Koha Digest # 82

THE BIRTHDAY OF A DEATH

by VETON SURROI

For Serbia, used to celebrate during this century the medieval defeat by the Ottoman army in
Fushë Kosovë, it was maybe not strange at all to have celebrated again the Day of the
Republic, the foundation of Tito's Yugoslavia. In a macabre sense of celebration, many things
have happened in Serbia, including Gazimestan, the wandering of the bones of the medieval
Knjazes through Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosova, and the celebration of the foundation of the
Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, dead since five years ago.

What gave a lot of color to the paradox of the celebration, however, was not seen in Serbia
but in Slovenia and Croatia. The second day of the November Yugoslav celebration, the
Slovenian government recognized the existence of the FRY and if the announcements of the
Croatian press are true, the same thing will be done by the Croatian government by midst
December, at the Paris Conference. After this, the list of states which will consider Belgrade
as the official capital of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia will expand. With this act, after
five years, SFRY will be buried, out of whose ashes, according to the international law, arose
five states: Slovenia, Croatia, B&H, Macedonia and FRY. For the third time in this century a
state called Yugoslavia is born, following huge bloodshed, for the third time there is no
democratic constitution and for the third time, it is in full contradiction with the interests of
the Albanian people.

Born thus, the experts on history will say, this state will not live long. However comfortable
this fact would be in terms of the vision of the future in the next century, the recognition of
the new Yugoslav state is an announcement of a difficult phase for the Kosovan people in the
near future.

The recognition of the Yugoslav state will be the definitive signal for the political leadership
of Kosova that the solution, for the time being, will be seen inside the frames of the borders
of the new state. Instead of the concept, the ostrich's head, and waiting for Godot, of the
request for the recognition of the Republic of Kosova as "an independent and neutral state,
open to Albania and Serbia", the Kosova people will be offered a new political concept, a
concept which should reconciliate the big contradiction between the interests of the citizens
of Kosova and the juridical and political frame built up based on the Serbian and international
reality.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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INTERVIEW

Elisabeth Rehn, Special Rapporteur on the Former Yugoslavia, UN Commission on Human

Rights

THE RAPPORTEUR IN THE FIELD

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

KOHA: It's you first time in Kosova, a place which incited the attention of the
previous rapporteur and his reports. What are your plans for this visit?

REHN: Naturally it is very important for me to be here and to meet with

different parties involved in this conflict. This is because I have learned that
it is not enough go listen to one side alone, because there is not only one
truth, but this truth must be sought from both Albanians and Serbs.

Therefore, it is not enough just to read the previous rapporteur's reports:

Mazowiecki did a great job, but it is not enough, I must see for myself, and
this is why I have decided to visit Kosova. I am conscious that this is a brief
visit, but at least we established different contacts so something can be
learned from both sides.

KOHA: You met with the representatives of the CDHRF and other organizations.
Could you make a comparison between their previous and present reports, and
are there any changes in the situation?

REHN: It is hard to say, but before I came, I had a general picture of the
situation, the one can have looking at the things from the outside. The
information was that the Albanians were attacked, but this was a general
posture. Now, I had a chance to hear of concrete cases, which I believe is the
only way in which I can work, not just to say that I was told about
something, but be convinced about that same fact. I met with persons
involved, witnesses, attorneys, I saw written proofs, etc... and it was easy to
ascertain that the cases were true. This is something I really prefer.

But, on the other hand, I am quite dissatisfied to see that the standpoints of
the Serb and Albanian side about certain issues are diametrally opposite. I
know that both sides must give up some of their principles to find a solution.
I am worried about this. Serbian authorities claim that they have offered
medical protection and education to Albanians. Why is it that Albanians can't
trust the Serb authorities? I believe that this problem should be looked into
deeply, into the roots. What was so bad in the Serb authorities that Albanians
can't trust them, an answer here would lead somewhere. I had quite some
conversations about education and I was told that there was a problem with
the intoxication of the pupils and students and that this even causes the
mistrust in terms of vaccination and immunization of the children... This would
be something that I would pay much attention to. Naturally, we must talk
about what is happening today, but this is not possible if we don't look into
the past. In fact, things must be perceived thus, because you're not pure

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angels either, this side has gone wrong too. In long periods of distrust, these
things happen, and we must see how to get the viewpoints closer...

