IGNOU History of India - India From Mid-18th To Mid-19th Centurypdf

EHI-05 India from Mid-18th to Mid-19th
Century : [31]
Block-1 Rise of Regional Powers [5]
Unit-1 Indian Polity in the mid-18th Century
Unit-2 Bengal and Awadh
Unit-3 The Maratha State System
Unit-4 Mysore and Hyderabad
Unit-5 The Punjab
Block-2 Capitalism and Imperialism [2]

Unit-6 Mercantile to Industrial Capitalism in Europe
Unit-7 European Colonial Powers
Block-3 British Conquest and Consolidation [6]

Unit-8 The British in Eastern India up to Buxar
Unit-9 Conflict and Expansion- South India
Unit-10 Anglo-Maratha and Mysore Wars
Unit-11 British Expansion- North India
Unit-12 British Expansion Beyond Indian Frontiers
Unit-13 Imperial Ideology: Orientalist Construction of India and the Utilitarians
Block-4 Colonial Economy [5]
Unit-14 Mercantile Policies and Indian Trade

Unit-15 The New Land Revenue Settlements
Unit-16 The Commercialisation of Agriculture
Unit-17 De-Industrialisation in India
Unit-18 Economic Impact of Colonial Rule
Block-5 Cultural Contours [4]
Unit-19 Literature in the Indian Languages

Unit-20 The Languages of Modern India
Unit-21 The Spread of English Education
Unit-22 The Indian Mind and Western Knowledge : Growth of Critical Consciousness
Block-6 Impact of British Rule : Polity and Society [3]

Unit-23 Constitutional Development (1757-1858)
Unit-24 Administration and Law
Unit-25 Social Policy and Indian Response
Block-7 Social and Cultural Change [3]

Unit-26 Reform Movement - I
Unit-27 Reform Movement - II
Unit-28 Social Discrimination and Disprivileged Groups
Block-8 Popular Revolts and Uprisings [3]

Unit-29 Peasant and Tribal Uprisings
Unit-30 Revolt of 1857 - Cause and Nature
Unit-31 Revolt of 1857 - Course and Aftermath
UNIT 1 INDIAN POLITY IN THE MID-18TH

CENTURY
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
18th Century : A Dark Age?
Decline of the Mughal Empire
1.3.1
1.3.2
1.3.3
1.3.4
Internal Weaknesses : Struggle for Power

External Challenge
Decline : Some Interpretations
Continuity of Mughal Traditions
The Emergence of Regional Polities

1.4.1
1.4.2
1.4.3
1.4.4
Successor States
The New Stales
Independent Kingdoms
Weakness of Regional Polities
The Rise of British Power

1.5.1
1.5.2
1.5.3
1.5.4
From Trading Company to Political Power

Anglo-French Struggle in South India
Conquest of B ~ n g a l: Plassey to Buxar
Reorganisation of the Political System
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
1.0 OBJECTIVES
The aim of this Unit is to introduce you to the main political developments in the mid18th century. Here we will present only an outline of the political map which the
following units will fill in. After reading this Unit you will become familiar with the
following themes:
the d e c l i p of Mughal Empire,
*/the ernergma of Mughal provinces as regional power-Hyderabad. Bengal and
Awadh,
the rise of new staks-Marathas, Jats, Sikhs and Afghans,
the history of Mysore, Rajput states and Kerala a s independent principalities, and
the beginnings of a colonial empire.
Our study begins around 1740 and ends in 1773. The first Carnatic war and Nadir
Shah's inv-n
of India were the early landmarks. The last milestone was the
.. .
reorgam#b,on of the political system during the tenure of the Warren Hastings.
The d o d i w efthe Mughal empire is the first theme, This was a long-drawn out process
to which many factors contributed. Nadir Shah's invasion in 1739and the massacre of
Delhi seriously weakened an already feeble Mughal empire. Other factors including
economic crisis contributed to the empire's decline. The Mughal empire did not
survive but its institutions and traditions continued in the regi-al stat& and British
provinces. Muadministrative practices, especially in respect of land revenue,
were adopted.
The second theme, tbe emergence of regional powers, was perhaps the most
significant. Thra pmps of states can be distinguished. The successor statesl
Hyderabad, Awadh and Bengal were erstwhile
-provinces of the Mughal empire which
Rise d Regional Powers
broke away to become independent. The 'new states' were the creation of the
Marathas, Sikhs, Jats and Afghans; in this process in some of these states. an
important role was played by popular peasant movements against imperial demands.
A third category was that of the independent kingdoms of Mysore, the Rajputs and
Kerala which have sometimes been wrongly called 'Hindu polities'. Why did all these
regional powers fail to keep the British out? Some crucial areas of weakness are
indicated in this Unit.
The final theme taken up is the transition of the East India Company from a trading
enterprise t o a political power. We shall trace this transition and resultant conflicts in
South India and Bengal.
18TH CENTURY: A DARK AGE ?

Till recently the 18th century was described as a Dark Age when chaos and anarchy
ruled. The Mughal empire collapsed, regional powers failed to establish empires and
stability returned only with the spread of British supremacy in the late 18th Century.
It suited the British writers of the Cambridge History of India, and their Indian
followers, to paint the 18th Century as black so that British rule would show up as a
blessing in cdmparison. Historian Jadunath Sarkar's words in the History of Bengal,
Vol. 11, desetve to be quoted:
On 23rd June 1757 the Middle ages of India ended and her modem age
began ... in the twenty years from Plassey Warren Hastings ... all felt the
revivifying touch of the impetus from the west.
There are obvious problems with such a view. The Mughal empire's influence was not
as widespread or deep as was believed. Significant parts of India, especially in the
North East and South, remained outside it, as did many social groups. Hence Mughal
decline cannot serve as an adequate theme for discussing changes taking place all over
India. Schola~rshave recently argued that the establishment of regional polities was
perhaps the dominant feature of the eighteenth century, rather than the fall and rise
of all-India empires. The 18th Century is presented by Satish Chandra, a leading
historian of medieval India, as a distinct chronological whole, rather than split into
two halves, pre-British and British.
DECLINE OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

The first half of the eighteenth century witnessed the decline of the Mughal empire.
By 1740, when the period of our study begins, Nadir Shah had laid waste to Delhi. It
was the Marathas, not the Mughals, who fought Abdali in 1761. By 1783 the Mughal
emperor was a pensioner of the British.
1.3.1
Internal Weaknesses: Struggle for Power
Aurangzeb's misguided policies had weakened the stable Mughal polity. But the two
main pillars oln which the empire rested-the army and the administration-were still
upright in 170f7. Wars of succession and weak rulers plagued Delhi from 1707 to 1719.
Muhammad Shah's rule from 1719 to 1748 was long enough for a revival of imperial
fortunes but the complete incompetence of the emperor ruled out this possibility.
It was in his rkign that Nizam-ul-Mulk resigned as wazir and set up the independent
state of Hyderabad in 1724. Bengal, Awadh and Punjab followed the same pattern
and the empite was split up into successor states. Petty chiefs interprctcd this as a
signal for rebellion and the Marathas began to make their bid to inhcrit thc imperial
mantle.
1.3.2 External Challenge

The Persian wonarch, Nadir Shah attacked India in 1738-39. Lahore was soon
conquered and the Mughal army was defeated at Karnal on 13th February 1739. To
complete the ignominy, the Mughal emperor Mohammed Shah was captured and
Delhi laid waste. The well known poets Mir and Sauda lamented the devastation of
Delhi. However, the impact of Nadir Shah's invasion on Delhi was not as big a setback
as commonly believed. Abdali's invasions left Delhi worse off but by 1772 the city had
revived. 70 crores of rupees were gathered from the official treasury and the safes of
the rich nobles. The Peacock Throne and the Kohinoor diamond were the two most
priced items of his loot. Nadir Shah gained strategically crucial Mughal territory to the
west of the river Indus including Kabul. India was once more vulnerable to attacks
from the North West.
Ahmad Shah Abdali gained prominence as Nadir Shah's commander and established
his rule over Afghanistan after the death of Nadir Shah. He invaded North India many
times between 1748 and 1767. The most well known was his victory over the Marathas
in 1761 which is known as the third Battle of Panipat.
1.3.3 Decline: Some Interpretations

Our understanding regarding the decline of the Mughal power has changed over the
decades. The traditional view, presented by Irving, Sarkar etc., highlighted the
personal failings of the emperors and the nobles, their immorality and indulgence in
luxury. Mughal rule was portrayed by Sarkar and others as Muslim rule and Maratha,
Sikh and Bundela uprisings were understood as a Hindu reaction to Islamic onslaught.
As opposed to this view point, the crisis in the Mughal economic system has been
rightly stressed by Satish Chandra and Irfan Habib. Satish Chandra has pointed to the
crisis in the jagirdari system as the basic reason for the downfall, caused by a shortage
of jagirs and over abundance of jagirdars. Irfan Habib showed the agrarian system
becoming more exploitative as pressure on limited resources grew. This sparked off
peasant revolts which ruined imperial stability.
The New Cambridge History of India takes a completely opposite stand from Habib.
Mughal decline is seen as the result of the success of the Mughal system, rather than
its failure. It is argued, for example, that the zamindars whose rebellions against the
Mughals spelled the end of the latter's empire, were rich not poor farmers, backed by
wealthy merchants. However, this view is yet to be established with further evidence.
The generally accepted view remains one of economic crisis.
1.3.4 Continuity of Mughal Traditions

In sharp contrast to the rapid territorial disintegration of the Mughal empire was the
stubborn survival of the Mughal tradition of government. By 1761 the Mughal empire
was an empire only in name, it could better be described as the state of Delhi. But the
prestige of the emperor, the king of kings, was so considerable, that whether it was
acquiring territory, a throne or an empire, the sanction of the emperor was sought.
Even rebel chiefs of the Marathas and Sikhs sometimes recognised the emperor as the
fount of authority. The Sikhs made offerings to the Delhi court in 1783 (despite their
gurus having been killed by the Mughals) and the Maratha leader, Shahu, visited
Aurangzeb's tomb in 1714.
The British and the Maratha fought over possession of the person of the emperor,
hoping to gain legitimacy for their claims to inherit the imperial mantle. Shah AIam I1
was made a pensioner of the company after the battle of Buxar but he preferred the
protection of the Marathas at Delhi. British occupation of Delhi in 1803 brought him
once again under British protection.
Mughal administrative practice was adopted by the regiorral powers. It was natural for
the successor states of the Mughal empire to continue with old Mughal practice. Even
the states, such as the Maratha, which began as popular reactions against imperial
rule, copied Mughal methods of administration. Many officers schooled in Mughal
practice found employment in numerous local kingdoms.
Continuity of Institutions Vs. Change in Structure

However, we should not deduce from the continuity of institutions that the Mughal
political system survived. 'The new polities were regional, none could achieve an all-
lndbm polity in the

Mid-18th Ce~~tury
India scale. Some of the old institutions were reintegrated into new political systems
by the regional chiefs and later by the British. The old Mughal institutions served very
different functions under colonialism. Land revenue practices might be the same as
earlier, but the wealth gathered was drained from India under colonialism. This
distinction between form and function is blurred by imperialist historians with the
intention af emphasising continuity of institutions to show that the British were no
different from their predecessors.
Check Your Progess 1
I)
What were the financial and territorial gains made by Wadir Shah? Write in five
lines.
2)
Read the following sentences and mark right (d)

or wrong ( x ) .
i) Struggle for power between nobles at the centre was a major Internal
weakness for the Mughal.
~ i )The personal failings of the Mughal emperor were largely responsible for the
decline of the Mughal empire.
iii) The 'New Cambridge History of India' completely inverts the argument of
economic crisis.
iv) Continuity of institutions from Mughal to British systems proves that the
British were no different from native rulers.
Did the Mughal traditions end with the decline of the Mughal empire? Explain in
50 words.
3)
1.4
THE EMERGENCE OF REGIONAL POLITIES

I
Along with khe decline of the Mughal empire, the second major theme of the 18th
Century was the emergence of regional polities. Broadly there were three kinds of
states which' came into prominence:
the states which broke away from the Mughal empire,
the new sitates set up by the rebels against the Mughal, and
the independent states.
Let us look at each one of these separately.
1.4.1 Successor States

Hyderabad, Bengal and Awadh were the three cases where provincial governors
under the Mughals set up independent states. The breakaway from Delhi occurred in
stages - the revolt of individuals fallowed by that of the social groups, communities
and finally regions. Zamindari revolts in the provinces against imperial demands
triggered off the breakaway. Governors did not get support from the centre and tried
to secure support of the local elites.
However, links with the centre were maintained and Mughal tradition continued.
Awadh and Hyderabad came to the help of the Mughals when Nadir Shah invaded
Delhi. Through their links with factions of nobles, the provincial chiefs were often
strong enough to control the centre. Hence the changes in polity in this period may
more appropriately be characterised as transformation (to use Muzaffar Alam's term)
rather than collapse. A new political order was constructed within the Mughal
institutional framework.
I.db.pawybrtk
MLblSth Centmy
The collapse of the all India polity did not lead to generalised economic decline. The
regional picture was very varied. Punjab's economy was disrupted by foreign invasions
but Awadh experienced economic growth. Safdar Jang, Nawab of Awadh, on his
accession paid Rs. 3 crores to Nadir Shah. A stable polity developed in Awadh on the
basis of economic prosperity while the states set up in Punjab collapsed.
Hyderabad
The death of Nizam-ul-Mulk in 1748 marked the closing of a glorious first chapter in
the history of Hyderabad. It had started with the foundation of the state in 1724 by
Nizam-ul-Mulk, a prominent noble at the time the Saiyids controlled the court at
Delhi. He assisted Mohammed Shah in deposing the Saiyids and in return was given
the office of Subadar of the Deccan.
H e reorganised the administration and streamlined the revenue system. After a brief
tenure as wazir at Delhi from 1722 to 1724, he returned to the Deccan to set up a state
which was independent in practice, though he continued to declare allegiance to the
Mughal emperor. The formation of a regional elite gave stability to this independence,
as Karen Leonard has shown in her study of Hyderabad's political system. Reform of
the revenue system, subduing of Zamindars, and tolerance towards Hindus were
among his wise policies.
But his death in 1748 exposed Hyderabad to the machinations of the Marathas and
later the foreign companies: The Marathas invaded the state at will and imposed
Chauth upon the helpless inhabitants. Nizam-ul-Mulk's son, Nasir Jang and grandson,
Muzaffar Jang, entered into a bloody war of succession. The French under Dupleix
used this opportunity to play off one group against 'the other and supported
Muzzaffar Jang, who gave them handsome monetary and territorial rewards.
Bengal
Independence in practice and allegiance in name t o the power at Delhi marked the
rule of the Nawabs of Bengal. Murshid Kuli Khan became Governor of Bengal in 1717
under Mughal aegis but his link with Delhi was limited to sending tribute.
Shuja-ud-din became Nawab in 1727 and ruled till 1739 when Alivardi Khan assumed
charge. In 1756 Siraj-ud-daula became the Nawab of Bengal on the death of his
grandfather Alivardi Khan.
The Bengal rulers did not discriminate on religious grounds in making public
appointments and Hindus reached high positions in the Civil Service and obtained
lucrative zamindaris. The Nawabs were fiercely independent and maintained strict
control over the foreign companies trading in their realm. Fortifications were rightly
not allowed in the French and English factories at Chandernagar and Calcutta, nor
did the Nawab concede to their special privileges. The sovereignty of the ruler was
upheld even in the face of the threats of the British East India Company to use force
to obtain its end.
However, the Nawabs suffered defeat at the hands of the British because of their weak
and meagre army and their underestimation of the danger posed by the company. The
British victory at Plassey in 1757 inaugurated a new phase in British relations with
India.
Awadh
Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk gradually secured the independence of Awadh after his
appointment as Governor in 1722. The main problem in Awadh was posed by the
zamindars who not only refused to pay land revenue but behaved like autonomous
chiefs with their forts and armies. Saadat Khan subdued them and introduced a new
land settlement which provided protection to the peasants from the zamindars. The
Jagirdari system was reformed and jagirdaris granted to the local gentry, who were
also given positions in the administration and army. A "regional ruling group"
emerged, consisting of Shaikhzadas, Afghans and sections of the Hindus.
'
Rise of Regional Powers
1.4.2 The New States

The second group of regional states were the 'new states' or 'insurgent states' set up
by rebels agbinst the Mughals-the Marathas, Sikhs. Jats and Afghans. The first three
began as popular movements of peasant insurgency. The leadership was not with the
nobility but with 'new men', often from lower orders, e.g.. Hyder Ali, Sindhias and
Holkars.
Marathas
If the two d a i n themes of the 18th century were decline of Mughal power and
foundation qf coIonial mIe, then a third theme was the rise and fall of regional states,
the most sianificant among them being the Marathas. One all-India empire declined,
a second onle took its place and a third empire failed to come into being. Mughal
decline spanned the first part of the century, British ascendency grew rapidly in the
second half, and most of the terrain of the middle of the century was occupied by the
swaying political fortunes of the Marathas.
The basic contours of the Maratha State system dominated by the Peshwas or chief
ministers were evolved during the time of Balaji Vishwanath. He was a loyal official
of Shahu, Shivaji's grandson, who was head of the Marathas after his release from
custody in 11707.The powers of the office of the Peshwa rapidly increased during his
tenure 'till it became the fountainhead of authority of the entire Maratha Empire.
Balaji Vishwanath died in 1720 and his son Baji Rao in 1740, the period whence our
study commlences. By then the Marathas were no longer a regional power but had
attained the status of an expansionist empire. They had acquired control over far flung
areas of the Mughal empire. The main weakness, however, was that these conquests
were made pt the initiative of the Maratha Chiefs who were unwilling to accept
regulation by the Peshwa. These chiefs had accepted the Peshwa's authority because
of the militdry and financial benefit that accrued from this association. Collection of
Chauth andsardeshmukhi of a certain area was assigned to the chiefs and conquest
permitted. These chiefs were only too willing to go over to the other side if the Peshwa
exercised control over their activities. This was the situation in Balaji Vishwanath's
time.
Perhaps leaining from this, Baji Rao himself led military campaigns and acquired the
prosperous area of Malwa and Gujarat among others. Unfortunately he got embroiled
in conflict With the other great power in the Deccan, Nizam-ul-Mulk. An alliance
against the Mughals, and later the British, would have benefited both, but they chose
to go in for alliances with even Mughal functioneries against each other.
The Nizam was decisively beaten twice by Baji Rao's forces but the struggle for
mastery between the two continued. When the British entered the fray the contest
became a triangular one, which proved to be of great advantage to the British, who
could play off one against the other.
Balaji Rao, better known as Nana Saheb, was Peshwa from 1740 to 1761. Maratha
power achidved its climax during his rule. Expansion was now no longer limited to
areas over Which the Mughals has an uncertain hold. No part of India was spared the
depredationls of Maratha conquest. The South proved relatively easier to subdue.
Hyderabad $urrendered a large chunk of territory after its defeat in 1760 and Mysore
and other st,ates paid tribute. In the east, repeated conquests of Bengal gained them
Orissa in 1751. In Central India, Malwa, Gujarat and Bundelkhand, which had been
conquered by Baji Rao, were better integrated with the rest of the Maratha empire.
Struggle betiween Mughals, Marathas and Afghans
Mastery ov4r North India proved more difficult to maintain after the initial easy
conquest. m he Mughals at Delhi came under Maratha influence but the Afghans under
Abdali threw back the Marathas.
The Third Battle of Panipat, 1761
The third battle of Panipat commenced on 14th January 1761. But the conflict and its
outcomle ware brewing since 1752 when Maratha forces overran North India and
established their influence at the Delhi court. Imad-ul-MuIk was proclaimed the
Wazir of the Kingdom but for all practical purposes the Marathas were the rulers. The
Marathas were not content with their acquisitions and looked greedily towards the
Punjab, which was ruled by a tributary of Abdali. This was a grave mistake. Abdali
had retreated from India after carrying away what he could. He left behind trusted
followers in charge of certain areas, but decided to return to challenge the ambitious
Maratha power.
The conflict inevitably became a multifaceted one as the major and minor north
Indian powers got drawn in. Here the Afghans were at an advantage as the Marathas
had acquired many encmies in the process of conquering and administering this core
area of the empire. The Mughal nobles, apart from Imad-ul-Mulk, had been defeated
by them in the power game. The Jat and Rajput chiefs were completely alienated by
their conquests which were followed by imposition of heavy fines. The Sikhs, already
frustrated in their attempt to consolidate their power by the foreign invasions, were
obviously in no mood to help the Marathas to include Punjab in their empire.
The Rohilkhand chief and the Awadh Nawabs, whose area had been overrun by the
Marathas, even went to the extent of joining hands with Abdali. The Maratha armies
marched alone to the battlefield of Panipat to confront Abdali.
The Maratha army was no match for the Afghans though it boasted of troops trained
along Western lines. 28,000 Marathas died on the battlefield, along with the
commanders of the army. the Peshwa's minor son Vishwas Rao and the latter's
cousin. Sadashiv Rao Bhau. .The Peshwa, Balaji Baji Rao did not survive for long,
after hearing the tragic news of the defeat.
Aftermath of the Third Battle of Panipat
The third battle of Panipat proved significant in the struggle for mastery over India.
The Marathas' ambition of replacing the Mughals as the imperial power was checked
at a strategic point by this defeat. The beneficiaries were the British rather than the
Afghans. The British got a tremendous opportunity to expand their influence in
Bengal and India. Once they had got these footholds there was no looking back. For
a brief while after the debacle of 1761 it seemed as if the fortunes of the Marathas
were reviving. Madhav Rao, who became Peshwa in 1761, was successful in subduing
once again the old enemies, the Rohilas. the Rajput and Jat Chiefs in the north and
Mysore and Hyderabad in the south. But the early demise of the Peshwa in 1772, at
the age of 28, finaIly ended the dream. Factional struggle for power ensued, exposing
the Maratha power to defeat at the hands of the British in the first'Anglo-Maratha
war. (Anglo-Maratha conflict is one of the themes of Unit 10).
Nature of the Maratha State and Movement
The risc of the Marathas was both a regional reaction against Mughal centralisation
as well as a manifestation of the upward mobility of certain classes and castes. The
petty rural gentry and the hereditary cultivators (mirasdars) formed the social base.
Peasant castes wanted to achieve Kshatriya status while officials sought to concentrate
power in their hands.
Levy was institutionalised as chauth and made a legitimate part of the Maratha state
system. Money was raised through chauth to supplement the income from the poor.
underdeveloped home areas of the Marathas. But reliance on plunder was an
inadequacy of the Maratha system and they did not impose direct rule even when the
rich areas of Carnatic. Coromandel and the Gangetic Valley came under their contr.01.
The Marathas adopted some parts of the Mughal administrative system, but they
concentrated attention on techniques of extracting surplus. The absence of a proper
administrative hierarchy or a well-defined provincial authority prevented them from
consolidating their influence at the rapid pace necessary before the Afghans and
British coutd defeat them.
These administrative and financial weaknesses were compounded by their
technological backwardness. especially in the military sphere. The new development
of the time. artillery. small arms, especially the flint guns and improved firearms were
not adopted.
Indian Polity in the

Mid-18th Century
Rise et R @ o d Powers
Sikhs
The strategically located province of Punjab had witnessed the spread of a democratic,
new religioo, Sikhism, at the end of the 15th century. It was confined to the personal
sphere for two centuries, but by the time of Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Guru,
political ambitions and militancy had transformed the adherents of this faith into a
well-knit community. Guru Gobind Singh'sconflict with Aurangzeb is well known, as
is Banda Bahadur's rebellion against Aurangzeb's successors.
The mughals ruthlessly suppressed the revolt as Punjab was strategically crucial. The
Sikhs, unlike other rebels, were not willing to compromise with the Mughals. They
refused to have any link with the centre and insisted on being fully independent rulers.
There were internal weaknesses too. The position of the leaders of the movement, the
Khatris, declined as trade and urban centres withered under the combined impact of
the foreign invasions and the Marathas. The movement had drawn in the lower castes
with the prospect of upward mobility, but this invited the opposition of the upper
castes and classes.
For a quarter century after the suppression of Banda Bahadur's rebellion in 1715, the
Sikhs were quiescent. But adversity for the Mughal empire proved to be a beneficial
opportunity for the Sikhs. The invasion of Nadir Shah and Abdali exposed north
India and what they could not plunder and take away, was looted by the Sikhs. On
the basis of this booty and taking advantage of the breakdown of imperial control of
Punjab, the Sikhs rapidly established their control once Abdali and his followers
returned home.
There followed a period when 12 Misls or confederacies constituted the province.
Recent schalarship has debunked the view that the Sikh political system was
theocratic and placed it alongside secular polities elsewhere in the country. Punjab's
rise to prominence had to wait till the end of the century for Ranjit Singh.
Jats
The Jats were an agriculturist Caste inhabiting t_he Delhi-Agra belt. In the latter half
of the 17th century their?evolts ag&t Mughal dominatjon shook the stability of the
core area of the Mughal empire. As Mughal power declined, Jat power grew and a
peasant revolt was transformed into an uprising that proved destructive of all other
groups in the region, including the Rajput Zamindars. Despite originating as a peasant
rebellion, the Jat state remained feudal, with Zamindars holding both administrative
and revenue powers and revenue demands under Suraj Mal were higher than under
the Mughals.
Churaman ahd Badan Singh founded the Jat state at Bharatpur but it was Suraj Ma1
who consolidated Jat power during his rule from 1756 to 1763. Expansion of the state
brought its boundaries to the Ganga in the east, the Chambal in the south, Delhi in
the north and Agra in the west. In addition he possessed great administrative ability,
especially in the fields of revenue and civil affairs. However, his rule was short lived
and his death in 1763 also marked the demise of the Jat state.
Famkhabad and Rohilkhand
The states of Rohilkhand and the kingdom of the Bangash Pathans were a fall-out of
the Afghan migration from the 17th century. Large scale immigration of Afghans into
India took place in mid-18th century because of political and economic disruption in
Afghanistan. Ali Muhammad Khan took advantage of the collapse of authority in
north India fbllowing Nadir Shah's invasion, to set up a petty kingdom, Rohilkhand.
This was the area of the Himalayan foothills located between Kumaon in the north
and the Gan$a in the south. The Rohilas, as the inhabitants of Rohilkhand were
known, suffered heavily at the hands of the other powers in the area, the Jats and the
Awadh rulers and later the Marathas and the British, Mohammad Khan Bangash, an
Afghan, had set up an independent kingdom to the east of Delhi in the area around
Farrukhabad.
The Afghani bse of artillery, especially the flint gun, ended the domination of cavalry
since the early medieval ages discovered the stirrup.
Politically the role of the Afghans was negative. Not only did they accentuate the
decline of the Mughals but they helped Abdali to subdue Awadh, which could have
checked British expansion.
1.4.3
Independent Kingdoms
There was a third type of state which was neither the result of a breakaway from or
rebellion against Delhi. Mysore, the Rajput states and Kerala fall in this category.
The mid-18th century witnessed the emergence of Mysore as a significant power in

South India. Haidar Ali laid the foundations of Mysore's power, which were
consolidated by his able son, Tipu Sultan. Though Haidar Ali was only a junior
officer, of common parentage, in the Mysore army, he gradually rose to be a brilliant
commander. His most remarkable achievement was his realisation that only a modern
army could be the basis of a powerful state. Consequently heinducted French experts
to set up an arsenal and train the troops along western lines. Soon after he was able
to overthrow the real power behind the Mysore throne, the minister Nunjaraj in 1761.
The boundaries of the Mysore state extended to include the rich coastal areas of
Canara and Malabar. An expansionist at heart, Haidar naturally clashed with other
powers in the region, the Marathas, Hyderabad and the new entrants in the game, the
British. In 1769 he inflicted a heavy defeat on British forces very close to Madras.
With his death in 1782, his son Tipu became Sultan and extended his father's policies
further. However, Tipu's rule falls outside the scope of this Unit.
The Rajput rulers did not lag behind in consolidating their position by taking
advantage of the disintegration of the Mughal empire. None were large enough to
contend with the Marathas or theBritish for the position of paramount power. Their
method was to slowly loosen their ties with Delhi and function as independent states
in practice. They participated in the struggle for power at the court of Delhi and
gained lucrative and influential governorships from the Mughal emperors.
Rajput policy continued to be fractured in the post Mughal period. All the states
followed a policy of constant expansion absorbing weak neighbours whenever
possible. This took place within the State too, with one faction ousting the other in a
continuously played game of one-up-manship at the court of the Mughals. The most
well-known Rajput ruler, Jai Singh of Amber, ruled Jaipur from 1699 to 1743.
Kerala
The three states of Cochin, Travancore and Calicut together comprised the present
state of Kerala. The telritories of a large number of chiefs and rajas had been
incorporated into these states by 1763. But the expansion of Mysore proved
destructive for the stability of Kerala. Haidar Ali invaded Kerala in 1766 and annexed
Malabar and Calicut.
Travancore, the southern most state and by far the most prominent one, was spared.
Travancore had gained in importance after 1729 when its King, Martanda Verma,
expanded his dominions with the help of a strong and modern army trained in Western
lines and well equipped with modern weapons. The Dutch were ousted from Kerala
and the feudal chiefs suppressed. His vision extended beyond expansion to
development of his state and provision was made for irrigation and transport and
communication. His successor Rama Verma, a man of great creativity and learning,
including Western knowledge, was responsible for making Trivandrum, the capital, a
centre of scholarship and art.
1.4.4 Wedcnesses of Regional Polities

These states were strong enough to destroy Mughal power but none was able to
replace it by a stable polity at an a l l - k l h Ievel. According to one view, this was
because of some inherent weaknesses in these regional polities. Though some of them
tried to modernise, notably Mysore, on the whole they-were backward in science and
technology. These states could not reverse the general economic stagnation which had
Imd&n~iatbe
W-18th Century
Rise d ~ c g k n apowers
~
plagued the Mughal economy. The Jagirdari crisis intensified as income from
agriculture declined and the number of contenders for a share of the surplus
multiplied. Trade, internal and foreign. continued without disruption and even
prospered but the rest of the economy stagnated.
The above analysis of weaknesses has been questioned by historians recently. Some
representative examples will illustrate a different trend. Satish Chandra argues that it
is wrong to talk of generalised economic decline and social stagnation. The resilience
of the economy was in sharp contrast to the ease with which the polity collapsed. For
example, Bangal withstood the ravages of early colonial rule very well. Bengal's
economy stabilised after the 1770s and export of cotton piece goods went up to 2
;
million in the 1790s from 400,000 in the 1750s.
The social structure did not stagnate, it changed and low castes moved upwards and
"new men" gushing forward was a common feature all over India.
Muzaffar Alam presents a regionally varied picture, with some areas (Awadh)
experiencingeconomic prosperity and other areas stagnation (Punjab). Polities
remained redional because there emerged no state system indigenously with enough
surplus for am all-India system comparable to the Mughal empire.
Check Your *ogress
1) What werk the stages in the breakaway of Mughal Provinces from the centre?
Answer it in about 50 words.
..........................................................................................................
2) List the major territories acquired by the Marathas from 1740 to 1761.
..........................................................................................................
3) What were the major states set up by rebels against the Mughals?
4) Write ten lines on the weakness of regional polities.
lndino PaUty in the

M#-18th Cmhvy
1.5
THE RISE OF BRITISH POWER
The third and the most.crucia1 feature of the 18th century polity was the rise and
expansion of the British power in India. It opened a new phase in the history of India.
In this section you will become familiar with how the British came to India and
subsequently expanded their influence.
1
I
1.5.1 From Trading Company to Political Power

The mid-18thcentury saw the transformation of the English East India Company from
a trading enterprises to a political power. From its establishment on 31 December
1600to 1744, the E n a s h East India Company slowly expanded its trade and influence
in India. The Portuguese and Dutch were eased out by a strategy combining war and
manoeuvres at the Mughal court. By the 18th century the main foreign power
remaining in the fray was the French East India Company, a comparatively late
entrant in the race.
The beginning of the empire is usually traced to 1757 when the British defeated the
Bengal Nawab at Plassey. The ground for the victory of 1757 was laid in South India
where British military might and diplomatic strategy were successfully tested out in
the conflict with the French Company. This conflict, popularly known as the Carnatic
Wars, spanned a quarter century from 1744 to 1763. Unit 9 will take this up in detail.
The English East India Company had remained a commercial body for one and a half
centuries. Why did it acquire its political ambitions at this time?
As we shall see in Block 2, the expansion of European production and trade and the
emergence of aggressive nation states in Europe lay behind the expansion of the
European companies in India from the 1730s. In India, the decline of Mughal
authority obviously provided a great opportunity for expansion of influence.
The company's need for more revenue from taxation' inclined it towards establishing
an empire. The company needed money to maintain its trade and pay its troops and
so acquisition of temtory seemed the best method of meeting this requirement. The
company's interest in conquering Bengal was two-fold-protection of its trade and
control over Bengal's revenue. The intention was to remit the surplus revenue of
Bengal as tribute through the channel of investment in Bengal goods. The value of
Bengal goods exported rose from 4,00,000 in 1765 to one million towards the end of
the 1770's.
1.5.2 Anglo-French Struggle in South India

Hyderabad had become independent of central authority under Nizam-ul-Mulk but
after his death in 1748 it entered into a period of grave instability, as did the Carnatic.
Disputes over succession offered the foreign companies a chance for intervention.
First Carnatic War
The First Carnatic War was provoked by the outbreak of hostilities in Europe in 1742
between the two countries. By 1745 the war spread to lndia where French and English
East lndia Companies were rivals in trade and political influence. The English attack
of French ships near Pondicherry was duly matched by the French occupation of
Madras. At this juncture the Nawab of Carnatic responded to an English appeal to
protect Madras and his armies were defeated by the small French army at St. Thomas
near Madras, With the end of the war in Europe, the hostilities in India ceased, but
only temporarily. The issue of supremacy had not been decisively settled and from
1748 onwards a situation of conflict once again emerged.
The Second Carnatic War

The second war was the outcome of the diplomatic efforts of Dupleix, the French
Governor-General in India. Disputes over claims to the throne arose both in
Hyderabad and in the Carnatic. Dupleix was quick to extend support to Chandra
Sahib in the! Carnatic and Muzaffar Jang in Hyderabad, with the intention of obtaining
handsome tewards from them. This early preparation was useful as the French and
their allies defeated their opponents in 1749. The French gained tenitoridly and
monetarily. Significant gains were the Northern Sarkars, Masulipatnarn and some
villages around Pondicherry. Political influences was secured at the Nizam's court by
the appointment of an agent at the court.
~ i s od ~ e g i o r dPowers
The English avenged their defeat in 1750. Robert Clive master minded the occupation
of Arcot with only UIO English .ad300 Indian soldier. Chandra Sahib had no option
I but to rush tb the defence of his capital, lifting the siege of Trichodopoly and releasing
Muhammad Ali in consequence. This was what Clive had hoped would hppm.
The French effort to strike back was frustrated by the lack of support given by the
French govsrnment. They had incurred heavy losses in America and India and
preferred a humiliating peace to an expensive conflict. Thus the very nature of the
company, it" being almost a department of the state, proved disastrous for it. The
French state was not only corrupt and decadent, it failed to keep in line with current
developmen~tsand visions into the future. Dupleix was recalled after negotiations with
the English company in 1754. The French challenge was virtually over.
Third Carnatic War
A third war broke out in 1756 with the commencement of war in Europe. Count dc
Lally sailed to India to aid the French army but his ships were sent back and the
French troops were defeated in Carnatic. The French position at the court and
territory in Hyderabad state were taken over by the English. The battle of Wandiwash
in 1760 marked the elimination of French influence in India.
Peace like war, was once again linked with Europe. The Treaty of Paris in 1763
reduced the French company to a pure trading body without any political privileges.
The conflict between the English and French companies was a crucial stage in the
consolidatiorp of British power in India. At the end of 20 years the superiority of the
British over the French was clearly proved. The lessons learnt in the Carnatic were
well applied lin other parts of the country.
1 S . 3 Conquest of Bengal : Plassey to Buxar

Bengal was the first province where the British eastablished political control. The
Nawab, Sirajrud-daula, was defeated at the battle of Plassey in 1757. The grant oft he
Zamindari of 24 Parganas by Mir Jafar in 1757 and then of the Burdwan, Midnapore
and Chittagoh in 1760 by Mir Kasim gave the Company's servants the opportunity to
oppress the officials of the Nawab and the peasants. Trading privileges were similarly
misused. Mir Kasim foliowed Siraj-ud-daula's example and refused to accept these
attacks on his sovereignity. He joined battle with the British at Buxar in 1764 along
with the Nawab of Awadh and the Mughal emperor. The company won an easy
victory. Unit f3 will deal with developments from Plassey to Buxar in detail. Here our
concern is with the changes in the political system.
Dual Government
The treaty of Bengal in 1765 inaugurated the Dual Government of Bengal. Clive
became Governor of Bengal and Company the virtual ruler. The Nawab was the ruler
merely in name as his army had been disbanded. The administration was handed over
to a Deputy Subadar, who would function on behalf of the Nawab, but would be
nominated by the company. The company had direct control over collection of
revenues through the Deputy diwan. As the officesof diwan and subadar were held by
the same person, the company's control was total.
Moreover, the great advantage was that responsibility continued to be with the
Nawab. The blame for the extortions and oppression by the company's servants fell
on the Nawab. It is estimated that 5.7 million were taken away from Bengal in the
years 1766 to 1768 alone. Senior British officials including Clive admitted that
Company's rule was unjust and corrupt and meant untold misery for the people of
Bengal.
1.5.4
Reorganisation of the Political system
The administrative abuses were so great that the company ended the dual government
in 1772. The company was essentially a trading corporation, ill equipped to administer
territory. Changes were necessary in the constitution to enable it to wield political
power and for the British Government to regulate the functioning of the company.
This was effected by the Regulating Act of 1773. Unit 23 discusses the Act at length.
Introduction of Western Institutions

The significance of the Regulating Act for our discussion lies in its intrcduction of the
British mode of governance. British style institutions were introduced. The
Governor-General and his council were to run the administration of Bengal and
supervise that of Bombay and Madras. The Supreme Court of justice was set up at
Calcutta to administer justice according to British percepts. The nucleus of an
administrative apparatus already existed within the company, as it had an army,
collected taxes and imparted justice. Initially the old system was only extended, but
by the turn of the century, British principles had permeated deep.
One such principle was the separation of the judiciary from the executive. Civil courts
set up and presided over by judges, proved popular, 200,000 cases per year being the
average in the early nineteenth century. The police system took shape under
Carnwallis.
Reliance on Indians to man the services continued, but on different terms. Both the
Nawab and his subordinates lost power as the company became the supreme
authority. The powerful state apparatus created was intended to enforce obedience of
the subjects. Continuities with earlier practice existed but the change in the way
people were ruled was fundamental.
Map 1
Change was not immediately visible. Revenue collection procedures were derived
from varied traditional and Mughal practices. But the establishment of control of the
British Government over the Company's administration and policies marked the
replacement of the indigenous political system by an imperial system subservient t o
the interests of Britain.
R L P ~d ~ e g l a o dPowers
Check Your Progress 3
1) Why did the East India Company adopt an expansionist policy after the 1720's.
Write your answer in 50 words.
..........................................................................................................
2) Write five lines on the Dual Government and its advantages for the British.
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
1.6 LET' US SUM UP

'
t
The 18th century is no longer accepted as a classic dark age when anarchy ruled.
Mughal decliee was not the predominant feature of the century. The growth of
regional powers was an equally significant development of the mid-18th century. Thc
rise of British power, which began in the mid-18th century was the third major
development.
Continuiyy of traditions from Mughal to regional and British polities was remarkable.
But the differknces between these three polities were equally striking. The same
institutions parformed very different functions when integrated into a new political
system. The regional powers that emerged were of three types-the successor states,
the new states and the independent kingdoms. The first group proved to be stable
polities. The Marathas, the main contender for the status of an all-India empire came
from the Vecomd group of 'new states'. But a combination of unfortunately timed
external challdnges and internal weaknesses dashed their dreams. The states set up by
the Sikhs, Jats and Afghans were fairly short-lived.
The regional powers were not able t o take the place of the Mughals. Though some
states were very prosperous, and some achieved considerable military powers, none
could achieve resources and power t o maintain an all-India polity. Modernisation
attempts were limited. Backward regional states easily succumbed t o the superior
Brlt~shsystem.
The struggle with the French for supremacy marked the first phase of the rise of the
British power. iI7le conquest of Bengal was the second and decisive step. The British
initially ruled through indigenous institutions but introduced constitutional changes
from 1773 onwmrds. T h e main orientation of British rule was t o the metropolitan
economy, though the colonial institutions were a mixture of Mughal and British
modes. Brjtishpower in India was integrated into Britain's world-wide imperial
system.
Indian Polity in the
1.7 KEY WORDS
MM-18th Century
Chauth: A levy consisting of one fourth of land revenue, collected by Maratha chiefs
from the areas assigned to them by the Peshwa. In return the chiefsawere expected to
protect these areas from external aggression.
Jagirdari System: A system of giving land to Mughal Mansabdar or officer in lieu of
cash payment. The grantees were expected to collect the land revenue of these areas
to pay their armed retainers and themselves. They also commanded administrative
authority over the areas called Jagirs.
1.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
1) See Sub-sec. 1.3.2.
2) i) V
ii) x
iii) V
3) See. Sub-sec. 1.3.4.
iv) x

4) In your answer you should briefly refer to factors like backward social structure.
continuity of Jagirdari crisis, inferior economic system and a failure to evolve a
stable alternative all-India Polity. You should atso discuss the various view points
expressed. See Sub-sec. 1.4.4.
1) Your answer should include the need for more revenue by the British, along with
other increasing economic requirements of the British state. See Sub-sec. 1.5.1.
UNIT 2
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Bengal kind Awadh: under the Mughals
Bengal ! Towards Autonomy
2.3.1
2.3.2
2.3.3
Murshid Kuli Khan and Bengal

Sh~ja-ud-dinand Bengal
Alivardi Khan and Bengal
Bengal : Towards Subjection

2.4.1
2.4.2
Plqssey and After

Buaar and After
Awadh : Towards Autonomy

2.5.1
2.5.2
2.5.3
Shadat Khan and Awadh

Safdar Jang and Awadh
Shuja-ud-daula and Awadh
Awadh : Towards Subjection

2.6.1
2.6.2
2.63
Awadh : 1764-1775
AWadh : 1775-1797
Awladh: 1797-1856
Nature a f the Regional Polity

Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
2.0 OBJECTIVES
The eighteenth century is marked by the rise of regional state systems. After reading
this Unit you will:
have an idea about the system of administration prevailing in Bengal and Awadh
before autonomy,
learn about the process of transformation of Bengal and Awadh into autonomous
states,
understand the context in which they were absorbed into the British imperial
system, and
learn about the nature and functioning of the regional polity in Awadh and Bengal.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Recent historical writings on eighteenth century India have tended to focus o n the
emergence and experience of regional political systems as a central theme, rather than
highlight the decline of the Mughal Empire as a process dominating the century. In
Unit 1 you have read about the nature of polity in general in the mid-18th century. In
this Unit we shall try to identify the elements and processes that enabled erstwhile
imperial provinces to transform themselves into autobomous states. O u r focus here is
on Bengal and Awadh. In spite of differences in some respect, the regimes of Bengal
and Awadh in their early years of inception and organisation shared features in
common, an analysis of which could p g v i d e useful insight into the features and
processes that characterised eighteenth eentury polities at l a ~ e This
.
Unit first takes
into account the transition of Bengal and Awadh from Mughal Subas into autonomous
states and then their subordination to the British imperial system, in this context we
have also taken into consideration the nature and functioning of the regional polity.
2.2
Bengal and Awadh
BENGAL AND AWADH: UNDER THE MUGHALS
The emergence of Awadh and Bengal as autonomous independent states in the

eighteenth century was not an isolated development. The rise of independent states
in Awadh, Bengal, Hyderabad, Mysore and in other reglons was one of the
predominant characteristics of the eighteenth century Indian polity. The on-going
research on the decline of the Mughal Empire has shown that various factors like
adm~nistrativecrisis, agrarian crisis, societal crisis, etc., combining together
destabilised the Mughal imperial system. The debate is still on among historians about
the nature and relative importance of these various factors (You have got some idea
about this in Unit 1). For our present purpose it is important to understand the nature
of the Mughal provincial polity in the early eighteenth century so that we can follow
the process involved in the emergence of new regimes in Bengal and Awadh.
Bengal and Awadh were integral parts of the Mughal imperial system. In both the
provinces higher officials like the Nazim and the Diwan were directly recruited by the
Mughal emperors. The provincial officials were as follows. In the Suba o r province
the head of revenue administration wav the Diwan, and the executive head controlling
other matters of civil and military administration was the Nazim. These were aided by
the Baksi who was the military pay-master of the Suba, the Kotwal who headed the
police department, the Qazi who dispensed Justice, and the Waqai Navis responsible
for collecting and reporting news which had a bearing o n political affairs. A Suba o r
Provinces was divided into Sarkars and these units were controlled by Faujdars. The
Sarkars were further subdivided into Parganas. A t the local level within the province
it was the Zamindars who had maximum control over the local people and
administration.
The imperial control over the provinces was mainly through the control over
appointment of the Nazim and the Diwan. They were men in whom the emperor had
confidence. It was a system of checks and balances, the Diwan was separately
appointed by the emperor in order t o keep control over the Nazirn. Besides these two
high officials. in provinces many other officials like Amils, Faujdars, etc., were
dependent o n the emperor who appointed them. Political integration of the empire
was a product of the coordination and balancing of the various forces ranging from
the Zamindars and a large number of lower-level officials to the highest provincial
officials mentioned above.
This system acted well till the imperial authority was able to enforce policy and secure
obedience from the provincial administration. But from the late 17th and early 18th
century. gradually the relationship of the central authority with the provincial
administration was virtually reduced to getting tribute from the provincial governor
While making this token submission to the imperial authority, the provincial
governors gradually tried to identify themselves as local powers and t o establish their
independent authority at the provincial level. The flow of tribute to the imperial
treasury became irregular. There was also a tendency among the governors to
establish their dynastic rule in the provinces and to appoint their own men in the
administration. All these point to the process of weakening of imperial control in the
provinces and the making of independent authority at the regional level. In the
following sections we will discuss how gradually Awadh and Bengal emerged as
autonomous independent states in course of the 18th century.
2.3
BENGAL: TOWARDS AUTONOMY
The rise of Bengal as an independent autonomous state in the first half of eighteenth
century typified the emerging trend of regional autonomy in various Mughal Subas.
Though the sovereignty of the Mughal emperor was not challenged. the establishment
of practically independent and hereditary authority by the governor and subordination
of all offices within the region to the governor showed the emergence of an
independent focus of authority in Bengal.
r ~ r cd
R
-
2.3.1
Murshid Kuli Khan and Bengal
The basis for an independent state in Bengal was first laid down by Murshid Kuli
Khan. H e was first appointed as Diwan to reorganise the revenue administration of
Bengal. His success as an efficient administrator and the state of uncertainty in
imperial administration following the death of Aurangzeb helped him to bccomc thc
Subadar of Bengal. Although Murshid Kuli did not defy the imperial authority of thc
Mughals yet it was his administration which showed clear indication of the
establi~hmentof a dynastic rule in Bengal. H e was the last governor of Bengal directly
appointed by the emperor. Murshid Kuli abolished the system of separate offices of
the Nazim and the Diwan and combiped both the offices. Actually the motive behind
the appoinument of a Diwan in the provinces was to keep control over the governor
. Murshid Kuli by combining these two posts wanted to strengthen
of the p r o v i ~ c e But
the power of the governor. This was a clear indication of the creation of an '
independent authority in the province.
Murshid Kbli set the tradition of a dynastic rule in Bengal. It became as established
fact in the province that after his death the Nawabship of Bengal would pass into the
hands of his family. They continued t o seek imperial confirmation but the selection of
Nawab no longer remained in the hands of the emperor.
Initially Mprshid Kuli's main concern was to step u p revenue collection in Bengal. In
order to d o this Murshid Kuli enteied into a series of new relations with local power
groups within the province. This actually laid the basis for a larger framework within
which the autonomous Suba would function in the 1730's and 1740's. The new
arrangements followed as a consequence of Murshid Kuli's revenue measures which
essentially sought to enhance and render more efficient the collection of land revenue.
The measures that he took were:
Elimination of small intermediary Zamindars,
Expelling rebellious Zamindars and Jagirdars into the frontier provinces of Orissa,
Enlarging the scope and extent of the KHALSA lands,
Encourbging big Zamindars who assumed the responsibilities of revenue collection
and payment.
Murshid Yuli encouraged some Zamindars to build up and consolidate their holdings
by buylng up the estates of defaulters. Some of the important Zamindars In Bengill
were those of Rajsahi, Dinajpur, Burdwan. Nadia, Birbhum, Bishnupur and in B ~ h a r
Zamindars of Tirhut. Shahbad and T ~ k a r ~,Murshid
.
Kuli controlled the country\ide
and colledted the revenue through these Zamindars; the Zamindars on their part
expanded their dominations by extending their control over the neighbouring
Zarnindars. The net result was that by 1727, Zamindars as a group definitely emerged
as one of the major political forces within the province.
Parallel t~ this development, was the growing importance of monied and commercial
elements. The relentless pressure on the Zamindars to pay their obligations in full
enhanced opportunities for financiers who now acted as securitiesat every stagc of the
transactian. It is, therefore, not surprising that the house of the Jagat Seths should
have enjoiyed such unstinted patronage and support of the Nawab. The Saths actcd
not merely as guarantor of the larger Zamindars but also assumed full responsibility
for the remittance of the Bengal revenue to Delhi.
The new power structure that had thus emerged in Bengal was very different from the
Mughal plrovincial model and coincided with Delhi's declining hold over the province.
The Nazim, though not unaware of the implications of the changing situation d~d.n:)t
contemplhte a complete rupture with Delhi, and annual revenue continued to bc
remitted. But on the other hand, it became increasingly clear that Mursh~dKuli had
, that he would ensure that the N~zamatof the
identified Bengal as h ~ ds o m a ~ n and
province would pass on to a member of his family and not to an outsider. Thus
Murshid Kuli nominated his daughter's son Sarfaraz as his successor. This manoeuvre
would sc&rcelyhave been tolerated during the days of a strong imperial government.
2.3.2 Shujauddin and Bengal

Sarfaraz, nom~natedby Murshid K u l ~as his successor, was deposed by h ~ father
s
Shujauddin Muhammad Khan. Ties between Delhi and Murshidabad persisted in the
rule of Shujauddin. H e continued to pay the tribute to the Mughal court. But besides
this aspect, in matters df provincial government Shuja managed the affairs in his own
way. He filled the high officers with his own men and got the imperial endorsement
later on. The way Murshid Kuli tried to develop a system of administration of his own
was also pursued by Shuja. H e also developed ties of loyalty with different local power
groups to retain his control over the province. It has been observed by Phillip B.
Calkins that during the 1730's the government of Bengal began to look more like
government by cooperation of the dominant forces in Bengal rather than the imperial
rule from outside. The changing power equation was most conspicuously
demonstrated in the coup that was effected in 1739-4 by Alivardi Khan who killed
Sarfaraz Khan, the legitimate successor to Shujauddin, and seized power. Alivardi
was backed by the Zamindars and bankers.
2.3.3 Alivardi Khan and Bengal

Alivardi's regime added a new dimension in the relations between the Mughal
authority and the Bengal government. As it happened in the case of his predecessors
Alivardi also obtained imperial confirmation of his position. But his reign showed a
virtual break with the Mughals and marked the commencement of autonomy for the
Bengal Suba. The major appointments in the provincial administration were made by
Alivardi himself without any reference to the Mughal emperor. Previously it was
through these appointments that the emperor tried to enforce his authority in the
provinces. Men of Alivardis own choice were appointed as Deputy Nawabs at Patna,
Cuttack and Dhaka.
T o manage the revenue administration he appointed a large number of Hindus as
Mutaseddis or Amils o r local Diwans. Alivardi also organised a strong military force
with the help of the Pathans settled in Bihar and North India. Besides these
developments, an important sign of declining of imperial control over Bengal was the
abrupt end in the flow of regular tribute to Delhi. According to contemporary sources
whereas Murshid Kuli and Shujauddin used to pay an annual tribute of
Rs. 10,000,000, Alivardi in 15 years had paid Rs. 4,000,000 to Rs. 5,000,000.
According to some other sources, Alivardi stopped paying annual tributes.
It is important to note here that by 1740's an administrative system developed in
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa which steadily reduced ties with the imperial court in Delhi.
It is true that Alivardi Khan did not formally defy the imperial authority. But for all
practical purposes we find the emergence of an independent state in eastern India
during this period. Two important forms of imperial control over province-payment
of annual tribute to the emperor and appointment of higher provincial officials by the
emperor, were not visible during Alivardi's regime. Practically there was no imperial
intervention in Bengal.
However Alivardi had faced two strong external threats-ne
from the Marathas and
the other from the Afghan rebels-when he was trying to consolidate his base in
Bengal. After establishing their control over most of central India Marathas were
trying to extend their control beyond central India. They were forcefully collecting
Chauth from the neighbouring states. Goaded by the dream of a Maratha Empire and
the desire for wealth the Marathas ,attacked Bengal three to four times during the
period 1742 to 1751. Each time when they attacked Bengal it caused lot of damage to
the life and property of the local people. Being disturbed by these repeated attacks of
the Marathas and failing to stop it Alivardi finally sued for peace with the Marathas
in 1751. Alivardi agreed to pay annual Chauth of Rs. 1,200,000 and Orissa was given
t o the Marathas on condition that the Marathas would not enter the dominations of
Alivardi in future.
Another formidable threat that Alivardi had t o face was from the rebel Afghan
troops. Mustafa Khan, the Afghan general, with the help of the dismissed Afghan
troops put forward a serious challenge to Alivardi. In 1748 the rebel Afghan troops
seized Patna and plundered it. Alivardi, however. was able to defeat the Afghans after
a major battle and recovered Patna. The long wars that Alivardi had to fight against
the Marathas and the Afghans put severe strain on the finances of the government.
The effect bf it was felt very shortly on different local groups like Zamindars, office
Rise oC Regional Powers
RAMGARH
TRIPURA
CHOTA
NAGPUR
Map 2
holders, bank~ers,merchants and the European companies. In the following section

we will see haw these different forces weaken the basis of the autonomous state and
led to its subjtction to the British imperial system.
Check Your Progress I
I j How would you explain the decline of imperial control In the provlnce in thc I1r5t
of 18th cent,ury? Write in about 100 words.
2 ) L ~ s tthreelfour characteristics which showed the development of inclcpendcnt

political authority in Uengal.
.........................................................................................................
2.4 BENGAL : TOWARDS SUBJECTION

The death of Alivardi in 1756 gave rise to dissensions among various groups within
the court on the question of succession to the throne of Bengal. Actually in the
absence of any definite rule of succession each time after the death of Nawab there
was a conflict for succession. Alivardi named ~iraj-ud-daula,his grandson, as his
successor. The succession of Siraj was challenged by other claimants like Shaukat Jang
(Faujdar of Purnea) and Ghasiti Begam, daughter of Alivardi. This encouraged
factionalism within the court and support offered by Jagat Seths, Zamindars and
others to the different warring groups seriously threatened the stability of the
independent Bengal Suba. The English East India Company acted as a catalyst to
precipitate this crisis.
2.4.1
Plassey and After
Certain developments combined and converged to form the fateful conspiracy and
encounter at Plassey in 1757 which set the process of subjugation of Bengal to the
English East India Company. The sources of conflict between the Nawab and the
English were related to:
1)
the abuse of the duty free trade privilege (sanctioned by Mughal Emperor
Farukhsiyar to the East India Company in 1717) which the company merchants
insisted on availing of in their private commerical ventures.
2)
the right to fortifications within the town of Calcutta. Both these were objected
to time and again by successive Bengal Nawabs. Disputes became more
acrimonious in Siraj's reign and led to a military encounter. The disaffected
notables of Siraj's court, notably the Jagat Seths, Yar Lutf Khan, Rai Durlubh
and Amir Chand joined hands with the English to oust Siraj and installed their
protege.
In organising the conspiracy, it was not their intention to upset existing political
order-a return to the status quo of Alivardi's administration was the probable
objective. The battle of Plassey (1757) showed the depth of factionalism in the
Nawab's court. The treachery of the close lieutenants of the Nawab rather than the
might of the English decided the fate of the battle. Mir Jafar was proclaimed Nawab.
An agreement was concluded with the English wherein the Nawab guaranteed and in
some cases extended the commerical privileges of the English. The Company on their
part agreed not to interfere in the ~ a w a b ' sgovernment.
A return to the status quo situation, the objective of Plassey conspirators, soon proved
an impossibility to achieve. What happened instead was the stqady erosion and
collapse of the autonomy in Bengal which was so carefully built up by Murshid Kuli
and his successors. The inability of Mir Jafar, the ongoing conspiracy within the court
and the relative weakness of the Nawab's armed forces gave the English the scope to
decisively interfere in the affairs of the province. Mir Jafar's growing dependence on
the company for military support was used by the company to demand more finances
and other privileges from the Nawab. But the Nawab was not in position to meet the
growing financial demands of the company. Thus the company's relentless drive for
more revenues in Bengal led to direct confrontation with Mir Jafar. Mir Jafar was
ultimately forced to abdicate.
Mir Kasim who got the Nawabship through a secret deal with the English again faced
the same fate like Mir Jafar.
2.4.2
Buxar and After
The first years of Mir Kasim's reign saw a concerted and conscious attempt to rebuild
the independent state in Bengal. Shifting the capital from Murshidabad to Monghyr
in Bihar-an area away from the English sphere of influence, his objective was to
establish 3 thoroughly centralised power structure. A major rehauling of the financial
and military machine of the state was set in motion. The army was remodelled, a fire
arms manhfactory was established and troops which had served previous Nawabs and
whose loyalty was suspected were disbanded. Embezzlements were checked,
non-essential expenditure was curbed-and the position of Zamindars as well as of all
those who depended on assignments was ruthlessly undermined. Rebel Zamindars
were dispossessed, Amils and revenue farmers appointed in their stead. The measures
left none in doubt as regards the Nawab's determination to exercise his authority to
the full.
I
FOPthe company, the situation was far from apeptable. Mir Kasim vehemently
protested bgainst the extension of private trade which diminished his customs revenue
and whicH threatened to undermine his own area of territorial authority. Indeed
British cotnmerical penetration into Bengal was not merely disrupting the cycle of
economic activity in the interior, but was clearly threatening to jeopardise the
Nawab's authority. Under the circumstances, it was not surprising that the abuse of
dastak (i.@.duty free trade permit) by the company servants for their private trade
was the immediate cause of the war of 1764. A surprise attack on Patna by the English
let to a full scale war between the English and Mir Kasim. Mir Kasim was backed by
the proviflcial nobility of Bihar, Orissa and the Nawab of Awadh and the Mughal
emperor Shah Alam. The combined forces however failed to restrain the English
advance and the independent rule of the Nawabs in Bengal came t o an end.
I
The depoqition and execution of Mir Kasim was followed by the restoration of Mir
Jafar, this time on much harsher terms. Not only did he and his successors have to pay
Rs. 5,00,W for month to the company, they had also to submit to company
internention in matters of appointments and dismissal of officers, of reduction in
military establishments. For all practical purposes, power was transferred to the
British and which was formalised by the treaty of Allahabad, 12 August 1765. By the
treaty the Mughal emperor formally appointed the English East India Company his
Diwan for the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The company was entrusted
with the fihancial administration of the three province's and in return the emperor was
guarantee0 an annual tribute of Rs. 2,00,000. The Nawabs of Bengal retained the
office of Mazim with formal responsibility for defence, law and order and the
administrqtionof justice. In other words, responsibility for administration lay with the
Nazim, revenues and rights with the company. Thus with the formal grant of the
Diwani, gteater Bengal came under full British rules not even vestiges of autonomy
were tillowed to remain, as had remained in the cases of the client states of Hyderabad
and Awadh.
1) Why did the Bengal Nawabs fail to uphold their autonomy?

