

Fig. Ap.2. The Has111onean coins.

CATALOGUE OF COINS

Mattathias Antigonus ( 40-37 BCE), Jerusalem

Obv. 0'11i'!'i1 i:::ini ?i:i. Ti1:>i1 il'nnb Cornucopias.

Rev. BACIJ\EQC ANTirONOV Within ivy wreath.

Obv. n i:ini ?i:i. F1:>il irnn1:) Cornucopia.

Rev. BACIJ\EQC ANTirONOV Within wreath.

1. Reg. No. 47, Kl6003.

i'E, '-, 12.21 gm, 23 mm. AJC 1:155, No. Ul.

5. Reg. No. 61, Kl601 l.

i'E, -+, 7.83 gm, 19 mm. AJC 1:157, No. V.

2. Reg. No. 60, K!6010.

i'E, j, 16.31 gm, 24 mm. Cf. AJC 1:155, No. U4.
Inscription: ;~m ;i Jc[,;i c']nni"

6. Reg. No. 57, Kl6007. Fig. Ap.2.

i'E, ,,- , 6.97 gm, 18 mm. AJC 1:158, No. V2.

3. Reg. No. 54, Kl6004. Fig. Ap.2.

i'E, j, 14.72 gm, 25 mm. Cf. AJC 1:155, No. U6.
Inscription: 0'/i1i' i:in 7i:i. Fl:> iPnni'J
4. Reg. No. 56, Kl6006. Fig. Ap.2.
i'E, j, 13.95 gm, 24 mm. AJC 1:155, No. U6.

7. Reg. No. 58, K!6008. Fig. Ap.2.

i'E, j, 7.55 gm, 19 mm. Cf. AJC 1:158, No. V3.
8. Reg. No. 55, K!6005. Fig. Ap.2.
i'E, /', 7.53 gm, 19 mm. AJC 1:158, No. V4.
9. Reg. No. 59, Kl6009.
i'E, ,...- , 7.36 gm, 19 mm. Cf. AJC 1:158, No. V7.

136

DONALD T. ARIEL

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Mattathias Antigonus: The Last Hasn1onean King

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The Je\vish Coins. In G.C. Miles ed. The Coins fron1
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APPENDIX. HASMONEAN COINS FOUND IN THE CAVE OF THE WARRIOR

137

NOTES
1

The historical background for the reign of Mattathias Antigo nus, and some of the \York on the distribution of Antigonus'
coins, \Vere researched by Nili Ahipaz in an MA sen1inar paper
submitted to the Hebre\v University in 1996. My thanks to
her for pennission to use son1e of the n1aterial here.

1
For the best summary of the period, see Stern 1995:249~
274, Chap. 20: 'The Parthian Invasion of 40-38 BCE.'