KOHA: But, in the situation we face, only Albanians are outside the schools,
hospitals and institutions... Is there any hope for them to go back?

REHN: Yes, but you know that Albanians have voluntarily given up on the
health system, for a system you couldn't accept was created. This is why the
families decided not to take children to vaccination, for they wouldn't trust
the Serb doctors. This is the main point, and therefore it should be seen why
don't you trust them and what are the possibilities to have the Albanian
medical staff go back to state institutions...

KOHA: I believe that this is more a question to ask the Serbian authorities, if
they would allow this...

REHN: Of course, it should be so. I am trying to clarify things to myself to

find out where the problems are, otherwise I can't discuss them with the
Serbian authorities and get answers. You must understand the situation of a
person coming from the outside and getting engaged in this issue: I started
doing this job since two months ago, and I came from the European
Parliament, and I am not being paid double or triple as other people dealing
with this job at the UN. The Special Rapporteur has nothing from it. It is
very hard, therefore, to get involved in this situation, and I want to be
honest with myself - in what I believe and what not! This is the only way in
which I can go back to Belgrade and ask questions. This is my intention. It
is an important fact-finding mission for me.

KOHA: When could we expect your report about Kosova? How much could this
affect Serbia and how much could Albanians gain from this? How obligative is
your report for the international community?

REHN: You have seen my report which I submitted recently. It was

concentrated manly on the Krajina events, for I visited it. I know that the
Croatian authorities were quite unhappy with me concentrating on Krajina
alone. But, I didn't want to write anything about things I hadn't seen, and
the other things are not forgotten, but they will be waiting for the next
periodic report in March.

I will go back to the field again, maybe by the end of January, and then I
will write a report which will be quite concentrated on Kosova and then I will
continue to Banja Luka, Jajce, Mostar, Croatia, Eastern Slavonia, etc...
Kosova will compose a considerable part of my report and now I have to
double check the data and information so I can be completely unbiased.

Afterwards, the report will be presented to the UN Commission on Human

Rights, because this is the procedure. But, I also believe that is quite
important to distribute the report to NGOs, your press, so you can see what
I am doing. This will be the grounds for further activities, because it is an
official report and it should be understood seriously. I hope that there will

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be some help from your side for the elaboration of this report.

KOHA: Mazowiecki's reports were not always to the satisfaction of the Serbian
authorities, Now you have also met Margit Savovic. Do you think something in
your relations with the Belgrade authorities will change, especially after
Dayton and the continuation of the "cooperative policy" of Belgrade towards
the West?

REHN: I am new in this job. I met Savovic last time too, but I haven't met the
authorities yet. In fact, my collaborators from the Geneva office and the field
workers have told me that the language of the Serbian authorities is quite
different from before. The language is language and the words are words, but
there is a clear difference compared to before. Something may have happened,
which came out form Dayton which is very important. The, we constantly say
that there should be negotiations, there should be conversations with the
other side. Talks for talks... This should be understood as a positive sign,
naturally, it should be also followed up by concrete things.

When I spoke to the Serbian side, I heard no nasty remarks about Albanians
like "they are stupid not wanting to get education. No, on the contrary!
Serbian officials spoke of the facts and said that something should be done,
because a whole generation of students can be lost. There were talks about
honesty, and I really don't know whether it was so, but it was an absolute
need of the authorities to try and find a way to negotiate with the Albanian
population. Therefore, I hope that this is something real.

KOHA: You are Swede from Finland. During your stay here, you probably had
a chance to hear the standard "Albanians are the most favored minority" in
Europe. What is your comment on this and do you believe there is any hope
to oblige the Serbian authorities to act differently towards Albanians.

REHN: I believe that I am part of the most favored minority in Europe, for as
you said I am a Swede from Finland. We make up only 6% of the population,
but we have all the rights to use our language and get education in our
mother tongue and we have constitutional rights. The Aalands, have a special
autonomy. The territory is demilitarized and the population there can't be
recruited. My case is also specific. I was candidate for President of Finland,
along with 11 other candidates and I won about 46% of the votes. This is selfªexplanatory.
I want to say, in other words, that there are models. The majorities and
minorities can coexist. It is a matter of will. In fact, both sides should get
closer and find a way in the middle. Compromise from both sides is needed...