Explain in about 100 words.
2)
Read the following statements and mark right ( d )o r wrong ( x ) .

a) Siraj-ud-daula failed in the battle of Plassey because of the superiority of the
English army.
b) The real b e n e f ~ c ~ aof
r y the battle of Plassey was not Mir Jafar but the English
East lndla Company.
C ) Thc conflict between the East India Company and Mir Jafar was because the
s
latter failed to keep h ~ promlse.
d ) The growing commercial penetration into Bengal by the British led t o the
confl~ctwith the Nawab
2.5 AWADH: TOWARDS AUTONOMY

Dcvclopmcnt in Awadh followed the same trend towards autonomy in the first phase
and eventually subjection to the British. T h e rise of Awadh as an eighteenth century
regional political system was fostered as much by economic and geographical factors.
as by the pursuit of political autonomy by the Iranian and Shiite family of
Burhanulmulk Saadat Khan.
2.5.1
Saadat Khan and Awadh
Autonomy from the Mughal system was, in a sense, thrust ypon Awadh following the
frustrations and disappointments of Saadat Khan in Delhi: Prevented time and again
from playing a larger role in the Mughal imperial politics which he thought he so richly
deserved, he concentrated his energies in consolidating his authority in Awadh. H e
desired to convert Awadh into a power base for launching into imperial politics.
Economically Awadh was prosperous in eighteenth century because of its high level
of trade and agricultural prosperity. Geographically it was situated in a very strategic
position lying between the north bank of the Ganges and the Himalayan mountains.
Awadh's proximity to the centre of imperial power, Delhi, had an added importance.
Saadat Khan was assigned the Subadari of Awadh in 1722 after having held the Agra
Province, without conspicuous success against the Jath rebels. Saadat Khan devoted
his energies to make Awadh an independent centre of authority. Prevailing
weaknesses in the imperial administration following the death of Aurangzeb helped
him in fulfilling his gmbition. Immediately after taking control of Awadh Saadat Khan
faced strong resistance from numerous rebellious chiefs and rajas in Awadh. In order
t o consolidate his position the measures he took were:
Suppression of rebellious Imal Zamindars.and chieftains,
Circumscribing theauthority of the Madad-i-mash grantees,
Systematising revenue collection, and atso
Negotiation with some local Zamindars.
All the important posts in the provincial administration were filled up by his relatives
and followers. In this way he wanted to ensure the loyalty of provincial officials to
him. With these achievements behind him Saadat Khan felt emboldened enough t o
nominate his son-in-law Safdar Jang a s Deputy governor of the prodnce without
waiting for imperial sanction. This was a clear sign of the growinq autonomy of the
Awadh Suba. By 1735, Sadaat Khan's control over Awadh was so complete that Delhi
did not hesitate to bestow o n him the faujdari of the adjacent Sarkar of Kora
Jahanabad and on another occasion the revenue farm of the Sarkars of Benaras,
Jaunpur. Ghatipur and Chunargarh. These successes notwithstanding, Saadat Khan's
c o n c e r n were stiU primarily determined by prospects of i m p r i a l politics and not with
regional autonomy. The fact was that, Saadat had not yet given u p his stakes in
Mughal imperial politics. Admitted1y important changes had been introduced and
these had undermined the vestiges of imperial control but regionaI independence and
control was still envisaged within the Mughal framework. It was only in 1737 when
Saadat's demands for greater territorial resources and miditaey control in lieu of his
services against Maratha inroads were rejected outright by the Mughal Court and
again 1739-40when his request for the office of Mir Bakshi was turned down despite
&ag.l and Awadh
his display of valour against the invading Persians, that the process of disenchantment
and disillusionment with the Mughals was complete. In 1739 Saadat Khan came with
a huge f ~ r c to
e save f i e Mughal emperor from the Persian attack. But his abrupt
attact on the main Persian force led o his capture in the hands of Nadir Shah, the
Persian aommander. However he was able to influence Nadir Shah and became the
negotiat@rbetween the Persian and the Mughal camp. What followed was treachery
and desertion to the Persian camp with disastrous implications. Saadat had helped in
vain to utilise the Persian connection for a greater role in imperial politics. What
transpirqd was Nadir's utter disregard of his clients pretensions and worse still Nadir's
escalatin~cash demands on him. Despairing under the circumstances, Saadat gave up
his life gnd with it his obsession with the imperial game.
2.5.2 Safdar Jang and Awadh

The legacy that Saadat Khan had left for his son-in-law and nominated successor
Safdar Jang was a semi-autonomous regionalpolitical system. Its internal organisation
and yorking was no longer dependent on impenal dictates and which did not consider
it obligatory to remit revenues regularly to Delhi. Furthermore, revenue
arrangeqents of the province had undergone a reorganisation; the office of imperial
Diwan wlas abolished and larger numbers of local Hindu service gentry were absorbed
into adnbinistration.
The follawing years between 1739 and 1764 saw Awadh's fortunes at its height and
also condtituted the period of greatest autonomy. The outward allegiance to the
Emperod was still maintained, for example,
Emperor's f o ~ aconfirmation
l
was taken for the appointment in the high offices,
Reveques were sent to the imperial treasury,
Orders, Titles, etc. were given in the name of the Mughal Emperor, etc.
Howevei, Safdar Jang within this imperial context tried his best to strengthen the basis
of autonomous political system in Awadh. He extended his control over the Gangetic
plains add appropriated the forts of Rohtas, Chunar and also the Subadari of
~ l l a b a b d dThese
.
acquisitions enhanced his status at the imperial court and also
earned fdr him the office of Wizarat. The acquisition of Farukhabad and his continual
attemptsat self-aggrandisement alienated him form the imperial/court.Safdar Jang
was disrrqissed from the office of Wazir. Though during the Maratha attack on Delhi
in 1754, he had a brief return to the Mughal court, he virtually lost his influence
in the imperial court.
2.5.3
Shuja-ud-daula and Awadh
Safdar Jang's si!ccessor Shuja-ud-daula achieved greater success in consolidating the

expanding frontiers of the province and in adjusting the relations of his independent
Suba with the Mughal empire. He was also to contemplate and execute a complex
network of alliances against the rising English power in the east. Equally striking
successes were registered in the internal sphere-revenue collection were systematised,
the army well maintained and the treasury assured of regular receipts. Local Hindu
gentry groups were well represented in the administration and bureaucracy, the Naib
was Raja Beni Bahadur (Brahmin) while the secretary to the Nawab himself was a
Marathi speaking Deshasth Brahmin. Among the Nawab's most reputed generals
were not only Hindus but also gosain monks.
Like his predecessors Shuja-ud-daula also did not completely cut off the ties with the
Mughal emperor. He also took the confirmation from the emperor for this throne. He
successfully outmanoeuvred the emperor's attempt to extend the imperial control
over north India. Shuja-ud-daula was able to reestablish the dominance of Awadh
over the imperial court and got the appointment of Wazir. He took the side of Ahmad
Shah Abdali, the Afghan leader, in the battle against the Marathas in 1761 and thus
checked the Maratha threat to north India. Thus Shuja-ud-daula, before the battle
with the English East India Company in 1764, had very successfully maintained the
autonomous political system that developed in Awadh in the first half of the 18th
century.
1)
How did Saadat Khan try to establish independent political authority in Awadh?
Write in about 100 words.
Rise of R
......................................................................................................
e Powera
2)
Read the following statements and mark right (d)

or wrong (x).
a) Safdlar Jang stopped sending of revenues to the imperial treasury.
b) Safd~arJang inducted large numbers of Hindu service gentry into the
administration.
c) Shujla-ud-daula failed to establish the dominance of Awadh over the imperial
courlt.
d) Shuja-ud-daula completely cut off the ties with Mughal emperor.
2.6 AWADH :TOWARDS SUBJECTION

The second half of eighteenth century witnessed gradual expansion of the English East
India CompCny's role in north India and this had a strong bearing on the economy and
politics of 4wadh. Until 1801, Awadh was conceived of essentially as a buffer state
protecting @engal against the powers to the West notably the Marathas and the
question of lencroachment and annexation did not arise. It was only around the turn
of the 19th century that Awadh became a block to further British expansion. This led
eventually to the take over of the province in 1856.
2.6.1 Awadh: 1764-1775

The failure bf the combined forces of the Nawab of Bengal, Shuja-ud-daula and the
Mughal emberor before the English forces at Buxar certainly undermined the
authority and prestige of the Nawab of Awadh. Awadh was brought into the British
dragnett by the treaty of Allahabad According to this treaty Shuja-ud-daula was
allowed to retain Awadh proper, however Kora and Allahabad were ceded to Mughal
emperor. A war indemnity of Rs. 50,00,000 to be paid in lots was imposed on Shuja
who entered into a reciprocal arrangement with the company for defence of each
other's territory. The Nawabs were aware of the company's burgeoning strength and
aspirations and, like the Bengal Nawabs, they were not prepared to let go without at
least a semblance of a struggle. This assumed in the initial stages the form of a
concerted drive against British commercial p e n e t - d o n of Awadh. Alongside was
initiated a major reorganisation and reform of the Awadh Army.
The military reforms initiated by Shuja-ud-daula after the humiliation at B w a r , were
not intended to either intimidate the English or to promote a war against them. Rather
it would seem that the overall military effort reflected the Nawab's anxiety to defend
his political authority at a time when it was being steadily undermined by the alien
company. Fbr the company, Awadh was too important and lucrative a province to be
left alone. 1%vast amount of revenue could be used to subsidise the company's armies.
In carefully planned stages, the company stepped up its fiscal demands. In 1773 was
concluded the first definitive treaty between Awadh and the English East India
Company. Bly this treaty the Nawab agreed to pay Rs. 2,10,000 monthly for each brigade
of company troops that would remain present in Awadh or Allahabad. This provision
first established the beginnings of Awadh's chronic indebtedness to the company and
represented the initial British thrust into the region's political system.
It was in and after 1775 that the vulnerability of the Nawabi came into sharp focus. It
was also in these years, ironically enough, that the emergence of a provincial cultural
identity centred around the new court and capital at Lucknow (the capital had been
shifted from Fyzabad) was more clearly identifiable than before. Asaf-ud-daula's
succession to the throne in 1775 went without a hitch notwithstanding the hostility of ,
some of S h ~ j a ' scourtiers and of the opposition faction of his brother Saadat Ali, the
governor of Rohil Khand. Soon, however, under the stewardship of Murtaza Khan
(Asaf's favowite who received the exalted title of Mukhtar-ud-daula) the stability of
the existing political set up was undermined as older nobles and generals were
displaced. Furthermore, Mukhtar allowed the company to negotiate a treaty with the
Nawab ceding to English control the territories surrounding Benaras, north to
Jaunpur and west to Allahabad, then held by Chait Singh. The treaty aiso fixed a
larger subsidy than before for the company brigade and excluded the Mughal emperor
from all future Anglo-Nawabi transactions. Finally all diplomatic transactions and
foreign intelligence were to be controlled by the English through the Resident at the
Nawab's court.
II
Bengd nnd Awadh
2 Lucknow street in the 18th century
The disintegration of the political system, the blatant intervention of the English in
Awadh's affairs and Asaf-ud-daula's excessively indulgent disposition and disregard
of political affairs alarmed a sizeable section of the Awadh pobility. The situation
worsened as troops were in arrears and at places mutinied. These acts of disturbance
and lawlessness smoothened the way for British penetration. In the 1770's the English
East India Company persistently eroded the basis of Awadh's sovereignty. The rapid
inroads the English made by virtue of their military presence seriously undermined
the Nawabi regime which in 1780 came up with the first declaration of protest. The
supreme government in Calcutta was forced to realise that unremitting pressure on
Awadh's resources could not be sustained indefinitely and that the excessive
intervention of the English Resident would have to be curtailed if Awadh's usefulness
as a subsidiary was to be guaranteed.
Thus in 1784 Warren Hastings entered into a new series of arrangements with
Asaf-ud-daula which reduced the debt by Rs. 50 lakhs and thereby the pressure on
the Awadh regime.
In the following decade and a half, the Awadh regime continued to function as a
semi-autonomous regional power whose relations with the company were cordial.
This state of affairs lasted until 1797, the year of Asaf s demise, when the British once
more intervened in the succession issue. Wazir Ali, Asafs chosen successor was
deposed in favour of Saadat Ali. With Saadat Ali a formal treaty was signed on 21
February 1798 which increased the subsidy to Rs. 76 lakhs yearly.
Rise of R e @ d
Powers
3 Nawab Aslll-ud&
2.6.3
and bls ddstem with a Brltbh omd.l
Awadh : 1797-1856
A more forward policy was initiated by Lord Wellesley who arrived in 1798 only to
reject the Awadh system. The Nawab's declaration of inability to pay the increased
financial demand of the company gave Wellesley a suitable pretext to contemplate
annexation. In September 1801, Henry Wellesley arrived in Lucknow to force
Saadat's surrender of his whole territory. After protracted negotiations, the company
accepted the perpetual sovereignty of Rohil Khand, Gorakhpur and the Doab which
yielded a gross amount of 1 crore 35 lakhs. The annexations of 1801 inaugurated a.
new era in Anglo-Awadh relations. The Shrunken Suba could no longer pose a threat
to the stability of the company dominions. Nor did in fact the rulers of Awadh
entertaifi any notion of resistance to the relentless forward march of the English.
Deprived of their army and half of their territory, they concentrated their energies in
cultural pursuits. In this they were following the footsteps of Asaf-ud-daula who had
built up around the Lucknow court a vibrant and living cultural arena.
The patronage extended to luminaries and poets, Mirza Rafi Sauda (1713-86), Mir
Ghulam Hasan (1734-86), etc., made Lucknow a seqond home for these sensitive men
of letters who had left Delhi and lamented for the world they had loved and lost.
The assumption of imperial status by Ghazi-ud-din-Hyder (1819) and the formal
revocatipn of Mughal sovereignty was an integral part of the blooming court culture
of Awadh. But this concided with the decline in the ruler's control over the
administration and province. The heavy price that had to be continually paid to the
Cornpafly for "protection", the devolution of administrative responsibility to
ministers, the dominant position of the British Resident, were facts which no regal
pomp and ceremony could conceal.
The declining state of affairs continued through the regimes of Nasir-ud-din-Hydar,

Muhammad All Shah and Amjad Ali Shah (1827-47). None of these rulers could
enforce their authority over the administration or free themselves from the political
hold of the company. Their achievements were confined to preserving Awadh's
nominally autonomous status and to elevating Lucknow's position as the dominant
cultural centre in north India. The English Resident was allowed to dominate the
administration and to exercise a form of dyarchy or indirect rule. The company was
not unaware of the inherent contradictions in the situation and from time to time
toyed wlth the idea of annexation. The idea was vetoed on the grounds that the
company was not ready to assume the direct administration of Awadh. It was, in 1856
when Wajid Ali Shah was exiled, Awadh was annexed and Dalhousie, the
Govenor-General, wrote to his masters, "So our gracious Queen has 5,000,000 more
subjects and Rs. 1,300,000 more revenues than she had yesterday." Nishapuri Awadh
became British 'Oudh' and thus came to an end the independent Shiite house of the
Burhan-ul-mulk (Saadat Khan) wh~chhad made and lost its fortunes in the century of
transition sandwiched between two empires, that of the Mughal and of the Bntish
respectively.
2.7
B m g d ~ n d ~ d
NATURE OF THE REGIONAL POLITY
In the previous sections on Bengal and Awadh we have discussed the formation and
functioning of the regional political regimes. Here we would try to examine the nature
of the regional polity and the various forces that were within the regional political
system. Though there was a distinct attempt towards the formation of independent
state both in Bengal and Awadh, both of them acknowledged Mughal sovereignty as
a formality. In the case of Awadh, it was only in 1819 with the coronation of
Ghazi-ud-din Hydar that the sovereignty of the Mughals was unilaterally revoked.
Ties with the Mughal imperial authority were not completely broken and the forms
of the Mughal provincial government did not change much. Major noticeable change
was the growing power of the provincial rulers and the central authority had virtually
no control over the provincial rulers. This contrasted with the situation in the 17th
century.
The independent authority that emerged in the provinces in the 18th century worked
with the collaborative support of different groups like the Zamindars, the merchants,
etc. Merchants and money lenders who became politically important in the 18th
century had an important role in the emergence of the regional political system.
During the 17th century this class of people helped the Mughal's taxation system and
the expansion of trade in agricultural products and artisan goods. However their role
in imperial politics was not much visible. But in'the 18th century with the weakening
of central authority and the collapse of the Mughal treasury, this commercial class
provided the economic basis for the emerging regional political system. They beCpme
the guarantor of money for the rulers and the nobles. The extent of mercantile and
commercial penetration into the working of the administration was fairly pronounced.
The government borrowed substantial sums from the commercial houses. The
Agarwal bankers had complete command over the revenue matters in Benares. In
fact, in Awadh the debts incurred by the time of Asaf-ud-daula (1755-97) became so
staggering a burden that successive English Residents were forced to investigate into
the matter. In case of Bengal, the house of Jagat Seths assumed an important role in
the main centre of power in the province. Thus the merchants and the money lenders
had a share in political power En the regional polity in the eighteenth century.
Parallel to the merchants, Zamindars as a group also had a very significant role within
the province. In the wake of the receding tide of the imperial authority the Zamindars
consolidated their authority at the locai level and began to tax markets and trade in
their areas which was beyond their purview during the sunny days of the Mughal rule.
The collection of revenues and the maintenance of law and order in the countryside
became the concern of the Zamindars. The stability in the regional polity became
dependant on the active support of the Zamindars. The Zamindars were usually
supportive vis-a-vis merchants and in many cases Zamindars were also money lenders
35
4 A Seth in the 18th century
and had investment in commerce. So their common interest tied them together. Their
support became essential for the ruler to maintain his authority. We have seen how
the rulers in Awadh and Bengal tried to develop good relations with the Zamindars
in order tc, retain their control in the state.
5 British off~cialsand an Indian landlord
not her significant characteristic that is observed in the polity of Bengal and Awadh
is the appointment of large number of Hindus in the revenue administiation. Hindu
officials like Atma Ram, Raja Ram Narayan in Awadh and Rai Duriabh, Amir Chand
in Bengal were trusted with the charge of revenue administration. The manning of
revenue administration by Hindu officials may have been encouraged because there
was less chance of resistance from the Hindus to the Nawab's authority. Be that as it
may, traditionally many Hindu officials weqe employed in revenue administration and
clerical jobs.
Since the mid-18th century the Engl&h East India Company gradually emerged as a
strong force in the,polity of Bengal and Awadh. The growing economic power of the
company backed by military force made it the arbiter of provincial politics. The
dissension and rivalry within the provincial administration further strengthened their
position in the provincial polity. Taking advantage of the situation they played one
faction against the other to consolidate their base in the province.
1) What was the effect of Shuja-ud-daula's failure in the battle of Buxar on Awadh'?
Write in about 50 words.
2)
Explain in about 100 words the reasons for the failure of Awadh to maintain its
ilutonomy.
3)
1)iscuss the role of the merchants in the regional polity in about 60 words.
Bengal and Awadh
R
i
s
e
of Regional Powers
2.8 LET US SUM UP

We have sqen in this Unit that the first half of the 18th century witnessed the
emergence of independent autonomous states in Bengal and Awadh. The emergence
of this regional autonomy was not sudden development rather it was the result of the
process that followed the failure of the Mughal imperial authority to uphold its control
over the provinces. Bengal was able to maintain its autonomous character for three
decades only (up to 1757), whereas Awadh virtually ceased to function as an
independent state in 1801. It was the English East India Company with its omnipotent
military forces and its control over the Kingdom's resources that became the real
master of both Bengal and Awadh. In Bengal, British intervention had come half a
century earlier and had been more brutal in that the pre-British system had been
shattered in one stroke. In Awadh, the process of subordination and emasculation of
the political system had been more prolonged but the outcome remained pitifully the
same. We would discuss this in detail in Block-3.
2.9 KEY WORDS

Autonc~moqsState: A state that governs itself without being controlled by any other
authority or state.
Khalsa lands: Lands in direct possession of the crown.
Madad-i-mwh: Revenue free land grants given for religious and charitable purposes.
Nizamat: Office of the governor.
Peshkash: Tributes paid to the Mughal imperial authority by the subordinate
provincial chiefs.
Suba: Province. The Mughal emperor divided the whole country into number of
provinces for administrative convenience.
Wizarat: Office of the Wazir.
2.10
ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES

1) Your answer should focus on the appointment of officials at the provincial level,
payment of annual tributes to the imperial treasury, establishment of dynastic
rule in the province, etc. See Sec. 2.2.
Appointment
of higher officials, organisation of revenue administration,
2)
establilshment of hereditary rule, etc. See Sec. 2.3.
Check Yom Progress 2
1) Your answer should include conspiracy within the Nawab's court, absence of
effective control of the Nawabs over administration, role of the English East India
Company, etc. See Sec. 2.4.
b) d
c) x
d) d
2) a) x
1) You have to write about the various measures that Saadat Khan took to establish
an autonomous political system in Awadh. See Sub Sec. 2.5.1.
2) a) x
b) d
c) x
d) x
1) You have to focus on how Awadh after Buxar was gradually subjected to the
British imperial system. See Sub Sec. 2.6.1.
2) Your answer should include the failure of the Nawabs, lack of cohesion in the
administration, failure to maintain the armyorganization, etc. See Sec. 2.6
3) Your answer should highlight the growing importance of the merchants in the
regionial polity. See Sec. 2.7.
UNIT 3
THE, MARATHA STATE SYSTEM
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Historians on the nature of Maratha Polity
The Maratha Confederacy
3.3.1
3.3.2
3.3.3
3.3.4
3.3.5
The King and the Peshwa

Bhonsle of Nagpur
Gaikwad of Baroda
Holkar of Indore
Sindia of Gwalior
Institutional Developments
3.4.1 The Administrative Structure
3.4.2 Long Tenn Trends
Society and Economy

3.5.1 Agrarian Society
3.5.2 Monetization
Maratha Relations
3.6.1
3.6.2
3.6.3
3.6.4
3.6.5
3.6.6
Bengal
Hyderabad
Mysore
Rajasthan
Mughals
East India Company
Let us Sum Up
Key words
3.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit forms part of a Block that aims at reconstructing an integrated picture of
the Indian polity in the mid-18th century. In this Unit, you will be introduced to:
some views about the nature of the Maratha political system,
the Maratha confederacy and its territorial expansion in the eighteenth century,
the political and administrative structure evolved by the Marathas, details of which
will correct the conventional view of Marathas as marauders,
society and economy in the region under study, and
an outline of Marathas relations with the Mughal empire, other regional powers
and the English East India Company.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The small Maratha Kingdom constituted in the seventeenth century in the Western
Deccan became a nucleus of what has been described as the second much wider
Maratha swarajya (sovereign state) which spread to the north, east and south in the
18th century.
After the Mughal retreat from the Deccan the Marathas expanded and evolved as a
loose association or confederacy of military leaders who were denoted as d a r s .
Formally the sardars held temporary assignments of land revenue. But in practice
they tended to become hereditary once they established themselves. The new and
powerful polity that was established by the Marathas by conquest in the western
Deccan is in a focus in this Unit.
We survey the transformation of society and economy that was taking place in this
region through the process of state building and the force of commerce.
~ i s ed ~ e g ~ o
powera
d
These ciraumstances set the context in which the East India Company found the
Marathaslposing a challenge till the early 19th century.
3.2 HRSTORIANS ON NATURE OF MARATHA POLITY

Imperialist historiography generally characterised the 18th century Maratha
dominatian as chaotic and anarchic. On the other hand, in attempt to develop
Nationalist historiography, several Maratha scholars saw the Maratha state as the last
reincarnat$on of the Hindu empire.
Irfan Habib's thesis is that the Maratha movement was essentially a zamindar uprising
of the imperial ruling class (mansabdars and jagirdars) of the Mughal Empire. It is
the zamindar context of the Maratha state that he underlines.
Satish Chandra locates the successful bid for regional independence by the Marathas
in the crisis of the Mughal jagirdari system which failed to balance income and
consumpti~nC.A. Bayly notes the emergence of three wamor states-Marathas, ~ i k h s '
and Jats and argues that they reflected popular or peasant insurgency directed in part
against the Indo-Muslim aristocracy. The Marathas, he elaborates, drew their
strength frpm the ordinary peasant pastorialist castes. The Brahmin administrators
who were On the ascendant pictured the Marathas state a classic "Brahmin" kingdom,
protecting the holy places and sacred cattle.
In Andre Wink's analysis the processes of fitnas were central to social and political
life in the Maratha state system. Characteristically this implied making use of existing
political canflicts through a combination of coercion and conciliation, as opposed to
pure military operations. Fitna then, is regarded as the political mechanism that was
used for t b expansion, consolidation and subsequent institutionalization of Maratha
power. Ensuring the crucial collaboration/acquiescence of the gentry demanded the
political arithmetic of fitna. This was essential both for conquest as well as gaining
access to the agrarian resource base.
It was throbgh fitna that the Marathas penetrated the expanding Mughal Empire in
the late 17th century by aligning themselves with different Deccan Sultans against the
Mughals. Therefore, Wink argues, rather than representing a revolt against the
Mughal empire, Maratha sovereignty emerged as a result of Mughal expansion. In
form the Maratha swardya remained a zamindari tenure and the Marathas never
really shedthe status of zamindars.
Frank Perlin's concern is with broadening the concepts of state and state-formation in
the long t e r n , trans-political, subcontinental and international framework. This is
because (a] the state had a long-term development, covering different regimes
between thkl5th and 19th centuries, (b) there is a need for a comparative perspective
of transition processes affecting India and Europe before industrialization in order to
correct stereotypical views about late pre-colonial societies as being unresponsive to
change.
1) Sum up the fitna-based interpretation of the rise of the Maratha state.
...........................................................................................................
8
2) Why is it important to examine the Maratha state system in a widened framework?
...........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
3.3 THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY

By the second decade of the 18th century the Maratha powers under Peshwa Baji
Rao I were striking out against the Mughals in the Deccan and in central India. Yet, even
in the 1780s treaties between the Mughals and the Marathas, the Mughal emperor
continued to be recognised as the first among all the kings and chiefs of India.
Significantlyit was the levying of chauth under the sanction, or the pretended sanction
ef the Mughal Emperor that was the usual prelude for establishment of Maratha
sbvereignty (as for example Gujarat, Malwa and Berar).
3.3.1 The King and the Peshwa

In 1719 Balaji Vishwanath returned from Delhi with firmans for chauth and
sardeshmukhi. The Maratha king became the sardeshmukh of the entire Deccan
(Aurangabad, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur, Hyderabad and Khandesh) and Karnataka.
In 1719 Balaji Vishwanath made a complex division of the collection of chauth and
sardeshmukh between Shahu and his sardars. Out of these collections a fixed share
was to be paid to the Raja (sardeshmukhi + 34% of chauth). The Raja thus became
largely dependent on his ssrdars for his finances.
Originally the Peshwa was only a mukhyapradhan or prime minister and his post was
not hereditary. When Baji Rao, Balaji Vishwanath's son, became Peshwa in 1720, the
office became hereditary. In 1740 Balaji Baji Ra'o (Nana Saheb) became Peshwa. Till
Shahu's death in 1749 he was still under the restraint of the Raja of Satra. Thereafter
he virtually dislodged the Raja from sovereign power.
6 A Maratha P g b r a with
bls miaistns
The Mnrstha State System
~ i s eor ~egionnlpowers
The expanbion of the Marathas had from an early date predominantly been the work
of the Peshwas and their sardars. In the 1740s the Marathas conquered Malwa,
Gujarat, Btundelkhand and penetrated, as far as Attock in the north, Rajasthan,
Doab, Awadh, Bihar and Orissa. Andra Wink's study shows that all these conquests
started as fitha (conquests on invitation).
It may be pointed out that in the 1740s Maratha sovereignty was not yet decisively
established in the north and that it was even more fragile and limited in the south.
3.3.2 Bhonsle of Nagpur

The first chrluth levies, made in the north-east, independent of the Peshwa, were those
made by Parsoji Bhonsle, a descendant of a family of village beadmen from Poona
district. One of the first sardars to join Shahu when he returned from the Mughal court
in 1707, Shabu recognised his Berar conquests and Balaji Vishwanath too sanctioned
his exclusive right to Berar, Godwana and Cuttack. In 1743 Shahu assigned the rights
of chauth and sardeshmukhi in Bihar, Orissa, Berar and Awadh to Raghuji Bhonsle.
However, when Raghuji died in 1755, the Peshwa decided to curtail the Bhonsles by
dividing the saranjam in three parts and thus weakened them considerably.
3.3.3 Gailkwad of Baroda

Bande, Pawaa and Dabhade were among the major Maratha sardars who led raids in
the Mughal province of Gujarat in the early 18th century. The Gaikwads who started
out as lieuteaants of the Dabhades, rose to predominance around 1730.
In 1727 the Mughal subedar of Gujarat assigned to Shahu sardeshmukhi to 10% of the
land revenue Of the whole of Gujarat and chauth of the south of Gujarat in saranjam,
in return for punishing marauders.
After Shahu's death, the Peshwa divided the chauth and sardeshmukhi of Gujarat
between himself and Dabhade in 1749. In 1751 Gaikwad forced his way in, in place
of Dabhade and made Baroda his capital in 1752.
Like the Bhonsles of Nagpur, the Gaikwad dynasty formally enjoyed merely the status
of saranjamdars, i.e., assignment holders, not kings.
The Mughal prbvince of Malwa which formed the political and commercial nexus
between Hindustan and the Deccan had been invaded by the Marathas since 1699.
The first Maratha outposts were established on the Narmada in 1716 and claims of
chauth made soon after. After the victory at Daroha Sarai in 1738 the Peshwa was
made fvlalwa's deputy governor in 1741. Meanwhile in the 1730s itself the Peshwa had
distributed the collections of chauth and sardeshmukhi between himself and Sindia,
Holkar and Pawar. While the Peshwa administered the eastern half of Malwa, the
hereditary saraqjams of Holkar, Sindia and Pawar were located in the western half.
Like the Sifidias and Gaikwads, the Holkars were village vatandars of recent origin.
In 1733 they wete assigned the district of Indore which subsequently grew into their
dominion or dadlat. Technically, however, it remained a saranjam.
The Holkars remained loyal to the Peshwa even at the height of their power. Between
1788and 1793 there were constant clashes between Holkar and Sindia with the former
lagging behind in terms of territorial expansion.
3.3.5
Sindia bf Gwalior
Though associated with the nature of the Sindias, actually Gwalior did not belong to
the Sindias till the last quarter of 18th century. This family, which had risen to
prominence ih Malwa, had Ujjain as its headquarters. Sindia, too, was directly under
the Peshwa as a hereditary saranjamdar.
Mahadaji Sindia escaped from Panipat in 1761, after his father's contingent was
annihilated and reestablished his family's hold over Malwa. After Malhar Rao
Holkar's death, he became de facto sovereign of Iimdustan (see 3.6.4 and 3.6.5).
Rise of R e n a l Powers
7 A Slndii chief

1) What was the position of the Marathas in relation with the Mughal emperor in
1780s.
2) To what extent did the Peshwa and the Maratha saranjamdars extend the
Maratha dominion?
3.4 INSTPTUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS

The Mughals never properly controlled the heartland of Maharashtra and its
administrative and property system can be seen evolving well into the 18th century.
3.4.1
The Admihistrative Structure
Maratha dominion can be broadly divided into what have been called non-regulation
and regulation areas.
In the former, zamindars, autonomous and semi-autonomous chiefs were left with
internal administrative autonomy. The king's tribute demand from these areas, in
contrast with the land revenue demand from regulation areas, was not based on an
assessment of the chiefs resources but more in proportion to their power of resistance,
the weaker ones paying more than the stronger.
In regulation areas or the area of direct administration, there was a system of revenue
assessment, management and accountancy.
Such areas were divided among vatandars (see key words). Each unit of about 10 to
200 villages was under a deshmukh-deshpande combination. Under vatandar system
the rights vested not in an individual incumbent but in a brotherhood of patrilineal
relatives. Vatandars were co-sharers of the land produce with rights like dues from
cultivators as salary, customary share in the government's land-revenue exempt land.
The division of shares of a vatan did not imply partition of the land but of the
proceeds. The right to sell any hereditary estate was recognised in principle.
During periods of agrarian or financial or administrative crisis the regulation could be
relaxed and zamindars could acquire a temporary authority under a system of revenue
farming.
Among the tenants, there were two types (a) resident cultivators with hereditary
rights of occupancy (mirasdars) and (b) temporary cultivators (uparis). The tenancy
system of south Maharashtra and Gujarat was more complicated.
In most of the regulation territories the standard assessment rates of the previous
period were maintained in the 18th century. Under the Peshwas the tankha- a
permanent standard assessment for each village -was the baseline of revenue
settlements.
In the late 1750s and 1760s the kamal (or 'completion') settlement was made. This
settlement completed the tankha settlement by taking into consideration newly
cultivated lands. It was based on measurement and classification of the qualities of
land, and the king's share came to one-sixth of the produce.
The internal distribution of the village assessment (tankha or kamal), once arrived at,
was almdst entirely left to the Datil (village headman) or the village itself.
In addition to the regular land revenue, the government also imposed a number of
extra collections (under the head of village expenses), which were intricately recorded
by village and district officials. The revenue collectors were commonly designated as
kamavisdars or mamlatdars.
In the 18th century, everywhere in the Deccan, southern Maratha country, Gujarat,
Central India and Nagpur, the village settlements were made annually.
In the 1790sand 1810swhen the Peshwa needed more revenue to pay for armies and
obligations to the British there was an expansion of revenue farming and an increase
in the state's demands.
In Maharashtra no more than a quarter of revenue was paid in cash. Most often, it
was remitted from villages, through the districts, to Poona through bills of exchange.
I
1
The administrative systems in the northern saranjam states (Holkar, Sindia, Gwalior
and Bhonsle) were in principle copies of Peshwa, except that they had Diwans and
supervisory officials imposed on their administration from Poona. The bureaucracy in
the Deccan and the north was dominated by different grades of Brahmins.
3.4.2 Long Term Trends

From the 14th and 15th centuries, throughout the north and western Deccan, the
Central Provinces, Gujarat and Rajasthan certain families were emerging into
powerful positions by accumulating offices and rights and veritably establishing the
infrastructure of their later influence and state building.
I
It is in the administrative forms adopted by the great Houses of 17th century

Maharashtra (example the. Bhonsles), attended on fiscal and military offices,
Tbc Marnth0 State system
purchases and commercial dealing that saw significant experiments in administrative

forms (such as land survey, cash revenue, accounting and record keeping).
There were also tensions between the centralizing forces of the state and the
comparatively equalitarian usages of the local peasantry. Vatandar assemblies (qota)
were often held to protect themselves from state demands. While such assemblies
were probably the focus of 17th century popular resistance, it appears that in the 18th
century, the authority and powers of regional and village headmen were progressively
bypassed through new administrative procedures.
The great Houses or magnates referred to above,through their economic power based
on control of land, labour and capital provided the link between the royal court and
the local peqsantry.
1) What is the difference between regulation and non-regulation areas?
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
2)
Briefly describe (a) the office of the vatandar, (b) the kamal system of revenue
assessment.
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
3) Compare the administrative systems of the Peshwa and the saranjam states.
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
3.5 SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

In the earlier section we have discussed the institutional developments during the
formation-of the Maratha polity. Here we will discuss the society and economy of the
Maratha state system.
3.5.1
Agrarian Society
By the 18th century the establishment of villages in the heartlands of the Maratha
polity was complete. This implied the spread of population and agrarian settlement
However, the heartland around Poona was poorly irrigated and relatively sparsely
populated. By mid-18th century, given the state of its technology, this area was at the
limits of its development. This explains the persistent outward pressure of the
Maratha into ateas of stable agriculture like Tanjore in the south, Gujarat and the
Ganges valley in the north.
The elaboration of taxation and other obligation stimulated the need for increased
production.
The Maratha rulers adopted two kinds of measures here. The first measure entailed
concessional assessment (istava), remission of revenues and loans. These measures
helped to bring new land under cultivation. The second measure encouraged initiative
of the people to build agricultural facilities. For example & inam of gift land was given
to the headman of a village during Shivaji's period to repair or build new dams.
Fukuzawa has noted that such measures of the Maratha rulers i.e. state promotion of
agriculture, revcnue system etc. had led to a considerable economic differentiation
among the peasantry. This varied from holders of 18 acres of land to 108 acres of land
in his study. He has also noted that over the years 1790 to 1803 the smaller land
holdings completely disappeared. While on the other hand the large land holders
increased in number.
By the late 18th century the exploitability of peasantry was significantly increased due
to increase in population, taxation, and prices of food grains.
There is abundant evidence of a strengthening hold on peasantry by non-cultivating
privileged class (state ministers, deshmukhs, military officers with saranjam,
financiers and traders), many of whom combined more than one function. This
perhaps explains the subsequent social differentiation that emerged in the countryside.
There were in the main three forms of control over rural resources
and hereditary offices.
3.5.2
-tax, gift of land
Monetization
In the period of our study manufacturing and cash cropping for distant markets
formed part of the economy in Maharashtra, just as it did in the southern Deccan,
Bengal, Bihar and Gujarat.
By the 17th and 18th centuries credit institutions were operating in town and
countryside, financing indebted nobility and peasants, as well as daily economic life.
The import of copper and cowries in the 18th century western Deccan was indicative
of vigorous, highly monetized local market centres.
Villagers in western Deccan were not only engaged in local market transaction in
money, but were also paid daily and monthly wages for agricultural labour, craft
production and household service.
Large and small scale mints producing a variety of coins were found in small market
towns, the residential houses of important lords as well as in major cities.
In fact there is a wide range of records dealing with rural exchanges during the late
18th century. In Maharashtra there is copious evidence of loans in cash and kind,
among persons involved in landholding, peasants, agricultural labourers, craftsman
and soldiers. Written contractsspecifyingexact terms of repayment are also available.
All this indicates a knowledge of quantity and calculation among common people.
1) How did the peasantry become increasingly exploitable in the late 18th century?
..........................................................................................................
2) What are the indications of monetized local markets?
TaMuatlmSbteSy~tem
3.6 MARATHA RELATIONS

Let us now discuss the nature of Maratha relations with other powers. Here we look
at the relatiions with Bengal, Hyderabad, Mysore, Rajasthan, the Mughals and the
East b d i a Company.
Shortly aftar Nadir Shah's invasion in 1740 the Mughal province of Bengal, Bihar and
Orissa not long after Alivardi Khan sought the help of the Peshwa against his rival
who sought the backing of Raghuji Bhonsle. In 1743 the Peshwa was promised chauth
over the provinces in return for his help. Later, however, on Raghuji's appeal Shahu
assigned chautb and sardeshmukhi in Bengal, Bihar and Onisa to Raghuji Bhonsle.
In 1751 the Nawab concluded a treaty to pay 12 lakhs of rupees in lieu of the chautb
of Bengal amd Bihar and a stipulated part of the revenue of Orissa to the Bhonsle of
Nagpur.
3.6.2
Hyderabad
As vicerroy af the Deccan from 1715 to 1717 the Nizam resisted the Maratha claims
for chautb abd sardeshmukhi of the Deccan and was constantly at war with them.
Around 172q he encouraged agrarian and revenue officials to obstruct collection by
the Marathas. However, in 1724 he agreed to such collection in return for the
Peshwa'~help against a rival. The entente fell through in 1725-26 when the Peshwa
invaded Ka*ataka. The Nizam therefore replaced Sambhaji of Kolhapur as the
collector of the Deccan subm. Only after the Peshwa defeated him at Palkhed in 1728
did he agree fiot to back Kolhapur.
I
At the height of the Poona-Hyderabad clashes in 1752, the Marathas extracted the
western half Of Berar between Godavari and Tapti.
The Marathas]who expanded up to the Tungabhadra, were in constant conflict with

Haidar Ali an4 Tipu Sultan of Mysore and exacted tribute from Mysore in 1726. The
Peshwa m ~ d huccessful
e
expeditions against Haidar Ali in 1764-65 and 1769-72and by
the peace of 1772 Haidar lost temtory south of the Tungabhadra.
After 1776, hdwever, Haidar Ali made incursions into the Maratha temtories in the
Krishna-Tungdbhadra Doab. Only in 1780 was Mysore allied briefly with the
Marathas agairpst the British.
I
3.6.4
Rajasthan
Here the Marathas did not establish any regular direct administration. However,
occasionally in ithe second quarter of the 18th century they interfered in internal
disputes amon4 the Rajputs, in particular in Bundi, Jaipur and Marwar.
Before Baji Rao's visit in 1735 only the smaller states paid chautb but therefore even
Udaipur and Mewar fell in line.
Collections were neglected in the aftermath after Panipat but were taken up again by
Holkar and after his death by Sindia on behalf of the Peshwa and the Mughal
Emperor.
In 1752 when Ahmad Shah Abdali annexed Lahore and Multan, the Mughal Emperor
sought Maratha protections. He entered into' an agreement with Malhar Rao Holkar
and Jayappa Sindia in 1752 granting them chautb of Punjab and Sindh and the Doab
in addition to the subadari of Aimer and Agra. All this was in exchange for protection
against external enemies and disloyal subiects.
The Marathas, however, could not match Ahmad Shah Abdali and were defeated at
Panipat in 1761. Punjab and Rajasthan soon slipped out of their control.
In 1784Shah Alam turned over the management of Delhi and Agra to Sindia in return
for a monthly allowance. The Peshwa was given the title of regent and Sindia that of
deputy regent. These titles were renewed in 1788 when Sindia reinstated Shah Alam
who has temporarily been dislodged by the Rohilla chief, Ghulam Kadir Khan.
I
The Sindia however, derived very little from this power as the area was mostly held
by Mughal chiefs who were only nominally under the Emperor. Therefore, Sindia
concentrated on stepping up his demands on the Rajputs.
3.6.6 East India Company

Y
When the Marathas took Basein from the Portuguese in 1739, the Bombay Council of
the Company decided to fortify Bombay and sent envoys to Shahu and negotiated a
treaty which conceded to the Company the right to free trade in the Maratha
dominions.
Tensions in the Maratha confederacy (between the Peshwa and the Rajas of Berar and
Satara) and factional disputes between members of the Peshwa's family (in the 1770's)
were used by the Company to intervene in Maratha affairs.
How they did so and ultimately shackled the northern saranjamdars as well as at the
Peshwa forms the subject to Unit 10.
Comment on Maratha relations with (a) the other regional powers, (b) the East India
Company.
...............................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................
.................................... .........................................................................
u
3.7
LET US SUM UP
In this Unit we have discussed:

some of the recent writings on the history of the Maratha state system,
the evolution of the Marathaconfederacy and the expansion of its domain that took
shape witbin the shell of Mughal rule,
the Maratha state institutions at ground level and indicate that historians are now
researching the evolution of property and administrative systems over a wider time
span, starting from the 15th century and not concentrating only on some regimes
in doing so,
the trends in agrarian society and the monetization of exchange, and
Marathas relations with other regional powels and the E a t India Company.
3.8 KEY WORDS

Chauth: One-fourth of land revenue,
Tbc mratb State BY-
Deshmukh: District zamindar

Deshpande: Hereditary district accountant
Fitna: (warathi): Drawing away from allegiance, (Arabic, Persian) rebellion, sedition
Saranjam: Assignment of land or land-revenue
Swdeshmukh (i): Head-deshmukh (ship) on emolument at the rate of 10-12% of
collection
Vatan (dar): (Holder of) Hereditary vested right.

Check Yaur Progress 1
1) See Sec.3.2. You could say how existing conflicts were used through both coercion
and cmciliation.
2) See S ~ L3.2.
. You could say how a) any state has long term development, and b)
a comparative framework helps to correct stereotype notions.
Chech Your Progress 2
1) See Sec. 3.3.
2) See Sub-Sec. 3.3.1 to 3.3.5. Also see Sub-Sec. 3.6.4 and 2.6.5.

1) See Sub-Sec. 3.4.1
2) (a) & (b) See Sub-Sec. 3.4.1
3) See SuU-Sec. 3.4.1
4) See Sub-Sec. 3.4.2

1) See SubtSec. 3.5.1
2) (a) & (h) See Sub-Sec. 3.5.2
5
to 3.6.6.
UNIT 4 MYSORE AND HYDERABAD

Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Mysore
War and Militarization
4.3.1 The Local Chiefs
4.3.2 The 18th Century Thrusts
Administration
Finance
4.5.1 Revenue from Land
4.5.2 Revenue from Trade
Hyderabad
4.6.1 Warfare and the Army
Land Revenue System

Patrons and Clients
4.8.1 Vakils
The Local Chiefs

Financial and Military Groups
Administrative Systems
Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
4.0 OBJECTIVES
The purpose of this Unit is to:
enatle you to see the process in which the political formation of Mysore and
Hyderabad evolved in the 18th century,
show how this pbcess was crucially different in the two regions, and
indicate cedtain reasons as to why the two processes were different.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
In. this Unit we will take you to the situation in South India after the decline of the
hegemony of the Mughals. Our focus will be on the emergence of the states of Mysore
and Hyderabad. We will see here that inspite.of the continuity of the earlier political
institutions certain basic changes occur in the nature of the polities formed. This
happened in different ways in Mysore and Hyderabad. While in Hyderabad the
Mughal political institutions were weakened and used for regional consolidation, in
Mysore on the other hand the Wodeyar dynasty was overthrown to form a stronger
overhauled administration. Both the processes led initially to the consolidation of
autonomy in the middle decades of the 18th century. That is the theme of this Unit.
In both cases by the last decade of the 18th century the autonomy was eroded slowly
(in Hyderabad) or violently terminated (in the case of Mysore) by the British.
The kingdom of Mysore lay south of Hyderabad. (see map 5). In the 18th century the
rulers of Mysore, from the Wodeyars to Tipu Sultan, were to face the expansionist
threat of the Marathas on the one hand and that of Hyderabad and Carnatic on the
other, while the English were to exploit the situation to their advantage. One of the
most well-known eighteenth century personalities is Tipu Sultan, almost a folk-hero
Rbe d R e g i d P ~ P J
symbolising resistance to British aggrandisement and also an object of malignment in

British accounts of their rise to power. Mysore was transformed from a viceroyalty of
the Vijaynqgar Empire into an autonomous state by the Wodeyar dynasty. It was left
to Haidar Ali and his son Tipu Sultan to establish Mysore as a major military power
in the south of India. Haidar was of unaristocratic origin and hostile English
contemporaries often termed him an usurper-this has influenced later historians. But
he was an usurper in same sense as the dalwai or the prime minister, he replaced in
Mysore wa$ an usurper. The dalwai had reduced the titular Wodeyar king to a cipher
and like the previous dalwai, Nanjraj, Haidar began as an official serving the state.
He displaykd his military genius in strengthening the army, in bringing under control
the fiercely independent local chiefs or poligars, and in subjugating Bednove, Sunda,
Seva, Can4ra and Guti. His greatest moment of triumph was when he chased the
English troiops within five miles of Madras and dictated a treaty in 1769. You will study
further dethils of the military and diplomatic exploits of Haidar and Tipu Sultan in
Block 3. In this Unit we shall study how Mysore was strengthened and established as
a major re$ional power.
4.3 WAR AND MILITARIZATION

The significance of war and its companion militarization seems to go back further in
the Mysore history. Burton Stein, in fact traces it back to the times of the historic
Vijaynagat empire in 16th century. The Vijaynagar state was the first in South India
to use fire arms in establishing its control over the local rajas and other external
powers.
4.3.1 The Local Chiefs
To understand as to why the early militarization in Mysore was necessary. it is

important to understand the role played by the local chiefs. The local chiefs, mainly
poligans, yere descendants of the hunter-gatherers of the forests who had acquired
military skills and local political leadership in the military service of the Vijaynagar
e m p i r ~ By
. the 18th century most of them had become powerful through two main
factors - (a) the control of revenue and tribute from agriculture on their lands and
(b) t h r o d h the support of priests of the temples of their own community. This
combined kith the fact that the temples were also centres of trading activity made the
local chiefs powerful forces who could affect the growth of any centralized state in
Mysore. This further meant that a tussle of force and military might between Mysore
and the pOligars would be the determining factor in establishing a polity at Mysore.
4.3.2 The 18th Century Thrusts

This tussld in 18th century was initiated by Chikkadeva-raja Wodeyar (1672-1704).
Under him Mysore moved towards an unprecedented militarization. To sustain this
increased military capacity he increased the general revenue collection by the state
official anid exempted lands held by his soldiers from revenue demands.
Haidar Ali, who had gradually worked up his way in the hierarchy of Mysore
administration consolidated himself precisely with such tactics. He auctioned off large
territories to ambitious wamors, who as tax farmers, pressed revenue demands upon
the local chiefs. Haidar Ali refused these chiefs any claim to independence and if they
resisted they were driven off their lands. By limiting the scope of these chiefs'
activities, Haidar further eroded their local base. Tipu Sultan, his son, went further
in the subjugation of the pdigars. After expelling them he rented out their lands to
either private individuals or government officials. Further, by insisting to pay a regular
salary to his troops rather than pay them with spoils of war, Tipu was able to ensure
that no vested interest could emerge in the army in a tie up with the local chiefs.
In certain respects Haidar and Tipu also tried to overcome certain weaknesses in the
organisatilon of the army. There was an attempt to induce organizational discipline
more strobglyalong European lines. For this French soldiers were recruited and used
for training special troops. The French general De La Tour, whose detailed account
of his sewice under Haidar is available to us, tells us that by 1761the French personnel
in the Mysore army had considerably increased. This must have helped in the training
of the infantry and the artillery. Secondly the European discipline attempted to
conquer attitudes of hostility and ambivalence towards modem firearms and cannons
as noted by Sanjay Subramaniam in the study of warfare in Wodeyar Mysore.
8. A war wme: The 8torming of Seringaplem
4.4 ADMINISTRATION
Another achievement of Haidar and later Tipu was the consolidation of the apparatus
of administration. In effect the older administration of the Wodeyars was retained
Mymre 4~ y h b p d
RIW d ~ e g Powem
~ ~ d
intact by Haidar and Tipu. The 18 departments of the administration ranging from
military and kevenue, to information were retained. Among the top officials
individuals like Khande Rao, Venkatappa or Mir Sadik who had demonstrated their
competence were retained inspite of political fluctuations. In fact changes were made
only when these top officials were caught in cases of financial frauds. Thomas Munro
was of the opinion that it was the scope offered by native ruler 'Hindu or Mussalman'
for personal wealth and ambition which made the 'higher orders' prefer the native
rulers ratherthan the 'humble mediocrity' of the company's service.
4.5
FINANCE
However, the distinguishing feature of the Mysore administration under Haidar and
Tipu lay in building the base of their military-political authority by augmenting their
financial resources for running the state. For this, both the merchant and the peasant,
the twin rnov$rs of finance and production in 18th century Mysore had to be tackled.
4.5.1 Revknue from Land

Land wete cl4ssified into various categories and the mode of assessment varied from
one categoryto the other. Jjara land was leased on fixed rents to the peasants. On
his- land reqt was assessed as a share of the produce. Further rent on watered land
was paid in the form of a portion of the produce and on dry land in terms of money.
Land was sought to be kept under a system of survey and control combined with
measures to qncourage tillers by adequate relief and protection. A strong'system of
state control was evolved where an a d d a r controlled the revenue administration and
asufdar lbokdd after the legalities of rent disputes. Intermediaries were sought to be
removed and a direct link between the interests of the state and the interests of the
peasantry wa$ sought to be established to maximise revenue for the state. Tipu took
measured likedenying revenue farming rights to main government officials to protect
peasants agaipst the revenus farmers.
The land revenue policy under Tipu even envisaged independent individual initiative
to develop facilities for'agriculture. Rent free land was gifted to individuals for the
construction of irrigation and other infrastructure. Thus a class of people who could
support qgricUltura1 development independently was sought to be created.
However, thebe measures were offset to a large extent by the practice of farming off
lands and thejagir system whereby jagir was granted in perpetuity to a particular
family. On the other hand the agricultural produce was by force of custom shared by
entire village aommunity. Here, as Nikhilesh Guha shows the majority of the share of
produce was going to the dominant or upper castes who mostly performed ritual
functions. So there was no way the agricultural surplus could be used to initiate
development within the farming community. The cultivator was left without much
resources for agricultural development.
Above all the $tate accorded priority to war. Marathas, Hyderabad, Carnatic and the
English occup~edthe major attention of the Sultans. This meant, inevitably, a
disproportiongte rise in military expense and consequent rise in the revenue demand.
Tipu for ekample, had raised his land revenue by 30% at the height of his defeats. No
sustained agridultural development thus could be possible and forcing the cultivator
to pay more was an inevitable consequence.
4.5.2
Revdnue from Trade
Merchants had been playing an important role in the Mysore economy for the last
couple of centuries. Linking the inland, external trade and revenue farming the
significant amongst them held a portfolio of these diverse investments in trade and
land. At the level of political operation they often used existing custom and traditional
iies to get their interests protected amongst the rulers in power. Their intervention in
land was significant enough. As Sanjay Subramaniam points out, that inspite of some
of them being big revenue farmers the area under their cultivation prospered rather
than declined. This indicated the importance they attached to land and the
significance of the trickling in of trade profits towards land. The prosperous merchants
were then important actors in Mysore scene.
Tipu realised the importance of these tradersand their trade. H e appointed asufs to
train officials to run trade centres established by him for keeping trade in control.
Trade capital was to be provided for these trade centres from the revenue collected
by the state officials. Provision was made for accepting deposits of private persons as
investment in the state trade with returns fixed around 35%. Private traders were
allowed to participate here in sale of commodities thought to be beneficial to the state.
Regular inspection of financial records of these centres was undertaken. Further,
currency was strictly regulated.
However the dimension of the private traders' activities, in the context of the British
domination of the sea trade, seems to have been perceived as a potential threat,
perhaps in the form of alliance between the native merchants and the English. In 1785
he declared an embargo at his ports on the export of pepper, sandalwood and
cardamoms. In 1788 he explicitly forbade trade with the English.
T o sum up, Mysore in the 18th century was a polity consolidated under military might
of Haidar and Tipu but under constant pressure from their own inability to evolve
durable solutions to the forces which were held in check due to military strength. A s )
a consequence we saw the potential which individuals within the polity had to make
personal gains at the expense-of the polity itself.