KOHA: Will you visit the Serb refugees from Krajina in Kosova, and are there
any organizations, the UN or any other, which would provide for their
permanent settlement in Kosova, as the Serbian authorities wish?

REHN: I visited them in the sports gymnasium and it was quite upsetting. I
had the chance to see an old lady who became refugee for the second time in
her life... she deserved to live her last years in peace. I was touched. When
I asked them whether they would go back, the majority said no, and only one

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told me that he would if the rest would too. Therefore there is need for
permanent shelter and jobs here. I asked the local authorities whether the
unemployment of the local population was high, for it could be said that the
refugees are getting their jobs which is not something that makes the
Albanians happy. Our organization has no money, and it makes reports, but
since I am member of the European Parliament, I will discuss it in this
instance...

KOHA: Albanians are concerned about the alteration of the ethnic structure
in the region and the establishment of the refugees as a form of colonization...

REHN: I spoke to UNHCR representatives, and I believe they are doing a great job, and they
told me that it would be unfair if one part of the territory
wouldn't accept any refugees from all that number comprised of tens of
thousands. In these conditions, I don't believe there could be a demographic
unbalance...

KOHA: There will be separate chapter of recommendations in your report. What

will you suggest for the solution of Kosova's problem?

REHN: I must say that I am not satisfied with this kind of reporting. I believe
it will be more constructive if I have blocs of cases, so I could, e.g. have a
bloc on Kosova, too. It is soon to say about what I would recommend. You
would be dissatisfied if I would only appeal to all parties to try to sort out
what is wrong, and why this mistrust, etc. Therefore, you shouldn't have any
problems if you have people who could solve problems in one day. I don't
believe that this is true... all problems have their history...

KOHA: Does this mean that your mission will be a long-term one?

REHN: I believe that my mission will continue, even though I will not present
all the time. I will follow all what my collaborators will find in the field. I
believe that this is the way to work. You could trust me, for I have sworn to
be objective and unbiased, for I came from a distant state in the North and
I have no favors, but human rights and dignity. No one has the right to take
away the dignity from people!

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Dilemmas arose about the recent meeting of the representatives of the political parties held
at the seat of the Social-Democratic Party of Kosova (PSDK). This meeting took place when
the Dayton Peace talks ended and while the organizations of the Paris and London
conferences are going on. Was this meeting a step towards the joint consultations and the
preparation of a joint political platform of Kosova Albanians? We asked the organizer,
Luljeta Pula Beqiri and LDK's vice-chairman, Anton Nokaj.

INTERVIEW

LULJETA PULA-BEQIRI, Chairman of the Social-Democratic Party of Kosova

BETTER LATE THAN NEVER

Interviewed by ASTRIT SALIHU & ILAZ THAÇI / Prishtina

KOHA: Recently a consultative meeting of the political parties was celebrated.

Is this an attempt to revise the present organization of the Coordinating Body
of the Political Parties?

PULA-BEQIRI: This meeting was in a way an expression of the extended

consciousness of our subjects, to catch the last moment to do something
concrete to advance the coordinated action and synchronize and coordinate
steps inside the Albanian movement.

This was an act to move what can be moved in the sense of the approximation
of our political and intellectual potential for a joint action centered towards
the same goal.

This was not an attempt to revise the present organization of the Coordinating
Body of the Political Parties, even though it is obvious that the Coordinating
Body is not functioning, therefore it is hard to say that there is an
institutional cooperation among political subjects. In this sense, in principle
I would not see anything strange, not even in seeking new more efficient
ways to institutionalize this coordination which the Kosova political subjects
lack.

On the contrary.

The insisting of some circles (which could admit that the inter-party
cooperation is below all levels) to preserve the status quo of our internal
organization, even of those forms and mechanisms that are lacking effect seem
an anachronism. This can't be called otherwise but an attempt to safeguard the created
positions of a fictitious government, an incredible fear and a wild
opposition to any idea for internal reorganization, done under the accusation
of the alleged negation of the existing institutions.

If now, several days before announced Paris and London, our collective
national conscience will not act towards the approximation and the
institutionalization of our dispersed political and intellectual potential in the
only front, if we soon don't go back to the unfinished business, giving up on

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the vane loss of energy in order to confirm the legitimacy and in order to
seek the guilty and the victims of our failures, if we all don't sit together
and discuss what should be further done and why have we lost so much time
without coordinating our actions, and if we don't sit down to define clearly
the tactical platform of action in order to impose our direct participation in
the main tables of conversation which are about to be celebrated, if we don't
agree to leave aside all caprices and prides for other times agreeing to form
the political center gathering the intelligentsia of our people - let that body
have any name -, if we urgently don't do something to activate the movement
by immediately constituting the Parliament, by bringing the demonstrations
and manifestations from the West into Kosova, if we don't activate all
institutional mechanisms from the Government and on, to make the public
aware that what is offered by the West are not proposals for solutions, but
only dangerous stalling of the problems, then it can really be, too, too late,
irreparably late.

KOHA: Why was the meeting held now?

PULA-BEQIRI: Since over a year, we as a party took the initiative to hold a

joint meeting, a closed meeting, of all political subjects and associations, and
relevant national figures, in order to find the most efficacious paths for the
activity of our movement. Even though in many bilateral conversations with
different political subjects of Kosova our idea got the verbal support (with a
couple of exclusions) a general sense of hesitation was present among all
representatives. As if there were fear from the misinterpretation of the
purpose which was much more just and honest than its disqualification with
known methods, as if there were some opportunism among some and even signs
of different calculations according to which new initiatives would be incited.
In a way, there was quite some skepticism in terms of the forecast and the
prospects of the proposals which don't come from the "big".

Today I believe that it would have been much better if the meeting would
have been organized last year, even if it would have failed.

The reasons for its reactivation now are multiple, and one of the most
important, without any doubt, the fear of our constant delay, the fear from
our delay's syndrome.

KOHA: So far, these results haven't yielded any results. Do you think this will
end like the others?

PULA-BEQIRI: Actually, the external circumstances have changed, and this fact
is not without any influence in our internal incitements

There seems to be an increased readiness of our political subjects, to incite

positive flows in the organization of the movement, shaking it from the
lethargy it had drowned in.

It can't be excluded that certain forces, wanting to prevent the forces from
getting together, would attempt to play, once again the card of the

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unconditional manifestation of the so called internal unity. In the name of the
need for the unconditional manifestation of this unity, many problems which
concerned our movement were shut down. In the name of this unity started
the strong blockade of information, evaluations and attitudes which had no
access to the public, all conditions for the creation of a strong monopoly in
the political life in Kosova were created: the monopoly on the media, the
monopoly on the truth and the engagement for the national question, the
monopoly and the exclusive rights on all ideas or initiatives for political
activities, the monopoly on the whole fragile structure attempted to be used to establish the
core of the statal organization of Kosova.

Even though it was understandable that within the Movement, like ours,
certain attributes of the democratic activity are forcibly subjugated to the
primary purpose of the Movement, it must be admitted that the movement was
dominated by a strong wave of one-mindedness, the suffocation of any idea
which didn't come from the "delegates" of the cause, and the impermissible
dislocation of the decision-making centers to small non-formal groups.

Thus, in the name of the manifestation of this unity, many weaknesses were
hidden, and they could have been corrected at the beginning. Later they
turned from marginal appearances into a phenomenon with a system of action.
And thus, in the name of the cause the problems and weaknesses were
silenced and consequently a ring suffocating the Movement went growing.
Now, opposing these weaknesses is very difficult. It has become difficult
because the class holding the fictitious power in Kosova has created an
efficient system to denigrate and politically disqualify all those who had the
courage to express their critical opinion about a political evaluation or move,
and towards all those who wouldn't hesitate to suggest new political steps.

These weaknesses are hard to oppose, because their accumulation and the
quite palpable interests of the bearers have masterly been fortified under the
flag of the salvation of the people. Therefore, any attempt, regardless of its
constructive purposes, clashes with the elaborated strokes of a tested
mechanism to "sort our things" with any one who would dare have a different
opinion, which is a priori evaluated as anti-national.