1) The local chiefs under Tipu
a) were freely asserting their authority
b) were kept completely under control
c) never existed
d) both a) and c)
2) War
a) was completely absent from the agenda of Mysoe polity
b) was an important component of the techniques to establish Mysore polity
c) was to determine the balance of power between the local chiefs and the
Mysore state in the 18th century
d) both b) and c)
3) Land revenue under Tipu
a) was mainly collected through revenue farmers
b) was mainly collected by government officials appointed by Tipu
c) tended to be collected by intermediaries
d) was not allowed to go into the hands of the Sultan
4)
4.6
The profits of individual traders in Mysore

a) did trickle down to agriculture
b) never trickled down to agriculture
c) mainly went in the industry.
d) none of the above
HYDERABAD
Hyderabad polity seems to have followed a different kind of pattern from Mysore.
Here the Mughal influence in the earlier days was more prominent. Normally during
the days of Mughal empire the Subadar of Deccan was posted at Hyderabad. An
attempt was made to introduce the Mughal administrative system (Read Unit 2 Set.
2.2). Inspite of continual Mughal-Maratha conflict and internal tensions this system
served to highlight the order of Mughal empire in Deccan. However in the wake of
the decline of the Mughal empire this system seems to have come into crisis.
MY--
.nd HydcrnbPd
*P
Nizam Asif Jab was first appointed a subadar (in charge of province) by the Mughal
emperor in 17113. But only after a military victory over his rival Mughal appointee in
1724 that he cohld take effective charge of the Deccan. After this period he stayed on
in Deccan and kent to the Mughal court only after leaving his appointee in charge.
Subsequently, he removed the Mughal officials in Hyderabad and installed his own
men. He also assumed the right of making treaties, wars and granting mansabas and
titles. Now gradually the Mughal authority was reduced to a symbolic reading of
Khutba etc. Bythe time of Nizam Ali Khan (1762-1803) Carnatie, Marathas and
Mysore had all settled their territorial claims and some kind of a stable political
pattern emerged in Hyderabad.
4.6.1
Warfare and the Army
As elsewhere, the army was an important component of the polity that emerged in
Hyderabad. The:Nizam-ul-Mulkessentially followed a policy of allowing the existing
jagirdari holding$. The military commanders and their troops were tied to the political
system through their individual employer, mainly the nobles. Unlike Mysore, the local
chiefs authority in Hyderabad was allowed to remain in tact. Like in the Mughal army,
the Hyderabad army too was maintained from the cash allowances drawn by the
nobles from the Nizam's treasury.
The army was important to contain the Marathas, the Carnatic Nawab, Mysore or the
English. However unlike Mysore, the thrust to gear up state finances directly for war
seem to be definitely weaker than Mysore. Let us turn to the main source of
finance-the land revenue system and see whether indeed there was a difference in
emphasis in mobilising revenue for the state.
4.7 LAND REVENUE SYSTEM

The land revenue system in Hyderabad was different from Mysore in the sense that
unlike Tipu and Haidar who made an attempt to directly control revenue through a
huge bureaucracy, the rulers of Hyderabad allowed intermediaries to function.
M.A. Nayeem has noted the existence of ijara or revenue farming land. Secondly,
there were a large number of peshkush zamindars whose lands were not officially
assessed but required to give an annual tribute or peshkush on the basis of their own
assessment records. Thirdly, Nayeem points out, that even where the zamindars and
deshpandes (village chiefs) had to pay the land revenue assessed by the state, their
consent was obtained.
While the revenue was supposed to be 50% of the produce, it was very rarely that this
proportion was collected. The importance of intermediaries (between the state & land
revenue payers) is established from the fact that the state's collection, i.e., jmabandi
was always lower than Kamil i.e., the assessment figure for revenue amved at with
the landlord's consent. As Nayeem shows, the difference between the two, i.e. Kamil
and Jama, was the 'zarnindar's share'. Secondly, from the documents on revenue of
the Nizarn period "we may conclude that the actual revenue too declined".
In Hyderabad jagirs or land grants for service to the state tended to become
hereditary. While in Mysore there was an attempt to check this, in Hyderabad no
serious measure to do so seems to have been taken. Moreover, the jagirdars (taking
advantage of hereditary succession), became strong so that even in the context of
declining actual revenue "the question of jagirdars receiving lesser revenue receipts
from the jagirs assigned to them than the actual amount due to them, does not arise
at all".
The land revenue administration in Hyderabad had officers under amils (provincial
heads). Measures for regular assessment and survey were taken. Encouragement was
given to the cultivator by the state policy of loans and reprieves.
However, all these features were undermined by the power and importance of
intermediaries. We saw above that their role was decisive in the assessment and
collection of revenue.
'
\
This in turn was to have important consequences in the shaping of Hyderabad polity
under the Nizams. A network of intermediary interests on land seems to have existed
which could be the political base for the competition to power and influence at the top.
4.8 PATRONS AND CLIENTS
Karen Leonard identifies lose "patron-client relationships" in the Hyderabad political

system. The main patrons she identifies broadly as the Nizam and the powerful
nobles. While the Nizam broadly maintained his hold, the circle of nobles around him
changed from time to time.
Myaore and Hyderabad
Itbe of Regional m e n
The nobility in the Nizam's period did not have a uniform criteria for career
advancement a/; under the Mughals. Personal relations with Nizam or military skills
were becoming important. So to become powerful in Hyderabad, the mansab rank (as
under Mughal system) did not prevent the rise of the noble. Many Zamindars or
Jagirdars who could rally the smaller intermediaries behind them, could with a little
military skill and diplomacy become powerful.
Earlier the ordered administrative hierarchy or formal land revenue regulations of the
Mughals and restricted the scope of accumulating power and wealth. However now
the institutional set up was weak enough to allow a straight away grab at the political
stakes at the top.
4.8.1
Vakils
Aiding this process of grabbing wealth and power was a network of intermediate
clients called the vakils. These vakils acted as agents between Nizam and nobles,
nobles and nobles and Nizam and outside powers. The vakis also provided
opportunities for individuals within the huge and affluent establishments maintained
by the Hyderabadi nobles.
The vakils normally acted on the basis of interests of individuals and were powerful
only in so far as their patron was powerfu'l. However switching of loyalties, for
personal gain was common. In an atmosphere where no uniform criteria for career
advancemebt existed, the vakiis represented forces of individual initiative in the
:ompetitiom for power and wealth.
4.9 THE LOCAL CHIEFS

Unlike My$ore, the local chiefs under the Nizam continued to control their inherited
land on the payment of tribute to the Nizam. Though they played the role of patrons
like Nizams and his nobles, they were never fully integrated within the Hyderabad
political system. Nor did their vakils maintain relationship with other rulers. The local
chiefs did nbt even follow the life style of Hyderabad court and as such seemed content
to remain oOt of the sphere of the court politics. However, they could become decisive
individual fhkors when the Hyderabad court was weak.
4.10 FINANCIAL AND MILITARY GROUPS

Bankers; mbney-lenders and military commanders (usually mercenaries) played and
important rdle in the political system of Hyderabad. They played a key role since they
provided esqential financial and military service. Their strength derived mainly from
the community they came from and in contrast to the vakils they functioned as caste
or community groups. Some of the main community or caste groups amongst the
financial groiups were the Agarwal and Marwaris while Afghans and Arabs were
prominent ~liilitarygroups. By threatening to withdraw support and services these
individuals and groups could at their level play an important role in t h e balance of the
polity.
4.11 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM

The administrative system seems to follow the trend of other aspects of the Hyderabad
r
institutions,apparently continued but now allowing the
polity. The e ~ r l i e Mughal
consolidatiorj of the vested interests, in the process allowing individuals to profit. The
most illustrah5ve is the case of the office of diwan who conducted most of the day to
day-affairs of the kingdom. Here instead of the diwan, the subordinate hereditary
office of daftardars or the record keepers became more important. In the absence of
salaried officials to conduct matters like revenue, these record keepers were able to
exercise real control by deciding the amount of revenue by local deshpande or
taluqdar and putting it on records. This allowed a lot of them also to make a huge
amount of wealth.
1) In
a)
b)
c)
Hyderabad the amount of revenue to be collected

was decided by the diwan
was decided by the Nizam
was decided by record keepers (daftardars) with the consent of deshpandes or
local intermediaries
d) was decided by the people
2) The Vakils in Hyderabad were

a) prominent merchants
b) prominent soldiers
c) prominent men of arts
d) basically agents between various centres of power and influence
3) The rule of Nizam of Hyderabad after 1724

a) was completely under the Mughals
b) was symbolically under the Mughals
c) was completely under the French
d) was completely under the Portuguese
4) The local chiefs in Hyderabad
a) were completely subjugated by the Nizam
b) remained individual potentates
c) both b) and c)
d) never existed
4.12 LET US SUM UP

T o sum up our look at the polities at Mysore demonstrated how in different ways
weakly established or weakening institutions were allowing individuals to play a
decisive role at different levels of the polity. In the process, Mysore emerged as a state
which was in some respects through the military strength of Haidar and Tipu, able to
establish a strong administration to overcome the inherent weakness of their
institutional base. This to a certain extent restricted various individuals and forces but
by no means finished them. Hyderabad on the other hand, allowed the vested
interests in the administration to consolidate and through patron-client linkages from
top to bottom established its polity.
4.13 KEY WORDS

Portfolio investment: In this unit indicates the diversity of investment made by the
merchant capitalists.
Revenue farmers: Individuals to whom agricultural land allotted by a ruler in return
of a fixed revenue demanded by the state.
Patron: A person who normally has the capacity to grant favours due to position or
MY=
and Hyderobad
influence. A client is the one who receives these favours and performs some service
for the patron.
Khutba: Prayer for the emperor.
4.14
ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

1) (b) 2) (dl 3) (b) 4) (a)
Check YoCr Progress 2
1) (c) 2) ( 4 3) (b) 4) (b)
UNIT 5 THE PUNJAB

Structure
5.0
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
Objectives
Introduction
The Punjab Polity Before Autonomy
Sikhism: Religious to Political Identity
Rise of the Sikh State
The Sikh State and the English East India Company
Organisation of the State
5.6.1 Territorial Administration
5.6.2 Revenue Administration
5.7
5.8
5.9
5.10
Nature of the Sikh Polity

LetUsSumUp
Key Words
5.0 OBJECTIVES
iI
Thisunitis on the development of independent state in the Punjab during the mid-18th
and the mid-19th century. In this Unit you will learn about:
the development in the Punjab polities before the establishment of the Sikh rule,
the transformation of the Sikh religious order into a political force,
the process through which the Sikh state emerged and its final absorption into the
British imperial system,
the organisation of the state, and
the nature of the Sikh rule.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
In Units 2 , 3 and 4 we have discussed how autonomous political authority developed
in Bengal, Awadh, Hyderabad, Mysore and in the Maratha region during the 18th
century. Here our focbs is on the Punjab. The development in the Punjab had a
different trend compared to the other Mughal provinces. In the case of the Punjab it
was not the Mughal provincial governor but a group of the local people, the Sikhs,
who established an independent political authority in the province. Naturally, it would
be interesting to see how the Sikhs uprooted the Mughal authority from the province
and in its place established t h e i ~own rule. This Unit first introduces you to the
political situation in the Punjab before the emergence of the Sikh state. Then it takes
you to the transformation of the Sikh religious order into a territorial power and after
that the establishment of the Sikh state. Finally, this Unit deals with the administrative
system of the Sikh state and nature of the Sikh rule.
5.2
I
I
I
I
THE PUNJAB POLITY BEFORE AUTONOMY
The disintegration cf the Mughal Empire in the first half of the 18th century was
followed by the establishment of independent political authority in various provinces.
In Bengal, Awadh and Hyderabad the provincial governors were successful in carying
out their independent dominions. But the development in the Punjab did not follow
the same trend. Zakariya Khan who was the governor of Lahore (1726-1745) had tried
to strengthen his control over the province but failed in the process of establishing an
Rise of R e g i d powera
indepe~dentpolitical system. The situation in the Punjab was somewhat different

compared to other provinces. The dominant forces in the Punjab polity during this
period were:
the struggle of the Sikhs for independent political authority.
the foreign invasions, first the Persian and then the Afghan.
the Msratha incursion, and
the rivalry within the provincial administration.
The Sikh movement in the course of the 18th century changed from a religious to a
political movement and was directed mainly against the Mughal imperial authority.
Guru Gobind Singh's death in the early 18th century was followed by a peasant revolt
by the Guru's follower, Banda Bahadur. This was a very tough time for the Mughal
authority to retain its hold over the province. Banda's execution in 1715 gave the
Mughals respite only for the time being. The Sikhs organised themselves into
numerous small and highly mobile bands, called Jathas and posed serious challenge
to the Mughal imperial authority.
The invasion of Nadir Shah, the Persian marauder, in 1739 made the situation more
difficult far Mughal authority in the Punjab. The attack and plunder of the province
by the Persian invader seriously undermined the imperial authority in the Punjab. The
Persian invasion was followed by a series of Afghan invasions led by Ahmad Shah
Abdali and this gave a final blow to the Mughal authority in the Punjab. In the wake
of these foreign invasions and the consequent turmoil in the province the Marathas
tried to establish their control over the Punjab.
Besides this, more detrimental for the political stability in the province was the
internal struggle within the provincial administration. The major cause of conflict was
the issue of;succession. After Zakariya Khan's death fratricidal struggle began among
his three sms-Yahiya Khan, Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Bagi over the succession to
the governorship of the Punjab. Holding up the appointment of the governor for a
year the Mughal emperor finally agreed to appoint Yahiya Khan as the governor.
This did nat stop the fighting among the brothers. Ultimately Shah Nawaz Khan
forcefully captured the office of the governor. Yahiya Khan fled to Delhi and asked
for help from the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah and the Wazir Qamaruddin who
was also his uncle and father-in-law. Shah Nawaz on the other side was trying t o
negotiate with Abdali for help. The struggle that followed between Abdali and the
Mughal emperor ended with the death of Qamaruddin and appointment of his son Mir
Mannu as the governor of Lahore.
Safdarjang the new Wazir in Delhi was against Mir Mannu and started conspiracy
against the governor. Through Shah Nawaz he created a problem in and around
Lahore. Mit Mannu was able to overcome this crisis. But constant Afghan invasion
under the leadership of Abdali did not give Mir Mannu any respite and finally he was
defeated by Abdali. Finally the Afghans forced the emperor to cede the Punjab,
Kashmir and Sind. Timur Shah, son of Ahmad Shah, was appointed governor of
Lahore. But Adina Beg Khan (Faujdar of Jalandar Doab) with the help of the
Marathas was able t o expel Timur from the Punjab. The Marathas considering the
problem of direct administration of the province gave the control of the Punjab t o
Adina Beg on the condition of an annual tribute of 75 lakhs rupees to the Marathas.
After Adina Beg's death the Marathas appointed Khwaja Mirza Jan as the governor
of Lahore. ?he Afghans were not sitting silently seeing this growing power of the
Marathas in the Punjab. The Afghans retaliated under the leadership of Abdali and
finally crushed the Marathas at the battle of Panipat in 1761.
These factors made the situation difficult for the Mughal governors to establish and
independent political authority in the Punjab as in the case of Bengal, Awadh and
Hyderabad. l t was the Sikhs who took full advantage of the prevailing political
instability in the region and ultimately established an autonomous state in the Punjab.
In the following section we will discuss how the Sikhs from a religious community
gradually established themselves as an independent political power.
--
--
The Pnqlab
5.3
SIKHISM: RELIGIOUS TO POLITICAL IDENTITY
In the 15th and 16th centuiy a series of reformist movements revitalised the Indian
religious belief systems. In the midst of these movements, a new order of Sikhism was
born in the Punjab. The founder of this newly emerging sect was Guru Nanak who
named his followers as Sikhs, which literally means the learner or disciple. In course
of time as the new cult spread, the name Sikh became the descriptive title of the
people, a designation not ethnic but religious. Guru Nanak's religious movement was
peaceful, non-sectarian and motivated towards reconciliation with secular life.
Guru Nanak was succeeded by a long line of nine Gurus, who in a period of about 200
years, not only organised and strengthened the Sikh brotherhood, but built it up as a
powerful fighting force to face the challenges of the Mughal emperors and their
governors. Thus,
Guru Angud developed the script Gurumukhi,
Guru Ram Das laid the foundations of Amritsar temple.
Guru Arjun Dev compiled the Adi Granth.
Guru Har Govind trained the Sikhs in military art and warfare tactics.
Guru Govind Singh organised the Sikhs into a well organised fighting forcz, with
Khalsa as its organisational focus.
After Guru Govind Singh's death the institution of Guruship d e d and the leadership
of the Sikh brotherhood passed to his trusted disciple Banda Bairagi, popularly known
as Banda Bahadur. He carried a vigorous struggle against the Mughal forces for nearly
8 years. In 1715 he was captured and executed. After Banda's execution for more than
a decade the Mughal authorities tried to bring the rebellious Sikhs under control. But
this attempt was not successful. A number of factors helped the Sikhs to organise and
establish themselves as the most powerful political force in the Punjab. These were,
the weakening of the Mughal imperial authority since the early decades of the 18th
century,
the invasions of Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali,
the Maratha incursion,
lack of cohesion and coordination in the provincial administration, and
the defiance of imperial authority by various local chiefs and Zamindars.
All these created a very fluid situation in the Punjab in the 18th century and from this
the Sikhs emerged as the most powerful. The death of Ahmad Shah Abdali sounded
the death knell of thk Afghan hegemony in Northern India. With the collapse of the
Afghan power, the Sikh confederacies assumed a predominant role in the Punjab and
succeeded in carving out independent principalities under their respective chiefs.
In the face of the repression by the Mughal authorities the Sikhs organised themselves
into numerous small and highly mobile bands called jathas, each commanded by a
Jathedar. Realizing the need for a united course of action the jathedars tried to form
a confederation and they met in a group on the occasion of the Baisakhi and Diwali
festivals. Although these could not be organised regularly, these promoted solidarity
among the various groups.
The defeat of the Mughals and the Marathas by the Afghans was an added advantage
for the Sikhs to consolidate their base in the Punjab. So the period from 1765 onwards
showed a steady development of Sikh political power which culminated in the
establishment of an autonomous state in the early 19th century. In the second half of
the 18th century the numerous small Sikh groups had regrouped themselves into 12
larger regional confederacies or Misls under the leadership of various local chiefs.
Thus,
the Bhangis had control over territories between Jhelum and the Indus and on
Lahore and Amritsar
the Ramgarhias had command over the Jalandhar Doab
the Kanhayas had control over the Raikri tract
the Singhpurias had control over the regions east and west of the river Sutlej
the Ahluwalias had command over Raikot and Kapurthala

the Sulkerchakias had control over Gujranwals, Wazirabad
the Phblkias controlled Malwa and Sirhind.
~ i s eof Regional Powers
These Misls were based originally on the principle of equality, wherein each member
had an equal say in deciding the affairs of the respective Misls and electing the Chief
and other officers of the organisation. The unity and the democratic character that the
Misls had at the initial stage gradually withered away with the removal of the threat
of the Afghan invasion. In coulse of time this democratic character ended with the
emergence of powerful chiefs, their mutual bickerings and internecine warfare. This
internal conflict sapped the vitality of the Misls. Ultimately Ranjit Singh, the leader
of the Sulaerchakia Misl, emerged as the most powerful among other chiefs and by
force of aq'ms he brought unity among the Sikhs.
Check Yobr Progress 1
1) How would you explain the failure of the Mughal provincial governors to retain
their control over the Punjab? Answer in about 100 words.
2)
Write in ten lines about how the Sikh brotherhood was consolidated from Guru
Nanakto Guru Gobind.
3) How did the hlisls come up? What was their role in the'Sikh polity? Answer in
about 100 words.
.........................................................................................................
4)
Write 'True' or 'False' against each sentence.

a) The third battle of Panipat sealed the fate of Maratha supremacy in India.
b) The forqign invasions in the Punjab failed to suppress the authority of the Sikh
chiefs.
c) Guru Gobind Singh founded the Sikh religious order.
d ) Guru A rjun Dev developed the Gurumukhi script.
e) The Misls were organised on the principles of autonomy.
5.4 RISE OF THE SIKH STATE

The development in the Punjab polity took a new turn with the rise of Ranjit Singh.
The process that started in the 18th century, for the establishment of the Sikh
tenitorial organisation, culminated in the establishment of an autonomous state in the
Punjab by Ranjit Singh in the first half of the 19th century. Ranjit Singh was the son
of the SukerchakiaMisl Chief, Mahan Singh. He was only 12 years of age when his
father died in 1792. H e inherited a small kingdom comprising Gujranwala, Wazirabad
and some area in Sialkot, Rohtas and Pind Dandan Khan. This was the time when the
Sikh confederacies were fighting among themselves for supremacy. This internal
fighting of the Sikh chiefs and the Afghan invasions under Zaman Shah in 1795,1796
and 1798 helped Ranjit Singh in consolidating his power in the Punjab. Ranjit Singh
was able to curb the power of the independent Sikh principalities and brought them
under single political authority.
During the first few years Ranjit Singh's major problem was to check the growing
power of his Diwan Lakhpat Rai and the attempts of his mother, Mai Malwai, to
control the administration. He got rid of his Diwan by despatching him on a dangerous
expedition to Kaithal, where he was assassinated. Mai Malwai was also murdered
' ~ i s eof
under mysterious circumstances. After establishing his complete control over the
affairs at hlome, Ranjit Singh launched his expeditions against the various chiefs of the
Sikh confederacies. With the active support of his mother-in-law Rani Sada Kaur, the
Kanhaya chief, he fell on the Ramgarhias. This expedition was undertaken to punish
the Ramgarhias for their encroachments on the territories of Kanhayas. The
Ramgarhias were defeated and their main city Miani was seized.
~ e g ~ o npowers
a~
After reducing the powerful Ramgarhias to abject submission, Ranjit Singh turned his
attention towards Lahore. Afghan leader, Zaman Shah established his control over
Lahore in 1797. But the news of a conspiracy aganist him by his brother in alliance
with Shah of Persia forced Zaman Shah to retreat, leaving Lahore under the charge
of his governor Shahanchi Khan. The retreat of Zaman Shah gave Ranjit Singh an
ideal opportunity to establish his control over Lahore. He in alliance with Sahib Singh
of Gujarat and Milkha Singh of Pindiwala, attacked Shahanchi Khan and occupied
Lahore in 1799. After Lahore Ranjit Singh annexed Amritsar from the Bhangis along
with all their other territories. Master of Lahore and Amritsar. Ranjit Singh, laid the
foundation of a sovereign Sikh monarchy in the Punjab, with himself as its undisputed
monarch.
11. Iqbnl-i-Punjab: The Medal of the Maharaja
With a view to consolidate his position further Ranjit Singh continued his march
towards other principalities. He subdued Jammu, seized Mirowal, Narowal, Sialkot,
Dilawargarh and Wazirabad, humbled the Kangra chief Sansar Chand and the Pathan
chief Nizam-ud-din of Kasur. The Muslim principalities of Kabul monarchy, like
Jhang and Sahiwal, made ready submission and the Multan governor Muzaffar Khan
greeted Ranjit Singh with huge presents. However, it was not until 1818 that Multan
finally surrendered to Misr Dewan Chand, the commander of the Sikh forces.
Kashmir was conquered in 1819 and by 1820-Ranjit Singh was acknowledged as the
ruler of the whole of the Punjab, from the Sutlej to the Indus, with the territories of
Kashmir and the hill tract to the borders of Tibet. The Trans-Indus regions of Dera
Ismail, Dera Ghazi Khan, Khairabad and finally Peshawar (1834) were all subjected to
the Sikh monarchy.
Ranjit Slngh's successors were able to maintain the territorial integrity established by
Ranjit Singh till 1845 and also added some small territories. But after that, in a phased
manner, the Sikh dominion was subjugated to the British imperial system and it was
I fully annexed to the British empire in 1849. Thus the period of sovereign Sikh rule in
, the former Mughal province of Lahore was from 1765 to 1845.
'
The Ptlnjsb
Map 6
5.5
THE SIKH STATE AND THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA

COMPANY
When the Sikhs were trying to consolidate their territorial base in the Punjab exactly
at the same time, the English East India Company had also started the process of
establishing itself as a political power in India. The sphere of activities of the Sikhs
was in the North and that of the English in Eastern India. But having gained control
of the East the English turned their attention towards the North in their bid for an all
India empire. So conflict with the Sikh state was almost inevitable in the process of
British expansion.
Until the middle of 1808, the English East India authorities were desirous of
establishing a closer contact with the ruler of Lahore so that he could serve as a buffer
against any foreign invasion through the North-West frontier. This British attitude
towards the ruler of Lahore was the outcome of the international political pressures
and the mounting threat of Napoleonic march towards the east. But by the close of
1808the international scenario had changed. Spanish risings against France, the treaty
between England and Turkey and the Anglo-Persian treaty in 1809, were events which
ended the possibility of the French invasion. This change in international politics had
bearing on :?:e British relations with the ruler of Lahore. The British now becamc
sympatheti; to the cause of the cis-Sutlej Sikh States who were seeking British
RIW d ~ e g k m dPowers
protection against Ranjit Singh. The British asked Ranjit Singh t o withdraw his army
t o the north of the river Sutlej and a contingent of British army marched towards
Ludhiana. Ranjit Singh, convinced at the superiority of the British military power,
abandoned his claim over the cis-Sutlej Sikh States. A n agreement was signed
between the British and Ranjit Singh which is known as the Treaty of Amritsar.
After the meaty of Amritsar in 1809 till 1839, when Ranjit Singh died, there was no
major tension between the two powers. The British did not allow him to establish his
control in the cis-Sutlej areas, but did not interfere in his domain. The death of Ranjit
Singh, however, weakened the basis of Sikh autonomy and within a decade the mighty
fabric of the Sikh monarchy was absorbed by the expanding arms of British
imperialism. Ranjit Singh's eldest son Kharak Singh succeeded him on the throne of
Lahore. But he was not worthy successor of Ranjit Singh. Soon after his succession
the existing court factions became active. Kharak Singh's sudden death in 1839 and
the accidental death of his son prince Naunihal, when he was returning from his
father's funeral, led to an anarchic situation in the Punjab. Moves and counter moves
by various gtoups t o capture the throne of Lahore paved the way for a more decisive
action by the British.
The first Anglo-Sikh war began in 1845 and there were in all five battles fought
between the two forces. The British captured Lahore and compe!led the Sikhs to sign
the Treaty af Lahore in 1846. The treaty sealed the fate of Sikh monarchy and made
the Punjab a British dependency. But till 1849 Punjab was not absorbed completely
in the Btitish dominions. After the final British victory in the second Anglo-Sikh war
in 1849, Lord Dalhousie annexed the Punjab t o the British empire in India. Thus
ended the autonomy of the Punjab and it became a part of the British colonial empire
in India. Wd would discuss the British conquest of the Punjab in detail in Unit 11,
Block 3.
1) Describe! the territorial boundary of Ranjit Singh's kingdom.
2) What happened t o the Sikh state after Ranjit Singh's death? Answer in about 60
words.
5.6 ORGANISATION OF THE STATE

In the organisation of the state the Sikh rulers tried to strike a balance between the
Mughal system and the requirements of their own rule. In most of the cases the
previous system of territorial divisions and the functions of the officials were
maintained. But in places where they found that the contemporary situation
demanded changes, they tried to adopt a new system. Administrative necessity rather
than religious outlook guided them in the matters of organisation of the state. The
existence of diverse ethnic, religious, linguistic and economic organisation and of a
large number of autonomous principalities led them to adopt and administrative
system that could hold the various forces together under a single authority. Therefore,
inspite of their identity with the Sikh religious establishments, the Sikh rulers took a
secular approach in administration.
5.6.1 Territorial Administration

In'the Sikh dominions the administrative divisions were more or less the same as in
the empire of the Mughals. Royal dominions were divided into Subas, Subas were
further divided into Parganas and the Parganas were subdivided into Tappas or
Taluqas, each Tappa consisting of a number of villages. But the size of most of the
units was rather small compared to the Mughal times. The king was the supreme head
of the administration. To assist him in the administration there were a number of
officials who were responsible to the king. At the centre the Diwan helped the king
in revenue administration and he was the most powerful official next to king. The
various officials at the provincial level were as follows:
Nazim
Kardar
Chaudhuri
Muqaddams
(Head of a Suba)
(Head of a Pargana)
(Head of a Tappa)
(Head of a village)
Besides these there were Qanungos, the Patwaris, etc. The functions of all these
officials were mainly:
collection of revenues,
promotio'n of cultivation,
suppression of crimes.
The judicial powers of these officials were limited. Except the petty cases in all
important cases the Maharaja, the Qazis and the itinerant justices in the countryside
took the decision. The higher officials were generally appointed by the ruler and their
offices were not hereditary. Merit was the major consideration at the time of
appointment. There were the men of different groups and religious faiths in the higher
offices. Officials were paid in Jagirs but from the second half of Ranjit Singh's reign
a large number of officials were paid cash salaries.
The control of the central authority over different parts varied mainly according to the
proximity of the place to the centre of authority. Historians have divided the Sikh
domains into 3 territorial zones on the basis of the actual exercise of royal control:
Central zone, from the Sutlej to the Jhelum, the territories which were first
occupied and closest to the capital
Intermediate zone, between the Indus and the Jhelum, mainly the Subas of Multan
and Kashmir.
Peripheral zone, bordering territories like ~ e h a w a rDera
,
Ismail Khan, Dera
Ghazi Khan, etc.
The royal control was maximum in the central zone, where the appointments of the
officials and their functions were very closely controlled by the centre. In the other
two zones the central control was comparatively less and at times the local officials
were appointed by the provincial governor himself.
Besides these directly administered areas, there were certain autonomous
principalities thrucgh out the Sikh rule, especially in the hills. These were the vassal
principalities, divided Into 3 groups.
the eastern group between the rivers Sutlej and Ravi,
the central group between the Ravi and the Chenab, and
the western group between the Chenab and the Indus.
The vassal chiefs accepted the suzerainty of the Sikh rulers and paid annual tributes
to them. But within their own principalities they enjoyed substantial power and were
not within the purview of the revenue policies of the Sikh rulers. However, some of
the vassals helped the Sikh rulers in general administration and military expeditions
and also acted as Nazims and Ijaradars.
Rise
5.6.2 Revenue Administration

For financial purposes the Punjab was divided into three categories i.e. regions that
were leased out, regions which were given in grants and directly administered regions.
These regions were assigned to three classes of administrators:
Affluent class of people, sent as revenue farmers.
Military chiefs who were given absolute powers in their respective assignments on
condition of sending army contingents as and when required.
Tax collectors as state functionaries, with variable emoluments largely dependent
on perquisites of their jobs.
Agriculture being the basis of the country's economy land revenue was the major
source of the country's wealth. Land revenue was realised on the basis of Batai,
Kankut and Zabti system.
Batai: Actual produce obtained after harvesting was used as the basis of sharing of
crops. This system was prevailing since the Mughal times. In this system the
goverrlment had to keep constant check on the harvest, otherwise it might be
deprived of its actual share.
Kankllt: In this system the government share was assessed on the basis of standing
crops on or before harvesting. This system was also prevalent during the Mughal
period. An advantage in this system was that the government did not have to keep
constant check on the crops; because of the estimation of the government share
before harvesting the government wuld plan its budget.
Zabti: This was the system of cash payment on the basis of the measurement of
crops. Generally for the cash crops like cotton, indigo, sugarcane, tobacco, etc. this
method was applied.
The rate of land revenue varied from place to place. Generally the government share
was between two-thirds to one-third of the produce. The rate was fixed depending on
the condition of the soil, the mode of irrigation and the expense of cultivation. Besides
the land revenue the state also claimed a number of Abwabs from the peasants. The
collection of revenue was made in both cash and kind. Thus we find that in the
revenue administration also there was not much change compared to-the Mughal
system.
5.7
NATURE OF THE SIKH POLITY
In the previous sections we have discussed the development of the Sikh state and its
organisational framework. What was the nature of the Sikh polity? There is no
denying the fact that the teachings of the Sikh Gurus provided the basic foundation
for the Sikh polity. The movement, that had developed amongst the Sikhs t o fight
against the socio-economic and religibus injustices in the medieval period,ultimately
got transformed into a political movement in the course of the 18th century. So the
basis of the Sikh polity was laid down by the moral ethos and the democratic traditions
of the ~ikh'Gurus. The reflection of this democratic tradition is found in the Sikh
polity of the Misl period with its various features like the Gurmata, the Dal Khalsz,
ruling in the name of the Khalsa, etc.
It is important to point out here that the historians are not unanimous about the nature
of the Sikh polity during the Misl period. According to some historians the
organisation of the Misls was 'theocratic' in character; on the other hand, it has also
~ i s eof Regionel Powers
been poidted out that the functioning of the Misl Chiefs suggests that they acted
independently in their own respective areas, sometimes guided by their own interests.
Their attdndance in the meetings of the Sarbat Khalsa was not compulsory. They
attended the meetings to discuss an emergency situation or for matters of mutual
inierest; decisions were not universally regarded as binding. Moreover, inspite of the
framework of a democratic tradition, in the internal organisation of the Misls there
was not such democracy. The idea of personal government was much in practice.
There was no doubt a confederacy of the Misls but within the Misl the Sardar or the
chief had complete independence. The confederacy existed mainly because there was
external threat. In the sphere of internal affairs the confederacy had no control over
the Misls.
The emergence of Sikh monarchy in place of various independent chiefs brought
further change in the nature of Sikh polity. During the 19th century the autonomy of
the individual Sardar came to an end and the king became the supreme authority
within the state. Ranjit Singh had full faith in the Sikh scriptures and the Sikh religion.
But his peasonal faith never came in the way of his administration. Punjab being a land
of the people of diverse ethnic, religious and language groups needed a secular
administration and the Sikh rulers acted rightly in order to consolidate their rule in
the region. The interference of religion in matters of administration was not
expedient. T o quote Dr. Indu Banga "The continuance of autonomous principalities
on the periphery and other such pockets in the plains, assignment of Jagirs and service
to a cross-section of the landed aristocracy and the grant of Dharmarth to the religious
personages and institutions belonging to all faiths, must be viewed in terms of the
ideology of consolidation".
1) Do vow think there was continuity hetween the Sikh and thc Mughal
administrative system? Explain your argument in about 60 words.
How did the Sikh rulers orgarlise the land revenue system? Write in ahout 60
words.
3)
Match the names in cvlumn 'H' with colurnn 'A'

(A)
(B)
Village Head
Chaudhuri
Hend of Tappa
Patwari
Head of Pargana
Kardar
Village accountant
Muqaddam
Head of the Revenue Department Nazim
Head of Suba
Iliwan
The Punjab
5.8 LET US SUM UP

We have seen in this Unit that following the repeated foreign invasions and the
revolts of the Sikh chiefs, the Mughal provincial administration broke down in the
Punjab. In the prevailing political instability the Sikhs emerged as a political force
and established an autonomous state in the Punjab. The leadership given by
Ranjit Singh and his statesmanship made a major contribution in this process.
There was not much institutional change in the administration compared to the
Mughal system and the Sikh rulers adopted a secular approach in administration
in order to consolidate their rule. But the internal weakness of the monarchy and
the factionalism that survived within the state led to its subjugation to the British
imperial system.
5.9 KEY WORDS

Abwabs: In addition to land revenues the cesses collected from the peasants.
Adi Granth: The religious text of the Sikh Panth.
Dal Khalsa: The combination of the forces of more than one Sardar for any
specific purpose which was purely temporary in nature.
Dharmarth: Land grant given to religious and charitable institutions.
Faujdar: The administrative head of a Sarkar under the Mughals.
Gurmata: The unanimous resolution taken by the Sikhs present in the Sarbat
Khalsa before the Guru Granth Sahib.
Patwari: The village accountant.
Sarbat Khalsa: The entire body of the Khalsa, the Sikh Panth.
Theocratic: The political system based on religion.
5.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS EXERCISES

1) Your answer should focus on the rebellion of the Sikh chief, foreign invasions,
internal feuds within the provincial administration, etc. See Sec. 5.2
2)
See Sec. 5.3
3) You have to write about the background in which the various Sikh chiefs brought
broad unity among the Sikhs to consolidate their base in the Punjab. See Section
5.3
4)
a) True b) True c) False
d) False e) True
Check Your &ogress 2

1) Write your answer reading Section 5.4
2)
See Sec. 5.5

1) In the light of discussion in Section 5.6 you give your argument with some
examples.
2) Your answer should include the various system of assessment, rate of revenues,
mode of collection, See. Sub-Sec. 5.6.2
3) Muqaddz.11, Chaudhuri, Kardar, Patwari, Diwan, Nazim.
Rise of R e g i d Powers
SOME USEFUL BOOKS

C.A. Bayly; The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. 11.1, Indian Society and the
Making tbe British Empire.
P.J. Marshall: The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. 11.2, Bengal : The British
Bridgehead, Eastern India 1740-1828.
Richard B. Barnett: North India between Empires, Awadh, the Mughals, and the
British, 1720-1801.
Indu Bangai Agrarian system of the Sikhs.
Muzaffar Alam: The crisis of Empire in Mughal North India,Awadh and the Punjab,
1707-48.
Andre Wink: Land and sovereignty in India: Agrarian Society and Politics under the
Eighteenth century Maratha Swarajya (Cambridge 1986)
G.S. Sardesai: New History of Marathas, V.2 (Bombay-1948).
Nikhilesh Guha: Pre-British state system in South India. Mysore 1761-1799(Calcutta,
1985)
Karen Leonard: "Hyderabad Political System and its Participants," Journal of Asian
Studies, 1971. (To be xeroxed and sent).
UNIT 6 MERCANTILE TO
INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM
IN EUROPE
6.0
6.1
6.2
6.3
64
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
6.9
6.10
6.1 1
6.12
6.13
6.14
6.15
Objectives
Introduction
Feudal Errope
New Ideas : Renaissance and Reformation
Geographical Exploration and Overseas Colonisation
Sixteenth Century England : Wheels of Change
Manufacturing in the Age of Merchant Capital
Methods and Organi.wtion of Trade
Mercantilism
I'riw Rise and Crisis
England : On the Path of Industrialisation
The lildustrial Revolution
The Maturation of Industrial Capitalism
,.l.$t U s S u m U p
Key Words
Q
Answcrs to Check Your Progress Exercises
6.0 OBJECTIVES
In this IJnit we discuss the main trends in the economy and society of Europe from the
fifteenth to thc middle of the nineteenth century. After reading this Unit you will be able
to explain :
the lihctors responsible for the weakening of feudalism in Europe.
the gtxrgraphical discoveries. overseas colonisation and their impact on the
economy of Europe.
thc mercantile era : growth in markets, money economy. accumulation of capital
and thc influence of mercantilist ideas.
thc changes in the techniques of agriculture, industry and trade with the
dcvelopmcnt of science and technology,
the comparative development of European countries. the rise of Britain and its
emergence as the dominant colonial power.
the industrial revolution in Britain : factors responsible. its nature and impact.
and
the rise of capitalism and thc role of colonies in it.
--
--
In Block 1 you havc read about the political developments in I.pdia in IIIC rstk
century. One of the significiint litndmarks of this period was the cornpcIII1,ttl ;Imong
various European colon~alpowcrs to establish their hegemony over t l ~ cI I ~ , I I . I I I
subcontinent. Why did the various Luropean countries jump into I'icicc. t.ttt~l,,t.t~tion
to establish a colonial empire'! In t h ~ sUnit we have tried to find arr ; I I I \ \ ~ , . I I I I ~lris
question in the context of the socioeconorrric devel~pmentsof Europc I I I I I , I 111,. 15th
to the middle of the 19th century.
This Unit introduces you to the decline of feudalism in Europc a i d 111ccilrcr~viiceof
new ideas which promoted the geographical discoveries. overseas traclc ;~ntl
colonisation. It gives account of the commercial revolution in f.uropc i~nd1l1c
CapitrInm and ~mpsmlum
mercantilist ideas that dominated Europe between 17th and 18th anturies. After that
i t deals with the emergence of Britain as the dominant colonial power, the Industrial
Revolution in 1:ngland and the transformation of Europe from mercantile to
industrial car.~talism.
6.2
FEUDAL EUROPE
As the middle ages were drawing to a close the feudal society of Europe was in
coisis. Feudalism had been in existence for about a thousand years. After the decline
of the powerful Roman empire i n the fifth century A.D.. political, social and
edonomic powers increasingly became dwentralised as the centralised powers of the
state and kings was sei7ed by a range of intermediaries. I n the next few centuries
fcludal society developed into an extremely hierarchical one with layers of
intcrnicdiaries drawing sustenance from their dependents. The cconomy and society
wci~rneprimarily land-based or agrarian with trade playing a relatively less
important role. The majority of the agrarian population at the bottom of social
hierarchy consisted of peasants called serfs who were bound to serve their masters
who were their lords. The lords inturn had over-lords whom they were obliged to
serve.
Hence, the whole of feudal society was based on ties of dependem and
ilnterdependance : the strong needed the weak as dependents to set& them and the
Ilatter got protection from their superiors. Loyalty and pattorup
!elationships between classes.
I
11
1
1
I t was an age when values of chivalry and honour dominated the lives of big land
Idrds : knights, noblemen and kings. The christian church with its clergy was
ertremely powerful and influential in the feudal society.
Hy the 14th C. the limits to the growth and expansion of feudal society had been
rcached. Feudal socicty had experienced growth in technology, agricultural
piroduction, tradc. coinnierce and population. since the 12th century. However.
bkyond a point such dynamism could not hc sustained. Population had grown from
atbout 38.5 million .in C. 1000 A.1). to 73.5 by the middle of the 14th C. '1;cchnology
a:nd resources could not keep pace and a scrics of wars and natural calamilics
checked growth of population. The Hlack I>eath or plague spread from 1348 A.1).
dnwards reducing population in large' numbers. 1)cpopulation led to abandoning of
cultiv;~hlc land and agricultural production declined. Consequcntly.'thc income of the
feud;~llandlords also declined as they could no longer get their dues and levies. They
rc;~ctc(lhy attempting a tightening of their feudal control over their depcndents
nii~inl\.tlic scrfs. The latter resisted this and the 14th and lSt h centuries were markcd
ti\: ;I scrics of peasant rebellions all over Europc. Of these the French Jac-querie of
I ' ~ . ( and
S
the English peasant uprising of 1381 ;ire well known.
..:Illus ;I crisis in li.ud;~l socicty occurred in Western Europc i.e. broadly the area west
of t hc riwrs Elb consisting of countries like Englaend. France. Holland. Spain and
purts of Cicrmany and Scandinavia. The hold of the fcudal lords weakened and
scirfdoni declined as a result of the feudal crisis. I n Eastern Europe i.e. in the region
of ~wewntday Poland. Romania. tiungary. U.S.S.R. etc.. the landlords succeeded i n
their elforts to resubjugate the serfs and therefore serfd!,m was consolidated after the:
crisis 04' the 14th and 15thcenturies. As a result of this. fcudal relations persisted in
Ei;~stcrnEurope for a much l o n g r period t l l a ~Wcstcrn
i
Europe. I n tradc. industry
;~iidurbanisation Eastern Europe lagged behind Wcstcrn Europe and in the next
three to four centuries it providcd the latter with agrarian produce in'rqturn for
manufactured goods. In the following discussion of developments i n Europe, we
concentrate our attention on Wcstern Europe.
:--RENAISSANCE
A N D REFORMATION
6.3 NEW--.IDEAS
- --+
-
A s Iiuropc cntcrcd the 16th century its feudal society was being questioned and
t(an4l'or-~ncilin many ways. I n the realm of culture ,and idci~s.thc importance of the
ihdivid~l;~!
;~ndlluman~tyu.as hcing cr~iphasisedby a numbcr of writers. painters.
......1 - 4 .... ...- ...I.. .
La... . ..C .I...,
.I
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Fr.....
oh..
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4
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t.
,.....
culture of ancient Greece and Rome and many Europeans were challenging the
subordination of the individual to the hiera'rchies and the collective authority of the
feudal age. With the weakening of the feudal system since the 14th C. the spread o
these ideas of humanism and individualism gave rise to a whole set of values whic
are commonly designated as the Renaissance. Renaissance means rebirth and this
was used later on to signify the changes which Europeans were experiencing after,hhe
-middle
. ages.
bi
I
Renaissance ideas had their origin in many universities in the late medieval period
especially in ltaly and subsequently it matured on the continent in the 16th C. in the
realm of literature and various arts, From the 1520s. the Christian Church was also
under regular attack from reformers like Martin Luther.and John Calvin. They
criticiscd the distortions. abuses and the corruption in the Church which according
to them had deviated the Church from the teachings of Christ and the path shown
by early saints of Christianity. Both Luther and Calvin established their separate
Churches and attracted supporters.from parts sf Germany. Switzerland. France,
England, Scotland and the nor8hern Scandinavian countries. This whole movement
of attack on Christian Church and the attempt at its reform is known as the
Reformation.
The ideas of Renaissance and Reformation were particularly attractive to the rising
class of traders. merchants and bankers who constituted the new middle class of
Europe. During the period of the feudal crisis in the 14th and 15th centuries
agriculture had become lea profitable and compared to that the gains in trade and
commerce were more.
In Italy. the birth place of Renaissance. the merchants had been prospering since the
I lth-12th C. by supplying various artisanal goodstnd luxury items to Europe. For
this ltaly also enjoyed a geographical advantage in the Mediterranean as it is
surrounded by sea and also connected by land route to the East. Around the year
.I500 A.D.. ltaly was the most prosperous country in Europe with a number of
independent small states and fairly autonomous trading cities like Venice. Genoa.
Milan, Florence etc.
-
6.4 GEOGRAPHICAL EXPLORATION AND

OVERSEAS COLONISATION
The other countries of Europe were very eager to break the Italian monopoly over
trade. Since the 15th century A.D. the countries on the Atlantic Coast were in search
of an .alternative route to the East via Africa. Several developments enabled the
discovery of new unknown lands and new sea routes :
The rise of centralised states.with stronb kings in the later part of the 15th century
A.D. promoted the-geographical exploration. Many of these centraliied states like
Portugal and Spain encouraged explorations and often supported and
sponsored navigators.
Many technological advantages a?< information were increasingly available at the
service of the explorers e.g. thc compass. the astrolabe. the gunpowder. Printing
and the making of' maps (Cartography) spread rajidly in the 15th and 16th
centuries.
Stories about the f;~hulPu\riches of the East. the zeal to spread Christianity into
the new lands and ithotc ,111 the desire to achieve
acted as inspiring factors
for navigators and cxplorcrs.
In short, it was "God. Glory and Gold" which infused the European explorers with a
spirit of adventure. Hy 1487, the bouthernmost tip of Africa was reached by a
Portuguese, Bartholoew Dia7 and it was named the Cape of Good Hope. In 1498
Vasco Da Ciama landed in India. Meanwhile Christopher Columbus, in search of
route to the East. crossed the Atlantic and discovered a new continent, i.e., America.
Hy the 1530s. Portuguese and Spanish explor&s had not only reached present day
South America but were beginning to tonquer the prevailing Inca and Aztec
empires.
Mercantile lo Indu+lrial
C'aphlnm in k.urupu
r l ~ i l a l ~ rand
m Imperialism
I. Dimerent t y p a of Compass.
fhc trade with the colonies of the New World (North and South America) was
dil'lcrcnt from the Furopcan tradc with Asl;~.A~ncr~can
treasures were plundered and
subsdqucnt ly precious metals (gold and \ ~ l \ c r were
)
mined by Spanish and
Portuguese scttiers which was shipped hack home. With the passage of time slrgar,
tinihtr. tobacco. cotton and fish bcci~mcimportant items of import into Europe
~hile
Iron1 Europe textiles. domc\tie furniture and instrunicnts and other consumers
items wcrc being exported. Another significant trade which prospered was that of
hlatqs. I o meel thc labour requirements in the plantations of sugarcane, tobacco.
cotttali ;111d the mines of @Id and silver. African slaves wore imported into the
colotiic.;. I'hc early treatment 01 thc colonised American 'Indians' was very brutal
and harsh. kor instance. the population of Mexico fell from 25 million in 1519 !o
I million 111 1600.
I
Ac~us\to the bullion of the new world hcncfited Spain the most. I n the 16th C.
ncu ly 90'; of the goods reaching Spa~ntrom the Amcricas consisted of precious
nictals. Span. under emperor Charles V and his son Philip 11, became the most
powcrl'ul country in I-uropc. I'hc Portuguesc on the other hand increasingly came to
contkol the spice tradc of' the East.
I'hc growing contact with the East and the Americas led to a tremendous growth in
the volume of tradc in the 16th C. Increasingly more and more trade wa\ being done
on thc, Atlantic Coast. I 111s Icd to the riw ol Antwerp which was in Southern
Nctl~crlandsand 1s currently In Rclg~uni.It was in Antwcrp that the lJortuguesc
merchants who took away the lucratkc spice tradc from Venice. brought in thcir
d~vcrt~
thcir
n ~ metal tradc and the
goods l'he German merchants wcrc inc~ci~s~nplc
~ngl~ish.'their
cloth to Antwerp. Ciradu;~ll\ Italy', monopoly ovcr trade weakened
as the century progressed.
~ c i ~ n k h iNorthcrn
lc
Ncthcrlands was al,o 1:ist cnicrging as a major trading and
nii~~iulacturing
arcil. I'hc Outch wcrc Lnown 1.01thcir
.
sea-faring abilities and
: . shij-iping industry. From I550 onwards they established control ovcr the grain tradc
' of Haltic Sea Arm. The 1)utch'madc sever:ll iti~pro\cnicl~ts
in ;~griculturcand
industry in the 16th C. They employed techniques to recover marshy and sea. 1i11ids
to add to the i~vrrilahlcscilrcc lapd area. Dairy industry prospered and thcrc &;IS
widksprc;ld use ol' the wind mill. l'hcy dcvclopcd 1jphtc.r c.ommsrcia1 ship\. kept
smaller crcwsi)n thcir war ships and conccntrarcd on exporting cheaper variety of
wide and cloth. After the Spanish conquest ol' Antwcrp in 1585 Anistcrdahi in
Northcrn Netherlands crncrgcd rr* a ~ i ~ i i trading
or
point in the north-west Atlantic.
2. Spread of European culture outride Europe (I.ate 16th and 17th ('.).
6.5
SIXTEENTH CENTURY ENG1,AND : WHEEI,S 01;

CHANGE
However, the country which was cvc~itu;rll~

going to get irlicad 01' Spaill. I'OI.III~;I~.
Italy and the Ncthcrl;rnds was lingland. I:ngl;rntl tljtl not 1i;rvc direct ;recess to h ~ ~ l l i o ~ i
sources like Spain nor did she have a n ci~rlyIc;~dill the highly prolitir hlc. \pic.c. tl.;rde
like the Portuguese. Yet hy the c ~ i dol' tlic l0th C'. I:nglarid bird heconic so \tronp
that it was ahlc to dcfc;rt Spain in i t na\al hattlc in ISRH. 'Ilie kc! to I'nglir~itl's
success lies in the internal cIi:~ngcswhich occur-red ;IS i t result ol the Ikutl;rl crisi\
towards the end of the 15th ('. linglalid cspcricriccd w l i ; ~i h~ known ;I\ tlic ~ * ~ ~ ~ . l o \ u r ~
movement. I'hose English landlords who were cncountcring loshes in ;I!~~CIII:;IIC ,1110
ry s ~ i ~ r l ccnclosing
d
their l i ~ * l t l s;111tl orit it ~*ltrr,g
were troubled by ij rcbclliou.\ ~C;IS;IJII
them into pastures. .l'liis. bird several importi~ntconscqucncch.
Thcsc pastures wcrc utiliscd for rearing of shccp.for coninicrici~lpurposes. \lc;rt ;r~rd
wool enabled many Iandowncrs to not only survive the economic crisis hut ;rlst) to
reap tremendous profits. Sir 'l'honias More the author of a famous hook 1 t,,l)icr
remarked in c'arly 16th C. that shccp were eating men.
With the revival of population i n the 16th C . land was i~gainbrought hack to
agriculture profitably in combination with shccp and cattle rearing. 'I lie otli~.rcruciirl
consequence of the cnclosurc movement was the cjcction ol' peasant%living uitli
traditional rights on landlords-land. I)cpri\lcd ol'thcir land they u c r ~ I'orccd
.
to
becomc agricultur;~llabourers or migrate to ports u ~ i durhitn arcits 111 \carcli of a
living. I n the sixteenth and the scventccnth ccnturics. lingliali agr~culturccspcricncctl
tremendous dynaniism due to the efforts of a whole class uho wcrc known a\ the
"improving English landlords." They wcrc products 01' the cnclosurc movcriicnt \rho
were increasingly investing in land to increase i t s comnicrcial potcrltial I'or a g l - o ~ i n g
market of grain and wool. Their growth was facilitirtcd hy the rihc 01' the I utlol.
monarchy from 14HS. Whcn Henry V l l l thc sccond 'I'udor king sci/cd Cliurcli .
property in thc 1530s and put it up for sale. the land hungry commercial I;~ndlordh
were quick to buy i t itnd expand prtduction. I n addition many 01' thcni wcrc also
leasing i n land from older feudal nobility on rent. '\'hi\ r~sirigclass of comnicrcial
.
Capitaliun and ~ m p w i r l h
The bevmteenth Century saw the emergeoce of four broad classes in English
agric~lttlrab
society.
Nobility comprising of big landlords mostly living off rental income.
Gentry.
Tehant farniers,
Landless agricultural labourers.
Meanwhile English merchants were making progress in the export of wool and
textiles. English cloth was reaching Europe via Ant werp. From 1520 economic
growth rate picked up. Henry V l l l devalued the currency in order to raise money for
defence expenditure. This made English exports cheaper in European markets.
In I 5 q there was a depression in European cloth markets due to excess supplies
dhichl affected England's cloth exports adversely. In order to overcome the crisis
Englidh manufacturers brought about changes jn their products and diversified into
new areas. English cloth manufacturers started exporting more and more cheap
coarsq cloth which came to be known as the new draperies or worsteds.
After 1550. coal and metal industry started developing at a rapid pace. Coal
increasingly replaced wood as fuel in homes. brick kilns and in the menufacfurc QC
beer. sugar. glass and soap. Coal. timber and m a r l production grew in respanre to
the growth requirements of shipping. utensils and production. A combination of
favoumble factors brought about a steady economic growth of England in the
second half of the 16th Century. I'hr stability provided by Elirabeth's reign. grunh
geographical discoveries and the arrival of migrant protestants born
Netherlands who were mostly merchants; provided a
.-A
1) List three factors which you think were responsible for the decline of feudalism.
.......................................................................
2 ) Write in 50 words about the factors that encouraged geographical exploration.
.......................................................................
3)
How do you explain the success of England compared to other countries of Europe in
the 16th century?Answer in .I00 words.
Mark the correct statement :

I ) a) Loyalty and patronage did nnt govern relationship between classes in feudal
roclety.
b) The feudal society was based on tles of dependence and interdependence
between the lords and the peasants.
In
the feudal soclety the peabants were not legally bound t o serve their lords.
c)
2) a) Durlng the Renaissance and Reforn~,itionthe main emphasis was not o n
individuai~smbut on subordination of individual to collect~veautnority.
b) During the Renaissance and Reformation varlous Mrlters highlighted the
corruption ex~stedin the Church.
b) Tkie ideas of Renaissance and Reformat~onhad no appeal to the rising
middle class of Europe.
4)
I
I
6.6 MANUFACTURING IN ,THE AGE OF MERCHANT

CAPITAL
Europe o f the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries underwent Ghat i s known as the
commercial' revolution. The. term i s used to denote a series of complex and interrelated factors which-brought about a tremendous expansion of the market and a
money economy. The use of currency became widespread replacing the age old
system of barter. Means pf communication improved. By 1600 almost all important
cities of Europe had got connected by postal services. Urbanisation picked up in
response to commercial and administrative requirements. London. Paris. Antwerp
and Amsterdam grcw at a very fast pace.
his was an age of the merchant. The expanding horiions of the market had opened
up vast opportunities for profit. The merchants wanted expansion in production with
preferably lower costs. I n this they were encountering hindrances from guilds. Now,
what were these guilds? Guilds were unions of artisans and workers which protected
the interests of artisans by controlling the volume ahd quality and cost of
production. They tried to secure better wages and selling prices for thc prcduce ol
workers and looked after them'in times of distress. In the medieval period different
occupations had come to acquire numerous specific guilds. For instance weavers.
metal workers, carpenters, leather workers etc. had thcir own guilds. Within a
particular guild. say for example weaving. there were separate guilds of spinners or
dyers. The knowledge o f a particular craft or skill was usually monopolised by a
particular guild. Skills were normally transmitted through a system or apprentices
within a particular guild. An apprentice was a young learner of a particular grade or
skill whd was attached to a senior skillcd craftsman, who was not supposcd to
impart training to just anybody not approved by the guild.
The sixteenth century merchant. eager to expand trade was confronted with higher
wages. To break this barrier. merchants started putting out advanccs to peasant
families willing to do artisanal work to supplement thcir income from agriculture or
to breakaway craftsmen of guilds. 'The putting out system also known as the
domestic system, had the following important katures:
The merchant advanced capital and raw material to a craftsmen with
specifications regarding the type. quality and quantity of products.
The craftsman utilising his skills usually worked at home. using their own tools
- and often utilising the labour of his family as well.
The finished product.was delivered to the merchant who then sold it for profit.
The significant aspect of this systcm was thc fact that thc nlcrchilnt still did not have
full control over the labour prcxcss of thr. artisan si~iccthe lattcr worked at home.
Secondly the artisan owned hi&tools and implements and of course his ability to
work.
From the merchant's point of view. the disadvantagein this systcm was a limited
potential for technical growth; hut on the other hand the advantage was to hiive
Bccess to cheap labour uf the artlsank family f r d Iron1 the restrictions of guilds. I'hc
merchant at this stage was rr yet not it direct mcrnufacturcr and his sourcc of prr)tlt
came from trade kfmn the arnitnl urh'ich :~a.t.tmrmll:atcrl in thik
n n r r e c c r l * ~ r ; n uthe
Mercantile to Indu-trial
<'apicalkm in ):un~l~c
<'apitdism and lrnpaillhrn,
16th and 17th Century is called merchant capital. However, it was not only the
merchant who was accumulating capital but there were many craftsmen who broke
away from their guilds, showed enterprise, profited from the expanding market and
improved their social and economic status in society. In recent years the above
mentioned stage of industrial growth has been described as proto-industrialization. It
is argued that the putting out system brought about not only the expansion of
merchant capital but it had a significant social and demographic (i.e. population
relation) impact which created conditions for the emergence of factoj and modern
science and technology -- based industrial production in the late eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Among other things the putting out system aided peasant
differentiation. lowered marriage age to facilitate larger working families, and
concentrated skills and capital in specific areas from where subsequent
industriali7ation took off. Some good illustrative examples which are cited for this
are Flanders near France and East Anglia in England.
6.7
METHODS AND ORGANISATION OF .TRADE
The massive increase in the volume and complexity of trade which occurred from the
sixteenth century demanded progress in the sphere of credit network and monetary
exchange. The use of drafts and letters of credit became widespread to facilitate
lending, transfer and business exchange. The use of paper currency came much later.
Another development was the effort of states to develop a uniform standard
currency. Fully standardised currencies emerged by the end of the eighteenth century
in several European countries.
Till the fifteenth century merchants most!:/ .conducted their operations eitherindividually or as a family venture. The Sforza family of Milan, the Medici of
Florence and the Fuggers of Germany were some of the famous business houses ol'
Europe. In addition, trading operations were also done in partnerships with other
merchants or through leagues like the famous Hanseatic league of Northern
European merchants. mainly German speaking. However. in partnerships a major
disadvantage was the unlimited liability of each of its members. The expansion in
shipping and trade meant a huge investment of capital and heavy risks. Common
ventures brought merchants together and this resulted in the formation of regulated
companies. Often its members combined with the purpose of maintaining their
monopoly of a particular trade or some area. The members did not pool their
resources but agreed to abide by certain regulations which would be of advantage to
all members viz, maintenance of doc'ks. warehouses. protection against interlopers
and profkction of monopoly. The English company of Merchant Adventurers was a
regulated company established for the purpose of trade with Germany and the
Net hcrlands.
---
The Seventeenth century sa6 the evolution of a more sophisticated business

organisation - the joint stock company. Trading operations demanded a more
uompact organisation with a broader scope so as to lessen risks. ensure stability and
incrust access to capital. Unlike the regulated company. the joint stock company
issued shares of capital to a large number of investors. In this, a shareholder was
entitled to have a share in the profits of the company in accordance with the capital
inverted by him without necessarily participating in the actual work of the company.
The joint stock company had two major advantages :
A much larger amount of capital could be raised and the high risks and costs
could be shared by shareholders. Later even people of moderate means had a
chance to invest their small savirigs by purchasing shares and reaping profits.
The Joint Stock Company was a legally recognised corporate body which could
continue in spite of the death or withdrawal of a shareholder.
Another significant development was the formation of Chartered Companirs. These
companies were authorised by the government i.e. they held charters from the.
government by which they acquired!monopoly of trade with a particular area or
I
country and even authority over the latter's inhabitants. Several such companies were'
established to gain control over the trade and the people of the East, e.g. the English
East lndia Comoanv ( 16001. the Dutch East lndia Comoanv ( 1602h. the French East
I n thc sc\cntccn~Iicentury tlic countries of l!i~rc;~cwcrc ulidcr the influcncc o f a set

o r ccc)~rorriicideas atid praclicca Ir now11SI; nicrcant i l i s ~ n .Mcrcan~ilisni~icvcrassu~ncd
the colrcrcncc o f a system. hut it consisted of a scrics c;l"doctrincs and policies
involving slate intcrvcntion to promote national prosperity and strength. Its ideas
and policy prescriptions can be summariscd as follows :
i
'
It was believed that the volume ol' world trade is 11io1.cor less fixed. Stiltc policies
should be framed in such ii manner that i t should get ;I\ largc;~sh;rrc ol'this trirdc ihs
possible. '
ii)
I'rcc~ous metals. i.c.. gold and \ ~ l v c rwere the 11io\t dc\~rirhlclorni of nationill
wcalth. II ;Ination did not po\sc\\ naturirl source\ ol prcciour rqctah. the chicf way
to gct then1 wilh trade.
iii)
I n order to accunlulirtc prccious mct;rls. the government should ensure ii

l v o u r a h l c birlancc o f Iradc. kc.. thc virtue of cxports should always cxcccd the
vi~luco f iniports. I n other words more gold and silver should come into the
country than 4hc amount going out.
. l o prcscrvc and incrc:rsc this balirncc, high tariffs s h o ~ l dbe imposed to reduce
iniports o f nii~nuf;rcturcdgocds. lowertarrifs t o encourage import of cheap raw
niatcrial and bounties on exports should be given.
Ilie state should take \tcps to prnmotc exports especially of mirnufacturcd goods
by underlaking step\ likc cstirhlishing sti~tcrun workshop\ and manufi~ctoricsby
gri~ntingmonopolies and rcgullrting the guilds.
I
. vi)
A l o n i c s could prove to he uselul both as a markct for cxports and as sources of

supply of raw mirterial and i f possible precious metals. I f necessary. wars must be
wi~gedi ~ g i ~ i cconomic
n~t
rivals fi)r the i~cquisitionor protection o f the colonies.
I t was believed that colonies should be fccdcrs to the mother country, i.e.. the
controlling colonial power. M;~huf;~cturcof ccrti~inconimoditics was either.
forbidden ordiscouri~gcdfor f c i ~ol'spoilingthc
r
markct of the niclthcr country and
exhausting the supply o f riiw matcrials. Allcolonial t r i ~ d cshould bea monopoly o f
the mot her country.
(';rprlali>lnt and Inrpc~rirrlism
We can illustrate mercantilism with reference to a few countries. Many mercantilist

steps were undertaken in England during the reign of Queen Elizabeth in the later
h i l l of the sixteenth century. They were continued in the.sevcnteenth century when
.
.
among ather steps a series of Navigation Acts were passed. The first of the
Navigation Acts was passed in 1651 under Oliver Cromwell. It required that colonial
pioducts to England shouldbc carried in English ships only and its main purpose
was to end Dutch predominance in shipping. Subsequently a series of Navigation
Acts were passed with the aim of consolidating colonial trade by securing for British
merchants a monopoly of colonial prodi~dtsand reserving colonial mark.ets for
British goods. Among the leading supporters and ideologists of mercantilist practices
was a n Englishman. 'Thomas Mun, who was a London merchant and also a director
of the East India company. Mun identified wealth with money and advocated
reduction in thc import of luxury goods and recornrnended granting of exclusive
shipping rights to English ships.
In France a number of mercantilist pollcies were initiated by the able and ambitious
chief mlnister of the absolutist monarch Louis X I V Jean Baptiste Colbert. between
1661 and 1683. l!nder him high tariffs were levied on foreign imports. export of
bullion and grain was controlled, special manufacturers and many state industries
were set up. French influence was sought to be increased by waging wars against the
mgin rival the Llutch Republic; French colonial domination was expanded in the
West Indies. Canada. Louisiana, India and Africa.
'
In Germany mercantilism was known as 'Cameralism' a word derived from Kammer

which meant royal treasury: Cameralist practices pursued by the Prussian Kings
Frederick William 1 ( 1 7 13- 1740) and Frederick the Great ( 11740- 1786) were aimed
primarily at strengthening the powers of the State by increasing exports and
accumulation of bullion.
Mercantilist ideas were very influential between l a 0 and 1700 and many of its
features survived till the end of the eighteenth century when Adam S n ~ i t hlaunched
his criticism of mercantilist monopolies in his work. 'The Wealth of Nations.
pulblished in 1776. In the words of Maurice Dobb. the famous Marxist thinker "The Mercantile System was a system of state regulated exploitation through trade
wHich played a highly important role in the adolescence of cap~talistindustry : it was
essentially the econornic policy of a n age af primitive accumulation."
As is clear from this statement, the n~ercantilistperiod was a period of accumulation
of capital in Europe which proved t o be a vital requirement for the forthcoming
Industrial Revolution in the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries.
i
-
6.9 PRICE RISE AND CRISIS