Despite all, the dispersed potential should be brought up back together, and
we must seek for modalities which would ease up the internal resistances and
frictions, which, in fact, were and remain the main obstacles in our
coordinated action.

KOHA: One of the dilemmas which arise from the last meeting, are the attempts
to share the responsibility for the situation the so far applied politics has
fallen into, especially after Dayton. Do you wish to share the responsibility
with the other political subjects?

PULA-BEQIRI: The meeting could be considered as an attempt to split the

responsibility, if it would have been initiated by the LDK, because, objectively,
the largest part of the responsibility for the done and undone things would
have to belong to the LDK.

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Our meeting, as it was, would not have been motivated by the attempt to
share the responsibility, and there is no willingness, I think, among many
political subjects, to accept the "brotherly" share of responsibility, when it
is completely clear that the role and the influence of the political subjects in
the decision making centers during this whole period was not respected and
mainly consisted in their role as a decoration to legitimize pluralism in the
cases when previously adopted decisions were being "legalized".

This, for sure, doesn't mean that our subjects, (big or small as are usually
classified by the "guards of the nation"), who were part of the political scene,
can be amnestied from a part of responsibility. From that part of
responsibility which is theirs for not have been able to influence more
seriously the decision-making centers of the Movement and its more favorable
flows.

Al political forces and relevant political and intellectual figures must have
enough courage to overcome the frictions, conscious that any calculated
indifference and motivated by any kind of interest would be unpardonable.
But we must not cultivate, at any stage, the illusion that even an abrupt
awakening of the Movement, now when objectively we have let go many
chances we should have taken advantage of, would solve all the problems with
one move.

In the actual relation of forces and in the actual international conjuncture,

our political Movement with its better and more serious organization, can relay
very useful messages to the world, and it could upset the international decision-making
centers that the situation could escape control to force them
to stop marginalizing the issue of Kosova, it can advance the negotiating
position of Kosova, it can stimulate the restricted discussion of the present
international offers which can result with their qualitative change.
But, there shouldn't be any illusions that even our sudden sobering would
bring miracles.

However, any hesitation to wake up, even now, our Movement from the
lethargy that has captivated it, could repeat Dayton in Paris, and the
announced London could be a repetition of the last London.

KOHA: In the LDK there have been mentions of the need of having a joint
political platform before the Paris Conference. Do you think that this meeting,
to agree about a platform, is a bit late?

PULA-BEQIRI: There is no doubt that there is a urgent need to have a tactical

platform, an operational and joint one, to establish a negotiating team and its
professional staff, a political headquarters which would be composed of
outstanding political and intellectual figures which would fill up the gaps of
the political activity, a political and qualitative headquarters lead by the
elected President of Kosova, a team which should already have the replies to
all possible Serb options, which could be imposed in the future negotiations.
The evident resistances towards the idea to gather the existing national
potential and refusing to do this in the name of the cause, would be an

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irresponsible and unjustifiable act.

The ones who try to prevent its realization or who consider that in this way
the institutions can be ignored have no coverage, same as those who state
that the Movement is a failure.

I would like to believe that it is still not late for Paris, but the facts,
unfortunately, speak otherwise. Even if serious collective willingness for the
immediate reorganization of the Movement were supposed, it is non realistic to
expect so rapid effects.

Anyhow, it is worth trying.

To do whatever is possible to at least go to London.

ANTON NOKAJ, Vice-Chairman of LDK:

DAYTON WAS NOT A FAILURE OF OUR POLITICS

KOHA: Recently, a consultative meeting of the political subjects of Kosova was

held. Was this an attempt to revise the organization of the Coordinating Body
of the Political Parties?

NOKAJ: In the meeting of our political subjects held on November 21, 1995, at
SDPK and chaired by Mrs. Pula-Beqiri, LDK was represented by Mehmet Hajrizi
and myself. This was an ordinary meeting. Even, the chairperson called it a
non-formal meeting, a chance to exchange opinions. The fact that the meeting
was really just occasional is illustrated by the fact that we were informed
about the agenda and its purpose on the spot. There was no talk, not even
attempts from any of the participants, to revise the present organization of
the Coordinating Body. The remarks of some of the participants that the
Coordinating Body has not convened since long ago can't be taken as attempt
to revise it.

KOHA: Why hold the meeting now?

NOKAJ: I understood the meeting as a preoccupation and concern about the

situation we are facing - whether we should and how should we react before
the Paris and London Conference.

KOHA: So far, these initiatives yielded no results. Do you think that this
initiative will end up like the rest?

NOKAJ: I have no answer to this. I don't even want to give hypothetical

answers about the success of future meetings of the kind.

KOHA: One of the dilemmas arising after the last meeting, is the attempt to
split the responsibility for the situation the actual politics has fallen into. Do you wish to
share the responsibility with the other subjects?

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NOKAJ: There were no dilemmas of the kind in this meeting. Our politics so far
was not evaluated and there were no concrete talks about Dayton. We knew
beforehand that there would be no talks about Kosova in Dayton, but the talks
would concentrate mainly on B&H and its territory, i.e. the agreement of
Serbs, Muslims and Croats as warring parties. Therefore, when we talk of
Dayton, I consider that we can't say that our political subjects have failed nor
can we speak of the responsibility among them.

KOHA: LDK has mentioned the need to come out with a joint platform before
the Paris Conference. Do you think that a meeting about this platform is a bit
late?

NOKAJ: The Presidency of the LDK has not approved a standpoint about the
adoption of such a political platform. However, it is important for us to repeat
time and time again our determination for independence, each time it is
necessary. I believe we have done this constantly.

USA - KOSOVA

IS KOSOVA FORGOTTEN?

by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington

Last July, the House of Representatives of the American Congress adopted an

amendment which conditioned the lifting of the sanctions against Serbia with
the solution of Kosova's problem. This amendment was presented by
Congressman Eliot Engel within the Bill on the Adoption of Funds Expendable.
The amendment was adopted in the Chamber with a vote voice which
is applied only in cases when the issue has the support of the both parties.

The amendment was adopted by the Senate, but when it came to the last
version, the joint Conference of the two chambers, the amendment was
annulled when another amendment was adopted. With the request of the
Clinton administration, Representative David Obey (D-Wisconsin) proposed an
amendment which allowed the President to lift the sanctions if it is necessary
to reach peace in Bosnia.

According to the legislative procedure, after the conference, the bill went
back to the Chamber for final approval. As Ilir Zherka, member of staff of
Congressman George Miller (California) says, "the representatives could have
asked for the annulment of this amendment on procedural grounds, for
adopting an amendment which is contrary to an amendment which has the OK
of both chambers is against procedure". According to Zherka, this was
requested only by Engel and not other representatives considered friends of
Albanians (Molinar, Gilman, Kelly, etc.). As a result, the Commission of
Regulations, actually chaired by the republicans, didn't react, especially
having in mind that the suggestion came from a Democrat. Thus, another
amendment on Kosova didn't become a bill, even though it was adopted by

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both chambers. People find it a bit hard to understand, says Zherka. He
further adds that only Engel and Jim Moran are the only representatives who
are really devoted to the Albanian question, and take the initiative without
being asked to, while the others take an initiative only "when they have too",
for they have more important things to do. "If the Albanian community doesn't
contact these representatives, they won't do a thing. Albanians have failed to
see which of them is willing to support them and up to what extent", says
Zherka. But, even if Albanians would exert pressure on the representatives,
Zherka believes that the amendments wouldn't be guaranteed, but, as he puts
it, "it is worth trying".

Now that Engel's amendment has failed, the attention is centered on an

amendment proposed by senators Dole and Larry Presler, which states that the
sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro will be lifted if the following
conditions regarding Kosova are fulfilled: - the elected government of Kosova
is allowed to exercise its legitimate right to govern democratically; that Kosova
is given back the autonomy on the level of the 1974 Constitution of the Former
Yugoslavia; to put an end to the systematic violation of human and
civil rights including institutional discrimination and repression; the comeback
of the OSCE monitoring missions and allow other human rights observers to
normally work in Kosova, Sandzak and Vojvodina and have the cooperation of
the Serb authorities; and some other rights that Serbia must fulfil in regard
to Bosnia.