However, the availability of precious metals was not enough to make a country rich
in khe long run. Gold and silver are valuables which can make some people rich but
if a whole country comes to possess precious metals then a dangerous tendency to
buy things abroad might develop. Why is this dangerous'? 'This is because gold and
silyer in themselves cannot provide more goods and services t o the people unless they
are used for expansion of production. Otherwise that country is likely to become
critically dependent on imports and its own potential will not be realised. This is
precisely what happened t o Spain in the seventeenth century. You have seen how
. . .
q,..:,
,.
2
,ir
. . -i... .
rt.<ri
i i i Sliiitii liii~ericaii-0111 whcre large quantities of gold
an$ silver started coming into Spain.
...
Some 95.65% of the goods reaching from the Arnericlis in 1594 were precious metals.
The conquest of sour!^ America in 1530 proved to be real gold mine for Spain which
procured over 27 lakhs kilograms of gold in the last decade of the.sixteenth century.
No doubt Spain of the sixteenthcentury was prosperous and powerful but eventually
this gold and silver did not stuy in Spain. The Spanish people irlcreasirigly started
buying agricultr~valand industrial,goods from European markets which stimhlated
production in co!.!:lriiil,, likc England and I-lt?lland. Fvcrit~i:ill>~
S p a i n suffered even
more when its gold and silver led to a massive increase in the alnc.)unt 01' money in
circulation which brought about what is known as the price revolution in Europe. , * *
!
5,
A c c o ~ - d i ~t o~ ag rough estimate between 1500 arld 1600 the a m o u n t of gold a n d silver

In I ur-ope trebled. All in all s o m e 20.644 tons of silver a n d gold were imported
hc[uccn '1503 a n d . 1650. Although s o m e of it was absorbed by the s h a r p increase of
11-;rdc.stimulated by population growth in the sixteenth century. it brought a b o u t a
general increase in the prices. F o r example, in the sixteenth century grain prices in
England went u p by f o u r times a n d in France by six times. High prices, economic
stagnation in countries like Spain, Portugal, Italy. religious warfare a n d declining
population in most parts o f E u r o p e led t o a general crisis in the first half of t h e
seventeenth century. l'he thirty years w a r (1618-1648). epidemics a n d the rebellions
of the peasants in m a n y countries added t o the crisis. However, the crisis though
widespread. d i d not have a n equal impact o n t h e whole of Europe. It proved
detrimental for countries like Spain a n d l taly where the political. technological a n d
socio-religious relations had not kept pace with the changing pattern of trade a n d
markets in the s'ixteenth century. T h e Dutch o n the o t h e r hand managed t o not only
survive the crisis but emerged with a buoyant e c o n o m v a n d trade. England plagued
by internal turmoil was plunged into civil war in the 1640s which resulted in the
beheading of its S t u a r t King, Charles I.
'This was the beginning of a decisive shift of political power in favour o f . t h e gentry
a n d mercantile classes in trade a n d industry. S o o n , a series of mercantilist steps like
the Navigation Acts, which have been mentioned before, were undertaken f r o m 1651
onwards t o protect English interests. In France also, a series of mercantilist steps
under Colbert, enabled it t o survive the crisis of the seventeenth century. Hence.
when we survey the European scene a r o u n d 1700. Holland. France a n d England
a p p e a r t o be the leading powers of Europe. T h e focus by then. had shifted from the
b l e d i t e r r i ~ n r a nt o the Atlantic shores a n d the' o n e crucial advantage which these
c o u n t r i e s enjoyed was access t o overseps markets a n d colonies. All three emerged a s
major rival colonial powers in the eighteenth century but, it, was Britain which o n
the basis o f a n industrial revolution emerged a s the most powerful country b y the
end of the eighteenth century. W h y a n d how did Britain become the world's first
industrial nation? W e shall attempt a n explanation of this complex issue i n the nexl
section.
1
I
I)
W h a t d o you m e a n by thc Cornrncrcial Revolution?
2)
L.ist the irnportarlt features of the Putting o u t sy\tcm.
.......................................................................
.......................................................................
.......................................................................
.......................................................................
.......................................................................
.....................................................................
3) Expl,rin the role of S t a t e in M e r c a n t i l i s m i ~ l 100 words.
Mercantile tu Industrial
Cnpitnlbm in Eurupr
'
4) Write short answer of the following questionr.
a) What is the function o f the colony to the mother country?
...................................................................
b) W h y did thc colonial powers want t o restrict foreign imports'!
...................................................................
c)
What i s meant b y the Chartered Companies'!
6.10 E N G L A N D : O N T H E PATH O F
INDUSTRI A l ISATION
Irr the second h;rll 01 the ciglitccnt h ccntury the changes i n agriculture and industry
hro4ght ahout 'h! the ;ipplic;~tion o f technology were such that they rcvolutionised
Ijritish economy and'zc~clcty. I'hc term Industrial Kc\olution came into vogue i n late
r i i ~ i c l c c r i tcentury
l~
i ~ n dnumcrcws explanations h i ~ hccn
~ e providcd for it. However.
~ factor and attrihutc the causation o f Industrial
it i s vcr\ d i n ' i ~ u l tt o i \ o l ; ~ tany
Uctu)ltrtion tcr it. 11 i s pcrh;rps more usefUI t o outline the process o f thc Industrial
. H c t o l ~ r t ~ c2nd
) ~ i l o c ~ 011
~ \ the iritcraction o f factors like politics. cultural values.
pop111;rtloti irnd ;Ihlc utilisatioo ol' resource.\.
111 ttlc prcuipus section we mcntioncd thc impact o f thc civil war i n England. Thc
coriimiict~c~al
group\ girinccl o ~ r of
t it and increasingly came t o dominate the
I'arl~c~rncnti n 1.1igl;lnd. Wlicn the k i n g (monarchy had k e n restored i n 1660) tried t o
re-as;crt his arbitrary powus. the a k o l u t i s t powcrs o f the monarchy were curtailed
id
a constitutional monarchy i n which the parliament became
i n IWU. I j ~ i g l ; ~ ~hccarnc
the c l l c t i v c ruling institution. 'l'hc events o f I6UH constituted the Glorious
Kevolut ion. I t involved n o hloodshcd and csta hlished the supremacy o f the rule of
lirw. [nglish society and p;r rlianicnt saw a steady rise i n the influence o f the gentry
( ~ m p i o v i n glaridlords practising conimcrcial agriculture) and husinessmcn after the
Ci4orijous Hcvolution. llnder thcrn another round o f cnclosu~.cswas initiated i n the
c~ghtycnthccntury with the help o f state Icgislirtion. I 1 ) o u rcc;rll. the first enclosure
niotenicnt had t i ~ h c np l i ~ c sin I'ngland i n I;rtc t'il'tccnlh and sixteenth centuries when
liclds u c r c c~iclc)\cdhy the 1;rndlords l o r shccp ;11rc1 c;~ttlc rc;~ri~ig.tlowever from
the c l ' l ' i c i c ~ oi ~f crop raising. 1'11c
1710 l)nuaril\ criclozurcs wcrc ilcsig~ictlt o j~ier~-;~ze
landlords want:d to improve tlicir 1;111clz l u r t h r r 111r~111~11
scicntil'ic larniing and
and
introduction o l IILW crops and l ' i ~ r ~ i i i~~~i gi ~ t l i t )'Idh\ .i i~icIudcdilgg~-cgation
rcclamirtion 01' coninion lands. i.r. lanclz (111 t i liicl\ pcoplc c~\,ittycdt r i ~ d i t i o n a l
hccamc a business
customary rights o f usi~gc.I h c r c s ~ ~wl ti ~ st l l i ~ tlantl iric~.cilsi~igly
comnlodity i n pribi~tcowricrsh~po f landlords. I Iic I;indlord\ utili\cd them for
p r o d u p i o n for the market to \cap prolits. M111ci1tc.r.a series ol' chi~ngcsi n the
.c
use of new
technology of production. c.g. rotation 01 crol)\ , c r ~ t l ~ t i t c ~ i r i \ farming.
tool\ and fcrtiliscrs. reclamation o f ~ i i a r s h )land u ~ tthc
l ~lrclp o f mcdcrn pumps. etc.
hrougl~t; ~ h o t ~incrcasc
t
ill agrictlltural productit i t ) . Itic cllangcs i n -production
il
t c c h ~ i ~ q u c;lrltl
s iigrarlali rclatic)ti\ is often c;~llcd the I - ~ i g l i s hA g r i c u l t ~ ~ r iRevolution.
I n cigh~ccnthccritilr! I.ngl;rlitl wheat production inc~cascdby i)nc-th~rdund the
a\cl;rHc wcighl I)! li\cztock doubled . Ry I830 I ~ i g l ; ~ n H
d ; I ~proc111cingninety per cciit
,)I~lz~cllon;c\ric~
g~,1111 ~cqLJItc~iicnts.
lloue\cr. oric tcr) cruci:ll outcomc ol'cnclozurcz uas ~ ' ~ c c t i oanr ~ dc\.iction o f
pca!,adt> Ir.c,nl l ~ ~ e!i,rI I ~ \ . I h c I;~nillc~~.tlb
ror!solitI;~tcd their lalid holdil~gswith state
suppot I
h ;
I i
I
r i ~ ~ i ~ Ii c iI l I
thcy joined the ranks o f
ic;ig:: I;~oI;I~:~ I Ili\ pr:)ccss i s callcd 'dcpcasaritisation' ill which the
the I;~n~tllcss
peastti1 n v Iongc: i!'l:>.:: t i .I P,:;i>iIIi[ I t ' I i i ~ thappened to this Qrgc~clasao f landless
l:~bi)urvrs'! t ; ~ ~ ~ tl bi ~. tri i ~ i , , ! \ : ~ ! C ~ : I ; I ~ ~ : ; I I I ; ~tl~c:;
:~
~ t ~ t i liavc
l i l bccri i n dihtrcss but the
c i r c ~ l r ~ l ~ :tl h~t i !~ l t : ~ ~ ~ i f \ : !:~:!.III<~1':1;>&1*jei!l ~ l ~
141111
! l l; l \ l C l n ; l ~ l ~ c
lretu~eoI ~lc:11.111cl.1n1: markctz
e r n p l o ~ ~ ~ i i t :i ~;I,:,
~ ! .IS c . ~ ; ~ i , t ~l~i ~~
!lli.
c ~ I:,IIII:.
J
;11)11
;,:t,!::t\!!~~
i n England o f the eighteenth ccntury.
One may consider hcrc the v;rrloua \cctors o f the markets:

I)omc\tic o r homc m i ~ r h c t .
I xport M;rrkct,
M;~rhct p r o v ~ d c dby the Sti~tc.
The significant aspect o f the homc markct i n 1:nglend was its s i c and steadiness. I t
was growing o n account o f several factors. A s we have s c c ~ more
i
and more pei~sants
wcrc forced t o bcco~ncla hourcrs i n the process ol' d c p a s a ~ i t i / a t i o ~ M
i . a n y ol' thcni
wcrc employed by landlords t o work i n thcir fields as agricultural labmrcrs. M a n y
others niigratcd t o cities and found cmploymcnt as workers i n tradc. m a n u l i ~ c t u r i n g
o r donicstic service. Now. thcy were a l l paid H a g s i n money with which thc'y
purchased li)od. clothes and othcr essential items. I n othcr words thcy were
increasingly buying goods' I'rom the market and thereby incrcascd the d c m i ~ n dlilr
goods as customers. S c c o ~ i d l gd c ~ n a ~could
id
grow w i t h population growth. I n
England thcrc was sharp rise i n population since 1750s. Howcvcr population growth
does not a l w i ~ y smean that the cconomy of;^ country. would benefit. t o r cxaniplc
many poor countries o f today h i ~ v c;I l i ~ r rate
t
o f popul;~tiong r o w l h ; ~ n dthcy
continue t o be poor. What is signific;~~it
;rhout tlngland i s that population increase
coincided w i t h long-run growth trends i n inconic. r:vcn when population HSI;
stagnant i n the I'irst four dcci~dcs01 the cightccnth ccntury imports incrcascd hy forty
per ceni. production for exports went u p sixty per ccnt and thcrc wits il h u ~ i d r c dper
ccnt g r o w t h o f goods which wcrc re-exported. ' I l l i s shows that thc purcha\ing powcr
o f the p o p l c had registered a 1ict i ~ l c r c i ~ sThis
c . i s ;hIso dc~iionstr;~tcdh y the IICW
wants o f Ilnglish pcoplc ant1 the nunihcr of consumer gocds which wcrc incrcasingl!
being produced t o lull'il thcni. I.lour-~niling.hccr brewing. cutlery i ~ n dstove
m a n u l i ~ c t u r i n gincrci~scd.M o r e I . ~ i g l i s l homes
i
were using boil1 i n thcir I'irc places.
~~~
p r o t i d c d clicap lahour for. ~ i i a n u l l ~ c t u r i n g
F r o m mid-18th ccntury p o p u l ; ~ t i ck111tr.111
activities which developed will1 tlic o~isct01' Industrial K c t , o l ~ ~ t i o n .
While the home market proviJctl s t i ~ h i l i t gi ~ n dhoniogcnity t ( i t h e denialid i t was the
export niarkct which provided tln' rcal impetus t o thc ccononiy Icading t o
mcchanisation o f industries I'ronl the 1780s onwards. E..I. tlobsbawm. ohscrvcs i n his
book 'ltrclusrr,~urrcl I:i,rl)ircn that home d c m i ~ n dincreased but foreign d c n l i ~ n d
multiplied.
W i t h i n t he cxport tradc tliCrc wits a niassivc rise i n colonial t r i ~ d c .A r o u n d 170()

colonial tradc constituted I'iliccn per ccnt o f coliinicrcc whicli tncrcascd t o t h ~ r t y three p r ccnt by 1775.
In 1715 nineteen per cent o f Britain's foreign trade was w i t h N o r t h America and the
Wcst lndics which incrc;~scd.tothirty four per ccnt i n 1785. W i t h Asia and Africa i t
rose f r o m seven t o ninetee11 per cent i n the u l m c p c r i t d . I k ~ i i i ~ nhad
d gone u p i n
N o r t h America under Britain wcrc populaiion incrcascd hy tell tinics hctwccn 1700
and 1774. A m o n g the commodities k i n g tri~dcd.tropical products likc sugar. teq,
coffee a n d tobacco along w i t h textiles i n c r a ~ s i n g l yreplaced spiccs and gold by the
end o f the eighteenth century. Sinqc most o f thcsc tropical prcducls were g r o w n i n
plantations, more and more slaves wcrc sold t o N o r t h Amcriar. the Wcst lndics and
South America especially i n the sugar and col'fcc plantations o f Bra/il. According t o
a rough estimate about 7 niillion sluvcs wcrc transkrrcd from. Al'rica t o t he Anicric;~s
i n the eighteenth century compared t o one m i l l i o n i n the sixteenth and thrcc m i l l i o n
i n the seventeenth century. By the 1780s Hritihh alate traders wcrc making
tremendous profit
cs
f r o m A l rica.
supplying more than hall' 01' i l l 1 s l i ~ ~ cnportcd
Britain's supremacy b y the end ol' the cightcc1itl1 ccntury was also possible heci~usco f
the aggressive foreign policy. H r i t i ~ i np i ~ r t i c i p i ~ t ci d
n five ni;~jor wars d u r i n g this
period and w o n recognition as a great powcr. 'l'hc .>tilIc H'ila willing t o coloni/c and
wage wars for econoniic benefit. Unlike her rit,als likc t.ranrc. -Britain was willing t o
dedicate everything i n her foreign policy t o ccononiic ends. I'hc result was that
H r i t i ~ i nwas able t o reduce the influence o f her rivals likc the t.rcncli and the I h t c h
b y the cnd o f the cightccnth century. 'l'his brings us t o thc third c o n i p o ~ i c ~ot~ the
t
markct: the market prrjvided.by the state. C'omnicrcial war\ 111~;1111\ t r c ~ ~ g t I i c n 01'
i~~g
navy a ~ i higher
d
dciiiand for arms and ships li)r the navy ;111ol t l ~ c; ~ r ~ n y'l'hcrclorc.
;
ill
adclition t o t he h o ~ i i Cand the export niarkct. British n ~ ~ ~ ~ u l a c t uwere
r c r salu, i ~ b l ct o
Cspltaibm and lmperialhrm
benefit from government contracts and state requirements.

Political stability, a growing demand and society equipped with the will to
industrialise brought England on the threshold of the Industrial Kcvolution. Many
historians regard the thirty years from 1750-1780 as the period of take ol'f into the
lndustrial Ket.olution. By this it is meant that the necessary combination of capital,
entieprencur\liip and technology occurred to mechanise production for the
exploitation ol'ir Inass market. Such was the pace of growth after 17x0s that it
revolutionised production and laid the foundations of the modern society which
today is no longer limited to Britain o r Europe.
In t'oday's world, we know that science and technology is progressing and changing
at fa'st rate. In order to survive and be succcssful. iiianufacturers have to constantly
employ new technology to make profits in the market. Today, a n industrialist would
turd obsolete with stagnant technology and therefore cannot afford to reniain
ignorant of changes in the realm of science and technology. Howevcr. we niust not
assume that England had the industrial revolution hcci~useits manulicturcrs were
men of science and technology. What was crucial was their nb.ility to s c i x
opportunities and utilise new inventions for production to sharpen their conipctitivc
advantage in the domestic a n d cxtcrnal niarkct.
This does not mean that development of scientific ideas played no role in this
process. Europe's attitude towards the mysteries of nature and past ~iotionsabout it
were undergoing a changc specially since the fifteenth century. l ' h c scientific method
and outlook with its emphasis on experimentation. cvidence and rejection of
i
beliefs was immensely enriched by the philosophical
conclusions based o ~ niere
contributions of thinkers like Nichol;ls Copcrnicu\. (;;~lilco.I u a c Newton. l-'rancis
Bacon. etc. Collective efforts for the promotio and dizzclnination ol' scientific ideas
resulted in the establishment of' thc Royal Society of' London ( 1662) and the I:rcnch
Roial Academy (1665-66). l'he irnpnct o f these idc;~swab a gcnel.;~ltvc;~kcningo f the
hold of superstitions, magic and old ideas bout the nature of' t l ~ cunit,crsc. the
human anatomy and the causes and ttei~trncntol' disea\cs. I t is in this sense th;~t
scientific ideas contributed to the Industrii~lRevolution h making the society ~iiorc
receptive to new invention5 and discoveries.
However. the fact that the Industirirl Revolution of tlic I;~tcciglitccritli century
occurred in Britain, was not bccausc its society w;~z11101.e \ciclltil'ic comp;~rcd'to
othcr European countries. The discoverors. intcntol.b. sciel~ti\t\alld thinkers
mentioned above came from a11 parts o f [Sul.opc
1;rancc. It;lIy. (icrm;iny ctc. Hut.
the utilisation of scientific ideas through innot.ativc technology occurred first in
Britain because of the dynamism its economy atid socie~ypossessed in the cightccnth
century. which was the product of a specific historical ct.olutiori seeti already.
By the eighteenth century Britain had earned the reputation of being the sl?opkecpcr
of the world. In France, on the other hand. apart from the itbscncc of a steady.
homogenous market. and adequate supply of capital and labour, money was invested
more in buying court positions.. land and states. Thc upper clabscs and the
government werc not flcxible and dynamic enough towards busincss as in Britain.
The: Dutch were successful in trade and finance. but they were unable to m;thc the
cru~iitltransition to large scale mcchaniscd industrialisation.
4. Newtoo's Tdcseope
5. Caliko's Conception of the Reinlionship
between the Earth and the Sun. ,
- -
6.11 THE INDUSTRIAI.

REVOI.UTION
--
---
Evidence of the application o f ncw technology bcconies visible from the first hall' of
cightcc~ithcentury itself. Many English towns were rebuilt and there were substantial
iniprovcments'in irila~idtransport especially water ways o n rivers and ci~nals.The
improvcnicnt in transportation helped t o create a national market and reduce
transport costs. For cxaniple. the cost per ton between 1-iverpool and Manchestcr o r
Hirniingham was reduced by eighty per cent by canal navigation.
In 1754. the rolling machine for the production oC stcel was developed. However. the
niost important event was the adoption of three innovi~tionsin the manufacture of
tcxtilcs. Thc Spinning Jenny developed by James Hargrcaves in 1765 increastd the
artisans spinning capi~cityby ;I hundred times. Now one person could d o the work of
eight pcrsorls. Richard Arkwright's water frame turned the jenny into a commercial
proposition by spi~iningthrough it combination of rollers and spindles. Crompton's
mule. further inipro\.cd tlic native to which stcani power was applied from the
1'780s. 'l'llis ncccssitatcd eollcct~onol a large numbers ui wbrkcrs under one roof and
brought about hctory production.
I
I
I
I
.
Mechonisation of weaving i.c. the use of powcr looms. developed in the 1780s. really
spreitd after the Napoleonic wars, i.e.. a f t c ~ 1815.
.
From the iast decade of the
eighteenth century thcrc was a rapid increasc in Britain's cotton exports which
pcakcd in the three dcci~dcsnftcr 1815. In the post-Napoleonic decades roughly half
of the value of ill1 British exports consisted or cotton products and in the 1830s. raw
cotton accounts for twenty per cent of total net imports. -lhis had significant impact
on natibe industrie!, and agrarii~nsociety o f a colony like India which you will study
in detuil.
In addition t o cotton tcxtilcs, metallurgy. especially copper and steel manuficture,
glilss and paper industries i ~ l s ocxpcrienced tremendous growth wi~lithc application
of new technology. I'llc invention of the steam engine by .lames Watt in the 1790s
proved it boom l'or many indiistrics and means of communication. Paddle ships and
usc ol'stcam powcr in shipping revolutionised maritinie transport. Firially the
railways network from the 1830s ushered in altogether a new era in land transport.
The Industr.ial Revolution. therefore. brougllt about a series of changes in the

orgnnisation of production. Bascd on rapid changes in technology ttte factory system
started replacing thc putting out system. As we have seen earlier, in the putting out
system. the artisan owr~cdhis tools and produccd finished goods at honie Ibr the
nicrchnn\ by tirking advances. In thc lictory system the labour was .employed by the
factory owner; the worker did not own tools and machines. he o ~ i l yreceived wages
for rendering labour services. This gave birth t o the industrial proletariat, i.e. class of
wagc earning labourers. The process of losing control over tools, land and labour
was a painful a n t and there were several protests agaihst the growing mechanisation.
In t h t early decades of thc nineteenth century thcre were severat instances of bread
riots and niachinc breaking. Subsequcntly from the 1830s organised collective
activity of workers gave rise t o labour triovcmcnts.
Along with the creation of a working class, the capitalist class. i.e. the bourgeoisie,
rose t o maturity. Capitalists came from the ranks o f merchants and also better off
artisans who invested cipital in industries. used wagc Iitbour and strove t o make
profits in the market. The profits were re-invcstcd i ~ n dcompetitive advantage was
sought t o be maintained by using better and ell'icient techniques of production, T h e
mechsnisation process brought about a rapid rate of' capit;~laccumulation. Hetween
lHZ(Land 1x45, the net output of cotton industry grew by about forty per cent (in
current values). whereas its wage cost increased by o t ~ l yabout five per cent.
The Industrial Revolution also meant a radical redistribution of Labour from
agriculture t o industry. According to one rough estimate 80% of the population was
engaged in agriculture a t the end of the seventeenth century. In 1800 it reduced t o
a%,and by IN1 only 8.5% o f the population was engaged in the agricultural sector
of the economy. Another index points out t o a similar trend. Around 1750, 40 t o
45%) of the national income came from the primary sector but only 20% in 185 I .
This does not mean that agriculture declined but shows that technical vroeress
Capitalism and Impcrialim
urbanisation. ?'he popul;ition ol' the city ol' I.ondon ,~nclr;~scd

t o about 10 lakhs
aroqnd 1800 compared t o 2 lakhs i n 1600. By 1851. thcrc were twenty nine citics
w i t h , a population over I I i ~ k hand a third tA. the Hritish populntion lived i n citics
over'50.000 inhabitants. Urbi111living was so ol'tcn tough. The Industrial Rcvolul'ion
was temorseless i n utilising ths lahou'r ol' men. wo.nicn and children living under subhumqn,conditions. 'l'hcnovcls o f the great nineteenth century author Charles
Dickens (Oliver. David Copperfield. Nicholas Nickelby. Great Expcclations ctc.)
.
paint! the gloomy side o f life i n that period o f growth.
6.12 THE MATURATION OF INDUSTRIAL

I n thecarly dccirdes o f the ninctccnth century the nicrcantile c r ; ~was giving way t o
[he c;rpitalist one. 'l'hc tlicoretic;~l i ~ t t i ~ cokn mcrcantilist ideirs had ;~lrc;~dybccn
launcticd by Adam S ~ n i t lii n 1776 in his book "'l'he Wc;~lth of Nations". l'hc
capit:rl~is~swere inc~.casinglyresenting st;~tc intcrvcntic,n i n the economicsphcrc
although i 1 W;IS ;~cti\.cstate support which h:~dhclpcd their growth i n the preceding
centuries. l ' h c c\.ci expanding capitalist production required freeing ol't r i ~ d cand
opening u p ol' niarkrt: 'l.aisscr h i r e ' was the new doctrine which litcr;~lly ~ i i c ; ~ n t
'leaving alone'. i.e. non-intcrvcn~ionby the .st;~tc i n economic ;~ffairs. I>cnl;~ndand.
prsssurp for frcr trade I d to the ending ol' tlic nionopoly ovcr t r i ~ d co f thc E;~st ol'
the E a k India Company i n IN13 and further i n 183.3. 'l'hc p o l i t i ~ iinflucncc
~l
o f the
bourg(bisic was o n the rise cspccially after the 18.32 Kcl'orni Act ol' the I ' i ~ ~ l i ; ~ ~ i i ~ ' ~ i t
which cnl'ranchised property owning sections of British society.
Once Htituin's position SI; the prcniicr industrii~lc;lpit;t(ist w o r M powcr w;rh
established, the policies dcrivcd from mercantilist epoch wcrc dispc~lscdwitli. I h e
Navigi~tion1i1 ws wcrc relaxcd and replaced i n 1.849. I'rohibit ion oI' tlie export ol'
Hritlish machinery and tcchnical'cxpvrtisc lifted. Finally c;inic tlic abolition of.cor11
laws which signified the decline o f the inlluence o f the landcd arjsfocracy. C o r n laws
had long cnsured control ovcr food imports t o protect thc agricultur:~l intcrcsts o f
British l$ndcd aristocracy. Thus by the middle o f the ninctccnth century with tlic
triumph & f 'laissc~.faire' the transition f r o m the mercantile t o the industri;~l cr;l w;~s
virtually icompletc.
Other European countries were to follow Britain i n the later part ol' the n i ~ i c t c ~ n t h
century but each country's industriali~ationhad its o w n specificities. Industri;~li/;~tion
o f the cclntincnt w;<s not u n i f o r m and many countries o f Eastern Ijuropc pcrsihted
with. scvetal f c u d i ~ ;l ~ n dpre-industrial structures t i l l the end o f the ninctccnth century.
Check Yobr Progress 3
I)
Explain the factors that hclpctl 1 II~I:III(I OCCOIIIIII~

Write i n 100 words.
IIIC~ o r I d ' 5III\Ii l l d ~ ~ \ f r inal:,)n

al
.......................................................................
2 ) What was the effect o f the Industricll Revo1u:ionon the state regulatron o f trade. GI\(.
answer
~IVI
50 words.
3)
Read thc lollonirig sentences and mark right (4)

or wrong
(x).
Enclosure ~iiovementin England led toeviction o f large number of peasants from

their I;~nds.
b) I'opul;~tion growth does not always help econoniic growth o f a country.
C) I)IIIillg the Industrial Revolution the English textile industry did not change
m~~cli.
d) 'I Ilc I-cal hcneficiarq of the Industrial Revolution was the working class
e) I.aihc/ fairc means non-intervention by the state in econoniic affairs.
a)
6.13
LET US SUM
.- -- -
UP
--
Wc niiiy conclude this survey hy sufiiming up the rn;~.ior trends evident in Europe
from tlie onset oI' fcudi~lcrisis o f the fourteenth and l'iliccnth centuries. While
scrldom ;tnd power o f feudal lords was consolidated in tiastern tluropc, in the West
it rcs~rlt~cl
ill cnicrgcncc o f the ~iirtion-statesirndcr strongmonarchs. This wits
l ' o l l o ~ ~ ~ r ~ h - - ~ o ~discovcrics.
r ; ~ ~ h i c ioverseas
~l
expiinsion ;~ndcoIonis;~tion. A virtual
r c v o l u t i ~ 01'
) ~ coninicrcc
~
and cxp;~nsion in markets hroupht ;~houtthe risc o f the
i
culture. w i ~ s
nicrch;~nt illid il vigiirous money ccononly. A hrc;~k I ' r o ~ lriicdicval
sign;^ llcd hy I<c~i;~iss;~ncc.
Kcl'orni;~tion; ~ n dthe ri>c o f new science. This w i ~ s
acco~iip;~nicd
hy t$;~ngcs in thc intcrnirl structures ol' liurope;ln Socicty and state
systcms. 'l'hc incrci~scdpi~rticip;~tion
ill the ni;~rkct economy soon involved riv;~lrics
and conflicts which wcrc not 1inlitcd.to Iluropc hilt illso sprc;ld to other parts ol'thc
world. often cotirc~:tingotlicr cyuntrics .into colonies. I n this ri\alry Hritain' proved
more successful t l i i ~ nits riv;~lshcc;~trsc of grc;ltcr dyn;rniisni ol' its society. i t hccitnic
the l'irst countrv to cxpcricncc the Industl.i;~l Kcvolution which hrc?ught ;~houtthe
c ~ of
~ the
d rncl:c;~ntilc cr;t and in;~ugur;~tcdtlik ;~gcol' industri;~l c;~pit;~lism.
I t should hc rcnicmhcrcd t l i ; ~ t throughout this tri~nsI'orni;~tiolio f liuropc I'roni thc .
nicrci~ntilct o the industri;~lc;~pit;~listera. ;I close link persisted with colonies. 'l'hc
risc ; ~ n dgro\vtli o f c;~pitillisni w;~s nccomp;~nicd hy the Iiuropca~in;~tions' scarch arid
, strugglc I'or potc~iti;llc-olc?liirs.One ol' tt1c.s~ colo~iirswas India wlicrc the i~itcrplayof
I!uropc;~~icolo1ii;ll powers i s cs;~nii~icd
in tlci;lil in tlicfollowing I l ~ i i t .
-.
.
.
.
6.14 KEY WORDS
--- -- --
----
Bullion: I t is gold,or silver i n thc form ol' bars which is,olicn turned into coins.
Humanism: ' l l i c hclicl' in individu;~l's i ~ h i l i t yto do things ;~ccordingt o reason.
Individualism: I t fc~.usscson tlie role o f individui~lrathcr tli;~n coniniunity or state i n
the cconon~icand politici~l3phcl-c.
Industrial <'apitalism: I n ;I c;~pit;llist systc111 whcrc the wc;~ltli or capital is i n the
control o f the industrialists.
Jacquerie:. I'ci~sant rchcllion:
Mercantile Capitalism: I n a ci~pit;llist systcni wlicrc tlic wealth or capital is i n the
control of the mcrc1i;ints.
Cupitulbm and ImpaiPlim
---
6.15
ANSWERS TO CHECK
YOUR PRQGRESS
t
EXERCISES

I ) See-Scc. 6.2.
2) Emergence of new ideas. rise of centralised states. technological advances. etc.

See Sec. 6.4.
3) Your answer should include enclosure movement and its consequences in
England, progress in textiles. political stability. role of the merchants. etc. See.
Sec. 6.5.
4) i) (b)
i i ) (b)
Chech Your Progress 2
I ) See Sec. 6.6.
2) See Sec. 6.6.

3) You have to focus on the state intervention in the economic affairs. promotion
of internal trade. restriction on import of manulaeturcd goods. control of
external trade etc. See Sec. 6.8.
4) a) and b) See Sec. 6.8.
C) See Sec. 6.7.
Your answer should ~ncludcthe changes in agriculture, growth of population,

rcllc of the market, progress in science and technology. political stability, etc. See
Scc. 6.10.
1) You have to emphasise on end of state intervention, beginning of free trade. as a
rebult of expanding capitalist prduction. See Sec. 6.12.
3) a ) /
b ) 4 C) X
dl X
e ) d
I)
UNIT 7 EUROPEAN COLONIAL

POWERS
Structure
Objectives
lntroduction
The Background
Towards Africa and the Americas
Towards Asia : The Portuguese Onslaught
The Decline of the Portuguese Empire
The Rise of the Dutch
The S~ccessof the English
English Rivalry with the Portuguese and the Dutch
Frencb Colonial Ambitions
The Structure and Pattern of European Trade
Towards the Conquest of lndia
lndustrial Capitalism and lrnperialism
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises
7.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit deals with the overseas activities of European powers with special reference
to Asia and lndia, After reading this Unit you will be able to explain :
e the expansion of European nations for trade and markets carried out by the
formation of trading companies,

the growth in the trading empire of the Portuguese. the Dutch. the English and
the French in the East,
the nature, methods and pattern of trade with the East in the context of the
growth of capitalism on a global scale,
e
the transformation of Europeans from traders to colonial powers, and
trade rivalries between European colonial powers and the success of the French
and English East lndia Company in lndia.
'7.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous 'Unit we have examined the transformation which occurred in Europe
from the fifteenth to the middle of the nineteenth century. During this period there
was a tremendous growth in trade and markets based on a growing technology
applied in agriculture and especially manufactures. Capitalism was replacing the
feudal economy and society. However, the changes which occurred in Europe were
not limited to it. World history after 1500 A.D. got closely related to developments
taking place in Europe. This is because capitalism as a system is based on profit
making and competition in the market. It constantly requires expansion of the
market fo; raw material and selling of goods. Capital accumulates and secks outlcts
for reinvestment for further profits. Its expansion therefore was world-widc.
engulfing other types of economics, societies and cultures.
'7.2 THE BACKGROUND

'The remarkable transformation started in the fifteenth century when Europeans went
out to the world. This does not mean that no contact with other cultures existed
,-
. ,., .
,.
...
..
- .
. . ...
C'rpitalhm and Imprrirlhm
after the beginning o f the Christian era. Contact with t l ~ c( 11111crc

and other parts o f
A s h was also very o l d and continued throughout the ~ ~ ~ ~ talgt sl .l cYou must have
heard o f Marco Polo (C. 1254-1324 A.D.) who travcllctl I(,('hina and fascinated
Europeans with h i s travel tales. Stories about the fabulour riches o f the East
enhanced the desires o f Europeans.
The city-states o f Italy virtually came t o monopolist the trade o f the East with the
rest of Europe from about the twelth ccntury. 'l'radc with South-East Asia and India
was carried o n along several land and sea routes. One route brought eastern goods
to Iraq and 'furkcy via the Persian gulf. From thcrc it reached Genoa and Venice by
l a n d Another one brought them to Alexandria in Egypt via the Red Sea but since
thcrq was no Sue1 canal then. from ~ l e x a n d r i ail was conncccted to. Italian towns
via the Mcditcrrancan. Anothcr route by land. scarcely used. was through the passes
of ~ h r t h - w e s across
t
Central Asia. Kussio t o the Baltic.
-
7.3
'
TOWARDS AFRICA A N D THE AMERICAS
Scar411 l,r altcr~iativehci\ routcs'by.countrics o n the Atlilntic coast began as early as

the l'ik'tccnth ccntury. I.hc l'ortugucsc started making efforts from the Wcst Coast of
Africb. As we saw in thc prcvious Unit religion. c o n ~ m c r c i irivalry
~l
with Italy and
the spirit'ol'advcnturc ;~ndenquiry g ~ r i c r i ~ ~byc dthe Rcni~iswnccwere the motivating
fuctors for the explorers. A n i~dditionalpush was provided when land route was
blocked by ~ h Ottoman
c
.l'ul.ks with their c;lpturc 61. Costa~ltinoplcin 1453. The
highly lucrative tmdc i n spices i ~ n d o t h c gotds
r
of the East had l o be retained. 'l'hc
Porlu~gucsccl'forts were joined by Spain and subscqucntly by the middle of the
sixtccinth century not only new sc;~ routcs to India had been discovcrcd but a new
con~idcnthad bccn f o t ~ n di ~ n dcoloniscd. Fiuropcb assault on the world had hegun
and by thc cnd 01. the ciphtccnth ccntury. European nations had already laid.clain1 to
more than lialf ol' thc world's land surhcc and i n varying dcgrcc cfkctivcly
conlrillcd nearly a ~ h i r dol' il. Across lhc ~ t l a n t ~ cSpain
..
and Portugal had come to
contribl South America while North America had been receiving scltlcrs from various
Euroflcan countries. I n 1776 a new nation had cmcrgcd . . United States of America
from former British territory. Thc Carribhean islands scattered i n hctwccn the north
and tdc south had been subjugated to Spanish. French and British interests.
Conqdest and colonisation 01. the American continents brought tremendous bcncfits
to thccmerging European colonial powers. The colonies got structurally linked t o
them iin a subordinate position undergoing at bcst a distorted development. I n the
opinioin o f Andre Gunder Frank. while European powers were developing theic was
a process o f 'development o f underdevelopment' i n the colonies. The Spaniards
destroyed two mature civilizal.ions
the lncasa and the Aztecs i n South America to
implatit their own. Plantations worked by slaves came to characterise the economies
o f the kolonies. Slaves working under sub-human conditions provided cheap labour
on the!sugr. cottctn and tobacco plantations and the mines o f the Americas.
~stimdtesvary but somewhere between 15 and 50 million Africans were brought as
slaves Into the New World. Europe on the other hand was enriched by a range o f
new pqbducts from the New World
cocoa. tomatoes, maize. beans. capsicum and
tobacco. Potalo discovered in 1538 by a Spanish soldier Pedro de Ciem de [.eon. i n
the Capca valley o f Columbia was introduced .in Europe in 1588 as a curiosity.
Along with maize, the potato was instrumental i n solving the fond problem of the
growink population o f Europe by the eighteenth century. thus reducing the danger of
periodic famines. Finally. i t was bullion which directly contributed to the wcalth .of
Europy by providing the much needed supply o f money and clrpital for the growing
manufijcturc. tradc and wars. A l l this had implications for Europe's tradc with Asia.
7.4
TOWARDS ASIA : T H E PORTUGUESE

ONSLAUGHT
'
I n contrast t o the Americas i n the Western hemisphere. direct colonization o f the

East b y European powers did not begin straightaway. Territorial control had t o wait
hut the control o f the was was v c r y s ~ j l ' (IIIC

t
10 t I i C s ~ ~ p c r i o r i ol'
ty ~i;~vigi~tio~i;~l
technology and arms especially hcxausc 01' the use 01' g ~ ~ ~ i p o w d1c11r .15 1.1. tlic
Portuguese n n v i g t o r Alhuqucrquc proucll> \\lrc~tcto his k i ~ i yt I i ; ~ t ";rt tlic r~111io11r
01'
our coming. the native ships i l l 1 vi~nishcil.antl L.\L.II tlic hirds ccascd t o skim over tlic
water".
When Vasco [)e Gama reached Calicut via tlic C.~pc 01' <iood Hope it opcncd ;III
altogether new chapter i n the history of Intlii~:\ t r i ~ d i n glinks with liuropc. .l'lic
v o y a g from Lisbon t o C:~licut tiiok ten niontlis and h u r t c c n days. I'hc clarity i n
Portuguese purpose is indicated by the statement made t o 'l'unisi;~n mcrch;~nts i n
Calicut that ihey h a d 'conic t o scck Cliristia~isand spices. They certainly succecdcd i ~ ,
fulfi,lling the latter mission as the cilrgo with wliicli Vasco D e F a m a returned sold
for sixty r i m s the cost o.f his voyage.
s.itli~ri
A t that time tradc i n the I n d i i ~ no c c i ~ owas o n i o ~ i o p o l yol' A r a b m c r c l i i ~ ~ i t W
liftecn years o f thcir first arrival i n Indian waters the I'ortug~~c\cliad complctcl!
destroyed A r a b navigaticwi. very often resorting to plundcr, \laugIitcr ol \;~ilors ;~nd
other coercive mcthods. Their K i n g Manuel I. w i ~ squick to declare Iii~iisclf"l.ord
ovcr co~iquests.nirvigetion and t r i ~ d cwith f!t hiopia. A r i hii~.
~ Persia and India ". ill
1501.
?he I'ortugucsc wr-rc dctcrniincd t o develop and retain thcir n;~v;~lsuperiority ovcr
Asia by estahlislii~~g
trading points o n land cilllcd feitorias. E'eitorias wcrc u~il'ortil'icd
trgding outposts which :~lsoserved iIs str;~tcgic hi~scsI'or thcir I;V;I~
l'lcct. I'ortugucsc
OVC~SC~ISexpansion had bccn h;~scd o n thcsc specially o n thc co;~st ol: A f r i c i ~ .
However. i n India. they soon rcaliscd that the cst;~hlislinic~ito f trading points would
t
in
not be unopposed; Wlicli Zi~niorian.!lie king of Calicut did ~ i o cooperate
expelling the Muslin1 traders from his port. tlic I ' o r t ~ ~ g u c sbo~iib;~rdcd
,~
it.
Subsequently thcy cleverly uscd the rivalry hct\vccn C'ocl~inant1 C'i~licutand
managed to construct the first fort o n thc Mjrlehnr' tc.~.~.it<)i.!.
ol: tlic I<;+o f C ' o c l i i ~ ~ .
I n 1509,. L)iu was conquered .hy dcliating the ~iav;!l Ilcct sctit h! t Ilc M i ~ n i l ~~LIICI.
~ k 01'
Egypt. Goa. captured i n I510 hccamc tllc I'ortugucsc ;rcl~~iitiistr;~ti\.c
base. Wlicti the
Spanish K i n g Charles V rcnounocd intcrcsts ill the I ~ i t l i aocr;lli
~i
;l.re;l keeping o ~ i l y
the Philippines i n the Far East. the I'ortug~~csc
cilllic to ;~cqtrirc;I ~ i i o ~ ~ c ~ol:
p oon
ly
Eastern maritime empire wllicli I i ~ t cacquired
t
tlic 11;11iic01' I'sti~dt)d : ~I ~ i d i ; ~ .
The Portuguese dominated the maritimc tritdc with Asia t i l l t l ~ chcgi~lriirigol' tlic
sixteenth century. I n 1506, .the lucrative t r i ~ d ci n spiccs hcca~iic:I crow11 1no11o~c;ly
and the Portuguese proved t o bc ruthless t o p1:cscrvc it. Quitc o f t c ~ai tliin l i ~ i c
existed between trade and piracy. Various ~ i i c t l i t d swcrc uscd t o extract niolicy I'roni
lndian ships. one o f them being the cartaze system. ')'his
n systc~ivof liccnsc o r
pass, in which, captains o f a l l th!)sc Indian ships sailing t o a destination m)t rcscrvcd
b y the Porttigucse. were obliged t o buy passes from the Viceroy ol' ( h a . .This was
necessary t o prevent seizure o f thcir ships and thc confisci~tionof thcir nicrclii~iidisc'.
b y the Portuguese. O n c ' o f the main rcirsons for the success o f the I'ortugucsc 01; tllc
sea was because thc M ughals had not heen-intcrcstcd i n developing ;I strong navy.
Moreover.. the southern part o f lndia was also ciutsidc the dircct tcrritoriirl irillt~cncc
o f the Mughais enahling the Portugucsc t o get a foothold. I n this(n1atincr the
Portuguese not only profited from the spice tradc hut also ;~ctcdiis carriers hctwccn
other Asian countries. Indian cloth went t o Siani. cloves l'roni the M o l u c c i ~ st o
China, Persian carpets t o India and coppcr and silver Croni .lapan t o China.
7.5 THE DECLINE OF THE PORTUGUESE EMPIRE

However, b y the first decades o f the seventeenth century much o f the Portuguese
empire i n the East collapsed and was replaced by the D u t c h i n many places and the
British i n others. Several developments were responsible for this. I n 1580, Portugal
got attached t o the Spanish crown and it further got linked t o the declining fortunes
o f Spain. Spain's o w n naval might was reduced with the defeat o f its Armada i n the
naval battle o f 1588 w i t h the English. Portugal's internal development also made i t
difficult t o retain its maritime empire. The aristocracy dominated its society and
merchants d i d not enjoy the social influence necessary t o mould state policy
according t o their interests. T h e crown was autocratic. The Portuguese provqd t o be
intolerant and fanatic In n;ttt.t.\ rrl n-liuitrn anrl rt-uw~t-rit r l C n r r ~ h l l -r . r \ n v r . r u r r n ~ in
c.p&dhmnd InpaWLn
their spheres of influence. Moreover their feitorias essentially remained tradlng

outposts lacking adequate manpower and political will t o carve out a territorial
empire. The Portuguese in some ways became victims of their early lead in overseas
expansion by remaining limited t o profits through monopoly trade only.
'
An idea o f Portuguese decline may be gained from the decline in the number of
ships leaving Lisbon for Goa during three centuries; whereas 45 1 ships left Lisbon
for Coa in 1500-49 in 1700-1720 the number was 1 12 and only 70 in 1750-1800.
In the end, their influence got reduced to some pockets only - in East Africa, Diu,
Daman, Goa (where it ended in 1961). Timor and Macao where it, still survives.
7.6 THE RISE OF THE DUTCH

As Portuluese power wavered in the aftermath of ihe Spanish union, the Dutch took
over from them by the mid seventeenth century. The Dutch had been adding to their
comnmercigl and naval superiority in the sixteenth century by transporting eastern
goods brought to Lisbon by the Portuguese, to Antwerp from which it reached other
markets of Europe. The Dutch had shown innovative spirit in business organisaLions
and techniques and in shipping. In the latter, they designed and produced the
nuitship (fiuyt) which was considered to be a masterpiece of Dutch ship-builders of
the scventqenth century. The design of the fluyt was such that it was lighter needing
a smaller arew thus reducing its operating costs. Eventually Dutch ships proved t o be
superior to the bulkier and slower Portuguese ships. Dutch national feelings had
been a r o u b d in their struggle against the domination of Spain over their homeland
the Netherlands and they were all set to rival the Portuguese in the spice trade of the
East.
6. European Seamen unbdinB at an Indlan Port.
In 1602 the Dutch East lndia company was formed and it received a'charter
empowering4 to make war, treaties, acquire territories and fortify them. The main
interest af thq Dutch was in the Indonesian archipelago and the Spice 1slanr'- and
not lndia in the beginning. However, they soon discoverrd that Indian tradc was
necessary to carry on trade with South-East Asia, as there was a good demand of
Indian cloth there. Indian cloth was an essential exchange conlmodity in that area
and in return Indians demanded pepper and spices. The Gujarat region in Westerr.
lndia and the coast of Coromandel in the East produced a large variety of cotton
cloth. Coromandel was even described as the left arm of the Motuccas by Hendrik
Brouwer who later became the Governor General of the Dutch settlements in the
r,..
I-A:,.
9..
.I.- r > . . * - ~
I A ~ A
4-2
:..
-I..-:..:-,.
,. x: ".--*.. r-,.- + L *
-.,.
-f
Golconda to set up a factory at Masulipatam. Subsequently they established trading

depots at Nagapatam in Madras. Cochin and at Surat. Cambay, Broach and in
Western India. More trading points came up at Chinsura in Bengal, Agra in Uttar
Pradesh and Patna in Bihar.
European Coloni.l Powen
With the help of commodities like indigo. saltpetre. opium, raw silk in addition to
cotton, they were able to seize a large part of the inter-Asian trade formerly
controlled by the Portuguese. Many decisive blbws were struck at the Portuguese
control of Goa, their factories in Malabar and their Cinnamon trade of Ceylon. For
this Goa was blocked in the trading seasons. Malacca was conquerred in 1641,
Colombo in 165536 and Cochin in 1659-63. With this the Dutch virtually replaced
the Portuguese but meanwhile they already had an important rival --.the English.
The East lndia Company had been formed in 1600. through a charter granting it the
exclusive privilege of trading with the area East of the Cape of Good Hope for
fifteen years. Compared to the Dutch company financially, it was a much smaller
concern. For,its first voyage it managed to raise less capital compared to the United
Dutch company. k16wever. the chief asset of the English company was its simple
organization. a court of twenty four directors elected annually by the general court
of shareholders.
In its early voyages the East lndia company concentrated on the spice trade. mainly
peper with Indonesia and the Spice islands. Its rate of profit amounted to nearly 20
per cent per year in the first twelve years. The several voyages (161 1-1 5) yielded a
profit of 214 per cent on original investment. However. yerv soon the English
7. A view of the trading,port of Sur.1.
27
apitalkn~and Impaialbm ,
realised the importance of Indian goods especially textiles as a barter commod~t

y for
spi$e trade. Plans were drawn up to open a factory at Surat in Gujarat and Capain
~ i / l i a mHawkins was sent to the court of the Mughal Emperor Jahangir. After
spending sometime in Agra Hawkins had to leave as a result of Portuguese intrigue.
It was now clear to the English that they would have to deal with the Portuguese to
galn favours from the Mughals. A Portuguese naval squadron was defeated at
Swilly Hole near Surat in 161 1. This convinced Jahangrr and the English were
allowed to set up a permanent factory at Surat in 1613. An English factory had
already come up at Masulipatam on the East Coast in 161 1. Subsequently they were
alloived to open factories at several places on the West Coast.
A policy of expansion followed with the decision to send Sir Thomas Roe as an
Ambassador to the Mughal court. Roe used his diplomatic rkills to obta~nroyal
favo~urs.Meanwhile on the sea the English often resorted to piracy and plunder of
Portuguese shipr and to holding up Indian ships and exacting heavy ransoms. *I heir
method therefore war a cornbination of difloniacy; thereats. entreaties. intrigue and
aggression I he clrorts of Roc rccurcd thc English a Royal.firman to trade and set
up factories in all parts of thc Mughal empire. An open confrontation with the
Portpguese in a naval battle ol 1620 ended in Endish victory. Tension between the
English and the Portuguese declined over time. The Portuguese were expelled'from
Hugl(i in Bengal by Mughal forces in 1633.
Withlthe waning of Portuguese influence and power. the English started setting up
factories in d~l'fercntparts of India. Apart from Surat and Masulipatam. by 1623.
factories had k e n set up in Broach. Ahmedabad and Surat. However. the company
felt insecure and vulnerable with unfortified settlements. It resented the dues it often
had to pay to indigenous rulers. Payments also had to be made to local businessmen
who had to he ured as in$rmcd~aries. The English wanted to be a beneficiary of the
red~stributivcenterprise thcmselvcr.
~ngli$hterritorial and imperial an~bition?,can be traced to the attempt made to
fortify Surat as early as 1625. I'hey had recently been driven out from Indonesian.
islandis by the L)utch In 1623. However. Mughal authorities frustrated English
attempts at Surat by imprisoning the English. I he English then focussed on the
smaller states of South Ind~ato void direct conl'rontation. I n the South the strong
Vijaynagar empire had heen overthrown tn 1565 and several relatively weaker states
had emerged. In 1639. thcy man:~gcdto ohta~nMadras on lease from the local Raja.
M a d r ~ rwas a port and the English n~irdcil promise to give half of the customs
revenue to the Raja In return thcy prtxurcd the right to fortify it and also to mint
their own coins. 1hc Engl~shrct up a factory and built a fort called Fort St. George
around it. In 1662. King Charlcr-ll of England received Bombay as dowry on
marrying a Portugucse princes\. The English crown transferred it to the company in
I665 which was soon fortilied. Growing threat of the Marathas and the availability
of ;I good port scion enabled Bombay to replace Surat as the principal depot of the
compahy on thc Wmt Coast.
',
In ~ a s i e r nIndia t b influence of the company steadily rose after 1630. Factories

were citablished at Halasore in Orissa in 1633 and Hugli in Bengal in 1651. More
factories came up at Patna in Bihar and Dacca and Kasimbazar in Bengal. In 1658
all the ~stablishmentsof Hcngal. Bihar. Orissa and the Coromandel coast were
brought under the control of Fort Sr. George.
In Eastern India, the company had to procure its articles of trade like cotton
piecegoqds, silk, sugar and saltpetre from internal areas. There they were subjected
to many tolls and custom duties. The company directed its efforts t o get rid of them.
Through a series offirmans in 1651, 1656 and 1672 they were exempted from
payment of custom duties in return for fixed sums to be paid by the company to
Indian abthorities. In 1680, Emperor Aurangzeb after levying Jaziya on the company
issued afirman that the Company's trade was to be customs-free everywhere except
Surat. Fbr this the company is said to have spent Rs. 50,000 to bribe the Mughal .
officers.
However. local custom officers continued to make demands on the company as a lot
of the laqter's servarits carried on smuggling and trade in their private capacity.
Conflicts with local authorities and the ultimate
authority, the Mughal government.
. . .--- - .
.. . - .. . "
. . .-.
-
IF\T F G K T ST* G E O R G E
3, We ahall now proceed to give your Honol~rsan account of the ~everal

occurrences and our transactions here since the departure of the B,~rdwickeand
Prince Willia,m under the establish'd heads, and'as wo go along chalk also reply to
your several favorirs received this year.
4. The Pdnce William and Xard~uicb sail'd from Fort St. David the 9th
Februar?. Tbe 2d of that month the Deputy Governour and Council inolosed
us a protest of Captain Langworth's, dated tihe 31et January, for detaining bin
ahip in India beyoud the time limited by charterparty. The 16th February we
took notice to the Deputy Governonr and Council, that we did not observe h e y
bad taken any obligation from Ca tain Langworth that the snrplas tonnage on the
Prime William should be at half reight only, to which they replied the 28th that
the confusion and hurry they were in upon that ship's dispatch occasion'd them to
forget i j , for which they were sorry, but hoped your Horiour~would be no
enff er&s thereby.
5. Your Honour's ships arrived here, sail'd from hence, and now bound home,
are as follows :-
~ ~ ; 7 f i ,
Lm.raca,
174l,lo*.la
I~,SI,JS.
L n rent,
1741, no.2
Tho Cceoar
...
...
Nottinghom
...
Prince of Orange ...
London,
...
Halifw
King William
Beaufort
Prince of wales
r
I
...
...
...
Captain Robert Cam- 7th Febmary ... Loading for England.

minge.
Captain John Blake ... 5th June
... Sail'd for ye Bay, 6th
July.
Boand to England.
Captain Thomna Browne. 13th Do.
Captain C'harlee Hudson. 20th Do.
&l'd for ye Bey, 3d
Jaly.
Captain Matthew Bootie. 1st July
... Sail'd for ye Bay, 14th
July.
Captain James Bandere.
18th Jily
SeiYd for ye Bay,
Captain Tbomee Stevens. 3rd August
OM August.
Captain John lJelly Ju- 19th Augnst
Loading for England.
nior.
...
...
...
... }
...
6. It was in the evening of the 7th F e b r ' ~that the Ctesar arrived here, and
as soon ae the President knew what ship it was, he sent immediate advice thereof
to Mr. Hubbard, but the Harutuzcitka and Prince CVilliam were out' of eight before
it reached him.
7. A Frenoh'ship having some little time before landed her treasure a t
Pondicherry, Mr. Dumas intercepted a letter from pne of hie people advising the
Ln.
'"
from
Morattaa thereof and urging it as an inducement for them to order some of their
troops thither. As we were unwilling a t that juncture to give any wicked persons
an opportunity to write such letters from hence, and beleiving the money very mfe
on board the Cetur at that season of the year we continued i t on board her till the
5th March, wllen we arder'd it on ehoar, it being uear the npproach of the southerly uMa 6.:74fi
monsoon.
8. Your Honours having adiised us in your letter by the C,rmr that, incase,;LL
fmm;;
ehe did not arrive here by the last of August, the Commander was order'd to make *,:
the best of his way to Bengall, we demanded his retwons for coming here, which ~ 2 . 6 6
he deliver'd 'UR the 19th March.
~ b . la1
p, 3 j z s p 7 j ~ dc ~ c - , \ ~ i ! k ( i 7 :wP+R TVKE';
FF?.oly I N i ) j 3 ~o - ~ , % L A , V ~ ?
8. C'rum the E.1.C'. records
-8.-,L
CY SiiiP-3
; ~ ~ ~
and the factories of Surat. Masulipatam and Vieagapatam were rid.The English
opened negotiation with the Mughals and wca back to their earlier mode o f
petitiofling after a brief adoption of an aggressive posture. The Mughals pardoned
them kcause they understood the economic importance of English tiade. Not only
was it perceived beneficial for Indian artisans and traders it also brought in revenue
to the state. Therefore. Aurangzeb allowed Ihe English to re$ulm trade on the
conditi~nof payment of Rs. 1.50.000 as compensation.
Soon the English established a factory ut Sutanti and seized an opportunity to fortity
it in 1696 when Sobha Singh. a Zamindar ichc.llcd. I'n 1698. by paying Hs. 1200 to
the prc~iousproprietors the company acquircd the Zrrmindari i.e. the right to collect
revenue from thrcc villager. vit. Sutanati. Ciovindpur and Kalikata. In 1700. the
Beqgal factories were placcd under a spearate control of a President and council in a
new fortified settlement called Fort William. l'he village of Kalikata acquired an
analicilied name Calcutta and flourirhed from thcn onwards with i t s population
touchin$ I.UI).fK)I) in 1735. With the death of Auranweb and the weakening of the
Mughal empirc lrticr him the 'Engliih managcd to get more concessions and
privileyes. In 1717. Ernpror Farrukhriyar issued an Impcriill.firn~ungranting the .
cornpanp scwral privikgea:
i)
I h c Company cotilrt ftccly trudc in Hcngal without any dutics in return of an

ann~alpayment ol' Us. 3O.OMH).
i i ). 'The
-+C
--o m p i y w;la allowcd to rent morc territory around Calcutta.
1
.
iii) The Company retained its.old-privilege of exemption of dws throughout the

province of Hyderaba&and for Madras was required to pay only the existing
rent.
iv) In return for an annual sum of Rs. 10,000 it was exempted from payment of all
dues at Surat.
vl) Company's coins minted at Bombay were allowed currency throughout the
Mughal empire.
1) Write short answ'ers.

a ) Why d o the capitalists need the expansion of market?
b) Why were a large number of Africans brought as slaves by the Europcan

colonial powers?
.......................
.......................................
.................................................................
C) W h o first'established t h e ~ rdomination in the lndian ocean by destroying the
monopoly of q r a b merchants?
..................................................................
..................................................................
..................................................................
d ) What was the Dutch interest ih Indian trade?.
e)
What were the special privileges that the English got from the Mughal
Emperor Farrukhsiyar?
Narrate the process of the establishment of English commercial settlements in India

in the 17th Century. Answer in 100 words.
L upilulirn~
r ~ lmpairlbm
~ d
7.81
ENGLISH RIVALRY WITH
THE PORTUGUESE
A N D THE DUTCH
While the English company was engaged in establishing itself with respect to Mugh;~l
and other Indian statcs it was simultaneously engaged in rivalry with the Portugucsc
and the Dutch. Wc have secn how they came into conflict with the Portuguese in thi
first threc decades of the seventeenth century. The end of hostilities between thc
Portuguese and the English started with thc conclusion of the Madrid trcaty in 1630
Anather agreement made in 1634 betwcen the President of the English Cactory at
Surdt and the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa guaranteed commercial intcltclations
betwcen the two nations in India. In 1654. Portugal fully accepted the rights of the
English to the Eastern trade and thc treaty of 1661 bound them togeth~r'a~ainst
the
Dutch in India.
Meanwhilc thc 1)utch had not only replaced the Po.rtugucse in the spice trade but
had expelled the English from the South East Asia. Although. the main interests of
the Dutch were in the Spice Islands. they had established important factorics at
Pulicat (1610), Surat (1616). Chinsura (1653). Cassimba7ar. Haranagore. Patna.
Balasore. Nagapatam (1659). and Cochin (1663). Unlike the English. the Dutch
having secured bases in South East Asia wcre not under pressure to secure territorial
bases in India. Hostilities between the Dutch and the English brought them to a
point of conflict several times from 1653-54 onwards. when. a large fleet of Dutch
ships appeared near Swally. forcing the English company to suspend its trade at
Surak. I n 1667. the Dutch agreed to leave alone English settlcmcnts in India. while
the English gave up all claims to Indonesia. I n this manner two rival colonial powers
settled their conflicts. However. English attempts to drive the Dutch out of the
tndiqn soil continued and the Dutch 'retired' more and more to country trading with
their officers trying to make private fortunes in collaboration with English company
officilals.
The eighteenth century saw a steady erosion in the fortunes of the Dutch. The sprcad
of the English as a result of privileges received. enabled them to establish an
increasing hold over the trade of indigo, silk. cotton, piece-got)ds. saltpetre etc. With
the failure of the Hugli expedition in 1759. Dutch naval power reccived a further
setback. Finally. the Dutch lost their last possession in lndia in 1795 when the
English expelled them. English supremacy though evideht from the beginning of the
eighteenth century however had to bitterly contest another Europcan rival - the
Frenah before emerging fully victorious by the early nineteenth century.
7.9 FRENCH COLONIAL

AMBITIONS
-Like ahe other European companier the French company was also the product of
mercwntilist practices and ideas. French activities in the East started relatively late
and it was Colbert who formed the Compagnie dcs lndes Orientales in 1664 to enter
Indian trade. The first French factory was established at Surat in 1668. I n 1669. they
managed. to establish factory at Masulipatam also. I n 1673, they obtained a grant of
a village, Pondicherry on the East Coast which was subsequently fortified. 'They also
received a site near Calcutta in 1674 from the ruler of k n g a l where they built the
town of Chandernagore (1690-92). Although the French company sent seventy four
equipped ships to lndia between 1665 and 1695. its actiLities were much smaller in
scale and size compared to the English and the Dutch. The financial strength of the
French Company became very weak but it revived when it was reconstituted in 1720.
In 1721. the French occupied Mauritius which enhanced their naval power enabling
them to rival the English in their designs. On Indian soil they settled down at the
Malabar coast in 1725 and at Karikal in 1739.
However. the French East lndia company compared to companies of Holland and
Englad was much more dependent on the government. I t suffered from two major
drawbbcks
a weak organisation and inadequate capital. Its mercantile activities
were cbntr.olled by the government so much that it smothered the drive, skill and
initiatibe of the company. 'Thus its fortuncs and prospects were too closely linkcd to
rh..
rln.r..lr.rm.r..e.
;..
Kr....n,.
,.-A
u:..h.,..l.h
....-
a,.-.,
C-,,,.h
C-...:-..
.I:A
-...
L...
.....I.
same dynaniism Chich for instance the English had. 'l'hc historical evolution of the
two countries has bccn examined in the previous Unit.
This does not necessarily mean that the East lndia Company had a smooth sailing
right from i t s birth. Right from the start i t had to contend with critics and rivals in
rngland. I t had to constantly give bribes and loans to the crown to retain its
cxclusivc monopoly tradc with the East. Even then many 'Free Merchants' or
'intcrlopcrs'(as the company described them) continued to trade with Asia. I n 1690
they petitioned the I'arliamcnt to throw open the Indian tradc and the Company had
to'\pcnd nc;lrly !M).~M)O in bribes to stop this which included 10.000 to the king
himsell'. Eventually in 1702. the two groups decided to join hands which in the words
o f K;rrl Marx signified the "true commencement of the East lndia Company"
representing the broad interests of British merchant capital backed by the
I~arlii~nicnt.
10. A r m of cambd of dUfewa4 E w p c u l powers (Amind I p b C.).

-.
7.10
-----. - ---
THE STRUCTlSRE AND PATTERN OF

EUROPEAN-TRADE
When European colonial powers started trading with lndia in the sixteenth century
thcir main problem was that they had few gocds to offer in reiurn for Indian
eonimoditics. For nearly thrcc centuries they had to struggle with the problem of
financing an adverse balance of trade with Asia. Apart from wine and oil their ships
brought little l'roni Europe. How did they then finance thcir trade'? We have alrcady
seen that gold and silver was being brought into Europe from the mines of South
Amer~cain the sixteenth century. It is that which they used. albeit yeluctaKtly. to pay
for thcir iniports Ironi the East. Although cXiICt figures are not available this can be
illustrated with sonic cslin~atcsaviliii~blcregarding cxports of East lndia Company.
Hetwccn 1660 ;~nd16W. the value of' gold and silver exported to the East was always
at Icaht 66 per cent of the total exports. I n the decade 1680-89 it was as much as 87
per cent. I n the first half of the eighteenth cen!ury the English sent silver worth 270
THB
FROM
foR-r
GEQRGE
E A S T ~ ~ M P A P ( ! JRECORDS .4T
. .
ST
B ~ X B TorB DIAMORDS,
B
P B ~ O U Bmoms,
&A.
Lioenced by the Preeident sod Council of Fort St. George to be shipped 09

$be Prince af W a h , Captain John Pelly Junior, by the following p e m m i q return
f o r - w r d and an other account8 :.
By Ibdall FQwL~,
oonsignBdto Jndah Supino and Son or order :-
$4
m.,
Qae
of diamnndn, raloe nine hundred and fifhy
-three
(hirby thmo [&I fanams, and oeventy
six C d h , or...
1n 1.11 r d o n ~
tor*;box of
bet& import;,>
G ~ I
aapo 1741, pet Caor.

t
, babe of dismondn, ralnd two thou-d
one ' h d d and nine&, eix p s g o d ~r,v e n fanand
t~ O I U ~or
br;d;i m s
$m fa11 re~arnilSJ. a box
mpo 1741, per Caror.
By Nioolu Maria 0<wcngnBdto J d a h Sapino & Son or
ordm :-
One bald of dimnoads, vdae eight h a a d d and one

two fenumn and twenty ornh, or
of ad
i n 4
ntmm ior
auno 1741, r Cawtar.
.% ~ i o o l uy o n u a n k ~ s n o nF I ~ Amn.imd to David
DeCubto om order :hre balr) d dimondr, value nix hundred ud M y
niao p w , h g n fanaw end twenty
or
mta10.6 for one o a a d
*n
imqmtd MBO 1741, por C&14t.
m
i
oat-
- - - - -
--
8.
a. P-
371 10 6
988 80 76
841'17 7
a,i96 7.4a
1 6
801 2 20
248 18 0
6-40 1 1 80
8(n
-.-
L r t b r ~lo Elgtt St. George, 1684-86
P.S. In rvgard y' : bofore my Invdicos may reach yo': hands if the Sloops
~bould meet w'" : a quick passage, I
thoqght convenient to give yon ye : num*re of the Cloth as *ell cu, tho Sorte
hadtin on Phch of tl~emViz' : on Sloop
~ o y a l James
l
90 Bales.
, L. C. B. No: 6 Bales 40 Long cloth blue.
S. A. 0.No: 3 Bales 10 : Salamporcs ordinaiy.
B. N. T. No: 28 Bales :{
29 Bdee 5 Betkloea.
23 Bales 7
L. C. 0.No : 2 Bales 10 Long cloth ordinary.
P. E. R. 0.No: 1 Bales 8 Percullass ordinary.
2 Balee 7 :
ditto :
On Sloop William 122 Balee.
L. C. B. No 6 Bales 52 Long cloth blue.
L. C. 0.N" 2 Bales 50 Long Cloth ordnj :
N" 1 Bales 10
ditto.
B. E. T. No 26 Bales 10 Betteeloes.
Balee ... 122
4
,
R: J:
@F
SP9Cll"lEN oHDI5R
c & A T H EXRRTfU
F R O r ) I N D i k ' a ] A N E A S T l f l D / ~ce&phl\ry
NEQC HRJT
I I. From the E.I.<'. rcord*.
hu. o.
):wopcm c'dmid Puwm
lakhs and other goods worth only 90 lakhs to India. However, with the advent of the
industrial revolution in the I a t ~ part
r
of the eighteenth century the trend started
reversing. Between 1760 and 1809silver worth 140 lakhs was exported while the
value of other goods rose to 485 lakhs.
Under the mercantilist belief the export of bullion out of a country was considered
bad for the country's economy hnd prosperity. The European companies were facing
severe criticism for doing this a d were under great pressure to find other ways of
paying for their trade in Eastern gods. A partial solution to the problem was found
by capturing the intra-Asian trade. The Europeans made good profit by bringing
Spice lshnds cloves and Japanese cupper to lndia and China, lndian cotton textiles
to South East Asia and Persian carpets to lndia thereby paying for some of their
imports from India. However. only in the later part of eighteenth century when the
English after receiving Bengal revenwr and by exporting of opium to China that a
final solution to the problem of the dcfiiit trade was found.
I n the sixtetnth and the sevsnteenth centuries the bulk of the profit^ of European
companies came from the eok of c~rn~odities
brought from Asia to the markets of
Europe. Africa. the A ricen continents and to the Middle Past. A triangular trade
had developed betwee Europe, the Americas with their plantations based on slavery
t
against this
and the West Coast o Africa. Trade with the E a ~prscetded
background.
We have seen that nght from thq start spices were very high on the lh of
commodities demanded by the Europeans. Among spi- it w~,pepperaldm which
dominated the trade in the sixteenth dnd seventeenth ccntutks. HoWFdr, towards,
the end of the seventeenth ceiury the commodity structure of trade started
changing. Cotton textiles, silk and saltpetre steadily rose in importanca in place of
spices. lndian textiks were regularly dernahdcd by the English and the Dutch
corhpanks from the second decade of the 17th century.
We have already noted the importance of lndian textiles in the trdde with other parts
of Asia whcrc it was demrnded as a barter commodity. Indian teitilcs are fanlous
for their range. variety and quality. Gujarat. Coromandel and &gal produced a
large variety of plain. dyed. striped, chintz and embtoidered clotti, Indian silks and '
muslin both fine and coarse found markets in Europe as well as in Africa and the
West Indies. The English Company's demand stood at 12,000 pieces of textiks from
Suriit in 1614. In 1664. it imported a total of over 750.000 picas and their value
accounted for 73 pe.r cent of the entire trade of the company. By the last decade of
thc ccntury the share of textiles jumped to 83 per cent of the total value. By that
time fine Rengal muslims nd Coromandel Chintt were in great demand among the
upper cla\\c\ in. I uropc. 'I he increase o f imports alarmed indigenous English
nirlnulacturcrs who put political prcssurc on the government to prohibit import of
lndiad tcxtilcs. IJroicctiooist rcgulationa were therefore. passed in 1700. 1721 and
furthclr in 1735. Apart from this raw silk also established itself in the market in the
second half of the rcvcntcenth century.
Another commodity which was increasingly demandcd hv FhC Frenrh and the
Ehgliqh was d t p e t r e . It was used as a necessary ingrediknt in the manufacture of
gunpowder. tn additioh to being a strategic raw material saltpetre being a bulky and
Navy tcommodity it could be used to stabilise the stiips by acting as ballast material.
Rtnalernerged as a major centre of saltpetre tt'ade. Anbther article of import was
indigotwhich was rcquircd as a dyestuff as it was cheap 'and easier to use compared
to woQd which was traditionally used far blue colouring in E u ~ o p e .
7.1 1 TOWARDS THE CONOUEST OF-INDIA

Hy tha early eighteenth century the English and the ~ r e n c bcompanies had settled
drwn Cith a profitable trade. Madws. Bombay and Cale ta grew into flourishifig
cities ds a result of British scttlements. attracting Indian 'c pitah skills and merchants:
This id reflected in thcir population growth.
.:
In 1744. Homhay had roughly 70,000 people and 6y the m ddlc of the century
Calcutta hid i~hout?(Ml.OOO and Madras 300.000 people. he Mughal empire after
the dcilth ol Aur:~llg/c.h war t'ollowcul by a decentralisatio of pdwcr with the
cnicrgdnck of' a Ii~rgcnunibcr of smaller states. The English and thc IZrcnch
cooipahich wcrc secing a political and tertitorial future in India. 'l'hc French and the
English had hecomc poliiic;~~
rivals in Europe and in North A'merican colonies. India
was i~ prixcd p o t c ~ l t ~ci ~
o l o ~ ~The
y . sta'ge was therefore cleared for the Anglo-French
rivalry wlrich hcgan in illc 1740s'and ended in a n eventual victory of' the English and
then began tllc conquest ol India beginning with Bengal from the battle of Plassey in
1757.. Ip thc following s c t i o n we will see how the change in England's isternal
economy brought changes in its trade relations with the les developed countries and
in the naturc of Furopttan imperialism.
7.112 INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM A N D IMPERIALISM

I
industrial
From the m i d d & . d k i d ~ of

r the 18th century the
~ c v o l u t i o n(sce Unit 6)
not only t h e charact& of the English .economy, but also the pattern of
Englan S external t r a d e a n d relations with colonial dependencies. AS ~ngiand's \
chmge!
industrial manufactures developed, correspondingly, the need to import
manufactured goods from abroad was reduced. Moreover, there came a stage when
the manufactures not only fully supplied the internal market of England but sought
export markets. Such export markets existed initially in Europe but as other
countries in the continent b e ~ a nto industrigl,ise therpselves. export market could be
undergone modern
36
..
>
..
,,
,.
from those countries agricultural commodities, particularly raw materials. So far as

lndia was concerned this change from merchant capitalist to industrial capitalist
pattern of trade and consequent imperialist policy is clear in the first decades of the
19th century.
There was not only a change in the pattern of trade (i.e. the commodity composition
and direction of trade).between England and India, but also in the policies that
structured the economic and political relations between these two countries. For one
thing, the monopoly of trade with lndia given to the English East lndia Company
stood in the way of private business interests of England in Indian trade. Some such
private business operated side by side with the so-called monopoly of the East lndia
Company even in the 18th century-viz. the Free Merchants and the Private trade of
the servants of the Company. But the Company's monopoly hecame an obstacle to
English capital seeking opportunities to operate in India. Ranging from Adam Smith
(Wealth oJ Nations, 1776) to various business lobbies, and attack on the Company's
absolute monopoly rights were mounted leading to the abolition of the monoply of
East India Company in lndian trade'in 1813. The Company's monopoly in China
trade was also abolished later in 1833. Both these abolitions were effected by Charter
Acts, i.e. laws passed by the British Parliament at intervals to renew the Company's
charter of monopoly. While legislation in England'thus opened up lndia to British
business, the increasing political hegemony of the British in early 19th century lndia
aided the process.. Sometimes 'British trade followed their flag, sometimes it was the
other way around - but consistently there was a pattern of British business and
politics being mutually reinforcing in building the British empire in India.
13. An artlsti coaccption of Bdturir Receiving the d c h r of the Emt.
1) List the important trading ports of India during this period.
. .
............
.........................................................................................
I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Europem Colonial Powers
2) What were the n ~ d j o rgoods that -ere exported f r o m India to other courltries'?
3)
l?iscuss Ihe chnrigca' ill the ~ratlcrriol trade :-ti' the Eusopc;rrr curnpanics witti lrldia
d8uringthe 17 and lSth Centuries. %rite )our ansivcr. ill 100 ~ 1 ~ r . d ~ .
nt
and ind~istrialcapitiiliqt
4) Whnt is the basic difference between ~ ~ l e r c h n capitalist
it1
the n a t u ~ eof exlernal trade'!
7.13 LET US S U M UP
In this lJnit we have seen that the growth in trade and commerce in Europe led to
the search for new markets and material resources by the various colonial powers.
Asia. Africa and America with potentiality of good markets and lot of untapped
resources were the ideal grounds for the colonial powers to make their fortune.
Different trading companies were formed in Europe to carry out the external trade.
However very soon because of clash of interests many sided struggles started among
European colonial powers, the Portuguese, !he Dutch, the French and the English.
established its monopoly over Indian trade. The nature and pattern of England's
external trade was linked with the change from mercantile to industrial capitalism in
England.
7.14
KEY WORDS
Balance of Tnde : The difference in export and import in the overseas trade.
Firman
7.15
: An order issued by the emperor.
ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
I) a) See Sec. 7.1

b) See Sec. 7.3
c) See Sec. 7.4
d) See Sec. 7.6
.
e) See Sec. 7.7
,
2) Your answer s h o k iticlude the coming of English representarwe to the Mughal
-. court, receiving of firman for trade, establishment of English factories at Surat.
Madras, Bombay, Orissa, Bengal, etc. See Sec. 7.7.
I) Find out the answer applying your own knowledge.

2) See Secs. 7.6, 7.7, 7.10.
3) You have to focus on spice trade, cotton, textiles, silk and saltpetre which later
on replaced the dominance of spice trade, initially the European merchants used
gold and silver to pay for their imports from the East, with the industrial
revolution the pattern completely changed. See Sec. 7.10.
4) Merchant capitalists promoted export of manufactured goods from India,
Industrial capitalists promoted import of manufactured goods to India. See
Sec. 7.12
Same Useful Books For This Block

.
J.M. Roberts
: The Pelican History of the World.
Carlo M. Cipolla : Fontana Economic History of 'Europe, Volume-3.

E.J. Hobsbawm
: Industry and Empire.
UNIT 8 THE BRITISH.IW EASTERN

INDIA UP TO BUXAR
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Bengal Before the British Conquest
The British Conquest of Bengal. 1757-65
8.3.1
8.3.2
8.3.3
8.3.4
Siraj-uddaula and the British

Mir Jafar and the British
Mir Kasim and the British
After Mir Kasim
Explanation for the Political Transformation

Significance of British Success
Let Us Sum Up
Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises.
8.0 OBJECTIVES
The history of British domination in India started with the subjugation of Bengal to
the British imperialist system. After reading this Unit you will be able to :
understand the baclcground of the British conquest of Bengal,
.learn about the transformation of power from the Bengal Nawabs to the British
authority, and
explain the factors that led to this transformation of power and its significance.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
This Unit introduces you to the gradual transfer of power from the Nawabs to the
British in Bengal during the period 1757 to 1765. You have got some idea about the
subjugation of Bengal to the British imperial system in Unit 2 of Block 1. In this
Unit an attempt has been made to show that it was mainly the commercial rivalry
between the British and the Bengal Nawabs which largely decided the course of
events in the 1750s. The personal failure of any Yawab was not an important
decisive factor for this development, as some historians have tried to establish.
However, the degeneration in the administration that started in the 18th century had
PO doubt contributed to the final collapse of the independent Bengal polity. Here we
p;tve first discussed the background of the British conquest of Bengal and the
political developments from 1757 to 1765. Then we focus on the explanation for this
transformation and the significance of the battle of Plassey and Buxar which were
Landmarks in the process of British imperialist expansion in India.
B.2
BENCAL BEFORE THE BRITISH CONQUEST
Vou have read in Block 2 that the changes in European economy i,e. from feudalism
Fo capitalism and then from mercantile capitalism.to industrial capitalism led to
fierce competition among various European powers to establish colonial empire. In

this process of imperialist expansion Bengal became since the 17th century, the
bunting ground of the Dutch, the French and the English companies. It was mainly
the rich resources and good prospects of trade in Bengal which attracted the various
foreign companies. Referring to Bengal Francois Bernier, a traveller who visited
India during Aurangzeb's reign wrote :
British Conquet
dnd Comolidatkn
"The rich exuberance of the country ...has given rise to a proverb in common use
among the Portuguese, English and Dutch that the kingdom of Bengal has a
hundred gates open for entrance, but not one for departure".
In the 18th century exports from Bengal to Europe consisted of raw products, such
as, saltpetre, rice, indigo, pepper, sugar, etc. and silk, cotton textiles, handicrafts etc.
Bengal goods comprised nearly 60 per cent of British imports from Asia in the early
18th century. Commercial potentiality of Bengal was naturally the chief cause of the
interest of the English in this province.
Regular contact of the English with Bengal started in the 1630s. First English
bompany in the east was set up at Balasore in Orissa in 1633, then at Hugli,
Psimbazar, Patna and Dacca. By 1690s the acqdsition of the Zamindari rights of
the three villages of Sutnati, Calcutta and Govindpur and the foundation of
b l c u t t a by the Company, completed this process of English commercial settlement
in Bengal. The annual investment of the Company in Bengal turned to 150,000 in
1680.
ince the 17th century the English East India Company was allowed to trade freely
n k n g a l , in return the Company had to pay annually Rs.3,000 (350) to the
kughal emperor. When the Company paid the Mughar.%emperorannually (350) fo
free trade in Bengal that time Company's exports from Bengal were worth more
than E 50,000 a year.
The provincial governors were not in favour of such a privilege for the Company
because this meant a heavy loss to their exchequer. So there was always pressure
from the provincial administration to compel the English Company to pay more for
, jts trade in the province. The English on their p;-t tried to establish its complete
costrol over the trade through various means. Murshid Kuli Khan, who established
his independent authority over Bengal, was not in favour of the special privileges
enjoyed by the Company*becaustof the loss that resulted to the treasury. S 6 the
tussle between theEnglish commercial interest and the local government in Bengal
was already marked before the mid 18th century.
I
While the rising commercial interest of the English was becoming a serious threat
for the Bengal polity, the provincial administration in Bengal itself had\certain
weaknesses. You have read in Unit 2 of Block I how an independent political .
authority emerged in Bengal, following the disintegration of the hugha1 empire.
The stability of this regional power was dependent on certain conditions :

Nawab's rule depended on the support ,of powerful faction of the local
aristocracy.
He needed the support of Hindu Mutaseddis who were in control of the financial
administration.
The support of the big Zamindars was also very essential because they not only
supplied revenues to the treasuary but also helped the Nawabs with their own
militia in times of need and by maintaining law and order in their areas.
The co-operation and support of the bankers and business houses, particularly the
house of the Jagat Seths, the largest financial house in Bengal was also needed.
All these different groups had different interests and expectations from the Nawab.
The stability of Nawab's regime depended on maintaining proper balance among
these various interest groups. The common people had n a place in this power
equation between the ruler and the interest groups. They were the victims of the
swing demands of the Zamindars but there was no protection from the
~dministration.There was no initiative on the part of the rulers to involve the
jpeople in the anti-im~erialiststruggle.
.18.3
THE BRITISH CONQUEST OF BENGAL, 1757-65
The history of Bengal from 1757 to 1765 is the history of gradual transfer of power
frbm the Nawabs to the ~ritis'h.Durine this short mriod of eieht vears three
Nawabs, Siraj-ud-daula, Mar Jafar and Mir Kasim ruled over Bengal. But they
failed to uphold the sovereignty of the Nawab and ultimately the rein qf control
passed into the hands of the Britah. We will now discuss the develobents in
pengal from 1757 to 1765 and see how the British ultimately got control over
Bengal.
Siraj-ud-daula succeeded Alivardi Khan as Nawab of Rengal in 1756. The succession

d Siraj was opposed by his aunt Ghasiti Begurn and his cousin Shaukat Jang who
was the governor of Purnea. There was a dominant group in the Nawab's court
comprising Jagat Seth, Umichand, Raj Ballabh, Rai Durlabh, Mir Jafar and others
who were also opposed to Siraj. Besides this internal dissension within the Nawab's
court, another serious threat to Nawab's position was the growing commercial
activity of the English Company. The conflict between the Nawab and the English
Company over trade privileges was nothing new. But during Siraj-uddaula's reign
certain other factors further strained the relations between the two. They are:
@
The fortification around Calcutta by the English Company without the

permission of the Nawab.
The misuse of the Company's trade privilege by its officials for their p r i ~ a t etrade.
?he English Company a t Calcutta had given shelter to Krishna Das, son of Raj
Ballabh, who bad fled with immense treasures against the Nawab's will.
Siraj-uddaula was rurhappy with the Company for these reasons. The Company on
its part becarrie wor,ried about Siraj because the Company officials suspected that
Siraj would cut down the privilege of the C:ompany in alliance with the French in
Bengal. Siraj-uddaula's attack on the English fort at Calcutta precipitated an open
The arrival of a strong English force under the command of Robert Clive a t
Calcutta from Madras strengthened the British position in Bengal. The secret
alliance of the Company with the conspirators of the Nawab's camp further
strengthened the position of the British. So English victory in the battle field of
Plassey, (June, 1757) was decided before the battlq was fought. It was not the
superiority oi the military power but the conspiracy of the Nawab's officials that
helped the English in winning the battle. It is very difficult to ascertain why Shiraj
failed to take appropriate action. He could not save himself ultimately and was
murdered by the order of hllir Jafar's son Miran.
The Brltbb la Emtern lndlr

up to Buxu
Brithh Conquat
mnd Consolidatkm
83.2 Mir Jafar and the British

Mir Jafar was promised the Nawabship by Clive before the battle of Plassey This
was his reward for his support to the British against Siraj.
f i e British now became the kingmakers of Bengal. Mir Jafar was made to pay a
heavy price to his English friends for their favour. But the treasury of Murshidabad
did not have enough resources to satisfy the demands of Clive and his fellow
countrymen. Mir Jafar paid out about Rs. 1,750,000 in Dresents and compensation
to the British.
Immediately after his accession Mir Jafar faced some serious internal problems.
They were :
Some of the Zamindals like Raja Ram Sinha of Midnapore, Hizir Ali Khan of
Purnea refused to accept him as their ruler.
Mir Jafar's soldiers who were not getting salary regularly were in a rebellious
mood.
He had doubts about the loyalty of some of his officials, specially of Rai
Durlabh. He believed that Rai Durlabh had instigated the rebellion of Zamindar
' against him. But Rai Durlabh was under the shelter of Clive so he cduld not
1 touch him.
a There was an attempt by the Mughal Emperor's son who later on became Shah
Alam to capture the throne of Bengal.

e The financial position of the Nawab was also weak, mainly because of the
demands of the Company and mismanagement of resources. All these made Mir
Jafar more dependent on the English Company. But the Company was unhappy
with the Nawab for some reasons.
W
The English Company was under the impression that Mir Jafar, in collaboratior
with the Dutch company was trying to curb the growing influence of the Englisk
in Bengal.
4 Mir Jafar also failed to respond to the ever increasing demands of the English.
Meanwhile the death of Miran, son of Mir Jafar, again created a conflict over the
question of succession. The fight was between Miran's son and Mir Kasim, the son
in-law of Mir Jafar. Vansittart who came as Governor of Calcutta took the side of
Mir Kasim. Mir Kasim in a secret agreement with Vansittart agreed to pay the
necessary funds to the Company if they support his claim to the Nawabship of
%ngai. Mir Jafar had already lost the confidence of the English. The rebellion of
Mir Jafar's army for their due salary made it easier for the British to force Mir
Jafar to step down.
8.3.3 Mir Kasim and the British

Mir Kasim's accession to the throne of Bengal followed the same way, the way
through which Mir Jafar had come to power. Like his predecessor, Mir Kasim alsc.
had to pay large amounts of money to the English. Besides this he had given three
districts of Burdwan, Midnapore and Chittagong to the English Company. After h
Bssumption of power the two most important things that Mir Kasim did were:
shifting the capital from Murshidabad to Monghyr in Bihar in order to keep a
ufe dutana from the Company at Cali?utta, aad
re-organuing the bureaucracy by the men of his own choice and remodelling thc
army to enhance its skill and efficiency.
The fuat few months of Mir Kasim's reign went very well. But grad,ually the
lrtlationship with the British became embittered. Reasons for this were:
r Ram Narayan, the Deputy governor of Bihar, was not responding to the repeat{
requests by Nawab to submit his accounts. But Ram Narayan was supported by
the English officials of Patna who never concealed their anti-nawab feelings.
The misuse of the Company's Dustak or trade permit by Company bflicials for
their vrtvate trade generated tension between the British and the Nawab.
I
I
The Company re~antawwe not paying any duty on their goods. Whenap local
merchants had to pay duty. While the Nawab lost tax m u e because of the
nonpayment of duty by the Company officials the local merchants faced u m q u q
comktition with the Company merchants. Moreover, the Campany officiiols were
completely ignoring the offidah of the Nawab. They were forciqg the local people to
sell their goods at low prices. Mir Kasim complained against these practices to
Oovernor Vansittart, but this had no effect.
i
As it happened in the c&c of M u Jafar, in the case of Mu Kaeim also when the
British found that M u Kasim fiad failed to fulfii their expectation they started
searching for a suitable replacement of Mir Kasim. But Mu Kasim was not ready to
surrender so easily, unlike bi8 predecessor. He tried to put up a unitad resistance
against the British with the help OFthe Mughal Emperor Shah Alam and Shuja-udd a u b of Awadh.
However, Mir Kasim ultimately failed to protect his throne and the battle of Buxar
(1764) completed the victory and the domination of the British in eastern India.
83.4, After Mir Kasim
/ .
1
Mir Jafar was brought back to the throne of Bengal. He agreed to hand over three
districts-Midnapore, Burdwan and Chittagong to the English for the maintenance .
iof their army and to permit duty free trade in Bngal (except a duty of 2% on a t ) .
but Mir Jafar was in bad health and he died shortly afterethis. His minor son
fiajim-ud-daula was appointed Nawab. The real administration was carried on by a
haib-~ubadar,.who would be appointed or dismissed by the English.
In the summer of 1765 Clive came back as the Governor of Bengal. Clive now
engaged himself in completing his unfinished task, i.e. to make the British the
Bupreme political authority in Bengal. He approached the Mughal emperor Shah
Alam who was practically a ptisoner of Shuja-uddaula, the Nawab of Awadh, since
1761 for an agreement. The emperor responded positively to Clive's proposal. An
agreement was signed between Shah Alam and Clive on August 1765. By this
agreement Shah Alam was given Allahabad and the adjoining territories, while the
emperor granted by ajirmmr, the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orisea to the East
India Company. The right of Diwani gave the British complete control over the
Bengal revenues or financial administration.
The responsibility for defence, law and order and the administration of justice
remained in the hands of the Nawiibs. But the Nawabs had virtually lost their
plilitary power after the battle of Buxar. So after the grant of Diwani the Nawabs
were in reality red xed to a cipher.
lie above discussion shows how the political events from 1757 to 65 gradually led
o the transfer of power from the Bengal Nawabs to the British East India
mpany. In the following section we will try to understand the factors that led to
this cha

I ) What was the nature of Rengal polity? Write your answer in 100 words.
2) Why did the relationship become strained between the British and the Rengal
Nawabs? Write your answer in 100 words.
3) Read the following statements and marR.fight (J ) or wrong (X).

Thc Rengal Nawabs did not o b j e ~ , .jle free trade of the English i)
Company in neigal.
Thc growing tmde of 'the Company in Bt-rigdi augmented the financial
ii)
resources of the Bengal rulsrs.
iii) Slraj-ud-daula objected to the mlsusr of trade pllr?leges In Bengal by the
Company of'Clcials.
iv) hlir Jafar's army rebelled against him bucau5e tle fillled to pay their salar)
V) T l ~ eBritish became crltlcal of Mir Kasin~becau5e-kLeu:~ntedto establish
his independent authority.
n ~ the British complete control uvcr L I L c~lluncial
vi) The rlght of L h ~ a gave
and administrative affairs of Bengal,
L.,
8.4 EXPLANATION. FOR THE .POLITICAL

TRANSFORMATI'ON.1 . -,'.
- --
-.
..
...;
i w a b o v e narrative of the $olit*al eventstfrom 1757 to 1.765 shows, hew the ~ n i h

g a d u a l l y subdued the Nawab's authority'ahd established their &mplete pontrol ovel
kengal. Wpat happened in Bengal in this peiiod has beeh termed by many historians
as a "political revolution". O n the question, What were the causes of this revolution,
. historians opinions are divided.. The attempt by some historians t o f
d the cause of
the revolution in the persor~a!&~!qes of the Nawabs is not tenable. The arrogance
of Siraj or &hetreachery of, Mi4 dafd; 0 t . k i d i v i d g l li6itations of Mir Kasirn
.-.. by
'i
itself cannot account for the transformation of Bengal's power structure. The issues
involved in the conflict between the British and the Nawabs were some thing more
significant.
'
.h is argued by some historians that private interests of the East lndia Company
officials provokecl the conflicts with the Nawabs. Expectations of more trade
privileges and rewards and attempt to make their own fortunes made the individual
Englishmen defy the authority of the Nawabs. The misuse of trading privilege by the
Company officials for their private trade became the bone of contention between the
JJawabs and the East lndia Company. The firman or the imperial grant given by the
Mughal emperor Farukshiyar in 1717 gave duty free concession only to the
Company's imports and exports and not to the Company servants' private trade. The
misuse of this trade privilege by the Company officials for private trade meant a
heavy loss to the Nawabs treasury. Both Siraj-uddaula and Mir Kasim complained
to tl;e Company against this misuse of trade privilege, but there was no change in the
situation.
.If the private interest of the individual Englishmen was responsible for the conflict
with the Nawabs, the Company was also equally responsible for it. The Company
was pressurising the Nawabs for greater trading privileges. The British wanted to
establish their monopoly control over Bengal trade by driving out the French and
the Dutch companies from Bengal. The English Company began to increase its
military strength and fortified Calcutta against the wish of the Nawab. This was a
direct challenge to the authority of the Nawab. After Plassey, company's pressure
for larger subsidies increased and it demanded some Zamindaris from the Nawab to
meet the expenses of the Company's troops. More alarming was the Company's
involvement in the court polities of Nawab and interference in Nawab's choice of
,high officials. Thus, the growing authority of the Company and its dabbling in local
politids seriously challenged the independent position of the Nawabs.
It is not difficult to see that the Company and its officials played a significant role
in shaping the events in Bengal betwecn 175745. However, no less significant was
the role of some of the local merchants, officials and Zamindars in the establishment
of the British political supremacy in Bengal. The house of the Jagat Seths, the
largest banking house in Bengal, and the wealthy merchants like Umichand were not
happy with the accession of Siraj-ud-daula. The Seths were the custodian of the
Nawab's treasury and they had a significant control over Nawab's administration.
Besides the Seths and other merchants, there was landed and military aristocracy
who were a dominant group in the Nawab's court. This group became apprehensive
of losing their special privileges which they were enjoying from the earlier Nawabs.
Siraj-ud-daula's reorganisation of civilian and military administration by replacing
old office holders gave ground for their apprehension. The Nawab's patronage t o a
new elite group represented by Mohanlal, Mir Madan and Khawaja Abdul Hadi
Khah alienated the old officials from the Nawab. 'This alienation and the
expectation df a better bargain by replacing ~iraj-uddaulawith their own man
brought the ruling clique into a conspiracy against Siraj-ud-daula.
The British who were in search of a n ally for their own ends, found allies in this
group. The British wanted to gain more trade privileges and to extract more '
resources from Bengal, while their Indian collaborators had the desire to establish
their own political power in Bengal. Their common objective was to replace the
present Nawab by a man of their common choice. Hence the consipiracy made
the task easier for the British to establish their control over the Bengal Nawab.
.
T o sum up. the economic interests of the Company and its officials and the growth .
of factions in the court a t M urshidabad and the conflict of intereslts among different
groups in the court were some of the factors which brought about the political
'.'
.
.
transformation of Bengal between 1757 to 1765.
"
8.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF BRITISH SUCCESS

We have seen in the earlier sections that how decisively the British established their
political supremacy in Bengal by winning two battles, one at Plassey (1757) and the
Thc britbh in L a t u n 1-8

I)k) I)ulll
'other at Buxar (1764). Apart from the overall significance of the British victory the
two battles liad certain specific significance of their own.
The success of the British in the battle of Plassey had a significant impact in the
history of Bengal.
The victory of the British, whether by treachery or any means, undermined the
position of the Nawab in Bengal.
Apparently there was not much change in the government and the Nawab still
remained the supreme authority. But in practice the Nawab became dependent on
the Company's authority and the Company began to interfere in the appointment
of Nawab's officials.
lnternal rivalry within the Nawab's administration' was exposed and the
conspiracy of the rivals with the British ultimately weakened the strength d the
administration.
@
Besides the financial gain, the English East India Company was also successful in
establishing their monopoly over Bengal trade by marginalising the French'and
the Dutch companies.
The battle of Buxar gave them the complete political control over Bengal. Actually,
the process of transition started with the battle of Plassey and culminated in the
battle of Buxar.
The battle of Buxar sealed the fate of the Bengal Nawabs and the British emerged as
the ruling power in Bengal.
Mir Kasim was successful in forming a confederacy with the Emperor Shah Alam 11
and Nawab Shuja-uddaula of Awadh against the British. This confederacy failed
before the British force. The victory of the British in this battle proved the
superiority of the British force and strengthened their confidence. This was a victory
not against Mir Kasim alone but against the Mughal Emperor and the Nawab of
Awadh also. The silccess of the British in this battle gave a clear indication that the
establishment of the British rule in other parts of India was not very far off.
I
Check Yuslr Progrers 2

f Nawabs led tc the political
I ) Lac; ICPU 111ink that t h e persnnal failunes r ~ the
transformairon in BLr ~ c ~Give
i ? your asgrument in 100 words.
...............................................................................................................................
2) Write in 60 words about the significance of the battle of Buxar,
8.6 LET US SUM' UP

'We have traced in this Unit the process of political,developments that took p l a a in
Bengal between 1757 to 1765. We hope you have understood that the primary
interest of the British at the initial stage was to tap the resouras of Bengal and to
monopolize the commercial potentiality of Bengal in the Asian trade. It was this
growing commerfial interest of the English East India Company and its officials
which brought them in direct confrontation with the Bengal Nawabs. The
weaknesses in tht prevailing Bengal polity helped the British to win the battle
against the Nawabs and the alienation of different groups from the rukrs made the
system vulnerable to external forces.,
EXERCISES
Check Your Prbgress 1
1) Your answer should focus on the dependability of Nawabs on various factiqns
and its limitations, lack of cohesion in the administration etc. See Sec. 8.2.
2) ' Your answer should iqclude the clash of interest between the Nawabs and the
' B 'tish, the growing interference of the British in the internal affairs of Bengal
p lity, etc. See Sec. 8.3.
d:
Check your Progress 2

1) Write your answer in the light of interpretations given in Sec. 8.4.
2) ?our answer should include the impact of the battle in Bengal and other parts
of India, specially how it helped the process of British conquest in India. See
,
Sec. 8.5.
The B*Lb in Eutan Id&

up to krrr
CONFLICT AND EXPANSION :

SOUTH INDIA
Structure
9.0
9.1
9.2
9.3
~bjebives'
lntroduction
The English and the French in IndiaTheir strengths and Weaknesses
The First Carnatic War (1 740-48)
9.3.1 The role of the Nawab of Carnatic
9.3.2 Defiance of Dupleix by the French Admiral
9.3.3 Superiority of French in First Carnatic War
.9.4
The Second Carnatic War (1 75 1-55)

9.4.1
9.4.2
9.4.3
9.4.4
9.4.5
9.5
The Third Carnatic War (1758-63)
'
Success~onRivalry in Carnatic and Hydaabad

Oupleix's Intervention
Entry of the British
Recall of Dupleix
French Influence Restricted to Hyderabad
9.6
9.7
. 9.8
9.9
-9.0
9.5.1
9.5.2
9.5.3
9.5.4
French Offensives in Carnat~c

Problems of the French Army
The Naval Debacle
Battle of Wand~wash
Causes bf French Failure

The,kfkrmath
.Let 11s Sum Up
OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will learn the following points:
d the two major foreign trading companies that existed in South lndia in the 18th
century i.e. the Engllsh and the .French; their relative strengths, and weaknesses,
.
the extent to whicli Indian powers were able to withstand foreign interference in
their affairs as well as aggression against them,
the nature of the conflict between the English and French companies as it
unfolded from 1740 onward, and
' @ the economic, political and military factors which were to determine tlie outcome
of this conflict.
-.
9.1 INTRODUCTION
n i s Block focuses q the process ol' British consolidation. through conquests and
'dliminalion of rivals In various parts of the sub-continent. In this [!nit you would be
reading about Soutn India. The xpansion of the British in South lndia was
basically the outcome of the hosri ides between the English and thc French F ~ s t
indla Companies. South India was the main arena for French activities. Not only
. was Pondichcrry their capital, but in the ne~gbbzluringprincely states like
Myderabad and Mysore, they wielded great influente. In order to make rnaxiinum
profits it was necessary for a trading company to eliminate all co~npetirionand
.establish its monopoly. Hence it had become very essential for the British to
eliminate the hold of the French from this region. By 1761 @srask had been
achieved and the following narrative will outline the stages of this process.
1
I
9.2
THE ENGI.1SH AND THE FRENCH IN 1N.DIA:

THEIRSTRENGTHS
A N D WEAKNESSES
-
/ Both the French and the English East India Companies were the products of the rise
of mercantile capitalism in Europe. This phase of capitalism is regarded as a

preparatory phase when trade with Asiat~cand Latin American countries was
cayied on to help in thc process of @at accumulat~on.Trade was carried on in
goods which were manufactured in lndia and for which there was a heavy demand
4rEurope.
However. the way in which the two Companies took advantage of trade with the
East differed greatly. While the English Company had a vastly superior
infrastructure with much larger fleets, the FGnch were deficient even in their
knowledge of commerce. The English Company was,the wealthier body and
conducted more frequent voyages. In comparison with the French Company it had a
more continuous history of trading with the East. To appreciate the qualitative
difference in the two Companies we must take into account the nature of thcir
origins. While the French Company was the offspring of state patronage whose
revenues were largely drawn from monopoly of the tobacco trade. tile English EIC
was a great private corporation, founded and maintained by individual enterprise--not dependent in any way on the state. In fact the slate was in its debt. The impact
of these differences was very great, as will be seen later in the course of events.
I
I
,The French EIC was formed in 1664 whereas the EnglishCompany had been formed
in 1600 and had begun trade in cloth and calicoes with lndia in 1613 by an Imperial
firmarl receivd from Emperor Jahangir. However, they had obtained the right to
qrade only on the Western coast---at Surat, Ahmedabad, Cambay and Goa. The
French Company also established their first factory at Surat in 1668. But this did
j not pose a senous threat to the English Company* slnce they failed to "buy cheap &
sell dear" and all they succeeded in doing was tcr reduce the price of European goods
and increase that of indian goods.
The factory at Surat was succeeded by one at Masulipatam in 1669. Then in 1674
Fra'ncois Martin founded Pondicherry, which was to become the future capital of
the French in India. It was a rival to Madras. It grew in size and strength and
\
became as impressive as the English settlement at Madras-but it could not match
the latter in the extent and varlety of its commerce. Between 1690 and 1692 a
factory was set up a1 Cllandernagore in the East. It proved no challenge to the
Bgiish settlement in Calcutta. -
'1
I
4
1
Fortunes of thc French East lndia Company declined in the beginn~ngof the 18Lh
century and the factories at Surat, Bantam and Masulipatam had to be abandoned.
However, that was only a temporary setback and by the 1 7 2 0 ~the
~ French Comp-v
had staged a co~nebackwith the revival of interest on'the part of the French
mercantile bourgeoisie in thecompany: The Company was reconstituteii, it adopted a
new name and was now known as 'Perpetual Company of the Indies'. French naval
power was greatly improved -a base being established at Mauriti . It was also
reported t h a ~10 to 12 ships were being built in England for the rench Company. In
1725 the French est?blished thqmselves at Mahe on the Malabar Coast and in 1739
at Karaikal on'the East Cuast.
9.3-- TffE-T
CARNATIC WAR (1740-48)
The scene was thus set for a confrontation between the two forces. The opportunity
was provided by the outbreak of the war of Austrian Succession in Europe in which
the English and the French were in opposite camps. There was the possibility of an
outbreak of hostilities between the British and the French in lndia but it was the
French who hesitated. Perhaps conscious of their relatively weaker position in India,
they tried hard to prevent an extension of hostilities to India. The English did not
share this sentiment. however, and in a deliberately provocative manner, seized some
".
French ships off the so"th-eastern coast of India. The French, having no fleet in
India, had to wait until the arrival of the fleet from Mauritius. Immediately on its
arrival, the French launched an attack on the English by both land and sea, within a
week Madras had surrendered to the French and the first Carnatic war had begun.
9.3.1 Role of the Nawab of Carnatic

The English appealed to Anwar-uddin the Nawab of Carnatic, for protection and
assistance and the latter requested Dupleix, the French Governor to raise the seige of
Madras. But the French were in no mood to accede to his request, just as the
English had ignored him in the past. Since the Nawab had no naval fleet, he was
not in a position to intervene effectively. Yet he felt that he could teach the French a
lesson on land and therefore sent an army against the French troops beseiging
Madras. Despite its impressive size his troops suffered a n ignominous defeat a t the
hands of the French. This was an eye-opener for the Europeans in India; it revealed
that even a small disciplined European force could easily defeat a much larger
Indian army. This knowledge was invaluable to them in future dealings with Indian
princes.
9.3,2 Defiance.of Dupleix by the French Admiral

The initial seizure of Madras had been possible because of'the arrival of Admiral La
Bourdaunairs' fleet from Mauritius. But the latter refused to cowperate with
Dupleix since he felt that he held independent charge and took orders only from the
French Government. Much to the chargin of Dupleix, the French GovernorGeneral, he struck a deal with the English. Madras would be returned to them on
the payment of a ransom amount of 400,000. The .French Governor-General was
not even consulted on the matter. If he had his way, Madras would not have been
returned to the English at any price. La Bourdaunairs returned to Mauritius after the
completion of his mission in India. Dupleix was now free to assume the initiative
vis-o-vis the English. He made a fresh attack on Madras in September 1746, which
surrendered as easily as in the first instance. The English prisoners were marched to
Pondicherry and quartered there.
The French followed up this military success with an attack on Fort St. David, a
minor English possession.to the south of Pondicherry. But this time the English
were better prepared to defend their settlement. They had stationed their fleet off the
coast of Pondicherry and were able to withstand the French attack effectively. The
seige of Fort St. David lasted for 18 months. The French did not withdraw the siege
either and it was only after the conclusion of hostilities in Europe with the signing
of the treaty of Aix-La-Chappelle in 1848 that the English possessions were restored
to them. The French possessions in North America were also returned to them.
9.3.3 Superiority of French in First Carnatic War

Degpite their naval weakness, it was obvious that the French, had performed better
in the first Carnatic War. Had it not been for the quarrel between Dupleix and L.ZI
Bourdaunairs, the English would have faced total ruin in India. P.E. Roberts, the
British official historian for India feels that this is an exaggeration. He argues that
the war on the Coromandel coast affected only a single English Presidency and that
too the weakest.
French military superiority was obvious not only to the English but also to the
Indian powers. Since the latter did not possess navies, they could not have a. say at
all in European conflicts in India. Even their land armies. though impressive in
nuhbers, were no match for European armies. In the heyday of the Mughal Empire,
Indian princes could expect assistance from the centre but with the disintegration of
the Mughal Empire that source of help was no longer available.
Dupleix had learnt his lessons well from the first Carnatic War: he was convinced
that, in any quarrel between the lndian princes, his disciplined army would be very
useful. And in those days of pol~t~cal
unrest, there was no dearth of lndian princes
whh urnlitti i n v i t ~n l l n l ~ i x a' w
~ i c t a n r - r I < > tilt-n t h e kcale, in their favour.

I) What were the advantages that the British EIC had over their French counter
parts? Write in ten lines.
...............................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
..............................................................................................................................
Read the following \tatenlent\ and rnark right ( J )or wrong (X).
The English EIC was founded in 1664.
i)
ii) The first French factory was established a t Surat.
iii) Fortunes of the French Company declined in the first decade of the 18th
century.
iv) The English East India Company had a monopoly over the tobacco trade.
The French were more successful than the British in buying cheap and
v)
selling dear.
vi) The British launched the first offensive in the first Carnatic War.
vii) Fort St. David was a minor French possession in the south of
Pondicherry.
3) Desc ibe in five lines {he significance of the Nawah of ~ a r n a t i c ' ;partrcipation in
the first Carnatic War.
9.4 THE SECOND CARNATIC WAR

Unlike the first Carnatic war, there was no ~ " r o ~ e awar
n to provide a pretext for
the outbreak of hostilities between the English and the French in the second
instance. Rivalry in India provided the context, but it became a life and death
struggle for the survival of the English and French EIC in India.
9.4.1 Succession Rivalry in Carnatic and Hyderabad

Carnatic was a province l k d e r the subadar of Deccan, i.e., the Nizam of Hyderabad
and was ruled by a g o v e r n b k t h e Nawab. with his headquarters a t Arcot. Since the
suhac/ar of the Lkccan was usuallybusy with his own affairs-at
this time tackling
the Marathas and other forces in Northern India, the Nawab practically enjoyed
!. ,
indcpc~~dcnt
power.
In 1740, i.e. before the first Carnatic War, the Marathas had invaded the Carnatic
and killed the Nawab---llost Ali. They also took his son-in-law Chanda Sahib a s
prisoner to Satara. The prevailing conditions of stability prompted tbe Nizam to
come to the Carnatic in 1743 and to appoint Anwar-ud-din Khan as tile Nawab of
Carnatic. But this appointment only worsened the situation especially after 1748
when C'handa Sahib was set free by the rnarathas after seven years of captivity. In
the same year j.e. in 1748 Asaf-Jan-Nizam ul Mulk, the Hyderabad Nawab, passed
~ his grandson, Muzaffar Jang
away. H e was sueeededoby his son, Nasir J A But
Iiid clqim to.rhi throne on the ground that the Mughal Emperot had appointed him
a;-the Gover.'no.r of "fhe Carmitic: Muiaffar Jang. found an allay in Chanda Sahib to
fight tagether tci gaill their respective seats in Hyderabad and the Carnatic.
"
"
9 , t 2 Dupleix's.Inf ervention
'This w& a wonderful opportunity for the,foreign merchhnt companies to pursuc

'tlwir'own ends. 7be French took the initiative and Dupleix con'cluded secret treatlcs
wit11 i'handn' Sahib and Muzaffar Jang with a view to.placing them on the thrones
of the Garnat~cand the B e c a n .
In gust 0 ~ ? 4 9the three qliies amhushed 'and killed Anwar-ud-din at the battle of
Ahliur. located soimth-iabt of Vellcwe. His son, Muhammad Ali, fled to Trieh~nopoly
arui klranda Sahib became Nawab of Carnatic.
9.4.3 Pnky * ~British

f
'
'l'he" E.nglish fett.ihat tt& itiitiiP'tive,&as Slipping.out of their hands. ' ~ e r i c ethey now
es.tahliskd'.friesrd~hi.~"kitai
Nasir ~ a k g the
, Nizarn of Hyderabad, and persuaded him
. . to8'cornearid ,crush &is enemies in the Carnatic hnd send Some help to . ~ u h a m m a d
s
his enemies only resulted in
Ali in i'richin.op01.~. But Nitsir ~ i ~ g ' s . a t t t ? mto~ tcru!h
l ~ j $ own
.
death i n - 1,750..Muzaffit3- Jang was -reteased from prison and proclaimed
S u h d a r of the Dec~an.
As a token d hi; kra~itudethe new subadar amply rewarded the French. Dupleix
was appointed Governor of all the Mughal Domidons south of the river Krishna.
lerritcwb near Porutichery were ceded to the Fmnch as also some areas on the
( . Y . I I L ~ coast, including the famous market-town ~f Masulrpatnln. In return, at
Muratfar Jany's request. Dupleix phced at his disposal the wrvices of his best
oflicer Bussy, w ~ t ha French army. He knew that this was the best way of: ensuring
Eivnch interests in the Hyderabad court and thereby its influence in the whole of rhe
Decciln.
I t seemed a s if t h e British position in Madras would be lost irrevocably. However,
the appointment of Saunders, a more dynamic Madras Governor in September
1750, changed the s~tuatioli.He decided to go to the assistance of Muhammad Ali in
1751. In ahe meantline the k I V I I L .having
~.
realised that their seige of Trichy was not
pr;o\lng succeslrtul, cliangcd ~ I I V I I I ' I C ~ I Cand
~
were trying to woo Muhammad AIi.
Tlae tatter wavered, was cvcn nillrng to give up his claims to the Nawabship of the
Cwrnatic, provided the Frcnch pe,ersu.aded the Nizarn of Hyderabad to obtain a new
appointment for him in any other part of the Deccan. But the British proved ts be
bePter masters 1n the art o l the diplomacy and persuaded Muhammad All not to
give up his claim, but Instead to Hide hi4 time. But he was further advised that the
preteklec of negotiet~unswith the French be kept up, so hat ~ilclatter may be footed
effectively. When the English had prepared a full-scalc o f t c n \ ~ \ ~tt~cy
. , sent a
deeachrnerrt to 'rrichy in May 1751. The idea Was to help Mull,~lir~t~;id
Ali against
the French. Cater in the same year, the rulers of Mysore, i anlot alrd the Maratha
chief, Morari Rao, also gave help to Muhammad Ali and the English. In the meantime
Clive prapc+sed an exped~tisna g ~ i n s tkrcot as the best means ot preventing the fall
of rrichinopoly. Chanda Sakib would have to divert an effective part of his army
fot the protact~onof' the capitaL Arcot was successfully occupied by Clive with the
help of a small Britis!~torcr-consisting of 200 European and 300 Indian soldiers.
The h'awab had to send relieving forces from Trichy and i t was only after battling
for 53 days .that he managed to win back Arcot. The seizure of Arcot demorahsed
t h French so greatly that the French general Jacquec-fcaneois Law, in charge of
tklr siege of Trichy, abandoned h ~ spost and fled to Srirangam. The British pursued
1111a
~ d Law finally surrendered on 9 June 1752. Shortly thereafter a dispirited
C'handa.Sahb also surrendered. to the English. He was &headed an the oiders of
t lie rar~joregenerals.
The Engliah prestige was greatly enhanced bythis incident and the French were tn r
sorry plight. But they were not willing to,give up that easily and Dupleix was
devising a fresh strategy. He won over Morari Rao, the-Maratha chief and the ruler
'
of Mysore and secured the neutrality of the Raja s f Tacjore, the seige of
Trichmupoly was renewed in December I752 and continued far more than one year.'
both sides were successful alternatively.
Dupleix's valiant efforts t o relieve the F ~ n c hp o s ~ t i o n . not

~ e much app;urt;rwcl
~y the French authorit.ies. They were greatly annoyed at the heavy fi~l~l~\c~;tt.Iosse$
that Dupleix's policy involqed and dixided to recall him. On 1 August 1754
Godeheu succeeded Dupleix as Governor-Gene~alin India. In. a complete reversal of
Dupleix's poficy, he reopened negstiations with the British ancl corrc4.ude.d a Erealy.
The English and the French both agreed not to interfere in t h quarrels
~
of n a t k
princes and each pariy was left in possession of the territorn that it actually .
occupied at the time of the treaty.
Now did =the tide turn against Dupleix? Displeasure with hms policies in 'In& was
only a part af the reawn. It must be recalled that the French East I d i a e6rnflany
was &rectly eont~bnedby the Frenth Government which had to consder the Paf$er
political lssues confiofiting the state. It was the fear of serious repwelsssim ia
Arperica that prompted the Freneh to suspend hostilities in M i a . ,
When the English reabwd that Dupleix was to be withdrawn and that they had
scdrcd a point, they decided to press their advantee furtheh While! the npg~tiBtir#~
were proceeding, they fanned the growing senf~rnent6in F'ranceagaiast Rupleix.aad'
.
e
maintained that Dupkix's "ambitioq and artifie" were sure to s h b a a ~ a*y
negot~atious.They insisted t h a t he be replaced by a more pliable ~egotiartw.T b s . ,
the British too had a hand in the dawnfall'of DupIelx and tbis was of decisiveimportance tb them in their engagements with the Frenoh.
9.4.5 French lnhuemce Restrieteb to flyderabad
1
i
The. work of ~ u p l e i xwas pra@ical.ly undone. The only place w k e his po1iq
continued. fo have some hipact was at Hyderabad, where Ru&y still &aituc+ned his,
influence. de3pitc the opposition of the nubility, w h i ~ hwas more. hvsuiaWy
dispodd-towards t.he English. Bussyeven ir@uced tht ~izmttG,~rdnt;hirfl.fk"e~
. . . :
.
Northern Ssrkars consisting ,of t k districts of his*biusrafhn-t,
Ellore. '
. Rajahmundry and Chicaeob. These districts with a n a h n u a k r e N ~ h u ~more-thqn,
.d
30 lakhs of .rupees, were to help meel the expenses of.~ i n t a i r i i i r gthe 'Fiencharmy.
in.HyQerabaJ: For the .time being, at le*t, Bussy%,pssiijon ih Hyde$&ad lkrsls . .
. secure. He had succeeded in maintaining. ~ k r t c hmilitary.p&senck ig Hydehbad .l"n
spite of the beat efforts of the nobility to cixpel the .Fs.encb troops'from the Niza@s
territory. (They had even succeeded in doing% ,&&fly in 17561.
i' .,
I
1
)
1
I
'
There is no denymg the fact that the prestige 6f.the 6 m h in kndia Had Been
'gre%tlFenhanced by the daagerou, exploits .of Dupkix in the s&qnd. Qhl;;tt$. Wa?.
Ifid indeed ironik that the F ~ n c hGover-nment..j.nthe idteresti of securing "the:
,:
gains of commerce'' which collhl oql$ accrlse in.pracetimeydr& to- reverse all,
..
~ u ~ l e lpositions
x~,
and recall himi in cti;g:.rac~.
' l 3 u p l s i x , ' b t6 reckbn witht$e : ,
in~o-tence
of the .Fn?tctl gc'ncrals.The indwisian, 4 c k ~fmergye&d ' .
* hopitess
.
cowardice d Caw and his c.olk"dg!r~*~
WAS in, s.harg contrast torthb't;r.ilil@~1
s,ni,wi . .
a,qd hold dash of Clive.
.
.
.,
'

I ) Match the following
i)
A
Chanda Sahib
ii)
B
Muzaffar Jang
iii) C
Moha,mmad Ali
iv) D
Saunders
2)
. .
a)
b)
C)
d)
Hyderabad
Madras
Carnatic
Trichinopoly
H o w did the British gain an upper hand over the French in the second Carnatic
War? Answer in 100 sords.
British Conquest
and Consolidation
.5
THIRD CARNATIC WAR
Clive's masterly abilities in building the English fortunes in India had begun
revealing themselves. The heyday was the 1750s and the arena Bengal. It was not a
mere coincidence then that at the outbreak of the Seven Years' War between the
English and the French in Europe in 1756 the English captured Chandernagore in
India. Siraj-uddaula the Nawab of Bengal was enraged at this behaviour of the
Company especially since he had warned the English that he would not tolerate such
behaviour on the part of either of the European powers. When Chandernagore was
beseiged, the Nawab, gallantly enough, gave shelter to the French captives in his
court and refused to drive them away even when the English offered military help in
exchange against an impending attack on Bengal by the Mughal heir-apparent. This
refusal of the Nawab to hand over the French became one of the reasons for war
between him and the British.
In south India, however, neither the French nor the British were in a position to
indulge in war immediately. Both were handicapped by lack of resources. The major
part of the Madras military and naval forces of the British had been sent to recover
Calcutta, which had been seized by the Nawab of Bengal. The French Government
had plans to strike a severe blow against the English this time and had made
preparations. An impressive French army under Count de Lally had set sail for
lndia but it encountered several difficulties on the way. Hence the reinforcements for
the French did not reach India until the second quarter of 1758, just in time to
protect the French interests in south India as the English fleet had returned from
Bengal, victorious and ready to take on the French. They brought enough
reinforcements of men and money.
9.5.1 French Offensives in the Carnatic

The stage was thus set for the third Carnatic War. This time the French were on the
offensive. They were successful in taking fort St. David in a swift operation.
Meanwh~leBussy from Hyderabad had been attacking tne English possessions in the
Northern areas. He managed to take over all of them including the fort a t
Vizianagaram on 24 June 1758.
The English were quite justifiably alarmed a t their reverses. They even feared a
possible expulsion from India. According to James Mill "had Dupleix been still the
guide and condpctor of the enemy's affairs, it is more than probable that their mosl
gloomy apprehensions would have been realised."
9.5.2 Problems of the French Army

But the French were unable to sustain their valiant military effort. Problems of
varying nature began to surface on the horizon. First, there were the financial
difficulties of the Company which would henceforth come in the way of
preparations for every fresh military offensive. There were no funds to pay the
troops. Already handicapped thus, the French general added to his troops' woes by
indulging in rude and haughty bchaviour towards them. He refused to listen to their
advide and thus alienated them. Lally's supposedly wise decision to "strike at the
toot of British power in the Carnatic by reducing Madras" backfired when he failed
to get naval co-operation. I he French naval forces were commanded by Admiral

d'Ache who had already suffered defeat a t the hands of the English in April 1758.
He refused to set sail for Madras. Consequently Lally had to postpone his plans for
i
a seizure of Madras. He thus lost a valuable opportunity-the like of which would
, never offer itself in the future.
and EypansionS w t h India
Lally thought he would solve the financial problems of the French company by
forcing the Raja of Tanjore to pay a n outstanding amount of 70 lakhs of rupees
owing to the Company since the time of Dupleix. Tanjore was beseiged on !8 July
1758 and though the Raja was hardly in a position to offer any resistance, the
Ftench could not press their advantage. Problems within the French army once
again surfaced-there was a shortage of ammunition; both Lally and his soldiers
distrusted each other'; the French troops were badly demoralised.
9.5.3 The Naval Debacle

Meanwhile the English fleet had inflicted heavy losses on the French fleet in August
1758. A dispjrited d'Ache resolved to abandon the French naval effort and left the
Indian seas in the same month. This compelled Lally to withdraw from Tanjore,
thereby inflicting a heavy blow to his reputation as well as that of the French.
However, Lally continued to challenge the British by conquering minor English
settlements on the Coromandel coast, so that, a t one stage, the English were left
only with Madras, Trichy and Chingleput in the Carnatic. By December 1758 with
the onset of the monsoon English fleet had to leave the harbourless Madras coast,
and this gave Lally an opportunity to embark on a fresh siege of Madras. But the
problems of the French army had not been effectively tackled and the siege of
~ a d r a continued
s
for three months. It had to be finally withdrawn when the
English fleet returned in February 1759.
From this point onwards the fortunes of the French in India went into a decline that
could not be reversed. In the next twelve months the debacle was completed.
Miscalculations and wrong decisions in the Deccan cost them dearly. Lally unwisely
prevailed upon Bussy to leave Hyderabad, leaving the French forces there under
incompetent commanders. His repeated requests to be allowed to return to
Hyderabad fell on deaf ears. Having assessed the situation, the English sent a n army
from Bengal to the Northern Sarkars. They occupied Rajamundry and Masulipatam
and in 1759 concluded a favourable treaty with Nizam Salabat Jang. French
influence in the Deccan had thus been irretrievably lost. What was worse from the
French point of view, was that, they were replaced by the English at the court of
Hyderabad.
9.5.4 Battle of Wandiwash

. The decisive battle of the third Carnatic War was fought at Wandiwash on 22
January 1760. General Eyre Coote's army totally routed the French army under
Lally. In the next three months all the minor French possessions in the Carnatic had
been effectively reduced by Coote's efforts. The French were left with no possessions
in the Carnatic except Jinje and Pondicherry. Finally, in May 1760, the English laid
siege to Pondicherry.
At this juncture Lally tried to retrieve the situation with a lastditch attempt a t
alliance with Nawab Haidar Ali of Mysore. The latter even sent a contingent to the
aid of the French. But the French and Haidar Ali's contingent were unable to decide
on a concerted plan of action and Haidar's contingent ultimately returned to Mysore
without fighting a single battle.
After more than six months of encrrclement, the French capital of Pondicherry
unconditionally surrendered on 16 January, 1761. The city was completely destroyed
by the victors and its fortifications reduced to mere rubble. A contemporary account
states that "in a few months not a roof was left standing in this once fair and
flourishing city". Sh,ortly thereafter Jinje and Mahe, the two French settlements on
the Malabar coast also surrendered to the English leaving the French without even a
toehold in India. More distressing was the fate of the French general Count de
tally. After being detained as a n English prisoner of war for two years, he was
anowed to return to Fmxe at the end of the Seven Years War, But far from
&ilmh C0-t
and ton@dJIbn
reqivhg ki,ndl> treatment; he was ivprimned in the Bastille for more than tGo
ykaH and ;rfte~wirrdbexecuted.
,
.
'
'
Thl" Price of Paris did restore the Fce'nch hctorks in 1-ndia to the French cowpan)
but; i h c French East lndig Cbmpariy form.aily ended its career in. 1769. Thereafter
tRe! Fwnch Cr~wm.rnaintainddthe French factories. in Ind!a for the benefit of p.rivate
traders. It was a feeble effbrt and the Erencii, iike their Portuguese and Dutch
cmnteqarts in inilia, confined tfiemsekes to "count& trade". The$ dependence on
t h i cngtish-ws ceveiled'by the fact that'both i n Eurcrpr and in India their business
. , ~ I ' ~ R s ~ c I $ ~Were
s
in cbHab&atioii either with thc E,nglish Company directly or with
.it%:afficials.orprivaie E.nglisli iraders.restding 111 lrld~a.'
T@whai do we ascribe tfie final E r e n ~ hfailure in.In&a? Was it a mistake dfi the
part of the French ~ o v e r d m e n to
t recall Dugleix?.Indeed. the Fre?cb reverses began
to occur aftcr'Wupleixas humiliating exit from India. 8 r was the French"~nfefib.rity
aD.sqa .the' main reason? She fac\'.that the F e n c h hgd.no permanent nahal presence
'iri-tndia was a d i ~ M i p gf&or vis-b-vis the British, who had a.f$r&daple naval
pfosence; what we5 more prob1ematjc"~as
that, on the occasions whcn the h n k h
n&y frpm Mauritius did. come to the assistance of their Indian counierparts, it
creetd fresh prolslqs Zor the French Company in India.
However, these were secondary factors. What redly turned the tide jn -Britain's
fbvdur was its recent access to the rich resources of h g a l . From this secure base
tbey could send a constant supply of men a d mmey to Mqdras and distract-the
Rttrfch by 1aunchingdiversPonar.y attacks against the French.a6 they did in the
Northern Sarkars.
'In ehs srfrerpath of the third Gata~\sltac.War,
tau EnglLh reigned suprame over bdia

'their European rivals had bqeu rlin,tu.\~rdl hi11 the task of \-lbjugarisg Lndlan
rulers still femairaed. In south l n d ~ aM ~ \ C I Iw;c\
C a mdcu force to reckon wit%and
so were the Manithas. Battles wlth rhc\t iw4, ht.tte* were to become a mqjor
preowngation with fie East India Cbmpa~ty111 the .third-and' last quarters of.the
'iteegrth ceittury. By the second dec&-le of thc ~ i n a e e n t hceotury, however, t h y
had secured their position in zsuthern India rather firmly. They were now concernad
with f~rtiPymgthe frrar,inrs of india, esqgcially the !and-frontie~to the North-West
6 the face of *" dussiap threai to RritrsR. nossessions in the East.
1)
Kead the following statements and mark right (d)or wrong ( X ).

The third Carnatic War began with the English capture of Poridicherry in
i)
Indla.
ii) ' The French nava! forces were led by Admiral &'Arche in the third Carnatic
b'itr.
iii) In this \'at, the Eiiglish launched an attack on Tanjorc.
iv) At the end of the War, the French retained their influence in Hyderabad.
2) Trace the reasons for the Flrench failure in the third Carnatic War. Write in five
lines.
-9.8 LET US SUM up
---
After rqadiag this'Uhit p u must have kame$ that the" ~ n i ~ o - ~ r ~rivfll~y,

n c h thKiag
the form of' three h r n a t i e Wars.cotistituteel ledmarks +'.<he histbry of ~ r h i s h .
conquest, of. .soiith India in tbe 18th cenhry. In order to estebt~shtheir supremacy,
.
it w b necessaryfoi the E-'lish EIC td eliminate ihe. P ~ n c hA& t+@regipn: Thf:
oitbieak .of two successive'~arsin.Eyrope in-\;ihiih jhq Retish nn'd the Frrnohl were .
rivals, prepared. t& background. for AngI~-F~-enc;h
.rivalfifs. The 5tage w& &I 6~*he,
chaotic conditions in Iiyderabadaand the ;kr@tic: adking it pblsible for t & two''
companies l o meddle in Indian affaits. The kntjfliii w$sa{ltimittly reso*lvedin' the"
English-EIC's favour because of its strong navv in India; its pr~greisiVelyincr6asirig
*
'
military strength a i d good Iesrdership. the sqpppft"thpi reciivled fraa'the '
Govirnment in 'Enghnd, and the lar,rger reko<ce.$at i b s cbm-6
iq &gal. A part
of the.fa11ou~6f.t:he events in the'fimatig cycle of wars ww th5t.Ph.e keak,ness of
,
. theJndi'ari;egionis.l gowers (in'partib&r
thiir ina%i6ty ~ . ~ ; l lnaval
e ihteijrf?enti~s
and. tlie ;'nbff&ti~en'@ss
of l a r k Ginies of 9 p e of their. powers ?gai.nst smati&
~ u r o ~ & forces.)
a$
&came' manifest and this .had..g*~i it$li.c.attons in ttie ;eolitical
h'$tors of the rest oi .the 18!h c e n a i y .
'
:hrck 1 our. Progress I

I ) Sec Sec. 9.2
24 See Sub-ser. 9.7 1
7 ) i) X ii) v1
\
w) X
v) X
vl)
V'
vii) yi
c heck Year Prbgrew 2

1 ) 1 ) A-c ii) B-a, it^) C-d,. iv) D-b
2 ) See Shibsec 9.4.3
c ' Lyour
~ Progress 3
I
I)
11) J
iii)
iv). Y
2) You should refer to the lhsonce of a ptvmanent naval base, and morc t ~ n d n c l d i
resowws for the British See Sec..9.6.
UNIT 10 ANGLO-MARATHA AND

MYSORE WARS
9e10.0
10.I
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
1U.6
,Objdves
Introduction
Stnrggle for Supremacy : Indian States and the Brit&h
M p r e Wars
Maratha wars
Indian States : Reasons for Failure'
Let Us Sum Up
OBJECTIVES
This Unit introduces you to the expalulion of the British rule in Mysore and the
Maratha state. After reading this Unit you will be able,to :
understand the nature of struggle for power in Mysore and Maratha state,
learn about the process of subjugation of Mysore and the Maratha state to the
British imperial system, and
identify the factors responsible for the failure of the Indian states against the
Britah.
16.1 INTRODUCTION
In Block 1 you have dabout the emergence of M p r e and the Maratha state
system following the disintegration of the Mughal empire in the course of the
ei8hteenth century. The same period also witnessed the gradual penetration of the
European colonial powers into the Indian sub-continent. This resulted in growing
struggle between two forces, the Indian regional states and the colonial power, in
'
late eighteenth and early nineteenth century India for possession of political
supremacy. In this Unit we will try to make a critical appraisal of the struggle
ktween the British and Mysore and the Maratha state.
1 . 2 STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY :INDIAN

STATES AND THE BRITISH
In eighteenth century India we find the development of an intricate power struggle
between various groups of powers. It was not only a struggle between the colonial
power and the Indian states but also there was struggle among the Indian powers
themselves to establish political supremacy. Here we focus on the issues that
involved these different powers into a fierce struggle.
The most common cause for conflict among the Indian powers was the urge for
territorial expansion. The traditional approach to explain this expansionist policy i t
tehns of personal desire of the rulers or their insatiable thirst for temtory or their
religious zeal seems an oversimplif~cationof the whole historical context. Territorial
aquisition was mainly a response to the need for further resources. When internally
a limit had already been reached to extract fresh revenue, the main way of tapping
new resources was the acquisition of f m h temtories. A prominant example : the
M a r a t h relied mostly on the Chaurh and the Sar&shmukhi, collected from their
spheres df influence. This need for territorial expansion for the enlargement of their
resources brought the different neighbouring states into conflict with each othcr.
:\n~lo-5luruIha lrnd
\I>*t~re\$ ar,
Besides this, in the case of Mysore we find that the peculiar situation of Mysore
uosed a great threat to the Marathas, the Nawab of Carnatic qnd the Nizam of
Hyderabad. The rise of Mysore was viewed with great alarm by the neighbouring
states. Each of these states was in the process of consolidation and expansion of its
territorial boundary. In this process the emergence of Mysore naturally caused
uneasiness to its neighbours. The Marathas and the Nizam formed an alliance
against Mysore and also co-operated with the British to curb the power of Mysore.
But the Nizam was equally apprehensive of the Maratha expansion in the South,
and therefore co-operated with the British against the Marathas. Each one ivas
trying to establish its supremacy over the other. Thus a major feature of the
contemporary political developments was that the Indian states were ermgagcd in
fighting with each other to pursue their aggressive expansionist policy. This mutual
dissension and enmity among t k 'country powers' ultimately helped the British to
intervene effectively in their internal polity.
The reasons for British initmention in Mysore and the Maratha states were primarily
commercial. Haidar and Tipu's control over the r i d trade of the Mabbar coast was
seen as a threat to the British trade in pepper and cardamom. Mysore was also a
threat to the British control over Madras, In case of Western India the sudden
glr)wth incompany's cotton trade after 1784 to China from Gujarat through
Bombay motivated the British authorities to plajr a more inrerventionisl role in the
region. The British auttio'rities want& to m o v e the intervention of the ~ a r a h a s
from the way of their lucrative trade. Moreover, the development in inla~tr?and
gunnery in both these states caused great aneasiness for the Campan\'> 'ttinr. So*
other development also accounted for a mqce interventionist role by tht. Hl.itish
'
authorities in these two states. Particularly the French alliance with thc Mysore
rulers was seen as a threat to the.British dominame in this region. The Britlah home
government Was in need of fmance for the growing expenditure for Napoleonic wart;
in Europe and the attitude of theCompany merchants, in favour of direct pohtical
intervention to protect their commercial interest, .'.. voured a moreaggressive
expansionist polity in this region. The argument (>,at forward by the British.
colod~listsin support of their military actions in India, was that "...most
contempowry Indian rulers q e tyrannical usurpers oE previous dynasties and
rights, and could therefoe W@ispensed with at will SO that (th~sancient, and highly
cultivated people) could be 're$lored to the full enjoyment of rh&r religious and civil
rights'." For example, in case of Mysore it was argwd t b ! the $askt objective of
British policy was to restore the Hindu. Wodeyar house which was overt hruwn by
.
Haidar Ali, The developbart df this kind of argument was bay out not'only of
obvious pofitic+ec6ru?mic f&ors But also was rooted in the shared p r e p t i o n of a
group of western t~~ket:p,,~~~~agfninistratorsnias who wanted to legitirnise their political
i ,
action. .
As was s e a above, the expnsiqnist poIicy of differ&: I n e n states and their drive
for poiithi >sup&macyled to conflict and canfusiw in Indian polity. This provided
a gqod graw&fcsr tk.$ridsH intetvention in @e Indian politiorf arena in order to ,
extend their ate;a'&dtr$l and to rnaimise the& p M t . &-the f ~ l l o w i ~ g s e c t i o n ' ~
will brieflp ~ i % u s ~ ~ ~ bety&
~ ' 4 " a the
~ s Btikish, Mysofe and the Maratha state to ,
show how thi: B&&. ek.@wttt@ th&;country powm' b$ &$ng onk a@m the other.
I
".
10.3 MYSORE WARS
..
Haidar Afi and Tipu suitap fought f a r wars against the fit;& bafsre the frnhl
remained
of M F M ~ to the British duthrrrity. The %sic eaux of the%
Ihe same, V~Z,
\.he ~bject 'the' Bk'ih to. undermine the independent authority of
the Mysore rulers. The'Marathas, the Namb of Qrnatic and the Nizam of
Hykrabad from time to time aligned with the British to subdue h e Mysore ruler.
into an alliance with the British a@inst
The Niram and M a r a t b
.
. - H
. d a r .Ali. .skitfully
Mysore in 1766. But
wainst ~ l and
i the Marathas
, . 112. :.1.
of
35
khkb Conquest
m a cowomah
Thus tw tafmched an attack against the British and reached upto the gates of
Madras. ye forced t~e'hfadrascouncil to sign @ace on his terms in 1769. This was
a defeinsivk alliantk and both the powers a&d to help the other in case of an
attack by (B thifd dany.
'
this alliance. When thc M.JI:II

ha\ rn\dltlcd
tulu II M ,I\ the
did not come to his hc4,
second round of war betwcr-tl !Ir? I ~i t isti
I .I 1ii1 I ~ C
b + f p ostate.
~ The Bdisfi capture of &tie, a French settlernerl~M I I ~ I I I I II:~I,I.I I '\
ju~fs6Jicti\i
prd~iiie";t;tthe
immediate preiext for the second Myhocc v.rt l llc t{llttsh
aeu<alis d'&i&a< by ianinr; dvec the m t a t h a s and the Pizarn and cl~rt.~icd
~ai4ar'xti& t $t)r$o r;J . O In 171t. h e Mjsore troops continued occasslonal
skirinish;? t;ul Hai'dar i$ed'6f cancer in 1782 during the course of the second AngloMysore par,
$I.
Kpu, soh and successor of Baidar, continued ;he war against the British. However,
lack of resources, 'im~etfaintyof the M a ~ t h aattitude, ;he presence of French fleet
on
~or6mandclcoast and some other conside~arionschanged the attitude of the
?'
I
..
,
.TIm was not a permanent sotur~onto tpe qystion of political supremacy in the
D
29
i.
Qecun: 'It was a-feinporaly;c;pttc fiefbre,h'6~1

sh"d.~(i'wiY~~RedwQf
of JYB~was
inpi?&,
liet-itable. chid CO&~*
wh6 be&e thi pov~rnok%e'"nerfiot
tbroii'gii4dip!oni& *&a'li'&iri:ra brou&t tb2 @idiths Bnd1tpir Hiiam f o the gritish'
6de: ~ i " p d ' s % @
oi?@a"'ir'i&d'if<
a
&illly .*f t&'Fgniii$-mi;ade the war ~ i k h!hi
'dish &aid riikVitablk'thi ??&idkt&l
dn i@i &adit whtinb;d fbr t$oau&ais. Tipu
kflerieh -iid~&'iif"rjii:it fa i$fi $i,'4.
r , @$ore wai'dn'b ~@&weijiniii8tiue'forfjeade~
f he treaty of seri&:pait'a&'
&$ ~ipj!~$$~?q'hbq
Ti'bb%&$to surteMer hak Lf his
te;fitor3'to thk $$tid'atS4 tl&i-iiqi'&-$iPu was h i t r&af <O surrender'to the
B"tisfi. But tBb l)jjj+da@figor$&f d$@i&kkf~?tkngih %6d ~&&h$&b his authority
&f.,;:.?"f]<t*br?
:,,*
,*
*
't>
in ilk 0kcLak".
v
I
4'.
ax
and^-Munbo 4,
The arrival of Lord ~&hw&y as ~ o v t n m r ~ r of

a I+
l
in 1798 ClpW f r ~ h
vigour to t h c . ~ r i t i exp.ni&t
l~
pcfliicy. WcUcs*y d&W nph M p k an any
of his grand 'substdiary r l l i n a *system. But T i b.4 no btldtfbh d uurcadm
his independent authority to the British i d l p c & d ~ r y @ h i . ~Odyemm-Genciaf At
the British form against Mytom I&WW~d&@f*
&'8. 9 *d. b" ba& WW h
1799. Tipu died in the course of war in the
7wf1
~S~WCW~II
1
I?
Seringapatam wr, plundered and h@f @ n p ~ ld ~ n d g ~ ~ s r @ f & b f ' y w @ nthe

.qe
a'@ L!Bd%fidibc
British an4 theik ally, the FIbtxn. M mid d( nfl)
mt Wt4!.-2@ib
9k
.thec.W!e
d
Wodeyars frob abom Haid.t +h.d
li
kingdom. Mysac vIrt'Ually bcib d e # q . . a( Q I w b .
5. Tbt assad and 6kbgof
-=-
<
-+I
-,f <eVw:g%$s2:-

1) .Explain in 100 words the reasons for conflict between the Indian state and the
British.
Rriti\lt ( onquest
nntl ( ~~n%rblidntion
21 Kcad the following sentences and mark the correct one.

i) 'There was rivalry among various Indian states because :
a) the rulers had different religious beliefs.

b) the rulers did not belong to the same caste.
cj the rulers pursued the policy of territorial expansion.
ii)
'Subsidiary Alliance' system was introduced in India by:

a) Lord Cornwallis.
b) Lord Wellesley.
C)
Lord Mastixigs.
iii)
After the death of Tipu Sultan in 1.799, the British:

a) Restored Mysore to Tipu's successors.
b) Annexed Mysore to the British territory.
c) A small Mysore kingdom
d out of Tipu's territory and was
to the Wodeyars.
I
I
:-:TJ-J
--
10,4- ,MARATIiA WARS..

I
..
, .
. .~ .
<
,.
. .
IG.hse Of th! ~ a r a t , h s t &T u ~ @fit&

t
i,n~&i&n w+ a t & ti&'. . of. dispute over
- suk&s&& t.bthe ~ehwaship
aftkithe
d
e a t h o f " ~ & ~ rRn ~ Q.Raghwath
.
Rae o r
. .
R.&ghaba-wtantd:'fh ysk the'
. ~e~h&&.ip.,.wh&~
'a strong
& . P . ~ ~ wNa& I,.
.Fadka~i~-~ppge$~:~~%~ag'f.ikd
,b:'bi&.bid.
to ixplllri:power, R.gbunath Rho . .:,
afip$iedrto..iB~E:rii* for b.e!p. Th&
,the.iril-iztk
backgiq.wd of t h e ~ i r ; .
dos sib hi (k7?&l$2]:. ;Ma&dsji Sin& , ~ h hb d ,ahqye.'on:the f&&&ip .of the.' . .
. ~ a t a c b ~ ~ c o n f c d ~ , ~ n o i ~ i ~ t . c theBritkh
~ n f ~ ~ *hich
n t ~ tt hi oBdtirh
~~h
alse~ldnoi
pakt a.tthi$ stage.: ~ s : r&ult
a
$he :Qa$+ of:Saibpi. vssriglKd
.
in 1782
which -Nin.a'Fadna*,-r:atified after a :y@f:Thk Briti~h.~osfessi'on
of Salseite was
. .
cdnflrrned and M.a$hav .Rao.Narayan ,wasrecognjs@'as therightful Peshwa.
I
'
.,
.w
'
'
'
The peace thus established with. the British continued for she coming 20 years. This
gave the British needed time to conoentratf; .another fronts specially against Mysore.
The Margtha state was in a very bad shape during these yean. The Maratha chiefs
I
were trying to curb their independent principalities. Gaikwad at Baroda, Bhonsle at

Nagpur, Holkar at lndore and Sindia at Gwalior. There was also dissension
regarding the succession to the Peshwaship and Nana Fadnavis was in complete
control of the Maratha affairs at the centre. During this time Lord Wellesley in
order to establish complete control of the British over the Marathas invited them to
enter into the 'Subsidiary Alliance' system. The Marathas rejected this British
.gesture of 'friendship', actually a ploy for their subjugation. .
The death of Nana Fadnavis at this juncture gave the British an added advantage.
Jaswant Rao Holkar, a powerful Maratha chief, defeated the combined armies of
Sindia and the Peshwa at Poona in 1800 and captured the city. The Peshwa
approaclsd Wellesley for help. This provided Welksley an ideal opportunity to
intervene 141 the Maratha affairs. Thus the Second Maratha Wqr started (180385).
The Peshwa, Baji Rao 11, accepted the subsidiary alliance and signcd.the Treaty of
Bassein in 1802. The Peshwa lost his independent authority in handling relations
with other powers without the British consent and had to pay a large.annual
subsidy. An attempt was made by Sindia and Bhonsle t a save Maratha
independence. But they could not stand before the well prepared and organised
British force. The British army defeated the forces of B h o ~ l eand Sindia and at the
end both of them concluded separate treaties with the English. Yashwant Rao
Holkar who so far remined aloof in the British attacks against Sindia and Bhonsle
made an attempt in 1804 to form a coalition of Indian r u b s to fight against the
British. But he was not successful in his venture. The recall of.Lord Wellesley from
1ndia brought temporary peace in the region.
There was however not much development in the internal affairs.of the Maratly
confederacy. The strength and resources were greatly exhausted by now. Disorder
and weakness prevailed in all the principalities of the Maratha chiefs. However,
Peshwa Baji Rao 11 made a last bid to rally together the Maratha chiefs against t h ~
British in course of the third Maratha War (1817-1819). The British were not ready
to allow the Peshwa to exert his authority again on the Mara!ha c d d c r a c i s . The
battles that followed decisively undermined the power and prestige of the Peshwa.
li
The Maratha confederacy was dissolved and the Peshwaship w h abolished. The
British took complete control of the Peshwa Baji Rao's.dominions and k became a
British retainer. Dominions of Bhonsle north of Narmada were ako-annexed by the
British while he was allowed to keep the rest as a subsidiary prim.'Holkar tilrewise
ceded some territory to the British and becamea subordinate chief. Pratap Singh, a
lineal descendant of Shivaji, was made ruler of a small principality, Soltara, which
was formed out of Peshwa's dominions.
10.5 INDIAN STATE: REASONS FOR FAILURE

There were differences in nature, orpnisatioa and f&ioning of Mysori and the
Maratha states (see Units 4.3). However, we find cenain c o w o n weakmrseo in
both the states which were in fact characteristic of eighteenth century Indian polity.
These weaknesses made the Indian states vulnerable to imperialist aggression.
The major weakness in eighteenth century Indian polity was the conatant intrigue
and warfare amonp the various states. The frequent warfans and growing rivalry
among the 'country powen' weakened the internal stability of the state and made it
an easy prey to imperialist intervention. As we have seen in the case of Mysore and
the Marathas that disputes bttween these two states helped the British to use one
against the other to esUIbCsh British hegemony over both the states.
/
Second important factor was the lack of co-ordination and growing f&ti&alism in
the administration. Administration based on personal favour and loyalty and along
the line of caste and other social divisions gave birth to different factions and
interest groups in administration who were oppostd to each other. This proved fatal
in a situation when there was possibility of attack from outside. In the case of the
Marathas, since 1780s there was significant change in the Maratha polity. The
Mrrrrrths rhiefc i n rlifferrnt rrmnnc like CinAim Rhnnslr GaiCwnrl
Unlkrrr vprr
British Conwest
and ons solid hi on
tryi~gto k a b l i s h their inde&ndcat~uthority with ~crrniwtiallegiance t* the

hshwa, This develop-t
oflocaI,ocntp of power certainly weakened the central
'Farathaaujbo$ty. Another p r o b k q was euccession-which in most of the cases was
hitjhgtd by different @pupe. All thcse cawed politicdl instability wkich the British
ully exptoited in their favour.
d res&ce al~b1isationwas another importal;. .factor for the faifure'of the

st$eg. TM &xetbaestate &s primarily dependent an resources from outside
like. chauph-t+nd%
$er&ahng$lei becaub intenidly they were not in position to tap new
aibe
ZlloUgh Mys& w a s ~ m p m a t i w l ybetter managed under Haidar and

ipu, the Y y e m jot was Q@ much s y c c ~ ~ ~ finu ltapping the resources from the
lack qf qwkc&p m a major constraint for the Indian states to
wuntrysi#a.
tbg
.pdM
who \lucre &e&y ia cdntrd of one of the most productivc
fiat.
Part of ihe country, &en$, a d bed the backia~of their home Government.
r
'i
h9iori.h tp ex&n the failure of the Indian states in
Tbwe h i ~ t p ~ p by
t.
t~n.119of incapa,ciiy of id.&id@
d e r and the lack of proper military orpanisaiian.
I 4 s &in @id &at "h(ysorn w a too
~ depmdenf or? Hindu warriors and on Tamil,
It'rihminr ~ m i e * j i $ w - i p d in swh r situation Tipub policy of ryking Mysore an
'yiic ytafvdt@dy-brickf'qkl.. @.A.:&I,
The New Cambridge History of
Indk, YO].. n.1) T$@@$$o,f u@me$ a g ~ to
m hc mbregresentatio@of the
situatihp. As we &;e, akeady,pcc:n that the feasons for the failure of the Indian
sht& were &&et"hhg el&, not the rlI@ous or caste $hhences of the rulers and the
yled. Too much ernphosb on the indpkity d JndGn military organis'ation is also
n$!!.pgP.k*gy&+lly
HllOQ w4 f& @S $he Myoore Ners tried to modernise the
aqmy g?,Eqrom.n model. The l~'h&iatks also developed ~ u r o p e a nstyle infantry
and artillery wings.
I
Wr have discussed in this Unit the process of conquest and consolidation of the
Bdtish rule in Myqore and the Maratha state. It was primarily the commercial
ihgerests of the British which brought them in this region. Then the existing rivalry
anforig,tl$ local powers and the volatile political situation in the region provided a
fayburabk ground fqr political intervention by the British. It took man! ~ I . , I I \ to get
caplplep control over the re%on and the British fought a number of W , I I \
\clhdue
.
weaknesses of the Indian states decided the fin1 c;utccrrne
t@ b.wl ~ k r s Internal
as
lalal for
of this,stfugBle.for power. The defeat of Mysore and the ~ a r ~ t h proved
the lnd$n powers and laid the foundation of British rule in India.
. .
..
.
Check Your ~rdg;&s 2 ' . ". ' .
1 ) Read the lollowing statements and mark right (t/) or H long ( X )
The treaty of Salbai confirmed the'~ritishpossession of Salsette.
i)
The
Peshwa did not accept the 'Subsidiary Alliance' system.
ii)
iii] The various Maratha chiefs were trying to establish their independent
authority.
ivj The lndian states failed mainly because of their internal weaknesses.
e
2) How do you explain the success of the British against the Indibn states? Give
-your answer in 100 words.
Cheek Your Progress 1

1) Your answer should focus on the commercial interest of the British, M e foq
territorial expansion and political supremacy etc. See Sec. 10.2.
2) i) c ii) b iii) c
Check Yo& Proeress 2
I) i ) J
i i ) X -iii)
iv) v'
2) Your answer should refer to the lack of co-ordination kmasb the lndiitn rulers,
administrative w & h s of the lird&n stat&, && of r&o\ir& &0611i&ion; eic.
See Sec. 10.5.
UNIT 11 BRITISH EXPANSION IN

NORTH INDIA
Objectives
Introduction
Deciine of the Mughal Empire and the Rise of the
Successor States in North India
Awadh : From Subsidiary Alliance to Annexation
The Benefits of Subsidiary Alliance t o the East India Company
Encroachments by the Company and Res.istance by the
Awadh Regime: 1765-1775
1 1.5.1 Weakening of Awadh's D e f e n ~ s :1775-1801
11.5.2 The Treaty of 1801
11.5.3 Decline and Fall of the Awadh Dynasty: 1801-1856
Expansion in Other Parts of North India

11.6.1 The British Interest in Punjab
11.6.2 The Mode of Conquest of Punjab
Let Us Sum Up
Answers to Check Your Progress exercises
11.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will get to know:
0
about the way North India, especially Awadh and Punjab came under the British
rule,
about the shifting policies of British in their strategy of conquest, and
about the circumstances which aided the British to spread their rule over
Northern India.
11.1
INTRODUCTION
Br'itish expansion in North India, particularly in the kingdom of Awadn, was a

prbcess of building an alternative hegemony by the British in opposition to the
Mughal and the Awadh rulers' authority. The use of force in the battle field on the
part of the East India Company, remained minimal after the Battle of Buxar in
1764, and no major confrontation took place until Awadh was fully annexed and
made a part of Company's domination in 1856.
11.2
DECLINE OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE AND

THE RISE OF THE SUCCESSOR STATES IN
NORTH INDIA
AS you have already read in the earlier Units, the process of Mughal decline stapsd
in the beginning of the 18th cenrurv and the invasion of Nadir Shah in 1739 sealed
the fate of Mughal rule.
Thking advantage of this weakness of the central authority a large number of

inidependent and semi-independent states arose all over India-some as a result of
thk assertion of autonomy by governors of h4ughal provinces and others as the
product ot rebellion against Mughal authority. In North India, Awadh, Rohillas,

Jats and Sikhs were the prominent examples. These powers competed and
sometimes collaborated w ~ t heach other and with the British in order to consolidate
and expand their dominions.
Even though the actual power and author~tyof the Mughal house over its
subordinate ruling grouvs declined, Mughal sovereignty was still universally
recognized. All powers seeking to establish their rule in the 18th century India
needed to acquire imperial titles and rights. Reasons for this were more material
than simply a belief in the divine major tradition for the incumbent regional ruler
trying to be king to imitate. Secondly, the Mughal rule had trained'executive and
financial.officials whiob the re$onal ~ l e r muld
s
n& do. Thirdly, and tHis was more
important in the statcs like Awadh, the local rule was initially established in the
name of the Mughals and any formal repudiation of Mughal authority would have
incited the taluqdars to assert their independence.
1 . AWADH: FROM SUBSIDIARY ALLIANCE TO

ANNEXATION
The Company's fortunes improved dramatically when Clive in collaboration with the
idluential Indian merchants and nobels, defeated the nawab of Bengal
Siraj-ud-Daula in 1757 at Plassey and installed a puppet nawab, Mir Jabar, in his place.
bngal, one of the weakhiest provinces of India, proved an extraordinary advantage
to the British. The massive Rs. 30 million land revenues, secured by good natural
irrigation, were deployed not only to support the poorer presidencies of Bombay
and Madras but also to recruit more army and enrich its servants. The results were
obvious when the Company's armies defeated a combined force of Mir Kasim,
Shuja-ud-Daula (the nawab of Ayadh), and the Mughal Emperor, Shah Alam El.
From that time the company became most dominant power in the subsontinent. By
securing from the Emperor the grant of Diwani or the right to collect ~evenueof
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and by forcing a subsidiary alliance on the Awadh Nawab,
the Company at once legitimised its position in india and created a buffer between
its tertitoties and the more turbulent regions of Western India.
The army which fought the British in Buxar in October 1764 was basically an
Awadh army composed of the Mughal, Durrani and local AwadM troops. Lacking in
a centralized command and prone to mercenary activities like the looting of both the
Company's and NawabS baggage trains right id the midst of the battle, this army
symbolised the awadhi society as a whole.
The Awadh elites consisted of three basic strata, each different from the other in
tradition and culture-,
i!
The Awadh dynasty and many of its highest officials were Shia Muslims who
were an insignificant part of the population and considered themselves as part
of the Mughal imperial service elite;
ii) . the castes of scribes Kayasthas and ~ha'ttris.who predomhated in the Awadh
administration. .
i
iii)
the Raiput and Brahmin landholders who were dohinants as 4041 zamindars
though. they ha& very limited place in the provincial administration.
It is not only the tengons between the central and local power, but also the
assertion of independence, particularly by the zamindars, which tended to weaken
the regime. About eighty percent of all the zamindars, both Hindus and Muslims,
asserted that they. had been established in their estates prior t o the arrival of Saadat
Khan, the founder of the Awadh dynaaty. Thus, the vast majority of the landholders
saw themselves as prior to, and largely independent'of, the provincial rulers of
Awadh.
In this situation, it was not surprising;hat %adat Khan, upon his appointment as
subedar af Awadh, aMed always in the name of the Mughal Emperor and began his
*
a
.
.
.-.f ..fC....,:*l.
. -...:*:.-..--GI.:"
-..--. :-..- - * .I... L--2 -4- - -:I:* ..--.
'
BritiPh ExpansionNorth India
British Conqunt
and Consolidation
"
exped~llctla 1 1 1 1 1 I I I , % I I I , , I ( I I V C . ~its [egitirnacy from titr \ I 11.11.. I I I ~c,tttrlcrd

I~I.
wese dekalcd . I ~ I . I. ~ ~ ~ I ~ I I I Iby
, L Ithe
~I
it locally tlilo11p11,11(1\t I,! \ I I ~ . I I ~Whpg.they
British after 1704 alld wllci~tl~cyrept&ated the Mughal autlltlt~t~
I I I I X l Y , the
Awadh rulers were left with little else to generate Loyalty among tlbcir subjects. Even
when they assumed the leadership of the revolt against the British in 1857 in Awadh.
they had t o act in the name of the Mughals.
8 ,
1.4
THE ~E~YEFITS
QP S U ~ S I D ~ A RALLIANCE
Y
~ d . T d &AST
& 1~4ibl;ik l j & p ~ ~ j l
Although Shuja-ud-Daula was restored to Awadh, he was firmly bound to the

Company by a treaty which provided for mutual defcnrc ( I X I I ~for by the nawab),
trade free of duty for the company in his territory, and I \ I \ ~,.~vrnent
of Rs.5,000,000
as war debts. The ramifmtions of this treaty proved ~ I I ~ B I I I ~ for
I ~ ~the
I S history of not
only the parties involved but of all of north India.
Under the subsidiary alliance, the Nakab agreed to the permanent stationing of a
contingent of British force in his territory and paid Rs.210,000 per month per
brigadc. Ilv illso agreed to the posting at his COIJJ? of a Brithh Resident and gave
assuralltc 111.11 he would not employ any European in his service without the consent
of the 111111\11
The S ~ , I ~ I I I Residency proved very crucial in the yea; to &me. By the elitension
of extl-:~ct.~
111orialpro~cc~ion.
by the administration of guaranteed pensions and by
the provlslon of ho11oul.h ;lnd preferpent, the Resideqt attracted a circle of
important dcpendcn1.r ; I I I ~s h made himself a new power centre at the ~ w d h
Capital.
Extraterritoriality, co~~pled
with the resour& of hiinpower and money mobilised in
Awadh proved cr11c.1.1tI I I r-e.clrawingthe p o l i t i d map of l d i . The armies,recnrited
from Awad h ;I 11c1 I i l l ~ . ; r , .1111\\~~pported
by the money exacted f k m the people of
Bengal and rulc-Is 4 $ 1 t+.1tl11 1 1 ~ 1 the
~ ~ Company
1
in winning epeated victories over
the Marathas altd I llc 5 1 h 11.r a ntl led to its emtrgmm as the paramount power in
India. It also liclpcd tllc Company to keep Awadh in check by providing
extraterritorial protecrion to the dissidents from the jurisdiction of the Awadh ntlers
thereby creating a constituency loyal to the Company.
The Company, through the Resident starionad at the Awadh capital, h a - w i ~ g l y

mcroached upon tllc powers of the ~b60 much 80 that by the beginning of the
ninetesnth cenrcll\ I I I . I I ~ V of the hi* official.% cou$crs a@ tbe htgc l a o d h $ d ~ of
the province t c t ~ , r #I,,- ~~cptrse
~
their faith in the Cbmp%$ a d consi&d'jf as tQt
real source (11 pt B u r I t .vcn -rcig& of tlL Nawabi family,, &&i
~.d-~d:$&
Saadat Ali Khitt~.lclled on Compqnf'~intcnyntion for securing: thc $wition of
nawabi. The Company, therefore, tiY, e i & h & n and show of form, had i r c q ~.i t e d .
so much authority that 'the annexitic;h of Awadh in 1856 became a logical
conclusion.
. ,
11.5
1
-
BY
@NCRE)ACH~&N~.S T& COMPANY AND

RESISTANCE BY %'HEAWADH REGIME :17651775
Inspite of their subordinate status within the subsidiary A h n c e system, the Awadh
rulers asserted their independenbe in many r p s ~ . ~ ~ ~ ~ p d - D despite
aulaII
d L@,ODO, all uB;fB;fornreb_an(t
train&
company's protests, managtd tq,rake an
in Buropean fashion. He also d i 6 i i thc FnnCh'&ffii,nwhbr@ 430 and
, wntrolling a n advanced anikry Mi.W q e d ~ ,
.-aaY.$-kclp.
Rohitkhand and E t s w a in 1774. Hi6 most impOrt+h?asfnsbtwm, howeta.Was
in restri~tingthe trade by t
bCompsdy a d othcr Europtsny~in A w d h tenim.
Evcn when the Treaty of ~llahabad.btwekn the Btithh and thc Nawab was drawn
m-
&.a
up in 1765, Shuja had objected strongly to Article 8, which allowed duty-l~c.~.

11.1t1c.
by English merchants and their agents in his territory. But he was persuaded to
allow merchants and their agents who held ~ o m ~ dastaks,
a n ~ or permits, to enter
and set up business. This soon led to abuses which Shuja had feared. These traders,
although exempted from tariffs as such, increasingly refusid to pay any transit and
Sales duties, interfered with indigenous m a ~ k e tand
s acted generally as if they were
free from the nawabi & of law.
baced with Nawab7s strenuous protests, the Company banned all its own traders and
agents and withdrew all protection from free merchants in Awadh and .Benarasin
May 1768.
The profits from this trade were so good for the British merchants that \omr 01
them went back to England to agitate against the ban. Their prcssurc lo~ct-cl1111.
East Indis Cornpap8 Court of Directors in Loqdon to lift thc ban in 1 77 1 SIIIIJJ
again objected and threatened to withdraw from the Alliance. The new (;o\c~norGeneral, Warren Hastings, had no option but to promise that "no Englisli
gentleman should reside in his country and thit I would never interfere in i l l l v
flisputes between the English gumashtas and his peoplew.
i
The importance of this meeting between Warrtn Hastings and Shuja-ud-Daula in

1773 in Benaras was that it erected a trade barrier that closed Awadh to the
commercial penetration of the East India Company until 1801.
11.5.1 Wakening of Anadhb ~efenees:1775-1M)l

After the death bf ~ h i i j a - u d - h u l aia 1775, his son hx;t titl-I >ilula tried to gain
control of Awadh. Since the Mughal practice denied an) cly~lasticcontinuity a t the
provincial level, A*f-gd-Daula had to vie with other aspirants for the same
p~sition.In this struggle he struck a compromise with the East India Company
which, while securing the Nawabi for him, proved to be very hannful fop the state.
in the new treaty, ~ s a f - ~ d - ~ i uinl aorder

,
t o save his $haky position, made a
number of concessions to the Company. He added to it the Benaras re4ion. agreed