Presenting their amendment, Dole and Presler said that “Despite the statements
of the administration that peace in Bosnia is near, the situation in the former
Yugoslavia is not calm and stable. We can't forget that 2 million Albanians in
Kosova are living their sixth year in a state of emergency. Albanians are not
only dismissed from their jobs, and live in difficult living conditions, but are
also victims of the brutal and systematic repression. The Serb government has
sent thousands of policemen to safeguard its regime in Kosova. The sanctions
against Serbia are the only means that the USA and the international
community have to influence the attitude of Milosevic's regime. These sanctions
should not be lifted until the situation in Kosova is solved and until peace in
Bosnia is reached". Stating that there can't be any stability in the region
without solving Kosova's problem, senator Dole said: "Even though initially
Kosova was part of the peace agenda of the UN and the EU for the Former
Yugoslavia, diplomatic projects since 1992 have ignored Kosova. This is myopia
and a serious mistake. Therefore, I believe that sanctions should not be lifted
until a full solution about Kosova is reached and implemented".

On the other hand, Presler, expressing his concern about the situation in
Kosova, said: "President Clinton mentioned a list of conditions to lift the
sanctions, but these conditions don't include the improvement of the situation
in Kosova. I believe that the situation in the Former Yugoslavia requires the
discussion about the Kosova Albanians' request... and the lifting of the
sanctions against rump Yugoslavia must be conditioned with the successful
solution of the former Yugoslav crisis".

The a/m amendment mentions only the autonomy of Kosova and not a special

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identity. The Albanian community sent a letter to Dole asking him to change
the language used in the amendment, and ask for more than autonomy, i.e. an
independent and free Kosova. The letter, among others, says: "As you know,
Albanians in Kosova and in the USA will not compromise about the
independence of Kosova. Brutal repression during the '80s when Kosova has
its autonomy and the fact that it was so easy for dictator Milosevic to
suspend it in 1989, proves that only full independence will guarantee freedom
for Kosova".

Some sources inform that Dole resisted the letter stating that Albanians were
not clear about the status of Kosova, i.e. that independence was their final
goal. Right now, the amendment is in the discussion phase within a commission
composed of representatives of both parties.

In the meantime, in the Commission for Foreign Affairs of the House of

Representatives, the high-ranked officials of the administration (Warren
Christopher, William Perry and John Shalikashvili) were justifying the need to
send American troops to Bosnia. During the discussion, Engel reminded the
assisting representatived about Kosova: “I am disappointed that Kosova is not
included in the Dayton conversations and this creates the impression among
the Albanians that their projects and rights are being ignored", said Engel.

Reminding that the administration itself has declared that the sanctions will
not be lifted without solving Kosova's problem, Engel asked Christopher about
the kind of sanctions the administration was referring to. Christopher replied:
"They include the membership of Serbia in the international financial
institutions and organizations, taking loans from these organizations and the
reestablishment of full diplomatic relations with the USA". Christopher
informed the legislators that if Dayton was implemented, then conditions for
the reintegration of Serbia in OSCE would be created, as well as the
establishment of the OSCE monitoring missions in Kosova. “I believe that the
situation in Kosova will improve, for were clearly stated that these sanctions
will not be lifted otherwise".

According to Zherka, the sanctions are the only and best means that can be
used by the USA to exert pressure on Serbia for the solution of Kosova's
problem. "If all sanctions are lifted, the position of the USA towards Kosova
will weaken and Serbia will not be forced to accept the conversations for the
solution of the crisis".

Asked whether Kosova was forgotten, despite the positive statements of the
administration about its interest and concern for Kosova, Zherka said: "Kosova
is not forgotten. But it will constantly be in a weaker situation. The US and
the West can't see how much are the Albanians wishing for independence and
how far can they struggle for it. The West is not motivated to come to the
solution the Albanians want, because it thinks that Albanians will agree to an
autonomy and have no will to make public pressure".