)o pay an increase of 50,000 rupees, nearly a quarter more than the previous sum,
h c h month as subsidy for the Company's brigade in Awadh. He also agreed t o the
bismissal and expulsion of all Europeans in his service or living in Awadh, unless
bllowed by the Company. He had to place his relationship with the Company above
ws ties to the Mughal Emperor. Thus from the beginning of his reign, Asaf-udp u l a had to adniit and adjust himself to 'defacfo dependence on the East India
Company. .
p u s , the Company took advantage of the dissension in the ruling clan to further
consolidate,its position in Awadh. Soon, its demands rose to such heights that the
Awadh ruler could not satisfy them. Now the Company demanded tankhwahs, or
assignments of revenues from specifiled lands,_so that thc officials who, collected the
land revenues for those territories would transfer them directly to the Company,
thus bypassing the Awadh regime. This drew the Company deeply into the ,Awadh
administration. The Company specified the districts it wished to be assignd,
involved itself i'n the appointment of revenue agents in those:districts, tried to
pversee their activities and account books, and frequently e-dorced their demands
through the use of the Company's troops.
Company's interference in the affairi of state became even more marked gfter A d s
death in 1797. Wazir Ali, Asaf-ud-Daula.5 son and proclaimed heir,s$f$ not suit the
Company because of his anti-Company views. He was deposed in h d r y 1798 by
the Company and a group of nobles in the Awadh court. .%adat Ali Khan, the
installed Nawab, thus became the second Nawab after AsliCud-DauIa to assume
power with the assistance of the Company. But his pcrsrtlon was even more
dependent. He initially agreed to cede vast territorier; ((I the Company. But latqr o n
the Company preferred cash to land. The annual subsrdy 10the Company's troops
stationed in Awadh was iwreased by 20 lakh rupees bringiqg the annual payments
to a minimum of 7,600,000 rupees. Further, the new Nawab was obliged to pay
1,2W),000 rupees to the Company for the costs qf its exertions in pating him in his
-nrha...'n
rl-rrn
C:rnll.,
*ha Wa...aL
nrr,-.n-+arl
*LI*
all
a---am-m..~n-%
l.n+.,,nn-
*ha
>
. British Conquest
and Consolidation
,"
Nawab Saadat
n and any foreign power of state. shall be carried on with the
knowledge and concurrence of the Cop~pany."Thus, the new Awadh ruler was
reduced financially and isolated diplomatically.
-1145.2 The Treaty of 1801

Not satisfied with this. the new Governor-General, Lord Wellesley. forced the
Naivab to sign a new treaty in 1801, according to which he had to cede the Doab,
Gorkhpur and Rohilkhand to the Company.
Besides territorially isolating him. the new treaty had three important provisions
which worked towards the final elimination of the Awadh regime:
i)
The Awadh army was drastically reduced to less than one-tenth of its previous
size.
ii)
The Company took responsibility for defending the Awadh territories "against
all foreign and domestic enemies."
jii)
The Awadh ruler was required to "establish in his reserved dominions such a
system of administration, to be carried, into effect by his own officers, as shall
be conducive to secure the lives and property of the inhabitants; and His
Excellency will always advise with and act in confromity to the council of the
officers of the said Honourable Company."
This third*provision was subject to various interpretations and formed the primary
bash for annexation of Awadh in 1856.
4
4
11.5.3 Decline and Fall of the Awadh Dynasty: 1881-1856

'Besides slowly annexing territories from the Awadh rulers the Company was also
suc~ssfullybuilding an alternative source of authority inside Awadh. Through the,
right of extending extraterritorial protection, the successive Residents tried to build
a substantial constituency for the Company which extended from bottom to the top.
The sepoys from Awadh, enlisted in or retired from the Company's armies,
reprqsented the lowest rung of it. The Taluqdars who were displaced by the action
of tHe Nawabs and who successfully appealed to the Company for the restoration of
their lands formed the middle of the ladder. The friends and relatives of the deposed
or u~successfulwere the highest in order to whom Company's protection extended.
British legitimacy had become so convincingly established by the turn of the 19th
century that as high a person as Bahu Begum mother of Asaf-ud-Daula, appealed to
it and made a will in Company's name to the effect that all her property would go
to the Company after her death, minus selected endowments for a tomb, dependents
and the obligatory gift to the holy Shrine at Karbala. When the Nawab, Saadat Ali,
objeqted to this indiscrimate use of protection. the Resident declared "that your
Excellency's denial of my title to intercede...is, in my judgement, totally
inadibissible."
Thus/ by creating an alternative and superior political position for itself in Awadh,
the qompany undermined the legitimacy of the Awadh rulers. It further sought to
denigrate the Mughal status by urging the ernpim's constituent pans, the various
' ~ g i o o arulers.
l
to assert their juridical as well as actual independence from him.
~ l t h d u ~Awadh
h
had now become virtually dependent on the Company, the latter
still n~ecdeda show of independence on the pan of its rulers for its own larger
desigfis. The Company official encouraged Ghazi-ud-Din Haider to declare his
iodepndence and repudiate ?he sovereignty of the Mughal Emperor in ib19. By
decla~ingformal independence the Nawab set an example. He unwittingly cleared
the coast for the British who were in a position to emerge as an alternativeall-lndia
sourct of authority replacing the Mughals. Now all that remained for the Company
was to down-grade and humiliate the Nawabemperor to prove its superiority. The
imperial pretensions of the Awadh rulers were only in name, but-they were forced to
retract even in these matters. While Ghazi-ud-Din Haider had used the
title,Pbdshah-i-Ghazi (Emperor of the Warriors for Faith) and Shah-i-Zarnan (Lord
of the!Age), his son and successor Nmir-&-Din Haider was forced by the Company
to change these to the more circumscribed Padshah-i-Awadh (Emperor of Awadh)
and Sbh-i-Jahan (Lord of the World). The latter titk was abo objected to and the
ruler was allowed lo use i l only in domestic correspondrnces. This way the
I
Company kept on encroaching on the material and rnoral domains of the Awadh
rulers so much so that tlie annexation of 1856 became a logical conclusion. As we
have seen earlier (See Section 11.5) the Resident took over administration of Awadli
as- tlie Chief Cotnmissioncr.
1) What were the sourcrs of weakness of the Awadh regime'? (10 lines).
'
..........................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
2) The vast majority of landholders in Awadh:
a) worked towards integration of the kingdonn of Awadh.
b) woiked towards stability of Awadh.
c) wanted to unitedly defeat the Company forces.
d) saw themselves as prior to and ,largely independent of the provincial rulers
of Awadh.
3) Why did the East India Company thrust on the Awadh Nawab subsidiary
Alliance?
-.
11.6. EXPANSION IN OTHER PARTS OF NORTH
,
*INDIA
After the conquest of Etawah and Rohilkhand by Shuja-ud-Dwla in 1774 and the
incorporation of Rohilkhand in the Company's territory in 180 only the Punjab,
a,
besides Awadh, was left as the major power in north India.
After the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh in June 1839, the Punjab was beset by
political instability and rapid changes in the government, Kharak'Singh, Nav Nihal
Singh, Chand Kaur, Sher Singh and finally Dalip Singh were bropght to the throne
in quick succession. Conspiracy and intrigues were widespread and the ariny played
a major role in all these changes in the government. Prolonged and bldody battles
were generally fought to bring the claimant to the throne or to dislodge the
incumbent.
British ExpnnsionNorth Indir
British Conquest
and Consolidation
I I .().I The British Interest in Punjab

fir111~ ~ l the
c c lS30s the British were interested in the Punjab. When Sir Henry
111,
1111 ( 'tb~ll~iiandar-in-Chief
of the British I'orces was invited to attend the
Ir I I . I ~
(cIclllony
.
of Ranjit Singh's grandson, hp used this occasion to make an
, I I . ~01I ( -tllc lorces necessary to overcome the Punjabi army, Ay.1111I IIT possibility
$ 1 1 .I r ~ ~ ~ l ~
occupation
tary
of the Punjab was discussed by the Gobc~r l t l l ( I(-~lcral
fllc
Ellenborougll with the Home Government in October 1843. R I I I 1:' .
1 1 1 \ lliilitary
.I
tkeak'state of the British Indian army after 5 years' war in Algl1.1111
action against the powerful Punjab army was considered inadv~\.~l)lc
t:
I 3
I *
11.6.2 The Mode of Conquest of Punjab

The Briti'sh, however, found their opportunity soon as the repeated changes in the
bovefnment of the Punjab, thbcorruption among the ofl'icials, general indiscipline in
the army and the disenchantmeht of the mercantile class and Lahore'\ pop111;111on
lbwefed the morals of the rulers and ruled alike. Moreover, they fot~lldI I I I O O I I i l l l t
allies in the higher rungs of the Punjab government, e.g., Prime MIIII\I(.I
I ~ ; I I ; I I.al
S~ngh,the Commander-in-Chief Misar Tej Singh, a leading Sardar 01 I I I C I ;~llorc
~ I I I h;ir
I
Dogra Raja Gulab Singh etc.
I Ill., i~lllilncewith the high-placed men in ttw
; I I I I I \ , ~ n dthe governnicllc N;I\ lo

b~ucialfor the British, when the f i ~ \ tW;II 1)ctween the Comp.~ll\.111tl [lie
I'1111ldhwas declared on 13 December 1845 I hv ('ompany's army \ \ . I \ .11111ohl
routeb, but for the supineness of La1 Singh. I;II Sltlgh, wrote C U I I I I I I I ~ ~lailed.
I;IIII,
tbe ~ / k army
h
at a critical moment. "When the artillery am mu nit lo^^ ol ~ h cEnglish
dad fhiled, when a portion of their forces was retiring upon ~ e r o ~ e i uand
r , when no
exertion could have prevented the invaders-from retreating likewise, if the Sikhs had
boldly pressed forward."
111 t , \ r
yecause of such failure of leadership, the formidable Punjab army W;I\ tlclcated in a
series'of encounters and was forced to sign the humiliating treaty (11 I .llio~eon 8
harcb,'1846. The British annexed the Jalandhar Doab and handed ( # \ ( . I1.1mmu and
Kashinir to Raja Gulab Singh for a cash payment of five million rupccs. l'he Punjab
drmy was reduced to 20,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry and a strong British force
was stationeq at Lahore. Later, another treaty was signed on 16 December 1846
which gave the British Resident at Lahore extensive authority (thrbugh a council of
~ c g t h c over
~ ) all matters in every department of the state; the British stationed their
[roops in Punjab, and the expenses were to be paid by the Lahore government.
1
All these, however, did not satisfy the Brit~\l~I'licir ultimate aim was direct rule
over unjab. So, when the Diwan of hlu11,111
10\1. In revoIt (1848) against the
Labo e Darbar, which was then uhder tllc ( 1 1 , ~ I ~ o nof the British, the latter gave ~t
etrery'opportunity to spread. And when I ( t l ~ t f\pcc.rd and others joined in, they *
welcomed it. The Governq-General Lord I);~Il~rr\~sic,
wrote to the Home
Govebment, "The rebellion of Raja She1 S I I , ~lollowed
~,
by his army, the rebellit.
df Satdar Chattar Singh with the Darbar ;ltnl\ under his command, the state of the
trooph arid of the Sikh population everyw11clr;have brought matters to that crisis I
fiave ar months been looking for; and we are now not on the eve, but in the midst
.
of war w ~ t hthe Sikh nation and the k i n g d m of the Punjab."
f.
In the campaign of 1849 the Sikh f~rceswere decisively defeated an4 Punjab we
anneked. hs the British swallourk$ up the v&y kingdom t h e y ' d r e sup$ogprr :
pfotett.
. . . ..
. .
Check Your Progess 2 .
1) Write a brief note on rankhrvah or assignments.
~
.,
> .
...............................................................................................................................
. .
...............................................................................................................................
.,
$%'hatwere the means by kl~icl;the East 1ndl.l

c )r;tic,l rn
asit
. , p ~ :ica!
.4wadh?
What \\ere the factors wlii-h i~elpedthe Ei glish
tc. \u!-jt~g,~c
PunJ&'.s
We have studied in this vnit the reasons why the Englisfi @st India ( t~llrpitnywas
able to subjugate tbb m6,trr re&onat principlities i;-iiort$ Ihdia, Aw;~tlh:tnd
Punjab. Wh& tb ruirr~cl.powers in'&adh i.ap'if;ilakd~ftzadi~y
t~'Bnttalrprssures,
and thou6 AM& bas annexed in 1856 by the Bitish, it.was nbt so easy L6 pacify
the people who k&e in revolt in 1897. The dkplacernept which t$e stow penkfraiioh
the
of the Cbmpany bad mused all over the hovince and the shock
an&xafiofi administered made large sections of Awadh pop&tion including the
tatldho~ders,'peslsants
a f "d sepoys
. extremery resentful to the Compahy's rule:
'
%*
.*"'
Cwck Your progrew 1

1) 'See Sec. 11
2 ) d;
1) ,see Sec. 11.4
1 ZJ
i
'
See Sec. 1 I$. You would trace the role

h ,
.
- ~keSu&s&.!~.$;i.
I
Pa,
' *+82
ey
'q '& f~rce.
. diplomacy and anempp
;
'a.
i(.
-: I%..
'..A
"
British Conquest
and Consolidation
M a p 2 The Sequence of Territorial Acquisition In Indla by the Brifbb
UNIT 12 BRITISH EXPANSION BEYOND

INDIAN FRONTIERS
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 East India Company's Trade
12.2.1 Tradc with India
12.2.2 Tradc with China
12.2.3 General Causes of Expansion
12.3 Straits Settlements

12.3.1 Penang
12.3.2 Sumatra
12.3.3 Singapore
12.3.4 Straits Settlements-Cmwn colony
12.4 Burma
12.4.1 Anglo-Burmese War-I
12.4.2 Anglo-Burmese War-ll
12.5 Lesser Settlements :

12.5.1
12.5.2
12.5.3
12.5.4
12.6
12.7
12.8
12.9
12.10
Borneo and Phillipincs

Andaman and Nicobar
Sri Lanka
Mauritius
Nepal
Afghanistan
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
12.0 OBJECTIVES
his Unit aims to acquaint you with the story of English colonial expansion outside
India. It involves a brief description of colonising efforts and a n explanation as to
how and why this happened. After you have read this Unit you would:
learn the general causes of the English trade and expansion outside India
discover how and where the East lndia Company expanded thew influence, and
understand how in the areas they did not directly capture, they still wielded
considerable influence.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
In earlier Units you have already read about the nature of imperialism. You have
also read about the manner in which the resources of Bengal were used to conquer
the rest of lndia and enrich the owners of the East lndia Company. This Unit hopes
to make you more familiar with the constant expansion that characterises
colonialism, and the use of the wealth of one colony to'expand and consolidate
control over another.
The East India Company used the resources of India to consolidate its position over
the lands of South and South-East Asia. Using India as a base, English control
during the period 1757-1857, was established from Sri Lanka in the South,
~ a u r i t i u in
s the South-West, Afghanistan in the North-West, Nepal in the North, to
.Andaman and Nicobar, Burma, Malaya, and Phillipines in the South-East. Only
mainland Asia-China, Siam, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam-was left relatively
untouched. But there too, as in the case of China, the English wielded considerable
influence after 1842.
The $tory 01 this expansion is closely linked with the fortuncs ;tnd ;t.\l)~r;~tlons
of the
~ n ~ l i East
s h lndia Company in India and in China. It might tl~rreforebe useful to
recount in brief the relevant portions of the history of thv ('o~lrpany.
12.2 EAST INDIA COMPANY'S TRAIII;.

Maintaining active trade with India and China a t the salrw I ~ I I I\ CVI L. C a~ very useful
purpose for the Company. They could use the Indian produc I:.
~ l t cChinese
market and thereby maximise their profits. But there were o111cl t l u l l t r l l . t n t hchefits
also. Let us look at the details of the trade.
1111
12.2.1 Trade with India

You have already read how, through the battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (17649
the East India Company had acquired the de jure control of the province of Bengal
which became the first substantial area in the Asian mainland to pass under direct
British control.
By the 1770s, Bengal had been milked dry, its economy was in shambles.
Consequently the profits of the East India Company declined and the Company
started reporting massive losses. Such losses were doubly troublesome because not
only did they hurt the dividends of the powerful shareholders of the Company in
,England but also jeopardised the extremely lucrative trade with China. Chinese tea,
silks, and nankeens sold at a high profit in Europe and the Company had the
Engllsh monopoly over tius trade; but the Chinese a t this time sold their goods only
in dschange of silver; and the \ilver had been provided mostly by Bengal. The.
Comipany therefore had to request a loan IIOIII the Englihh parliametlt to overcome
these losses. In return the parliament insisted on having some say in the running of
the Company, and forced it to accept the Regulating Act of 1772.
In the meanwhile, in England, the industrial revolution w b gaining strength and
indu?strial interests were 'demanding the revocation of the trade monopoly over the
Ea\r which the Company enjoyed. Minimally, they insisted, that they t o g b e given a
shurt: of the markets that the Company exploited. In Indie, a t the same tiine,*the
Conlpany was increasingly ~ t t i n ginvolved in costly armed conflicts w i ~ hIndian
statas over the control of land, and its financial base waq gradually shifting from
trade and eommerke to land revenue, from the business of h e t s the businks of
govqmment.
123.i 'Trade
. . with China .
~ h i l e . t . h e : ~ o m ~ was
& n ~establishing itself m.India it had a.growingtrade'with
China. 9s. in India, su in China-the Company had tfie monopoly over. tr'ade.
8
The ikomAny*s first trade contact witi-china y

i established,in 1701. In !he next
flftr ykirs'it had greown intg g: profitable trade in silks, nankecna and tei. But from
the ~ o r n ~ ~ npoint
i ' s of'view {hire . e r e - two ke); prdble;s fiicetl-by t5is [!adti:
1
: e 7har the chines

.' . dt'$n~Gn: uua
contio~ledit c1isely by.re.ricting!t
to the port city
t~t?
Chinose
traded mostly jn eidhanie of sitvet, and prdfirred thq.Spanish silver

dbliar &de-&f silver.
aver the t r e a p & $ o f ~ r f & l . i n4k7had.pr6$&d.a suhsiantial soluhoh t o

the k c 0 4 broblem. B& .by 1769, tbe kealth of Reqg&i wa.sev"erriY dcp16ted In lhf
f o l l ? ~ i n ~ ' ~ the
e a r~/mPa"y.
~
sought' tb pa" for the China ir-itdc-Hy
replaci$g&ttver qith the - ~ p i u mg o w n i n ttie: Malya region of Centr+l lridia;

and
by obtaiqing-high-priced spices from South-East Asia for sale 111 China and
Europe. The latter impelled the Company fo expand itself into South-East Asia.
I
II
I
Bfitish Expansion Beyond
12.2.3 General Causes for Eirpansion
Indian Fruntim
English-inteiest inaexpansion ~ u t s i d eIndia, it ~ a bey said, was inf3uenctd by two

majbr factors :
Markets and supplies: t k need to find hew markets for goods procured in India,
for supp13s to be exchangd in trade with.China, and for material that would
come in;handy for equipping and feediqg the English military in South and
South-East Asia;
,
Strat%ic: the need-to safeguard.fhe Indian empire. and the trade .rou@s t o 'China
and India. To, this cquldobt! added two minor'facto~s:one, the compulsions o i
British fdreign pdicy in Europg: and'two, the9irherests and po~ieiksof thc
burtbucracy in India. Of c h r s e , the !elhive importing? of these fa.cttor vallt.al
fro111\~luationto situation as will be evidknt from the discussion in this; 111111
Check Your Proghss 1

1) Why did the East India Company need to expand outside India? Answer in
fifty words.
........................................................................
.................i
.............................................................................................................................
2)
Why was Bengal important in the China trade? Answer in fifty words.
The first EngKsh settlements oursldt Iridt;i.nere In t\ic qrra~tsof .valacca. I'hese,
the nineteenth centuty, came to.be krlown as the ,Str;uts Settletnent$.
11;
12.3:l Benang
I p 15!32,t&
.
first ~ ~ l i + - s hthe
i p'Edw&d
~
Bonqemlup-, reached the isin; of .
Penang in the S t p i t s of Matacsa:
1,6bO,'t~leEntst lncl ip c:orii;a nyotla< zstgtdbhgd
.twelve factories in the Mala'y archipelago. .But b; 1625: It. I i l t ;hat-'tht. ~ l r i l n y i sl p 1 6 ~ s
did not.~pr~;idt-<de~~~te~ptofjts
and the"necided to ci;ncenrt.atr it:rr;rd~ac~lvi$es
on f'ndia. &ate ~fiti~l~'~raders,.thbugh,
contlnyed to malntain31-ad~':i,ntact w.ltt~~*
+ht.Straits. iradink r)-~ostly,in tin, ivory, and. pepper from he ~:r;ii*~zalld Couon'
p1cc-t-goods froni India.
,
qy
the need w b s
Tell tcs.fin%a spfe porr nfcall.i5.tKeieqstern seas I+
t4ie,&it~ !l l l ~ l i : i ~ ~ ~ l t l tbqi.r
~';h
rn end Anrn Chink. ?he decision, t< seribuslt. >expandlo;t;ir95 Ilre $ a q c<m$
j.~>umcy~
in -10782.,wh"e6 fke French admiral i3e sgtfi-en, ushg ~ c t g h e ~ e . i o ~I?\ bhtwt&sn
~ u r n a i r awas able !a d=rPvc off a!l ERghsh G o ~ m i r &frod the - ~ a ~ : o f ' ~ r ~ ? The
ga-l.
orlai port wheie.,the Ci.qpanyqs ships coGid*hihsr.tc; repair ' w a ~ . ' ~ n on
~ hf.he
a~
Western coost of rnd~a.
With. the expansion>of the Company's trade with China inc'rcasingly
Thus in 1784, Fracla Pjihl, n g ~ i qon beipli ~d the East'indla C'nlnganl. argnrtt a n
agreement withthcLSultan of Le~l;ihp?!~lulngall 1-n{ltsl4 x v l l a l n m ~or~dlic[\land ol
Penam& ~ h " e G l l \ l , in rstuln yrtrnwed t o ht.lp rb:o'Sul*a"dn :1~111tar14!
in ca\g 01
aftacks from his n e i ~ h h a u ~ ~
m e government of Madrat, h o ~ t ~ t ~i rc l m e d10 rdtlr\ i h t ~dp1c5'n,cnl L171 JL=~I i t 1 2 1 I!
would involve the company in unnccc.gsar\ udrs w ~ l l ) ~ Rlldigjn~
~nl
i n .~&~]u,ilc
:.L!iTl\
At this the Sultan of Kedph trl-cd to retake Pi!~nt~g~h\!
Il!rt.o 14,s ,.I?II~L~~,
HL~HCLOI,
Britbh Conqueel
and Consolidation
Were defeated by Fracia Light. In the subsequent treaty, signed in 1791, Penang was
handed over to the English in return of an annual payment to the Sultan. The.
bnglish were given control over a small strip of land on the Malayan mainland
bpposite Penang. The Englislt were thus able to establish a major naval station on
the eastern side of the Bay of Bengal. The added advantage was that the trade in
Sumatran pepper, about 60% of world produce in pepper, passed through Penang.
In 1805, penang was made into a presidency like Bombay and Madras, administered
by a Governor. Bengal paid for the maintenance of the Settlement at Penang. Its
over 50 British officers drew their salary from the Bengal-treasury and the average
deficit of Penang during these years was paid by Bengal.
12.3.2 Sumatra
In the meanwhile, in 1783, the British had also established contact with the Rugi
rulers at Riau in Sumatra. The Company's governmcnt in Rengal felt that a
settlement at Riau would safeguard the trade routes to China and make Riau an
entrepot of archipelagic trade. But a Dutch attack on the Bugis in 1784, forced the
East India Company to shelve its plans.
At this point events from Europe intervened. In 1787. in Europe, joint intervention
by the English and Prussians ovethrew'the governmeot in blolland. The English
asked the new government for the grant of control over 'l'rinconial~in Sri lanka
and Riau-ail in return for certain commercial concessions In India and an
understanding prohibiting British navigation east of Sumatra. The Dutch, I~owever,
did not agree.
In the meanwhile the F~enchrevolution took place and the armies of the Flrnch
revolution, in 1794. werran Holland. The new Dutch government was hostile to the
English. The English on their part retaliated by conquering the Dutch possessions in
India, Sri Lanka, west coast of Sumatra, Molucca, 'Menado in Sulawesi, Malacca,
and Riau.
No action was taken against the Dutch possession of Java because by the second
half of the 1790s the Governor-General in India, Wellesley, had involved the
Company in costly wars within India and the French seemed to threaten India I'roni
Egypt in the West. However, when the Dutch in Europe allied once again with
Napoleon then the Board of Control, in Auguqt 1810, instructed the GovernorGeneral Minto, to expel the Dutch from Java in order to prevent the F r e n c h p m
having another base in South-East Asia. Over a hundred ships and 12,000 men from
India were used to establish English co~itroiover Java.
~ e 1813,
The restoration of peace and friendly relatidns with the Dutch in ~ h r o after
made for a reordering of the conquests in South-East Asia. The English retairred Sri
Lanka and Penang for strategic reasons. But by now the co~nmercialimportance of
the archipelago had come down because clove and nutmeg, the two important spices
of the archipelagic trade were now cultivated outside the Moluccas too. Moreover,
the opium grown in Malwa was fast replacing all othcr goods in the China trade.
The Dutch then were given back thcir colonies in the Straits.
12.3.3 Singapore
Stamford Raffles, who had been the II,ieutenant Governor of Java during the period
of English occupation, however, voiced tlw fear that if South-East was left to the
Dutch they may wholly exclude English trade from the region. Hastings, the
Governor-General in India agreed, and allowed Raffles to look for a suilable
settlement in the Malayan archipelago. On intervening in the compl~catedinternal
politics of the empire of Johore, Raffles was able to obtain permission from the
Sultan ih February 1819, to.establish a garrison of the British ~ n d ~ a ~ i a r and
my,
open English factories on the ~slandof Singapore.
The Dutch abjeitted severely to the English penetration of Singapore and threatened
war. The DitpctOrs of the Company too thought that Raffles had done wrong in
garrisoning'it, bvt nevertheless they waited for Hastings to explain his support for
Rafflles. The explanation, however, carne from the profits that the settlement made
for almost two-thirds-of the trade passing
and by I825 it ie~ularly~accounted
through the Straits. -By 1824, then the British government persuaded the Dutch to
allow the Sultan of Johore (who currently was under Dutch control) to cede the
entire island to Great Britain.
12.3.4 Straits Settlements- Crown Colony

Finally, in 1867, the th& major pbits constituting the Straits Settlements-Penang,
Malacca, Singapore-were separated from the Indian administration and brought
under the direct control of Britain. Expansion into the Straits then had been
influenced by a mixture of strategic and commercial reasons. India provided the
men and money for expansion. She also, as in the case of Penang, bore the financial
burden of maladministration; but profits to the Company, such as they were made
in Singapore, were not brought to India but instead went to England.
12.4
B'URMA
Thy case of Burma involved the interplay of a different set of comkrcial and .
strategic reasons. Burma exported some costly items like tin, pepper, and ivory.
More importantly it was a major supplier of timber for the small but important
ship-building and repair industry based in Calcutta. Also, towards the end of the
eighteenth century the deltas of the Irrawady river became important suppliers of
rice to the growing settlements in the South-East a;ld to Bengal.
Early on, in 1753, the East India Company had tried to establish a settlement a t
Negrais on the coast of lower Burma. In 1758-59, the Burmese king Alaungpaya, '
with some justification, accused the English of helping Burmese rebels, and in 1759,
had all the English at Negrais killed. The Company's Directors, on their side did not
react to the situation because they had decided that Negrais was after all not worth
its cost. After that the Company kept clear of Burma for about twenty years. There
was very little contact between the English and the Burmese. Towards its Asiin
neighbours, however, Burma continued to be very aggressive. In 1823-24, the
Burmese military, pursuing rebels, entered and occupied Assam and Manipur and
prepared to attack Chittagong. These territories of Assam. Manipur, and
Chittagong, however, were claimed by the English in India. The resultant attack by
British Indian army on Burma has come to be known as the First Anglo-Burmese
War (1824-26).
12.4.1 Anglo-Burmese War-I

In 1824, the English attacked Burma, three regiments of the Bengal army, however,
mutineed when they were asked to march across Chittagong into the neighbouring
Arakan region of Burma. The main attack there was led from the sea. The,Burmese
forces were easily defeated. The king was forced to accept a peace treaty (Treaty of
Yandabo, 24 February 1826) which gave the English control over Assam, Manipur,'
Arakan, Tavoy, and Mergui. Thus the'king lost most of his coast and was left with
upper and central Burma, Pegu, and the mouths of the Irrawady. He was forced to
a y e p t a British Resident at his capital and pay an indemnity of & 1,000,000. The
war had involved 40,000 men of the British Indian army of which 15,000 died. The
expenses of the invasion were also very high.
112.4.2 Anglo-Burmese War-I1

'The Resident, however, claimed that the Burmese did not treat him with dignity and
left in 1839. In the meanwhile the China trade had expanded, English settlements'in
South-East Asia too had enlarged considerably, and therefore the English needed
easier access to Burmese timber to repair ships and to the Irrawady rice bowl to feed
settlers. In 1852, then, t e Governor-General Dalhousie decided to attack Burma on
the pretext of restoring the dignity of the English. The Second Anglo-Burmese War
started in 1852, and by 1853 the English had annexed Pegu and the region up to
n was forced to shift his capital to
Toungoo. The Burmese king ~ h d o Min
Mandalay. The English had thus gained control over the entire coast of the Bay of
Bengal. Later in the century, in 1885, the English fina1.l~annexed the whole of
9 .
Burma on the pretext that kiqg Thibaw Min was a tyrant and intriguing with the
British. Conquest
and Conscrltdati~n
French inaVietnam'to Weaken English control over Asia. Bbrma was made into a
province of British Jndirp.
1)
-
ck Your Progress 2
Write five lines on the two Anglo-Burmese Wars.
Read the following statements and mark right (d)

or wrong (X).
i) By the treaty of 1791, the British paid 6000 a year to the Sultan of Kedah.
ii) British wanted a settlement in Sumatra to safeguard their trade routes to
China.
iii) The British wanted to control the Straits Settlement, mainly to teaoh a
lesson to the Dutch.
Lkder &ttle?ent~ or satlements 06 cdajively-mirier sttategjc impottan~eintruded

tk'neigh-bduri'ng ar^eas of Borneo andAPHiUip.$es,.hda'mman.afld
flicubar.i&and, Sri
Lafiks and Nfaurif'lus. Thsst! sett1krnent;"half ~ t t s a c f dthe artention of otHer colonlal
p o ~ e r s ' a b ~ - ~ i kHdlladd,
e
Spain, ' ~ i a n c eand ~e~lnia;k.Let us look at tbe British
efforts ih these areas.
.-. . . -
12.5.1 Borneo and Philtipihes

In fXU, tolie.English East India Company established a fortified factory at
@trljerma$n on the'solth coast of Borneo primr~rilyto trdde'in
Rut their
intdderenee iR.lo$aI affairs soon made them iinp6pular a$'in 1707, they were
driwen.out. English sKips.mai~rtaineda desultbry corit'act with Borneo.tiLI 1356, when
t ' k Dutch mknagad to rstabl~bha m,\nopsly over pepper exports.
kPwr.
Afttr tha: the pext h g l ~ s hattempt to-settle in Bo~noo.crimein 1762. dunnk 'the
&!en
Ye;rtsqWar i n Europe Whrn S e m d24a"rei war on. Ehj$a.nd, In 1762 an '
Engli>h.expedittrv was s&t. lrom*Bengttl the Sy+nisli calony of ~ h ~ t l [ ~ i nI tk s
caprured Manild 1" October .l%2., In M>& the fingiish treed the Sultan of Sulu
whq was being kept a'prison'er b> t k ~panb\b,In gritrtude.~heSultar~ceded the
i s l a ~ dof Balanibang~n~
towards the nor.tt1 of Borneo to .t he F~iglish.Man1l.d bas
resto~edto the Sp .n~.i.hin 1964, .by the Tlaat.) oT F ~ L( Sd g d in 1763) which
concluded the ?+\ton Ycals'War, on condftion that Ihf Rnyal Phllliptnes Conapany
would purchase Indian lextdes exclusiwely trota EngJlsh werchants A fort 613i!t k\
Baiambahgan was attacked and dp$troyedbq the locals I D 1775 Subsequently the
Company deeided that Borneo and the Phillipnes bere simply not worth the effort
of keepingathem and ddd not try to rekettle there. It-rncefo~thit cunflned nlost of ~ t s
trade and colonizing eflorms an she Sbrdltd Settlements.
12.5.2 A n d m a n and Nicbbap Isknch ,6

OtHer Minor Settlements of the Company .in tile Indian Ocean ~ncludedthe
~ n d a m a nand Nicobar Isl;\nds, S r i La*,
and Mauritius.
Both the Anciamanoand Ncobar Islands an4Sri Lanka.owned their importance to

their strategic location dong the trade coutes to China. In 1789, the English
r
t~ service
established a settlemcrit ,at Port Blair at the'~ndarnana n d 0 ~ i c o b aIslands
.
the ships on the China route. But when the "Company acquired Yenang and
Triacomali, it abondoned Port Blair in 1796. Thereaft ,r the Cornpan\ rrwttleci Port ,
Blair in 1857 as a penal colony. In the meanwhile Denmark had annoxctf Nicobar
Island in 1750, and established a small colony trading in coconul, hr.t~.lnlrl. and
birds' not I I I C English removed the Danes in 1809, while a c q u i r ~ ~
; I I~
I rorllcr Danishfactoric.4 I I I I~ltl~a.
12.5.3 Sri Lanka

The Dutch East India company had initially, in the seventee~ltl~
cc~iiul-y,planned to
have Colombo as the Dutch centre of power in the East. But by the cightcenth
century the Dutch had established themselves in Java and Sri Lanka became of only
local importance. The E~iglishtoo, then, let Sri Lanka be.
The Sri Lankan port of Trincomali had devcl?pt+ ;.-g ' :eighteenth century, as an
Indian Ocean roadstead involving coastal s h ~ p p ~ :*
t ~ p : g rlce from Bengal,
cowries from the Maldives, arecanut from Malabs.r@~ the spices, cardamom, and
pepper over which the Dutch had a monopoly.
But when during the European wars of the 17905 [ l ~ cDutch government allied with
~ to leave. In February 1796, Sri
the French, the English forced the Sri L a n k i ~I ~)111cl1
Lanka passed from the hands of the Dutch t i ) r l ~ c . I,r~glish,and in 1798, Sri Lanka
directly by the government
was declared a crown colony-i.e. a colony adr~~ll~~\tcrcd
in England, and not by the East India Comp;~l\vI r l Illdin.
12.5.4 Mauritius
Like Sri Lanka, Mauritius, to the South-West ol I11d1;r in the Indian Ocean, was a
colony with relatively minor economic importance. 111 172 1, the French East lndia
Company occupied Mauritius and renamed it the Ilc dc France. It was developed as
a naval station to attack ships of the English East India Company. During the
second and third AnglobFrench wars Frcncl~Ships from Mauritius came to launch
unsbcce&ifut attacks on the English at Madras and off the Cbromandel coast-.
In 18 10, Mlnto the Governor-General, .drganized an exdediiiqn to' remove. the

French f r o m . . ~ u t i t i u s.Aheickpture
~.
.t& +le de .Erance.was reyerkd back to,its
earlier Dutch name-Ikiauritius; .and the:nam&,ofthe:neigl~bouring..lledc'Bourbon
Gas. changd to 'pepn&n. Ifowkvpr, the Comp'any did ,notVtakeIjp. the e~po$sibiiify
of goverging the islaqds; thky were'handed ,over to'the British governmelrk~and'
became a crone calony.
a
12.6 NEPAL
< -
On rnaialand South Asia English expansion outside 1tul1.1.c41rr111g

our pqiod, was
mainly confined to Nepal .and Afghanistan.
The f i s t intermti- of the East India Cmfpng in Negal came in 1767, when the
a the.Nspa1 Valley. The-hills,
Counoii in Calcutta ~r&Tedan attack from ~ a t n into
501. sometime past, had been qisturbed. The Gorkha chief Raja Paitbvi Narayan
Shah had attacked the Nepal valley with the aim uf ~ q y i n the
g kingship df
Nepal. This had disrupted the wade between Nepd and Patna and tkrefore the
Company asked Captain Kinloch of Patna to attack P~itit#ti~ a r a y a nShah. The
Gorkhas repulsed the attack.
In the fsllawing years the Gorkhas were able to Q e fthe

~ M a l b rulers of Wepal
and Prithvi Nafayan Shah k a m e the king of Nepal. His successors signed an
infroctuous ccsmmrreial Pmaty in 1792, with the East hdja Campany's representhlve
at Patna.
ro be reckoned wirh.m
By rhe end of the century-the English had kci,me a
South Asia. Governor-General Wellesky had begun putsuing his scheme af.
Sub&diaryAIliancein order to expend and consolidate the Cogpang's territ~ries
India. It was at this time, in 1801, rhgt the English sought t o ob&n a treaty from
Nepal (signed in October 1801) in which the Nepalese agreed to allow an English
Resident a t Kathmandu. The Resident wao under order i o investigite the economy
BrHiah Expansion Bey&

Wan F r o n t h
of Nepal, especially the supposed in-flow of gold from Tibet, and the rich timber
and pine forests. But due to the hostility of the Nepalese government the Resident
had to withdraw to India in March 1803. In the following decade the English and
the Nepalese had numerous problems over the possession of border villages along
the 1,100 kilometers long border that they shared.
In October 1814, then, Governor-General Hastings started the Nepal War. The
Company's army led by Generals Marley, Ochterlony, and Wood and Colonel
Nicolls, had -organized a concerted attack, hoping to engage the Nepalese all along
the border. But they had underestimated the fighting process of the hill people. It
took over a year for Nepako be defeated and agree, in the Treaty of Sagauli
(December 1815), to leave the entire area of the Sutlej hills, Garhwal, and Kumaon
in the hands of the English, and accept a Resident at Kathmandu once again.
Having obtained the rich forests of the Terai region the bnglish decided that Nepal
did not serve any further economic or strategic purpose. Henceforth they retained
little interest in Nepal affairs.
12.7
AFGHANISTAN
Through the 1830%the officers of the Company insisted that Afghanistan was
important as a buffer against Napoleonic France and Tsarist Russia. In 1836, Dost
Muhammad, the then ruler of Afghanistan offered his friendship to the English in
return for English help in re-possessing the Peshawar valley which Ranjit Singh, the
Sikh ruler of Punjab had taken away from the Afghans. Governor-General
Auckland, however, refused to intercede with Ranjit Singh and instead proposed
that the Afghans promise not to ally with any other country like Russia, France, or
Turkey. Dost Muhammad responded by showing signs of friendship towards Russia.
At this Aucldand planned to depose Dost by force. The Court of Directors
concurred. The plan was put into action by Tripartite Treaty signed on 26 June
1838 between Shah Shuja an ex-ruler of Afghanistan, Ranjit Singh and the English.
Fsllowing this treaty a force comprising the armies of the Company, Ranjit Singh
and Shah Shuja was assembled to attack Kabul, depose, Dost Muhammad, and
establish Shah Shuia on the throne.
The "Army of the lndus" as it was called captured Kandhar in April 1839, and
Ghazni in July. Dost Muhammad was so disheartened by these defeats that he gave
up the fight and fled to Bemian, a town to the North-West of Kabul. Shah Shuja
was made the ruler of Afghanistan. British troops, however, instead of withdrawing
to India began to garrison Kabul, Jalalabad, Kandhar, and Ghazni.
In the meanwhile, in September 1840, Dost Muhammad was able to get military
help from the Wali of Kholoom. He attacked the English in September but failed.
He was forced to surrender in November and was sent'to Calcutta as a prisoner.
In the spring of 1841, however, popular unrest against the Engllsh started. Open
rebellion broke out at many points in September 1841. The English in Kabul town
were killed and their cantonment beseiged. The same happened at Ghazni,
Jalalabad, and Kandhar; and the entire Cdrkha batallion at Kohistan was done to
death. In December finally, the English were forced to accept the humiliating
condition of evacuating Afghanistan within three days. The retreating forces were in
turn attacked on the snow covered passes and substantially annihilated.
By May 1842, however, the Engllsh forces were able to regroup and re-establish .
control over Jalalabad and Kandhar. Then with the help of reinforcements from
India Kabul was re-taken in September. The costs of this victory were, however, too
high. Quite apart from the cost in men and money, the Afghan War proved that the
British lndian armies were not invincible and could be defeated with suitatjle tactics
8s those used by the hill tribes of Afghanistan. Henceforth the English dec~ded.
cmfine themselves within the North-West Frontier and not venture into Afphan:. tan
militarily.

1) Why were the English interested in Burma? Answer in fifty words.
2) How did the officers of the Company justify the Afghan War? Answer in five lines.
lines.
3) Why did the English lose interest in Nepal? Answer in five lines.
Map3 The Brlluh Indim Empire and the neighbourinp countria
dlgrnsf~n Beyond
Indian Frontla-
$2.8
LET US SUM UP
'
In this Unit we saw that the English got interested in territories outside India to
facilitate their trade by establishing control over lands as distant as the Phillipiner.
Control over some places like ' ~ a u r i t i u sand Sri L a n k enabled them to further
safeguard their 1ndian empire and its trade routes. And on occasions, as in the clw
of Afghanistan and Nepal, the +Englishindulged themselves in adventures of
didlomacy and war. The high C Q S ~of all these activities was borne by the Indian
'treasury and the Indian sepoy provided the necessary cannon fodder. It was mainly
at the cost of India that England became the dominant power in the whole of South
Asia and the Asian lands on the Indian ocean.
12.9 KEY WORDS

k t Indiamen :The l a r g ~armed cargo ships of the East India Company.
Eatrepot :Starehouse, mart, commercial centre for the export, import, collection
and distribution of goods.
Fnnch revolotiomry w u s :For two and a half decades starting c. 1790 the grmies
of France wep involved in warfare all over Europe. Holland was one of the first
cobntries to be conquered, the ruling regime was overthrown and p republican
gmemment tpok over. This government co-operated with the French war effort till
the final defebt of Napoleon in 1815.
Indemnity :Qterally it means compensation for damages. In our context it refers to
the damages claimed by the East India Company from a country defeated In war.
Ninkan :Kitid of cotton cloth originally made in Nanking. the chief city of the
province of Kiangu, in China. Nanking literally means 'southern capital" just as
B&ijing(Peking) means "northern capitalw.
apium and tbe China trade :In the late eighteenth antury -tern "countryw
merchants (i.e. merchants. English and Non-English) who traded along the coasts of
Asia but did not owe any formal allegiance to any of the ~Cornpanies)discowred a
dpidly expanding illegal market for opium in China. In 1820 over 60,000 kilograms
of opium was saluggled in. By 1830 the figure had crossed 2,000,000 kilograms per
year and the Chinese had started paying for it in the Spanish sitver dollar. In 183536. for example. China paid 4,500,000 dollar for this drug.
EXERCISES
cbeck Your Program 1
1) See Sub-sec. 12.2.3.
2) See Sub-sec. 12.2.1.
Cbcek Your Frogram 2
1) See Sub-sec. 12..4.1 and 12.4.2.
2) i)
ii)
iii) X
Cbedc your PIogen 3

1) See Sec. 12.4.
2) !&e Sec. 12.7.
3) See Stc. 12.6.
UNIT 13 IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY :

ORIENTALIST CONSTRUCTION
OF INDIA AND THE
UTILITARIANS
Structure
13.0
13.1
13.2
13.3
Objectives
Introduction
The Earlv Images
Warren Hastings and the British Image of Indla
13.3.1 William Jones
13.3.2 Hastings in Practise
13.4 Institutionalization
13.'~ Evangelicalism and Other New Trends
13.5.1 The Battle for Improvement
13.5.2 Preservation and Munro
13.6 The Utilitarians

13.6.1 The Question of Law
13.6.2 The Question of Land Revenue
13.6.3 The Emerdng Vision of the Empire
13.7 Let Us Sum Up

13.8 Key Words
13.9 Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises
, In this Unit you will get to know about :

the ways in which the British perception of India was being shaped,
..
how the British perception about India changed over the years, and
some reasons as to why the British perception about India changed over the
years.
13.1 INTRODUCTION
So far you have had a look at the forniation of new states after the Mughal decline
and then the rise and penetration of British imperialism in India. At this point we
will examine the images and ideas of the British as they confronted the Indian scene.
We will also try to see whether these images and ideas about India went through
any change as the needs of the British in India changed.
13.2. THE EARLY IMAGES

The very early images of India in the British mind were in terms of their own
Western experience and their travels in the great voyages of discovery. The early
travellers to India, Edward Terry and John Ovington described, the Mughal rule in
1689 'yet another example of Muslim despotism'. The early British, who had read
about the Ottoman and Persian empires in the great traveller Bernier's writings,
seem to have felt that a closer study of the Mughals would tell them very little that
they did not know. It was believed by people like Sir William Temple in the
classical age, that Lycurgus and Pythogaras had been taught by the Indians.
British conquest
Consolidation
'
However, :he genera! impression was that in 17th century India tradition of learning
noxlor,ger remained. Terry argued that the Brahmins who were the ancient
repositories o i learning had degenerated.
Other signs of this degeneration were detected by the British in their contact with
the communit~esof the West coast of India. It was argued that they were
'indpstrious. submjss:ve, frugal and cowardly people' who had rigid habits of mind.
The caste systen; was ftecluently cited as an example of their rigid mind.
By and large these images were to persist. However, with the establishment of more
permanent stations. the British had io contend with further Indian realities.
13.3 \VARREN HASTINGS AND THE BRITISH

IMAGE OH; INDIA
The prevalent impression that the Indians had degenerated tended to be reinforced
by British experielxce In 18th century India. At the same time the early
administratals were keenly aware of India's past giory. To administer this country
properly a thorough knowledge of India and its pasi was needed.
7. Warren Hastfnsg in India
52
Warren Hastings took this mission rather seriously. To fulfil this mission he was
aware that he required a band of dedicated administrators, who would rise above
the opportufiistic fortune hunters who came from Britain to India. For this purpose,
he made strenuous efforts to 'work towards institutions of learning which would first
acquire the knowledge of the golden past of India and then, perhaps, convey it to
those who could be i.nvolved in the project of administering India.
This. vision, which has sometimes been called the Orientalist vision, was not confined
to Warren Hastings alone.
133.1 William Jones

William Jones, an English Jurist, was to commit himself to rediscovering India
precisely for this reason, identifying with the Whig tradition of British politics,
Jones set himself the task of making India more intelligible to the British. Jones on
coming to India realized that to understand India, individual initiative would not be
enough. He gradually came around to the view that it would have to be an
organized effort to combine scientific study with the labour and knowledge of a
group of dedicated individuals. It was thus that the famous Asiatic Society was
formed. The Society was to cover the task of unearthing knowledge about Asia both
within and outside Asia.
It is here that Jones' efforts and Warren Hastings' vision were to coincide. The
Society received full blessings of the Governor-General and an era of studying India
from within close quarters of its social, religious, linguistic and political aspects
began. This in itself was a departure from the early travellers who would normally
record impressions and go away.
The Asiatic Society contributed in a major way by trans!ating from Persian and
Sanskrit works of Grammar, Puranas and the writings Bf Kalidasa. Secondly, the
members of the Asiatic Society researched and published a large number of articles
on Indian society and religion. As a result, Jones' contribution through the society
was to 'infectiously spread the romantic fascination of India and her culture
throughout Europe.'
C
133.2 Hastings in Practise

Hastiqgs on the other hand had more practical reasons for promoting the Asiatic
Society. By this time he had decided that the 'dual Government' establishfAI by Clive
shoulq go and the East India Company should take up the responsibility of Bengal.
But he/ was not in favour of introducing English laws and English ways in India. His
main iflea was to rule the 'conquered in their own way'. He felt that the rapid
gowtq of the British rule had excited various prejuiiices. These, he felt, needed to
be stilled. Secondly, he wanted to reconcile British rule with the Indian institutions.
This inevitably meant more intensive investigation into the 'manners and customs' of
thekountry and an indepth analysis of the literature and taws of the Indians. It is
for this purpose that Halhed, one of Hastings' lieutenants, drew up a list of religious
and customary laws called the 'Gent'oo Laws' which would help in understanding the
process of furthering 'the conciliation of natives or ensure stability to the .
acquisitions'. This, Halhed maintained, would help further in enhancing the
prospects of commerce and territorial establishment.
63:4
INSTITUTIONALIZATION
The early quests of rediscovering the rich Indian past then were slowly being
su bsumcd to the practical needs of the British rule. To enable the practical task of
training and the orienting future administrators t o the goals of this task, in the
tradition of Wwren Hastings, Wellesley established the Fort William College at
Calcutta in 1500.
The Fort William College basically impressed upon its students to study the Indian
language so that the future administrator could take on the tiijk of familiarising
themselves with the 'vernacular' of the people and with India's'past in a more
concrete fashion. For example, studying Persian served very practical ends. Most of
Imperial Ideology :Oriental&

' Construction of India
and the Utilitarians
the Indian states used Persian as the language for maintaining official record and
running the day to day business. Thus the vision of learning about India's past glory
and the practical needs of the British administration were neatly dovetailed.
8. Estabbhlpg a rapport Englishman with a Hookah
One should be careful in not reducing the steps taken to train the future
administrators to the visions of the Indian past held by the administrators of the
time. The Indian Residents who were posted a t the courts of various submissive
Iridian rolers, combined both the knowledge and usage of Persian with the cultural
life style$ of the ,court. To establish an identity with the Indian courtiers, the British
Residentloften donned the Indian dresses and maintained huge establishments like
the court nobility. He would often adopt the manners and etiquettes of the court,
while having a major say in the decisions of the ruler. The Indian rulers then
maintained some kind of cultural independence inspite of being politically
subservie~tto the British.
With the consolidation of the conquests and the need to create a more integrated
administ~tive,structure, the British had to step in to realms of Indian institutions
like law and landed property. In the meanwhile, the industrial revolution in Britain
had forced the need bf ,market and raw materials outside Britain for the industrialist
on the minds of the policy makers in Britain.
Imperial Ideology :OlkntdM

C o n a t d n of lndia
and the Utilitariurr
9. Cd. Pdkr In 1ndl.n drew watching a Nautch
The new needs of the British necessarily meant that the idea of retaining lndian
institutions and laws had to be reviewed. If new products were to enter the market
there was a need to create a taste for.them. This meant the infusion of a new way of
life and culture, at least in the top crust of society.
In the early period of establislling institutions which discoveted India's past, a neat
compromise, of Ilearning and the needs of the Company commerce and
administration had been made. That is. 'learn about the lndian society but do not
disturb it*. That this coqpromise was resented, is shown id the struggle ofthe
S eerampore missionaries, who wanted to get on with the task of 'reforming' the
c rrent degeneration of the Indian society. While thd Sreerampore missionaries were
to do this task quietly, respecting the Indian traditions, the later mjs 'onaries like
C arles Grant were to be openly hostile to 'Indian barbarism*. This 4ostility, a hallm rk of evangelicalism, was combined with the desire to 'civilize' India. Bringing a
Ch istian zeal into his mission, Grant was to propagate the policy of assimilation of
Ind ,a into the great civilizing mission of Britain.
This attitude was to go hand in hand with the expression ofl~ritishliberalism, as for
example in Macaulay, the liberal British administrator's task was to 'civilize' rather
than subdue. The merchant community supported this;firstly, because since they
would benefit from the civilizing mission's laws to acquire property etc. in India,
anh then, under "free trade' they could work out the ~roble'mof creating a market
for British goods amongst the Indians. Charles Grant saw a complementarity
between the civilizing\process and material prosperity. It was thus that another
liberal C.E. Trevelyan, in 1838, was to outline his vision of India as 'the proudest
monument of British beneyolence'.
B 'tish Conquest
conoiidation

1) H o w did William Jones differ from !he early travellers who wrote about fndia?
...............................................................................................................................
2)
Why did Warren Hastings want to study India's past?
3)
Did the Sreera~nporeMissionaries and Charles Grant agree with Warren

Hastings way of deaJing with India?
...............................................................................................................................
136.1 The Battle for Improvement
The Ydea of improvement*was to take shape in the late 18th and early 19th
centuries as a part of. the vision of Britain as a promoter of prosperity and
civilization. It was thus, that Cornwallis agmd to settling the revenue permanently
on the landed class (Zamindars) in Bengal. Cornwallis's assumption was that since
the main source of wealth was agiculture, the 'magic touch of property*will create
capital and market in land. A more prosperous landed class with fixed obligation to
the state and an English rule of law would create new men of enterprise in land who,
would also take trade forward. John Shore, who had seen the idea of Permanent
Settlement grow and had more experience of the countryside, while agreeing with
Comwallis*~
vision of improvement, suggested that the improvement should be
broyght about by slow degrees by experimentally introducing innovations.
13.5.2 Preservation and Munro

Among the critics of Cornwallis were ~ u n r o
in the Soutb along with his famous
colleagues like Malcolm and Metcalfe. They found the Cbrnwallis System as having
no regard for Indian history or experience. They opposed the very idea that a
political society could be built on principles derived from an alien Enghsh tradition.
It was for this reason that they opposed Cornwallis's import of the English rule of
law with its strict division of judiciary and executive powers of the government.
Imperial Ideology : Orienta!ist

Construction of India
and the Utilitarians
10. Imphatiom of History from the statu of Edmund Burkq the Philomopha
-1.0 ~ u n r o politics
,
was both experimental : , d pragmatic. The brief period the
British had spent in lndia, he thought, was .ar too short for any permanent
solutions. It was thus he argue ! periodic revision of the rate of ryotwari (see
Block IV). He t hrrefore argued that the basis of India's stable heritage, the
village communities sllould be conserved. And any law and order problem
should be lnct with a system where the judiciary and executive were fused
together. '['his he felt would enab'e the preservation of justice to the peasantry as
well as t l ~ caims ~f the British rule. I11 line with this idea bf preserving the
varying heritage of India, Munro and his colleagues opposed a centrally
imposed rute in lndia and 'favoured diversity in the Indian government'.
The taskbf transforming the Indian mind was then to become more complex.
The task of education in the process was mooted by the liberal Macaulay as a
prime responsibility of the British in India. But in the context of both tht;
resistance of Orientalists, and pragmatic Anglo-Indians like Munro whb'.&nted
to preserve the Indian institutions and culture the role of a western or a n
Anglicist education became a subject of immense controversy in the middle of
the 19th century.
%
British Conquest
and Consolidation
13.6 THE UTILITARIANS

The Utilitarians were not to take the liberal detour to education for the task of
'civilizing' and 'improving' India. They went back to the basic question of reform of
law and landed property to create conditions where the market could flourish. They
believed, under the guidance of Jereiny Ekntham, that, a scientific and logical
approach to these two problems of law and landed property could create reforms
which would satisfy the principle of 'the greatest good of the greatest number'.
13.6.1 The Question of Law

The utilitarian ideas were to have a fundamental influence in moulding the British
attitudes towards India. The question of law as an instrument uf change was mooted
under Bentinck. It was possible, he believed, for judiciary or law to be the
instrument of changing Indian practices like Sati and female infanticide.
Bcntinck'~ reply lo ihe petition on saG
122.
Bentiruk'r rrpb to the petition on sati
14 J u l y 1830
T h e governor-general has read with attention the petition which has
been presented to him: a n d has some satisfaction in observing that the
opinions of the pandits consulted by the petitioners confirm the supposition that widows are not, by the religious writings of the Hindus,
commanded t o destroy themselves; but that, upon the death of their
husbands the choice of a life of strict and severe morality is e v e w h e r e
expressly offered: that in the books usually considered of the highest
authority it is commanded above every other course; and is stated to be
adapted t o a better state of society; such as, by the Hindus, is believed
to have subsisted in former times.
Thus, none of the Hindus are placed in the dirtressing situation
of having to disobey either the ordinances of the government or those
of their religion. By a virtuous life a Hindu wjdow not only compllies at
once with the laws of the government and with the purest precepts of
her own religion, but affords a n example to the existing g e ~ ~ e r a t i oofn
that good conduct which is supposttd to have distinguished the earlier
and better times of the Hindu people.
T h e petitioners cannot require the assurance that the British gokernment will continue t o allow the most complete toleration in matteis of
religious belief; a n d that to the full extent of what it is pscitlle to
reconcile with reason and with natural justice they will be undisturbed
in the observance of their established usages. But, some of thcse, which
the governor-general is unwilling to recall into notice, his prrc?acc-qsors
i n council, for the security of human life, and the prpservation of scxial
order, have, a t different times, found it necessary to prohibit. If there
is any one which the common voice of all mankind would exccpt from
indulgence it is surely that by which the hand of a son is ~n::riethe
instrument of a temble death to the mother who has borne Flirn, and
from whose heart he has drawn the sustenance of his help!c<s i : ; f ~ i ~ ~ y .
T h e governor-general has given an attentive consideratii!n to a11 that
has been urged by the numerous and respectable body of pititinnen:
and has thought fit to make this further statement, in adtlitiirn to what
had been before exprased as the reasons, which, in his mind, have
made it an urgent duty of the British govcrilnlent to prevent the usage
in support ofwhich the petition has becn preferred: but if the petitioners
should still be of opinion that the latc regulation is not in conformity
with the enactments of the imperial parliament, they have a n appeal
to the king in council, which the governor-gcneral shall he most happy
to forward.
--
11. Bentinck on Sati
1rnper:al Ideobgy :Orimtalist
With the coming of James Mill to the East India Company's London office, a
systematic utilitarian attempt was made to combat the Orientalist, Cornwallis and
the Munro heritage. A total vision of political reform on the philosophical premises
of' utilitarianism was sought to be given a concrete shape. We see a series of laws
and penal codes enacted under the Benthamite principle of a centrally logically and
coherently evolved system which would go down to the grassroots. In the process it
would give the direction to the Indian government to function 'with a united
purpose.'
Construction of India
and the IJtilitarians
13.6.2 The Question of Land Revenue

Mill also supported a restructuring of the land revenue policy in a manner that
would be consistent with utilitarian economics. While, on the one hand this meant a
direct contact with the mass of cultivators as in Munro's ryotwari settlement (see
Block IV), on the other hand this meant taxing the landlord along Ricardo's
philosophy. This taxation would be in such a manner that the landlord would not
enjoy undue benefit a t the cost of manufacture and trade just by virtue of ownership
of land. This meant that landholder would give to the state as tax on land revenue a
certain proportion of the net produce (i.e. the gross produce -nini!c :ost of
~ultivation).
This doctrine of rent was sought to be put into practice by officers like Pringle in
Bombay. Elaborate survey methods were used to calculate the 'net produce' from
land. Then tax rates were assessed. However, in practise the revenue demand often
went very high, sometimes as much as fifty to sixty percent of the produce. This led
gradually to the abandonment of complex calculations based on the rent doctrine.
From 1840s purely pragmatic and empirical methods derived from the tradition of
taxation in respective areas were beginning to be adopted.
But, the rent doctrine of the, utilitarian philosophy was not given up in theory.
Inspite of the purely pragmatic and empirical calculation of rent, the justification of
rent theory for the calculation was still given. The justification of the theory though
did have practical reasons as over the next decades the idea of defining rights and
obligations of the tax paying cultivators permanently was relegated to the
background. But then the scientific calculations of the utilitarianism were again
paradoxically submitted to Munro like consideration of Indian heritage and
traditions.
13.6.3. The Emerging Vision of The Empire

There was a streak of authoritarianism in English utilitarian thought which
developed abroad into fullfledged despotism. Utilitarianism in India despite being
born in the tradition of liberalism could never accept a democratic government in
India. James Mill consistently opposed any form of representative go'vernment in
WLb Conquat
st
The consolidation or the empire under Dalhousie was to take the paradoxes of the
various kinds of perceptions of British India still more forward. Dalhousie took
forward Mill's vision of belligerent advancement of Britain's mission, in his policy
towards the native Indian States. Again, in the true Benthamite tradition he created
'rill India' departments with9single heads for Post and Telegraph Services, the Public
Works Department, etc. He was thus to give fruition to the idea of efficient
administration within the framework of a unitary all India empire. This latter was in
direct contrast to Munro's vision of India as loose federation of regional entities.
'
md W i d a t i o n
At the same time Dalhousie was prepared to take a liberal stance in some respects.
For example, he was to encourage the development of his legislative council into a
forym for the pepresentation of non-official opinion. He also provided it with
elaborate rules of procedure taken from the English Parliament. He even favoured
the admission of Indian members into the legislative council. He agreed with the
Macaulay's view of diffusion of English education and along with his colleague
Thomason encouraged a system of vernacular education at mass level.
However this impulse to link the,task of changing the Indian society to the tasks of
law, landed property or education gradually declined. With the consolidation of law
codes, revenue administration and education and the all India empire, the focus
shifted to efficiency of governance. Pragmatism with rationality and efficiency now
dominated the British administration. Utilitarian arguments were st/ll used for
glovernance, for example in the change of law codes under Macaulay. But the overall
spirit of reform declined.
The later British administrators of our period were to emphasise that the British rule
had always been governed by law. However, it was argued then. for efficient
administration force had to be used and there was no need to justify it by
cansideration of political change or reform. The utilitarian task of transforming
India then was subsumed under the principle of an efficient and good government
held up by the 'steel frame'of British administration.
..............................................................................................................................
2 ) H o w did Henlinck war;t to bring ahout a social change in ladiii'l
L'V:~.,.l;~rnec Mill
1)
In
fci,\\)ur of a derlloc~acyIn im~dla?
HUWdid t3r IJtilitarians trv to solve theprobierxi of land revc:l~!i-'l

i
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...........................................:. . . . . . . . . . . .
.......................
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...................
Imperial.Ideology :Orientalkt
Comtrudion of lndia
and the Ulilitariadi
.................................................................
13.7 LET US SUM UP

Each regime needs a rationale. We saw in this Unit that, in the era of her expansion
in India Britain found hers in a 'civilizing mission'. On the one hand, it served to
glorify a rather sordid history of greed and aggression and plunder. On the other
hand, it instilled in all manner of men a greater sense of purpose. This purpose was
not the same to all men. As we have seen, Orientalists like.William Jones,
Evangelists like Charles Grant, .Utilitarians like James Mill, and again a Munro or a
Dalhousie had quite different purposes in mind. There were also substantial
differences between the modes of thinking in the Orientalist construction of India. or
the Evangelical drive to save 'native' souls, or the Utilitarian calculus of the 'greatest
goods' in terms of moral and material improvement. Yet, in this diversity of ideas a n
over-arching conception of Britain's 'mission' in lndia provided unity in action.
Objectively these ideas and men all served to build the British empire in India.
13.8 KEY WORDS

I
Evrmgelicnlism: A Protestant Christian movement in England of 18th century, which

in contrs3ttothe orthodox church emphasized on personal experiences, individual 1
reading of gospel rather than the traditions of established church.
I
Paradox: Self contradictory statement, belief etc.

EXERCISES
2) See Sub-sec. 13.3.1.
2) See Sec. 13.3., Sub-sec. 13.3.2.
3) See Sec. 13.5.
I) See Sub-sec. 13.5.2.
2) See Sub-sec. 13.6;l.
71 See Sub-sec. 13.6.3.
British Conquest
and Consolidation
4) gee Sub-sec. 13.6.2.

5) See Sub-sec, 13.6.3.
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

C.A. Bayly : The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. 11.1, Indian Society and the
Making of the British Empire.
P.J. Marshal : The New Cambridge History of India, Vol.II.2, Bengal, The British
Bridgehead, Eastern India, 1740-1827.
R.C. Majumdar (ed.) : British Paramountcy and Indian Renaissance, Vol.IX, Part-I,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan (Publication)
N.K, Sinha ( 4 . ) : Economic History of Bengal, Vol. 3
Michael H. Fisher : A Claslz of Cultures: Awadh, The British and The Mughals.
Richard B. Barnett : North India Between Empires: Awadh, The Mughals and
@e British.
S.N. Sen : Anglo-Maratha Relations, 1785-1796.
bric Stokes : English Utilitarians and India.
,
I
UNIT 14 MERCANTILE POLICIES AND

INDIAN TRADE
Structure
14.0
14.1
14.2
!4.!
14.4
14.5
14.6
14.7
14.8
14.9
14.10
Objectives
Introduction
Structure of the East India Company
East lndia Company's Monspoly
Monopoly Versus Free Trade
Nature of the Company's Trade
Mercantile Business and Political Power
Rise of Industrial Capitalism and ;he C'ornpany'i; ?.lerc;inri!c I'cdicici
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
14.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit you will study:
how the East India Companies were structured as J o ~ nstock
t
enterliliscs r r i
many investors,
how and why these merchant capitalist ventures known as East I n d i ~
Companies were given monopoly trade privileges by the g o ~ ~ r n n ~ e n t !st ~ t : : ~
respective countries,
how there was a struggle between monopoly trade of the English East lrld~a
Company and English Free Traders, leading to the withdrawal of monopoly
privileges,
the nature of the trade of the English Companj and t h t private ~ r a d co f
servants of the Company in India as a collect ~ v emon~)pol\.
the reasons why merchant capitalist enterprises turncd roudld\ acqull;itlon
territories and political power, and
how the rise of industrial capitalism changed the nature of Indo-Rritisll
economic relations, and consequent changes in the Company's mercan.rllc
policies.
--
14.1 INTRODUCTION
You already know the circumstances in which the East lndia Companies came into
existence as a result of the long evolution of merchant capitalism in Eurcpe (Block
2). You also know the role played by European East India Companies, particularly
the English Company, in the political history of India in the last decades of the
18th and early 19th centuries (Block 3). This Unit introduces you to the structure
and nature of the East India Company's trade in lndia and the monopoly that it
enjoyed, the struggle between monopoly trade of the Company and English Free
Colonial FxmW!'
Traders, the motives behind acquisition of territories and political power by the
Company, rise of industrial capitalism in England and its effect o n the Company's
mercantile policies.
___________-__
14.2 STRUCTURE OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY

_
You must have cbsdrved that today business enterprise is dominated by companies
which sell s t ~ c k sand shares in order t o raise the capital they need in business.
Thesc are joint stock companies as distinct from business owned by a single
proprietor or some proprietors in partnership. The East lndia Companies of
Burope were some of the earliest joint stock companies in the world.
I
What was so special about these companies and how did the joint stock form of
organisation give them any advantage? T o begin with, the joint stock structure,
that is t o say the collect~orrof capital from a number of stock or shareliolders
enabled these c o m p a ~ i e sto put :ogether a much laiger quantity of capital then was
possible for a single proprietor or a few in partnership. Moreover, a ioint stock
company ensured continuity of business activities and policies oker a long period,
sometimes for centuries; unlike the shorter life span of business run by a single
proprietor. Consider also the fact that In joint stock company there is scope for
mobility of capital: in other words, the money invested in the shareholdings of one
companv could be taken out by the share owner (by selling his share t o another)
qnd put to other uses, including inveqtment in another company. Thus capital was
not tied up in one enterprise, but moved with.greater ease to more profitable
enterprises, thus ensuring the most efficient use of capital.
For all these reasons the joint stock company form of organising the business of
East Indian trade was superior to and more effic~entthan any earlier fc~rm.
Particularly for the trade with lndia the European countries needed this new form
of organisation because of the large amount o f investment required, the
uncertainty of business (ship-wreck. wars etc.), and the long waiting period
between investment and realisation of proiit (due to the long voyage by sailing
ships around the continent of Africa t o India). In the early days the English
merchants used to pool their money t o buy o r hire and equip ships t o go on a
voyage in lndia for these reasons. The logical culmination of this development was
the foundation of the East lndia Company (1600) as a joint stock enterprise. In
the beginning only a few very wealthy merchants of London were shareholders of
the East India Company. But in course of the 18th century relatively smaller
shareholders began t o participate in and became owners of the new United
Company of the Merchants of England Trading to the East lndies (founded in
1708). This new company continued t o be called the East lndia Company as of
old.
14.3 EAST INDIA COMPANY'S MONOPOLY

--
- -- -- -
--
Another structural feature of the English East lndia Company was that it was
granted a monopoly by the government o f England. What was meant by this
monopoly and why did the government grant it? 'Monopoly' in a general sense
mean? the cxclusiv= control of trade with lndia and other countries on the lndian
Ocean and further east up to China. In consequence only the East lndia Company
(to the exclusion of any other person or business firm) was legally entitled to trade
w ~ t hthe above-said countries. This was a legal right conferred upon the East lnd~ia
Company by Queen Elizabeth 'I in the first instance and later by other monarchs.
Whv did the m o ~ a r c h ror governments d o so in the 17th and 18th centuries? They
gave this monopoly right to the East lndia Company partly because it was
comrrlonly bel~eved,under the influence o f the Mercantilist school of thought, that
the state must promote trade abroad t o bring home wealth from foreign trade. I he
risky trade with distant countries was supposed to be particularly in need of
monopoly system so as t o ensure t o the investors profits of monopoty and thus t o
encourage such investment. Moreover, the relatively wealthy English merchants in
the Indian trade were influential in the monarch's courts and the government.
At ally rate, the upshot was that rhe Government in England conferred a
monopoly of trade on the East lndia Company. This was done by granting t o the
Company a 'charter', i.e a deed or a written grant of monopoly rights renewed
from tlme ro tlme by the government. The instrument by which such a right was
conferred on the company became known in late 18th and early lYth centuries a s
the 'charter act', passed by the English Parliament. (The French and Dutch East
l r ~ d ~ a<nomparile\ also enloved monopoly rights granttc! by thew government.)
N o w , 11 I \ one thing to declare such a government grant of monopoly. and it 1s
quite another thlng t o mahc the monopoly (i.e. the exclus~onof others) effect~vein
f.-ct. What d ~ dthe legal monopoly mean ~n actual practice?
14.4 MONOPOLY VERSUS FREE TRADE

t ran! the m~sidleof rhc 18th century t i l l I813 thc t:asr I:IUI~ ( urnpalr?. parrrcularly
11s lop management. called rhe <.'our1 of Director>. ~I'IL! :o ittugplr Lrr! hard t o
make the Company's monopo!y right\ c.!fecrlbe. 1.r 1 . 3 txcludt' other\ from
entering the trade. This was rto easy task. For orre riiing. the English East India
Company's own emplovecs were 11a:urally not above the. rernptation t o set up a
private husiness along w1tl-i their official business, i . e . the Con~pany'sbusiness. For
annther. there were always merchant and adventures 111akingtheir way t o lndia
and managing to 're1 up business firm5 of their owrr: rhese were called 'free
merchants' or 'interlopers' (i.e. intruders engaged in unauthorised business). Both
kinds of actloiriec came in the way of the Company's ~nonopoly.
As regard the first of these.the private business of tllr scrkants or employees of the
East l n d ~ aCompan), the problen~was that the self'-interest of the bulk of thc
Company's emplovees including the t o p melt in lndia would nor allow the strict
implementation of the instructions of the Company Directors 10 stop private trade.
The scale of salary. till the beginning of the 19th'century was low. and the practice
o f supplementing the salarv with profits of private trade was, widespread. What is
more. the Company ;ervants were in the habit of passing off their own private