Zherka mentioned the problem Albanians face when it comes to political

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engagement. "They interrupted all efforts in the wrong moment. The Albanian-American
community pressured the Congress while it was discussing the
amendment presented by Engel, and then nothing, or it pressured while Dole's
amendment was discussed, and then, nothing again. The American
administration had no clear strategy for Albanians. Meanwhile, Kosova and the
Albanian community in the US did no lobbying. They were lacking a general
“lobbying strategy".

He expressed his anger for the lack of (Kosova) Albanian presence in

Washington, and a lobby of an organization or person which/who would
constantly be "bothering" the American legislators and officials.

ECONOMY

GOING BACK TO 1990

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Kosova under double blockade. This is how the situation was described while
Serbia and Montenegro were under the embargo of the international
community, and the reason was clear: it all started with the implementation of
the measures by Serbia in 1990 and on, while the situation became more
serious with the implementation of the sanctions by the international
community. Kosova didn't deserve this, but this fact was accepted as a
punishment of another state which would have to be suffered by the Albanians
too. Nevertheless, the blockade was profitable for a part of the population: the
businessmen, the ones who were willing to risk.

It is very characteristic that in very difficult times, political and economic,

Kosova Albanians developed their own economy, independent in terms of
ownership and appertaining to a economic system, since it was not possible to
develop it according to the interests of the state of Kosova, at least
declaratively, then the conviction that it shouldn't be done in accordance to
the laws of the occupying state either, grew strong. Therefore the
organization was made according to the individual concept, which was going
towards anarchy.

With or without permission, the rules established by the Government of

Kosova, which prohibited any contacts or agreement with Serbs, were broken.
Premises were rented, their destination was changed, even property which
belonged to the society once became private property. But, the most serious
thing happened when the economic blockade was violated in all aspects,
because of the personal and individual interest. The goods prohibited to reach
this area came to Kosova, and in lack of a protecting mechanisms, these goods
easily came into Serbia and Montenegro. There is proof that the fuel imported
by Montenegro and came from Albania, ended in Mladic's army reservoirs, or
that Albanian businessmen were so good and capable that they imported
material needed to produce exploding devices. If we consider all those as

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isolated cases, then we can agree with the fact that a part of the private
economy in Kosova maintained the market full of articles, and when it comes
to the price of the flour and bread, at a very acceptable prices. However, the
prices are not their merit, but rather are "system measures" imposed by
Serbia which made the situation in these conditions more bearable.

Without sanctions, if it will not be more difficult, then at least there will be
a transitory period of expectation. Is it better to continue with the
methodology of violating the blockade or start working according to new Serb
laws and provisions which, according to Avramovic, liberalize exports and
imports. However, Albanian businessmen can easily "lose" the market because
of their stubbornness, because they await changes or because they are
ignored by the Serbian regime, and thus have no chance to "taste" the market
without sanctions. Without any doubt, this will be taken advantage of by the
Serbs, who have their own state, their economic system, national currency and
the payment system inside and abroad. Therefore, in relations with the
Albanians, they will be privileged.

Apart from Behxhet Pacolli, who developed his business in both Western and
Eastern Europe, there is no information about another Albanian businessman
who managed to penetrate deep in Europe. Even, some are envious about
Pacolli's private aircraft moving from Lugano to London, Moscow and Yakuti...
But, no one thought of the existence of private aircrafts in Kosova too. It was
owned by a Serbian family in Ferizaj, whose business became known,
unfortunately, after the air accident they suffered, when their helicopter
crashed and killed the four. According to some unofficial sources in Ferizaj,
it seems that the Aleksic brothers provided the Army with necessary materials
for a considerable time. Since the Army was not able to pay them back, it
gave them the mortgage - the helicopter. This, for sure, couldn't have been done by
Albanians, therefore, it is very hard for them to do any more in business in this atmosphere
and conditions. It would be their great success if they manage to safeguard their capital and
heads: the capital and property from bankruptcy, and the head from the debtors, racketeers
and other intermediators.

Therefore, the period without sanctions in Kosova, especially among Albanians,

means going back to 1990, in times when Serbia applied the measures, now
when the international community removes them. In these circumstances, there
can be no thought of economic prosperity or transition, for there are no
conditions: there is no freedom, no laws, no money, no strategy...

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