trade commodities as part of the Company's export commodities in order io claim
exemption from internal duties in Bengal. This. known a s the 'abuse of the d m '
(i.e. permit t o trade duty free), became the subject of contention.and a cause of
conflict, between the Bcngal Nawab and the English (scc Block 3). In fact the
prrvate trade int-erests of the Company's servants and the Company's official trade
becdme practically inseparable in the last half of the 18th century.
As for the Frec Merchants' their chief aim was to expand their business at the cost
of t~heCompany's business. Yet they were tolerated because the Company's
servants found them increasingly useful to enable the Company's servants to invest
their savings and ill-gotten plunder. Sending money to England was also facilitatexi
by the Free Merchants. As the Directors of the East lndia Company and
conscientious Governors like Lord Cornwallis began to insist on the withdrawal of
the servants of the Company from private trade, the Frec Merchants obtained
mote capital from the Company servants. They acted so to speak as agents of the
Company Servants. Hence there developed a number of Agency Houses which
letar, in the last half of the 19th century, became known as Managing Agencies.
In the meanwhile the monopoly privilege of the EIC came under attack in
England. The doctrine of Free Trade, promoted by economists Iike Adam Smith
(Wealth of Nations, 1776). was inimical to monopolies. The capitalists excluded
from Indran trade by the EIC naturally lent support to the campaign for Free
Trade. Capital accumulating in England wanted freedom from restrictions on
investment. Moreover, the on-going Industrial Revolution brought to the fore in
the last half of the 18th century rndustrial capitalist interest; the purely
merchandising activities of the ElC. importing g d s from lndia to England.
diminished in importance in comparison w~thindustrid manufactwing in England.
There were strong lobbles in Parliament plsssing for the abolition of the
Company's monopoly .
ln these circumstances the Charter Act of 1813 was passed abolishing the
manopcly in Indian trade; another Charter Act in 1833 abolished the remaining
part of the Company's privileged monopoly, that in the China trade. Thus, after
mare than two hundred years, the monopoly conferred on the EIC was taken away
by the government.
Cbeck Your Progress 1
1) What are the ad\an!,.ges of the joint ,lock companics? -\n\wt.r In
l'lbc
sentences.
2) (What do you understarrc! by 'Monopoly o f Trade'?
3) Write in brief about the challenge. tha: :he Fl( Canzed In

monopoly over Indian trade7 Ancwer in IOO word5.
icc;.t*ct
of i:\
Mercanlile M i c h
and India11Trade
14.5 NATURE OF THE COMPANY'S TRADE

We have been discussing above the legal monopoly created by the English
governmeni. In fact, the monopoly was entrenched upon, as we have noted.
However, in certain parts of India the Company and English private traders
collectively enjoyed virtually a monopolistic position. This was, for example. true
of Bengal from the last decades of the 18th century. (We shall go into the details
of the history In Unit-18 in this Block).
When the essence of mercantile capitalist business was buying cheap, and selling
dear, reduction of competition would be inevitably the aim of business. If you
were aiming to buy cheaply you would find it advantageous to have as few buyers
in the market as possibk; obviously that helps to buy cheaply. Likewise it helps to
sell your goods dear if you have as few sellers as possible. That is what
monopolistic business is about. However, real life seldom matches the text book
definition of a monopolist on a single buyer in the market. Conditions
approximating that situation may exist under special circumstances, for example
the use of coercion or force, legislation. or even warfare to eliminate competitors.
All these means were used by the English East lndia Company in India.
As you know already (Block 2) the European East lndia Company's main business
was to procure certain commodities like spices, indigo, cotton cloth etc. and export
them to Europe. Procurement of these goods in lndia initially took place under
fairly competitive conditions. A 17th centbry English Factory had generally to
compete with local or 'country merchants' and foreign traders, including other
European East lndia Companie~.In course of the 18th century the Englishmen
increasingly acquired a position of advantage:
i)
Other European East lndia Companies were marginalised; the military and
political victories of the English Company over the other ones have been
mentioned in Block 3.
ii)
The weakness of the successor states and principalities since the decline of the
Mughal Empire allowed the East lndia Conipanies to bully and bribe the local
powers to grant Europeans special trade privileges.
iii) Artisans as well as peasants, e.g.. weavers and indigo growers, were sometimes
subjected to coercive practice from the last decades of the 18th century in
order to procure goods at a cheap price or to persuade them to produce the
goods for the Company. By the end of the 18th century the position acquired
by the English E.ast lndia Company and the servants of the Company in
private trade may be described as a collective monopoly in respect o f t h e chief
commodities of export to Europe.
MERCANTILE BUSINESS AND POLITICAL

POWER
We have d~scussedtill now some of the leaturc.~ol' mercantile capi~alistactivities,
typified by the East lndia Company, but we have not touched upon one question.
What motivated a company of merchants like EIC to launch on territorial
expansion and what did it have to d o with politics?
Cdoli.l~cmomy
In the beginning of European trade with India there were only voyages to India by
one. or more ships.from time to time. However, it was not easy to procure large
qiahtities of goods in lndia at short notice when a 'voyage' visited an Indian port.
Therefore, it became necessary to set up Factories in or near major sea ports 01.
production centres. You must note that these were not factories of today where
things are actually produced; the word 'factory' in 17th and 18th century English
meaht foreign trading stations set up by a merchant Company. The officials posted
there were called 'factors' who were essentially salaried agents purchasing goods on
behalf of the East lndia Company for export. Now the English as well as ;he other
East lndia Companies wanted to protect the factories with a fort around it. After
the decline of the Mughal empire set in, such protective fortification may have
been needed in some regions and some local government tacitly or explicitly
allowed acquisition of land and building of forts by East lndia Companies.
However, the Compan~esbegan to exceed the limits of legitimate self protection
and fortified and militarized their trading stations as centres of armed power
challenging local governmeuts. Fort William of Calcutta and Fort ST. George of
Madras were prominent instances of this kind (see Block.3). Thus, the fort
provided z nucleus allowing the foreign merchants to spread their control over the
neighbouring territory. The territorial claims of the Company sometimes had a
legal basis (e.g. the grant o i zamindari rights, as in Bengal), but more often than
not the real basis of the territorial claims In the last decades of the 18th century
was the military strength of the Company. You already know how the European
Conlpanics operated as one of the territorial powers from the middle of the 18th
cenrury (Block 3).
The evolution of the English EIC from the Voyag~system to factory system, from
that to forts and eventually to the position of a territorial power helped in
business; it was, not just .a fit of absent mindedness and an aberration from the
proper task of merchants that led to the political hegemony of the Company that
became the British lndian Empire. I t was useful to have mil~tarypower to back up
coercion on .the artisans (e.g the Bengal weavers) to produce goods at a cheap
price. to bully the local merchants to make them subservient to English factors and
private traders, and, of course, to eliminate other foreign merchants (particularly
the French and the Butch) from competing with the English. .Moreover, a military
and territorial power could extract from the regional principalities and the local
nobility "Protection money", bribes etc, not to speak of plunder that warefare
brought in. Finally, control over territories brought in revenue. The classic example
of this was the Dewani of Bengal from 1765. 'The Company's share of the land
revenue of Bengal enabled it to reduce for many years the remittance of bullion
from England. Bullion was needed to buy goods in lndia for export by the
Contpany and It was. of course. desirable to reduce bullion export from England
by raising cash in lndia to pay for exports from India. Thus the territorial
ambitions of the East lndia Company made a lot of economic sense so far as
English interests were corrcerned.
These are some of thc reasons why we see the Company playing such a salient role
in-Indian political history in the 18th century to emerge as the largest territorial
power by t h beginning of the 19th century.
--
14.7 RISE OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM AND THE

COMPANY'S MERCANTILE POLICIES
-In England in 1750, about 40 to 45 per cent of national income originated in the
agricultural sector; by 1851 agriculture's share diminished to 20 per cent and by
1881 it came down to about 10 per cent. Thc ~ontributionof foreign trade to
England's national income was 14 per cent in 1790; it increased to 36 per cent by
1880. This helps us measure the rapid pace of industrialisation in England; that
country was transformed in the last half of the 18th and early 19th century. (Block
2 discusses some aspects of this transformat~on).As a result industrial manufacture
forekn trade ia manufactures became the mainstay of the English economy. In
particular the growth of English cotton textile industry obviously meant an end to
the demand for Indian cloth in England. On the contrary, England was now
seeking markets for her cotton textiles i ~ among

,
other countries, India. Moreover,
to make industrial goods, England needed now more raw marerial than before; for
example, England now, after her industrialisation, would import raw cotton from,
among other countries, lndia. Thus the whole basis of economic relationship
between England and lndia was different after the industrialisation of England
compared to what it had been in the era of merchant capitalism.
i)
In short, the lndian empire acquired by the merchant company had to fulfil a
different role after the transformation o f England into the first industrial capitalist
country. The merchant company and their empire slowly veered towards a new role
in the new scheme of things. In the period you are studying in this course, i.e. till
1857, only the beginnings of a new imperialikn can be seen. It is seen in the
decline of the export of lndian manufactured goods to England. The value of
cotton cloth exported from lndia to England declined from pound 1.3 milliorl to
only pound 0. I million in the years !815 to 1832. In the same period the import of
cottorr cloth from England increased almost 15 times. In the previcus cer.tury the .
mainstay of the Company's mercantile policy was to purchase cotton cloth in lndia
for export. That procurement or purchase was naturally abandoned in the early
decades of the I%h century. In the last days of the Company's trading career, in
the 1820's, no cotton manufactures were expor~edby it to England; the only goods
it exported were raw silk, salt petre or raw material for gunpowder, indigo an
agricultural product, and (the only manufactured commodity) a small amount of
silk cloth. As regards imports from England, the East !ndia Company stopprci it
altogether from 1824, except for military stores etc. used by the Comapny itself.
The trade between lndia and Europe passed from h e . hands of the Cornpany to
private traders; as you know, the Charter Act of 1813 fuily opened lndian trade to
the private traders.
Another great change in the Company's policies and finances rook pldce in the
first decades of the 19th century. This was the increase in non-commrrcial earnings.
of the Company, 1.e. what was called the Territorial Revenue which came f:orn the
land revenue and other taxes collected from territories conquered by the Company.
At the same tlme the commercial earning declined because, as you already know
the Company's trade diminished in these years to the vanishing point. Thus from
1820's the Company depended almost entirely on Territorial Revrntx whereas up
to the 1765 the only income had been from commercial profits. From 1765, the
assumption by the Company o f the Dewani of Bengal. territorial revenue began to
increase and eventually outstrip commercial earning.,. Thus the finances of the
Company reflected its transformation from a merchant corporatlcn to a terr~torial
power.
Finally. one may note that it was the Company's deliberate policy to divert the
revenue ~t collected to commerical purposes. This was a rewlt of the Company
being simultaneously part of the government in Bengal from 1765 and a merchant
conlpany. A substantial portion of the revenue cf Bengal was used in the purchase .
of goods for export to England, the so-ialled 'investment'. 4 s a Gomn1i:tee of the
Engl~shHouse o f Commons put it In 1783, such 'intestment' was not actual!^
employment of trading capital brought into Rengal, but merely a means of
"payment of a tribute". This was a major example of what the lndian economlc
nationalists later called 'economic drain'. The territorial revenues also enabled the
Company to raise money on credit (the so-called Territorial Debt) and to pay for
military action for further territorial expansion.
Check boar Progress 2
I
I
1)
1 1st Tome of tile economic factors that mor~\ated;hc F r'(' in

politlcai ~ ~ o w IeEr India.
rc::ill.
I L . : I ~ : ~ ) : )and
Mercantile Pdicies
and Indian Trade
UNIT 15 THE NEW LAND REVENUE

SETTLEMENTS
I
Structure
15.0
15.I
15.2
15.3
Objectives
Introduction
First Experiments in Land Revenue Management
The Permanent Settlement in Bengal
15.3.1 A Settlement with Zamindars
15.3.2 The Position o f the Cultivators
15.3.3 Effects o f the Permanent Settlement
15.4 Disillusionment with Permanent Settlement

15.5 The Emergence of Alternative Systems
15.5.1
15.5.2
15.5.3
15.5.4
15.5.5
15.5,6
Land Assessment Under Ryotwari

The Adoption of Ryotwari in Madras
Ryotwari Theory and Practice
Effects of the Ryotwari System in Madras
The Ryotwari Settlement in Bombay
Effects of the Ryotwari System in Madras and Bombay
15.6 The Other Alternative Settlement: The Mahalwari System

15.63 Mahalwari Theory and Practice
15.6.2 Effects of the Mahalwari Settlement
15.7 Let Us Sum Up

15.8 Andwers T o Check.Your Progress Exercises
-
15.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit we shall study the land revenue settlements made by the British in
different parts of India up to 1857. After studying this Unit you will be able to
undetstanki:
the' 3eaning of the term 'revenue settlement',
0
the aknis of the British in their various 'settlements',

the Important features of the three main types of settlement. and
the important effects of each settlement on the rural economy and on the
relatilon of different classes in the country side.
15.1 INTRODUCTION
Agriculture has been the most important economic activity of the Indian people for
many centuries. Naturally, therefore, kings and rulers have always drawn a large
part of their taxes from agriculture. The British government, as it established itself
in variou,~parts of India also imposed very heavy taxes on agriculture. In order to
assess and collect these taxes, it instituted various land revenue settlements.
Let us try and understand what this means. Imagine that the British East India
Company has just defeated some Indian ruler, and annexed his territories. Now
they wanlt to collect taxes from these lands. You may think that this could be done
by lootiqg and plundering-and this was in fact often the first thing that was done
in newly conquered territory. But it is not possible to continue like this: F~rstof
all, because loot is usually kept by the looter, and does not find its way into the
government treasury, and secordly, because this sort of activity is likely to cause
people to flee to other areas, or to so impoverish them that nothing can be got
later on. So it is necessary to institute some regular system of taxation.
such a system has two requirements: the government has to fix what or how much
will be paid - this amount is called the 'assessment; and it has to fix who will have
to pay. Now the person who is called on to pay a certain amount must have some
connection with, some control over the land from which the tax is to be collected'
because he will otherwise be incapable of paying anything from it. So when the
government places the burden of payment on somebody, it must also see that ne
has some control over the land so that he gets an income from which the tax can
be paid. If, ,he does not get anything from the land, he can obviously not pay
anything to the government.
Now, when the government had fixed (or 'settled') how the land tax (or land
ievenue) 'was to be 'assessed', and who was to pay it, and what was to be paid.
the essential steps in a land revenue settlement were complete. In this Unit our
focus is on the various land revenue settlements introduced by the British in India,
their features and the impact they had on Indian economy and society.
15.2 FIRST EXPERIMENTS IN LAND REVENUE

MANAGEMENT
I
i
After gaining control of Bengal in 1757, the British thought that they would retain
the administration established by the Nawabs of Bengal. but would use it to collect
an ever-growing amount for themselves. However, the rapacity and corruption of
the Company's employees, and their continua1 interference in the administration
led to complete disorganisation, and was one of the causes of the terrible famine
of 1769-70, in which it was estimated that one-third of the people of Bengal died.
From 1772 therefore, a new system was introduced: this was the farming system.
Under this system the government gave out the collection of land revenue on a
contract basis. The contractor who offered to pay the largest adount from a
certain district or sub-division was given full powers for a certain number of years.
Obviously, such contractors (they were called 'farmers' in those days), would try
and extort as much as possible during the period that they held the contract; it
would not matter to them if the people were ruined and the production in the later
years declined. After all, they would have made their profit. Extortion and
opprcssion were the obvious results of such a system. Furthermore, many of the
contractors had offered to pay very large amounts, and later found that they could
not collect so much, even with great qpression. Finally, the system also led to
corruption. As with many government contracts even today, profitable contracts
on very easy terms were given to the friends and favourites and 'benamidars' of
men in power, leading to loss to the government. In 1786 Lord Cornwallis was
sent out to India with orders t o clean up and reorganise the administration.
15.3 THE PERMANENT SETTLEMENT IN BENGAL

Cornwallis realised that the existing system was impoverishing the country -its
agriculture was in decline. Furthermore, it was failing to produce the large and
regular surplus that the Company hoped for. And it was also becoming difficult
for the Company to get the large quantities of Indian goods that it planned to
export to Europe, because, as Cornwallis observed, the production of silk, cotton.
etc. all depended on agriculture. When agriculture was decaying, handicrafts could
hardly be prosperous. And both the London authorities and Cornwallis were
agreed that much of the corruption and oppression originated in the fact that the
taxation had the character of an 'uncertain, arbitrary imposition'.
It was decided therefore, that the laridltax would now be permanently fixed: the
government would promise never to increase it in future. Several effects were
The New Land

Rr>c,~ue
Settlemen's
expected from this measure. It would reduce the scope for corruption that existad
when officials could alter the assessment at will. Furthermore, now that the state!
would not demand anything extra if the production increased it was hoped that
landholders would invest money in improving the land as the whole of the benefit
would come to them. Production and trade would increase, and the government
would also get its taxes regularly. Finally, Cornwallis believed that even if the Ian4
tax was fixed, government could always levy taxes on trade and commerce in order
to raise more money if it was needed. In any case, the land revenue was now fixed
at a very high level - an absolute maximum -of Rs. 2 crore and 65 lakhs.
15.3.1 A Settlement With Zamindars

So we see that the land revenue was fixed permanently. But from whom was it to
be collected? The Nawabs of Bengal had collected taxes from the zamindars. These
zamindars were usually in control of large areas: sometimes entire districts. They
had their own armed forces, and were termed Rajas. But there were also
zamindars who held smaller areas, and either paid directly to the State, or paid
through some big zamindar. The actual cultivation was carried on by peasants who
paid the zamindars at customary rates fixed in every sub-division (or pargana).
Oppressive zamindars often added extra charges called 'abwabs' on top of the
regular land revenue rates,
By 1730 British rule had greatly confused this picture. Some Zamindars were
retained - others were replaced by contractors or officials. The old customary rates
were ignored, and every abuse permitted, if it led to an increase in the revenues.
By the time Cornwallis arrived on the scene, the situation was one of the complete
confusion. The new Governor-General belonged to the landed aristocracy of
Britain and was in favour of a settlement that gave the right of ownership to the
zamindars, who, he hoped, would improve the land as English landlords did. But
apart from this perference on his part, it was difficult for the government to make
the settlement with any other class.
T o understand this you must bear in mind that there must have been about four or
five million cultivating families in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa at that time. CoUecting
from them would have involved the preparation of detailed records of all their
holdings, and the calculation of a tax on this basis. This would take several years
and a large staff to execute. In addition it would give great opportunities for
corruption. It was obviously much simpler to collect the revenue from a small
'
number of big zamindars- and this was the arrangement made under the
Permanent Settlement that was introduced in Bengal and Bihar in 1793. Every bit
of agricultural land in these provinces therefore became part of some zamindari.
The zamindar had to pay the tax fixed upon it: if he did so then he was the
pwprietor, the owner of his zamindari. He could sell, mortgage or transfer it. The
land would be inherited by heirs in due course. If however, the tamindar failed to
pay the tax due, then the Government would take. the zamindari and sell it by
auction. and all the rights would vest in the new owner.
15.3.2 The Position of the Cultivators

The actual cultivatiqn of the Land was of course, carried on by the lakhs of
peasants who weie dqw reduced to the status of tenants of the zamindars;
Cornwallis had also decreed that the zamindars should issue written agreements
(cajled pattas) to each cultivator, and these should specify what the tenant was to
pay. He zpparently believed that this would prevent -oppression by the zamindars.
111 practice, however, no such pattas were issued, and the peasants were wholly at
the mercy of the zamindars.
This was not accidental. As we have noted earlier, the permanent assessment was
the largest sum that could be got from the land. It was a heavy and oppressive
assessment. According to the estimate of a knoyiedgeable official. John Shore, if a
piece of land produced crops worth Rs. 100. then Rs. 45 went to the government.
as. 15 to the zamindar and Only Rs. 40 was left to the cultivator. Such oppressive
taxes could only be collected by oppressive methods. If the zamindars were not
allowed to oppress the peasants then they would not be ~ b l eto meet the demands
of the State. B y regulations made in 1793. 1799 and 1812, the zamindar could'
.
I
seize, that is, carry away the tenants' property if the rent had not been paid. He
did not need the permission of any court of law to do this. This was a legal
method of harassment. In addition to this the zamindars often resorted to iliegal
methods, such as locking up or beating tenants who did not pay whatever was
demanded. The immediate effect of the Settlement was, therefore, to greatly
worsen the position of the actual cultivators of the soil, in order to benefit the
zamindars and the British Government.
15.3.3 Effects of the Permanent Settlement
I
I
It may seem that the settlement was greatly in favour of the zamindars but we
should not forget that they were also now obliged to pay a fiied amount by fixed
dates eveiy year, and any failure on their part meant the sale of the zarnindari.
Furthermore, many of the zamindaris were rated for large sums that left no
margin for shortfalls due to flood, drought or other calamity. As a result, many
zamindars had their zamindaris taken away and sold in the decades immediately
after the permanent Settlement. In Bengal alone it is estimated that 68 per cent, of
the zamindari land was sold between 1794 and 1819. Merchants, government
officials, and other zamindars bought these lands. The new buyers would then set
about trying to increase the rents paid by the tenants in order to make a profit
from their purchases. Raja Rammohan Roy remarked that:
under the premanent settlement since 1793, the landholders have adoptsci
every measure to raise the rents, by means of the power put into their hands.
However, many zamindars still found it difficult to pay the amount demanded b)
the British. One such zamindar, the Raja of Burdwan then divided most of his
estate into 'lots' or fractions called parni taluqs. Each such unit was permanently
rented to a holder called a patnidar, who promised t o pay a fixed rent. If he did
not pay, his patni could be taken away and sold. Other zamindars also ~esortedto
this: thus .a process of subinfeudation commenced.
Gradually the population of Bengal increased, waste and jungle land came under
cultivation. Rents also increased. On the other hand, the tax payable to
government was fixed, so the position of the zamindars improved, and they were
able to lead lives of indolence and luxury at the expense of their tenants. Only in
1859 did the State take some step to protect the rights of tenant: a law passed that
year bestowed a limited protection on old tenants, who were now termed
occupancy tenants.
15.4 DISILLUSIONMENT WITH PERMANENT

SETTLEMENT
When Cornwallis introduced the Permanent Settlement in Bengal he expected that
the same system would be established in the other British territories as well. And
the Government of Madras in fact began to introduce it in the lands under its
control. However, British officiab soon began to doubt the virtues of this system,
while its defects became more prominent.
A very important defect, as far as they were concerned, was that it left no scope
for increases in taxation, while the expenditure of the Company, fuelled by
repeated wars, continued to expand. Lord Wellesley, Governor-General from 1798
to 1806 actually diverted funds sent from England for the purchase of trade goods
and used them for his military expenditures. So officials began to think of ways
and means of increasing the government's income. Some of the officials thought
that in 1793 the zamindars had got off too easily, and this mistake should not be
repeated in future. As early as 1811 the London authorities warned against the
introduction of permanent settlements without 'a minute and detailed survey' of
the land.
TheNewLmd
Revenue Settlements
Colonial
1)
What are the two esser!:iz! step; that k 1 . 2 to be

revenue re:tlen;cnt? An'3urr in t o i ~ tlincc
2)
What were the mor:vrT bchlnd the ~nrroductionof the Permanent Seltlerlaent
in Bengal? !&'!?at wau tt.; effect on the position of the cultivators? Answer in
100 words.
:::>el!
!r! mz' iicg a larad
........................................................................................................
.....................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
........................................................................................................
3)
Write a short note on the farming sysrem.
THE EMERGENCE OF ALTERNATIVE SYSTEMS

Meanwhile other ways of' assessing and collecting the land-tax were being devised
by British officials. Two officers, Munro and Read were sent to administer a newly
uonquered region of Madras in 1792. Instead of collecting from the zamindars,
they began to collect directly from the villages, fixing the amount that each village
had to pay. After this they proceeded to assess each cultivatbr or ryot
separately - and thus evolved what came to be known as the 'Ryotwari' system.
This early ryotwari was ,a field assessment system. This means that the tax payable
on each field was fixed by a government officer, and then the cultivator had the
choice of cultivating that field and paying that amount, or not cultivating it. If no
Other cultivator could be found; then the field would not be cultivated: it would lie
ballow.
15.5.1
Land Assessment Zjnder Ryotwari
You can see that the officer fixing the tax, or settling the revenue, has a difficult
mask. He has to fix the tax on thousands of fields in a sub-division or district, and
GO fix it in such a way that the burden on each such field is approximately equal.
If the burden is not equally distributed, then the cultivators will not occupy the
heavily assessed fields, and cultivate only those with a light assessment.
Mow, in fixing the assessment of a field, the revenue officer had t o consider two
things: one was the quality of the soil - whether it was r.ocky or rich, irrigated or
dry etc.; the other was area of the field. It followed, therefore, that this system
depended on a survey, that is, a classification of it. Thus one acre of first class
rice land should pay the same amount regardless of whether it was located in this
village or that one. But how was this amount to be fixed?
Munro usually fixed it by estimating what the usual product of the land was- for
example - 2600 Ibs. of paddy per acre. He would then claim that the State share of
this amounted to one third of this, or two-fifths of [his, and thus calculate the
amount that the cultivator had to pay the State. This, of course is the theory of
ryotwari -in practice, the estimates were largely guesswork, and the amounts
demanded so high that they could be collected with great difficuhy , and sometimes
could not be collected at all.
15.5.2
The Adoption of Ryotwari in Madras
After some experiments with other ways of managing the land revenue, the Madras
authorities were by 1820 converted to the ryoti:ari system, and its triumph was
indicated by the appointment of Munro as Governor of Madras. Munro advanced
many arguments in favour of this system. He argued that it was the original Indian land tenure, and the one best suited to Indian conditions. Its adoption was
due, however, to one main reason - it resulted in a larger revenue than any other
system could have produced. This was because there were no zamindars or other
intermediaries who received any part of the agricultural surplus - whatever could be
squeezed from the cultivator went directly to the State. The Madras government
was chronically short of funds, and such a system would naturally appeal to it. So.
taking advantage of the rejection of the Permanent Settlement, it introduced the
temporary ryotwari settlement.
15.5.3 Ryotwari Theory and Practice

We have-outlined the ryotwari system as it was developed by Munro in the districts
under his charge. After 1820 however, ryotwari was extended to most of the
Madras Presidency in forms quite different from those visualised by Munro. His
ryotwari, you will remember, was a field assessment, leaving the cultivator free to
cultivate or give up any particular field. And, as we saw, the working of such a
system depended upon the government carrying out a detailed measurement and
assessment of each field. But after 1820 the system was extended to many districts
where no surveys had ever been carried out. No one knew how much land a
peasant cultivated, or what its product might be. His tax came to be fixed on an
arbitrary basis, usually by looking at what he had paid in earlier years. This was
known as a 'putcut' assessment.
Again, in theory the ryotwarl allowed the ryot to give up any field that he chose.
But it soon became clear that if this was freely permitted the tax reverme of the
State would fall. So government officers began to compel the cultivators to hold
on to (and of course, pay for) land that they did not really want to cultivate. Since
cultivation was not voluntary, it, was always difficult to collect the revenue, and so
the use of beating and torture to enforce payment was also widespread. These
methods were exposed by the Madras Torture Commission in 1854. After this
certain reforms were intrdduced. A scientific survey of the land was undertaken,
the real burden of tax declined, and there was no need to use violent and coercive
methods to collect the revenue. However, these improvements occ arred after
1860- beyond the period that we are studying at present.
15.5.4 Effects of the Ryotwari System in Madras

There is hardly any doubt that the effects of this system upon the rural economy
were distinctly harmful. The peasants werp impoverished and lacked the resources
to cultivate new lands. The Government of Madras itself noted in 1855 that only
14% million acres of ryotwari land were cultivated, while 18 million acres were
waste. It confessed: 'There is no room for doubt that an increase of cultivation
would follow reductions of the Government tax.'
Apart from this depressing effect upon the rural economy, the heavy burden of
taxation distorted the land market. Land in most districts of Madras had no value
The New Land

Revenue Settkmento
in the first half of the 19th century. No .one would buy it, because buying it meant
that the new owner would have to pay the extortionate land revenue. After paying
it, be would have no income from the land, and obviously, in such circumstances,
no one would purchase land.
15.5.5
The ~ $ o t w &Settlement
i
in Bombay
Ryatwari in the Bombay Presidency had its beginnings in Gujarat. The British
began by collecting the land revenue through the hereditary officials called desais
and the village headmen (Patel). However, this did not produce as much revenue
as the British wanted, ar, they began collecting directly from the peasants in
1815-14. When they conquered the Peshwa's territory in 1818 the ryotwari system
on the Madras pattern was also introduced there, under the supervision of Munro's
disciple Elphinstone. The abuses that characterised the Madras ryotwari soon
-red
in the Bombay Presidency also, especially as the Collectors began trying
to increase the revenue as rapidly as they could.
A regular measurement and classification of the land was commenced under the
supervision of an officer named Pringle. This survey was supposed to be founded
upon the theory of rent developed by the English economist Ricardo. This theory
was hardly applicable to Indian conditions, and, in any case, Pringle's calculations
were full of errors, and the resulting assessmerit was far too high. When the
government tried to collect the amounts futed by Pringle in Pune district, many of
the cultivators gave up their lands and fled into the territory of the Nizam of
Hyderabad. This assessment thus had to be abandoned after some years.
It was replaced by a reformed system divised by two officers named Wingate and
Goldsmid. Their system did not try to apply any theoretical rules: instead it aimed
at moderating the demand to a level where it could be regularly paid. The actual
assessment of each field depended upon its soil and location. This new assessment
began to be made in 1836 and covered most of the Deccan by 1865. Its effects
upon agricultfire were beneficial, and the dultivated area expanded as the new
assessment was introduced.
15.5.6 Effects of t k Ryotwui System in
ad& and Bombay
We have seen how the Permanent Settlement established a few big zamindars in a
position of dominance over the mass of the peasants. The socid effects of the
ryotwari settlements were less dramatic. In many areas the actual cultivating
peasants were recorded as the occupants or 'ryots', and thus secured the title to
their holdings. However, as we saw, the tax was so heavy that many peasants
would have gladly abandoned at least some of their land, and had to be prevented
from doing so. It was also possible for non-cultivating landlords to have their
names entered as the occupants (or owners) of particular holdings, while the actual
cultivation was carried on by their tenants, servants or even bonded labourers. This
was partic&rly the case in irrigated districts like Thanjavur (in Tamil Nadu) where
many of the 'ryots' held thousands of acres of land. There was no limit to the
amount of land that a ryot could hold, so there could be great difference in wealth
and status between one ryot and another. However, money-lenders and other
non-cultivators were not much interested in acquiring lands because of the heavy
taxes that came with them. Hence the small peasants, oppressed though they might
be by the tax-collector did not have to fear expropriation by the money-lender or
landlord.
Under the reformed ryotwari system that gradually developed in Bombay after
1836 and Madras after 1858 the burden of the land revenue was somewhat
reduced, and land acquired a saleable value. The purchaser could now expect to
make a profit from owning land :the State would not take it all as tax. One result
of this was that money-lenders began to seize the lands of their peasant debtors
and either evict them.or reduce them to tenants. This process led to considerable
social tension, and caused a major rural uprising in the Bombay Deccan in 1875.
15.6 THE OTHER ALTERNATIVE SETTLEMENT:

THE MAHALWARI SYSTEM
The aggressive policies of Lord Wellesley led to large territorial gains for the
British in North India between 1801 and 1806. These areas came to be called the
North-Western Provinces. Initially the British planned a settlement on the Bengal
pattern, Wellesley ordered the local officials ro make the settlement with the
zamindars wherever they could, provided they agreed to pay a suitably high land
revenue. Only if the zamindars refused to pay, or nor zamindars could be found
were the settlements to be made village by village 'giving the preference to the
mokuddums, perdhauns, or any respectable,Ryotts of the village'. Ultimately, the
settlement was to be made permanent, as in Bengal.
In the meantime, however, every effort was made to enlarge the revenue collection.
The demand in 1803-4 was Rs. 188 lakhs - by 1817-18 it was Rs. 297 lakhs.
Such enormous increases provoked resistance from many of the big zamindars and
rajas, who had been almost independent in the earlier period. Many of them were
therefore driven off their lands by the new administration. In other cases the old
zamindars could not pay the amount demanded, and their estates were sold by the
Government. Increasingly, therefore, it became necessary to collect from the village
directly through its pradhan or muqaddam (headman). In the reSrenuerecords the
word used for a fiscal unit was a 'mahal', and the villagewise assessment therefore
came to be called a mahalwari settlement. It was however quite possible for one
person to hold a number of villages, so that many big zamindars continued to
exist. Furthermore, as in Bengal, the confusion and coercion that accompanied the
collection of the very heavy land tax created fine opportunities for the l y a l
officials, and large areas of land were illegally acquired by them in the eakly years.
Meanwhile, the Government found that its expenditures were alwasy exceeding its
revenues, and the idea of a permanent settlement was dropped.
15.6.1 Mahalwari Theory and Prsctice

In 1819 an English official, Holt Mackenzie, developed the theory that taluqdars
and zamindars were originally appointed by the State, and the real owners of
villages were the zamindars who lived in them, or constituted the village
community. He argued that their rights and payinents should be clearly established
by a survey. His ideas were embodied in a law, Regulation VII of 1822. This
required that Government officials should record all the rights of cultivators,
zamindars and others, and also fix the amounts payable from every piece of land.
The Governor-General orders:
It seems necessary to enter on the tas'k of fixing in detail the rates of rent
and modes of payment current in each village, and applicable to each field:
and anything short of this must be regarded as a very imperfect Settlement.
In practice, this proved impossible to implement. The calculations made were often
quite inaccurate, and the Collectors in any case slanted them so as to increase the
revenue due to the Government. Far from favouring the village communities, the
new mahalwari ofren ruined them by imposing impossible tax assessments. In 1833
it was decided that the detailed effort to regulate all rights and payments should be
given up, and that a rough and ready estimate of what the village could pay to rhe
State was adequate. In later years, these estimates came to be guided by the rents
paid by the tenants of village lands to the owners. From these rents the Settlement
officer would calculate the theoretical amount that all the lands of the village or
mahal would yield. Then some part - ultimately 50 per cent of this would have to
be paid to the Government. All these calculations involved a large amount of
guesswork: and, not suprisingly, the guesses tended to be on the high side,
increasing the amounts to be paid to the State.
15.6.2 Effects of the Mahalwari Settlement

One of the e a r b effects was that the areas under the controi of the big taluqdars
was reduced. The British officers made direct settlements with the vilIage
zarnindars as far as possible, and even supported them in the law c o w s when the
taluqdars brought suits against them. But the so-called village zamindars were
supported only because it was planned to extract the highest possible revenue from
them. They were freed from taluqdar's claims only to subject them to a full
measure of government taxation.
The result was often the ruin of the village zamindars. One officer reported that in
many villages of Aligarh:
the Juma (land revenue) was in the first place considerably too heavy; and in
which the Malgoozars revenue payers seem to have lost all hope of 'improving
their condition or of bearing up against the burden imposed on them. They
are now deeply in debt, and utteriy incapable of making any arrangements
for defraying their arrears.
The result of this situation was h a t large areas of land began t s pass into the
hands of money-lenders and merchants who ousted the old cultivating proprison
or reduced them to tenants-at will. This occurred most frequently in t k mxe
commercialised districts, where the land revenue demand had been p&ed to the
highest level, and where the landholders suffered most acutely from the business
collapse and export depression after 1833. .By the 1840s it was not uncommon to
Sind that no buyers could be found to take land that was being sold for arrears of
land revenue. As in the Madras Presidency, the tax in these cases was so high that
the buyer could not expect to make any profit from the purchase. Overall,
therefore. the mahalwari settlement brought impoverishment and widespread
dispossession to the cultivating communities of North India in the 1830s a d 1840s.
and their resentment expressed itself in popular uprisings in 1857. In that year
villagers and taluqdars all over North India drove off government official,
destroyed court and official records and papers, and ejected the new auction
purchasers from the villages.
15.7 LET US SUM UP

Thus in this Unit we have seen how the three major land systems devise.d by the
British came into existence. When new areas came under British rule the
settlements' made rekmbled either the ryotwari or the mahalwari. Thus Punjab
came under the mahalwari, as did a large part of central India under a slightly
modified form known as malguzari, In Awadh,-after the revolt of 185? the
government recognised the talqudars ag proprietors so as to ensure that they
supported it in any future revolt. The pssessment itself was mahalwari.
An ever-present theme throughout our discussion has been that the drive to collect
B large revenue was central to British Policy. Sometimes this led to the
development of a land market - to the sale and purchase of land. But at other
times, the State's demands were so heavy that no purchasers were to be found.
The need to collect so much was itself made necessary by the heavy expenditures
of the Government in India, and its need to send !vge slims to britain for its
expenses there. Some other aspects of this will be discussed in Unit 16 on the
commercialisation of agriculture.
2)
In what way did the Mahalwari Settlement diffcr from the Ryotuari
Settlement? Answer in five lines.
3)
What was the effect of thc h,lahal\vari Settlernen! on the rural econoiny?
Answer in 60 words.
T?ICNrw I.and
ljc-
15.8 ANSWERS 3TCH4XX YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Chrck Yaur Progress 1
1) SeeSec. 15.1.
2)
3)
Your answer s M d fdcw on the ecooomic interest that the British had for
the introduction of the Permanent Settlement. In the second p u t of the
answer, you should write about the growing d w n d a n c y of the cultivators on
the zamindars and the miseries that the cultivators had to face. Sce Sec. 15.3.
See Sec. 15.2.
1)
2)
3)
One was with the zamindars, other was with the Ryets, for more diffomcer,
See Secs. 15.3 and 15.5.
SeeSecs. 15.5 and 15.6.
Growth of money-lenders and merchants in the rural economy, disposKIIliaa
and impoverishment of the cultivating communities, etc. Sce Sub-Sec. 15.6~2.
Srttkncnts
UNIT 16 THE COMMERCIAI,PSATION 017

AGRICULTURE
-- -
,-
Structure
Objectives
:ntrodclciion
I he Range n!' <_'9rnrnercial1sation
C~mmrr~:i;.;';s-~io:
Bcicrre t h e - ~ r i t i s h
Comnel.c~e,:,a~ic~n
U!ldcr rhe British
-
I 6.4. l
16.4.2
i6.4.3
!6.4.4
T i e c ,.rnpanv'< ..2ilns
1mpli:d:iars of These Aim:
Efcccr 0:' ihc Exporl TraL- on ..2gr1cu!'urr
The Sele. :,>n o! ;he Co:nmersial Crops
The Commerc:al Crops

16 5.1
I6 5 2
16.5.3
16.5.4
16.5.5
16.?.6
16.5.7
Ra~bSilk
Opum
Indigo
Cct:on
Pepper
Sugar
Tca
The Effects of Commercialisation

16.6.1
16.6.2
16.6.3
16.6.4
1rnpoverishm:nt
lnsrabiliiy
The Various Markers
Social Structure
i.et Us Sum Up
Answers T o Check Your Frogress Exercises
-6-. 0 OBJECTIVES
---- .
.--
--
This L!nit analyses the commercialisatio~~

of agriculture in India during the early
phaser of Rritish rule-- that is, up to the middle of the 19th century. The process
of commeriialiss(tion that began under the British had far-reaching effects on
llndian life, and many of the problems that arose 'then, are still with us today.
After studyi~lgthis Unit, you will learn about:
the meaning of the term 'commercialisation';

the extent o f commercialisation before the British conquest;
the changes that cccilrred with the introduction of British 1.11e;
the different ways in which the new commercial agriculture was organised; ancl.
the effects of this process on the Indian economy, and o n the Indian farmers.
----
---
- .---
.---
16.1 INTRODUCTION
The market is a familiar institution for all of us. You must have frequently gone
t o a market to make purchases, or sometimes to sell things. This is because we live
in a conmercialised economy. People work and earn, or produce and sell, because
they get money with which they can buy what they want on the market. All sorts
of things.can be bought on the market - from little things like cigarettes or sweets
to expensive things like houses or land. There are even markets for labour - for
e ~ a m p l e the
, employment exchanges tha! are run by the Government are a sort o f
labour market. But private labour iilarkets also exist: I am sure t!lat you can think
of places whcre you would g-if you needed to hire a carpenter or a coo;;c. .
The Cu~nmerci~llsalion
of Agrkullure
Now, in a cominercialised, or (what is the same thing) a market economv,

economic activities 2re regulated by the market. What does this statement mean? It
only means that people try to buy as cheaply, and tr, sell as dearly as they can. It
also means that they will produce more if prices ",e high, and less if' they a r t low.
Workers will try and leave localities and joh-@+here they earn little and try and go
where the pay is good. People coming into a city will search for areas where they
can buy or rent a house cheaply. In all these ways, economic actions are being
directed by market prices. In this Unit we will introduce you to the process of
commerciallsa:ion of Indian agriculture under the British rule and its effect on
Indian economy and society.
THE RANGE OF COMMERCIALISATION

Markets have not always existed. In fact, they are relatively new in human society.
Many societies hake organised production, distribution aiid consumption withotit
resorting to buying and selling, without the presence of money and markets.
Gradually, however different things begin to be bought and sold, and thus mjlitets
develop. This is the process of commercialisation. In a society that is undergoii-.g
commercialisztion, certain things may begin to be sold before others - for cxarnple,
forest tribes may begin selling wood or honey and buying sal! and iron even when
other things are not bought or sold by them.
!n the same way, when agriculture is commercialised, several different markets
may come into operation at different times. We shall try and make a r m g h li?t of
these markets:
Product markets- various agricultural products, such as wheat or rice o r wool
or ghee begin to be sold;
ii) Input markets - things needed for agricultural production such as tools, seeds,
fertiiisers, bullocks, begin to be sold;
iii) Labour markets - when workers begin to be hired for money;
iv) Land markets- when farmers begin to buy and sell the land, or hire it for
money;
v) Market for money itself - as commercialisa!ion develops, the cultivators are
often in need of money, to pay taxes or rents in cash, t o bl!y seed or
bullocks, or even t o feed themselves and their families. A market in loans
grows up, and the 'price' of the loan is, of course, the interest that the
borrower must pay.
i)
Many other kinds of markets exist in a developed market economy, but we d o not
need to consider them.
Thus we have seen that there are many kinds of markets, and some markets can
function even where others do not exist. For example, villagers may begin sel!ing
their surplus wheat or cotton even at a time when land is held on the basis of
traditional customs and cannot be sold at all. Again, it is quite possible for some
of the crop to be sold-while another part is disposed of in customary, non-market
waysL for example given to the village priest or carpenter or smith. So
commercialisation is a slom process, not a sudden or dramatic event.
COMMERCIALISATION BEFORE THE BRITISH

Markets have been known in India from ancitat times, and agricultural products
were bought and sold in them. In the Mughal empire a large part of the land tax
was collected in money from the cultivators, and this obviously rneant that they
were selling their products for money in order t o pay the taxes. It has been
estimated that this involved selling about 50 per cent of the agricullural produce.
So virtually everyone was involved in exchange as a producer or. consumer, usually
both. Specialized merchants, money-lenders and brokers were to be found, and

there is even evidence that some kinds of rights in land (zamindari rights) were
bought and sold.
The Mughal empire broke up in the 18th century, and was succeeded by various
r w n a l kingdom (as you have seen in Block 1). They sometimes collected lower
the Mughals had done, but they also collected mainly in cash which
indicates that the commercial system continued to exist.
tue,than
--
p
-
16.1 COMMERCIALISATION UNDER THE BRITISH

Among the new powers that took advantage of the decline'of the Mughals was the
Btitish East lndia Company. It acquired territories in South India, and also the
rich provinces of kngal, Bihar and coastal Orissa in the East. These areas
possessed a rich agriculture as also flourishing trade and handicrafts, and the
Company as well as its servants and employees planned to enrich themselves
through this conquest. It is the methods adopted by them that gave the
~Ommercialisationunder their control its distinctive characteristics.
In ardcr to understand this we have to look at the nature of this new ruling
powa. I1 was a trading company based in Britain, which had been granted a
monopoly d the Eoctern trade by the British Government. Its aims and objectives
would therefore be different from thosc of an lndian ruler, or even a raider like
Nadir Shah.
16.4.1
The Company's Aims
The Company was mainly concerned with acquiring lndian goods for sale in
Europe. Since there was little demand'for British goods in India at that time, the
Company had to bring gold and silver bullion to lndia to pay far its purchases.
After the conquest of Bengal it hoped that it would no lower have to import this
bullion into India: instead, it would collect taxes from its lndian subjects and use
the surplus over its local expenditures to buy goods that would be exported to
Europe. Then there would be no need to send out gold and silver from Britain.
You can see that under such an arrangement lndia would, in a roundabout way
pry a tribute to the Company in the form of goods to be sold in Europe. The
Company would usc its political power to make commncial profits for itself.
16.4.2
Implications of These ~ i m '
Now. you will sec that for this a h to be realiscd the Company had to manage to
d o two things:
i)
It must collect taxes so as to yield enough not only to pay its military ancl
administrative expenses in India, but also to provide a surplus for the finance of
its trade;and
ii) India should produce at low prices goods for which there was a demand in the West,
so that the surplus revenues could be remitted in the form of these goods.
No sooner had the company acquired the Diwani (revenue control) of Bengal in
I765 than the Directors in London wrote to their employees in lndia to 'enlarge
every channel for conveying to us as early as possible the annual produce of our
acquisitions' and to 'increase the investment of your company to the utmost extent
that you con.' (The term 'investment' referred to the money spent in buying goods
for export to Europe.) More than twenty years later, the Governor General, Lord
Cornwallis, had the same aims. Tlrt value of Bengal to the British, he stated.
kpended 'on the continuance of its ability to furnish a large annual investment to
Europe'.
The policy of high taxation has becn discussed in Unit IS, dealing with land
tcvenue systems, JJO we shall now concentrate on the second of our two points:.
that India should produce expoltable goods for the 'investment'.
16.46
Effect ~f the Export Tmde on Agdcaltun
When Indian rulers collected taxex, most of the money was spent within the
locality or region, and so agriculture was little affectd by foreign demand. Indian
exports of handicraft and other p o d s more than covered imports from outside the
country. Initially the British also concentrated on exporting Indian manufacture,
like textiles, to the West. But a dangerous rival to Indian textiles appeared in the
later 18th century, as a cotton mill industry grew up in Britain. These mills found
it difficult to compete with the Indian products, and in the 1780s they launched an
agitation, claiming that the East Iadia Company was injuring them by its import
of Indian fakrics.
The company realked that it needed to promote other lines of export from India,
agricultural products were a safe line. They could not compete with British
products, and might serve as raw materials for British induskry. This strategy had
been followed in the case of silk from the 1790is, but with the development of
British industry this trend grew stronger Furthermore, by the 1789s an indirect
method of remitting the Indian tribute via China had began to take shape. The
British imported large quantities of tea from China, and had to pay for it in silver,
as the Chinese did not want Western goods. However, the Chinese bought Indian
products like ivory, raw cotton and (later on) opium. If the British controlled this
trade, then they would not need to send silver to China- the tea could be got in
exchange for Indian products that the British acquired in India. This system
became known as 'triangular trade', with the three points being Calcutta, Canton,
and London. Wealth circulated through the first two but gathered in the
Company's treasury in the third.
So, to conclude, The East India Company was interested in producing a controlled
commercialisation of agriculture in order to provide commodities for either the
Chinese or the Western market.
16.4.4 The S e l d o a of the Commercial Crops

The crops on which the company concentrated were indigo, cotton, raw silk,
opium, pepper, and, in the 19th century, d s o tea and sugar. Of these, raw s i k was
used by British weavers; it could not be produced in Britain. The same was true of
cotton, and it could also be sold to the Chinese. Opium, of course, was smuggled
into China despite the Chinese prohibitions o n its import. Indigo was a textile dye
needed in the West. Tea cultivation was introduced in Assam from the 1840s so
that Britain could control its supply, and did not have t o depend on China for it.
None of these things we may note, competed with or replaced any British product.
AU of them a k o had another characteristic in common; they were all valuable in
relation to their bulk, which is to say that their price per kilogram or per cubic
metre was high.
At this time, we mud remember, dl goods went over land in cans pulled by horses
or bullocks, and over the sea in sailing ships. It took four months or more for a
ship to sail from India t o Europe, and the shipsrarried far less than modern cargo
vessels. So the cost of transport was high. Now. if cheap. bulky goods had been
b e d they would have become very expensive after the shipping cost had been
paid. This would make them unprofitable for the Company to trade in. So it was
necessary for the products to be profitawe in relation to their weight, so that the
transport costs did not eat up the profits.
The Comlnercialisstipn
of Agriculture
21
h\
did :tic 6.i)girii.l i' ornpany plan for commercialisation of Indian agriculture?
A n w e r i:! _hi!words.
16.5 THE COMMERCIAL CROPS

NOWwe will discuss some crops which had great commercial prospects.
16.5.1
Raw Silk
The Company was interested in this product almost from the beginning of its rule.
In 1770 the Directors wrote from London that Bengal silk, if properly made, could
replace the Italian and Spanish silk that the British weavers were then using. So
experts were brought in to improve the methods of silk making in India, and to set
up workshops (called 'filatures') where the cocoons were spun into silk thread for
expart. The company through its agents and officials also coerced the growers of
the mulberry trees (on whose leaves the silk-worms feed) and the workers in the
fllrteres, so as to keep the price of silk low, so as to allow the contractors to
make large profits. Silk remained an important export until the last decades of the
19th century.
16.s.2
Opium
We Lave already seen that the British found it difficult to pay for the tea that they
i m ~ r t e dfrom China. However, they soon hit upon the device of selling the
Chinese opium. Opium is an addictive drug, like nicotine and alcohol, and once a
person has started taking it, he finds it difficult to give up, and will pay high
prices in order to get it. The British found it highly profitable to smuggle opium
into China
Opium had long been produced in India in small quantities. It was used a medicine
as well as a narcotic. In 1773 Warren Hastings, searching for fresh sources of
revenue placed its production and trade under Government control, and appointed
contractors to handle the crop. Later on officials knows as opium agents were put
in charge of it. The opium poppy could only be grown under a contract to sell to
the.Ciovernment at a price fixed by it. Any attempt to evade this contrd was
severkly punished. The price fixed was as low as possible, so as to yield a large
profip to the State. The supply was also sought to be controlled so as to maintain
a high price o ~ the
i Chinese market. Great efforts were made to put down the
initpendent producers of opium in the Malwa region of Central India - when they
failed the company contented itself by imposing a heavy export duty on the Malwa
opiudn. Thus we see t h ~ the
t development of opium as a commercial crop fulfilled
both the objectives of the Company - it gave a large revenue in India, and also
created a channel (via China) for the remittance of that income to London.
16.51.3 Indigo
This is a blue dye extracted from a tropical plant. It was used to colour textiles.
Up to the 1790s much of the Western supply had come from the Caribbean
colonies. But then, production there,declined, and Indian indigc found a growing
market. The company had been encouraging Eu:opeans to settle in its territory to
produce indigo, and purchasing it from them for export. Production inueased
rapidly. It was less than 5,000 factory maunds in 1788-9 and reached 133,000
maunds by 1829-30.
Indigo was grown under two systems of production dj and ryoti. Under the first,
the planter undertook the cultivation with their own ploughs and cattle, employing
hired labour for the purpose. The plant was cut and taken to the planters' factory
for the dye to be extracted. Under the ryoti system (also known a s - ~ i w ~the
) ,
peasants cultivated the plant on their own land. and had to deliver it t o the factory
at a futed price. Almost all the indigo was producd under this system, as it had
inany advantages for the planter. To begin with, the price paid to the peasant was
very low, and yet he could not refuse to grow the indigo. Refusal might lead to a
beating or imprisonment and the destruction of the other crops on his land. To
further strengthen the planters' powers, doctored accounts were maintained which
showed the peasant to be in debt to the factory-a debt that was to be cleared by
going on delivering indigo. Somehow, the debt was never cleared, but increased
from year to year. The planters were Europeans, and maintained excellent relations
with the Magistrates and Government officers, so that no complaints against them
were ever heeded by officials. So the peasants were compdled to go on growing
this plant at a loss to themselves: their accumulated discontent finally found
expression in what were known as the 'Indigo Riots' in 1859-60. Thus we see that
this important commercial crop was growl1 under a system of outright coercion.
16.5.4 Cotton
If indigo was the important commercial crop in Eastern India, raw cotton was that
of Western india. A significant export to China had developed by the 1780s,and
the East India Company and Bombay merchants, who enjoyed its favour, sought
to control the sources of supply. By 1806 substantial territory had been acquired in
Gujarat, and the Company began forcing the cultivators to sel! to them at a price
lower than thar Prevailing eisewhere. Now however, the Company came into
conflict with private European merchants and were compelled to give up the
system and retire from this trade in 1833.
16.5.5 Pepper
Here again the political power of the Company was used to force down the price.
and to prevent merchanis from selling to the French or other competitors. Here
again, the company was forced to hand over to private British merchants in the
1830s.
16.5.6 Sugar
The sugarcane is indigenous t o India, and gur and chhi have been produced here
for many centuries. It was extensively consumed within India. In the 1830s the
indigo planters were faced with a fall in prices and sales, and so capital began to
be invested in producing sugar for the London market, where import duties had
been reduced and demand was rising. Large areas of land were given to European
speculators who bagan setting up sugar plantations in eastern Uttar Pradesh. The
local peasants had long produced gurfor local consumptiolr and sale to other parts
of India, but they were now made to produce a thickened sugarcane juice (called
m b ) for delivery to the planters who processed it into sugar. As with indigo, the
peasants received advances, and were then bound t o deliver to the factory at a
low. fixed price. Large profits, were made by the planters, and exports grew; in
1833-34 Calcutta had sent less than 1,600 tons of sugar to England, but by 1 W ?
it sent over 80.000 tons-a fifty fold increase. This prosperity was short lived, and
when prices fell after 1848 most of the factories shut down, and exports almost
ceased. Indian gur merchants and khadsrris then took the trade back into the old
channel of sale to Mirzapt~rand central India.
16.5.7 Tea
In the 1830s the Company faced mounting hostility in China because of its
i~~sistance
on smuggling opium. It feared.-that its lucrative trade in tea might be
interrupted, and began to promote the"cultivation of tea within its own territories
in Assam. When the experiment proved successful, the gardens were handed over
to a private company, the Assam Company. Other tea companies also set up
prdcns in the 1850s. Since there were no local labourers to be had. the tea
gardens1 brought in indentured or bonded labourers from Chota Nagpur and
elsewhere in large numbers. This is the only instance in which commercial crops
were produced in large capitalist enterprises. However, the.expansion of tea, coffee
and other plantations really occurred after 1860. and thus falls outside the period
that we are studying now.
I IIL.C ~ n ~ m c r c i . t ~ i ~ ; ~ ~ i t ~ n
or \gr~raltl~rr
16.6 THE EFFECTS OF COMMERCIALISATION

We have ROW seen In detail how the different commrcial crops were produced and
sold. It will be obvious to you that each is different f m the others in certain
ways and it follows that the effects of cornmedalisation will differ from time to
time, place to place, and crop to crop. We cannot expect them to be exactly the
same everywhere. However, certain common features, and certain common effects
to exist: and it is on these that this section will focus.
Let us start with the lndian economy as a whole. You will remember that the
object of the British was to produce goods for export to Europe, so that funds
could be accumulated in the Company's treasury in London. Private English
businessmen also wanted to send money back so that they could ultimately retire
to a life of comfort in Britain. The expons therefore served essentially to remit
resources out of India. It was the method by which the Indian 'tribute' was
transferred to Britain. India received no imports in return for these exports.
Obviously such a transfer impoverished India. The growth and export of
commercial crops thus served to impo;erish rather than to enrich India.
16.6.2
Instability
Agriculture in India was exposed to many hazards; drought, flood or other

calamity could destroy the crops and ruin the farmers. But with commercial
agriculture a new set of dangers appeared. The crops were now going to distant
markets. If the West Indian sugar crop was g o d , prices might fall in Calcutta,
and the sugar factories in Azamgarh might pay the peasants less than they had
promised, and maltreat them if'they complained.
Smilarly, Bundelkhand region (the northern part-of Madhya Pradesh) began to
grow a lot of cotton for the China market after 1816. The British officials claimed
t h e the area thus became very prosperous, and increased the land tax. However.
the export declined in the 1830s. prices fell- but the taxes were nbt reduced. Both
zamindars and peasants became impoverished, the land went out of cultivation,
and finally in 1842 an uprising, known as the Bundela Rebellion broke out.
Uttar Pradesh also suffered in a similar way in the 1830s. The price of cotton and
indigo fell, and as Professor Siddiqi describes it: 'Peasants were abandoning their
lands, Zamindars had suffered losses. Money-lenders had been ruined because the
loans they had made had not been repaid; many of them now refused to lend
money to the cultivators. Land had depreciated in value: innumerable caw+s were
reported of estates being put up for sale and no buyers coming forward.' The
situation in rural &ngal was also similar at this time.
This was not the result of coincidence. Between 1830 and 1853 almost all the big
firms connected with the export trade and the fina-xe Qf commercial agriculture in
Bengal, Bihar and U.P. went bankrupt. The reason was that they had gone on
despatching indigo to Britain even though prices were falling, because they wanted
to get their money out of India. The Government made matters worse bq sending
out bullion to London, and thus causing a scarcity of money in India.
Businessmen who had borrowed to produce the export crops found that they could
not repay the loans, and went bankrupt. Finally, of comrsc the worst sufferers
were the peasants who had been drawn by force and persuasion into the
production of the commerciru crops. Falling prices in London came to ruin
cultivators in India. This is what we mean when we say the commercialisation
added a fresh element of instability to the rural economy.
16.6.3 The Various Markets

We saw in 16.2 above that commercialisation is to be viewed in terms of different
markets. We have also seen how markets for various products (silk, opium, indigo
etc.) grew up. So the product market widened and enlarged itself. But what
happened to the other markets that we had listed?
Strange though it may seem, the way that commercialisation developed in India
actually tended to check the appearance o f the other markets. First of all, except
in the case of tea, the crops were not produced by hired labaur. As we saw in the
case of indigo, the preferred system was one in which the peasant could be coerced
into supplying the required product at a very low price (what was called the rydi
system). In such a system, earnings would be very small which was why the
peasants had to be coerced into it. They could survive because they and their
families colrld grow food on the rest of their land - but a landless labourer could
not do this, and would have had to be paid more. So the planters and businessmen
did not like to employ wage labour, and the labour market did not develop.
The effect on the input market was similar. The .peasant had to use his own
plough, bullocks, etc. to raise the commercial crop. But he was not paid enough
for this - as that would reduce the planters' profits. He could bear the loss because
these things were needed to grow his own food supply also, but as in the case with
labour, rro free market for these inputs could easily arise.
The growth of a land market .would also be inhibited. You will realise that land
cannot be consumed like rice or dal. When we buy land we look forward to
getting some income from its yield. &rt no one will buy it if he 1s not reasonably
sure that he will be allowed to get this income- that an indigo planter or opium
agent will not suddenly make some new demand on him. The fear of such action
will obviously prevent outsiders from buying land and thus creating a land market.
The hereditary cultivators may go on tilling the soil: after all, what alternative
employn~entdo they have? But the exacting regime of the tax-collector, the
zamindar and the planter will check the growth of a market in land.
Finally, there is the credit market, the market for loans. Here also the effect of the
system was to check its expansion. The indigo cultivators were given loans by the
planters as a way of tying them down. An English official observed: 'If a ryot
once received an advance he could very seldom or never clear himself and thus
beccmes little better than a tond-slave to the factory'. No one else would lend to a
man in this situation, for how could the loan be repaid? C h che other hand, the
planter himself did not want the advance repaid, because then the peasant would
escape from his control. Similarly, in the case of opium, the peasants took the
advance to grow the crop at least in part because they feared that a refusal would
anger the village headman and the Government. A free market, with the freedom
for each individual to act in his own interest clearly did not exist.
16.6.4 Social Structure
It is sometimes believed that commercialisation necessarily results in growing

inequality within the peasantry, with some becoming wealthy and employing wagelabourers, and others losing their land and forced to work for wages..This may
happen if the markets are allowed to develop and function freely, and, in
particular, the market for land becomes active. However, we have been that this
was not the case in the corrrmercialisation that we are studying. The continual use
of coercion and State power distorted the markets and prevented the appearance of
a full labour market. Insteaa, commercial production fastened itself on the existing
structure of small peasant productim and impoverished it. Production continued
to be carried on by the peasant and his family on (heir little plot qf land, but now
the indigo planter or opium agent forced hirn to mark off a part of his land for a
commercial crop. from which he earned little or nothing. The peasant was
impoverished, but neither the method nor the organisation of production were
altered. The European businessmen found it more profitabk to exploit the small
peasant household than to engage in 4arge-scale production with hired labour.
16.7 LET US SUM UP

Thus we see in this Unit that although commercialisation was not compktety new
to India, the form that it took under early British rule differed in several
important ways from that which had existed under the Indian rulers. This
Colonial Economy
comrner~ialisationoccurred under tne auspices of a trading company whose

headquarters l a j in England and most of whose'employees came from there:
So the question of remitting or transferring wealfh from India to Britain was a
central aim,
So the commercial production of items with a market in the West had to be
specifically organised,
But these items had to be secured at as low a cost as possible, so the
Company used, and allowed planters and others to use coercion and violence
on the Indian producers so as to keep prices down,
Products could be got most cheaply by squeezing the peasants rather than by
resorting to direct production with wage labour,
While the product market was commercialised, other markets such as that for
land and labour could not develop;
So the peasant economy was impoverished, but neither the methods nor the
org#nisation of production were altered; and
As a result, small farming based on family labour remained the predominant
form in the Indian countryside.

1) Was commercialisation beneficial for the peasants? .4,nswer ir; t!O wfi>r5s
2) What was the effect of commercialisation on varlcus rnarkeis*!
Ar:svrr:r iri ;iiij
words.
16.8 ANSWERS T O CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
11 See
Sec. 16.2
2 ) Your answer should focus mainly on the ccrmmercial interest of the English
Company, See Sec. 16.4
Check Your Prognas 2
1) Sek Sub-sec. 16.6.2

2) Se Sub-SCC. 16.6.3
UNIT 17 DE-INDUSTRIALIZATIQN IN
INDIA
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
What. h We Mean By De-industrialization
The Pre-British Economy
17.3.1
17.3.2
17.3.;
17.3.4
The Nature of Early Trade with Europe

The Fall Out of the Early Trade with Europe
Tr* After Battle of Plasscy
The Impact of the European 'lrade
De-industrialization
Conclusions
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
17.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit you will get to know, about:
what is meant by de-industri4ization in our period,
the impact of European trade on India's Industries, and
the connection ktween de-industriali?ation and the policies of the East lndia
Company.
1 7 . INTRODUCTION
The increasing political a d economic subjugation of lndia to Britain since the
middle &the eighteenth century M a pronaunced impact on the Indian economy.
The destruction of traditional Indian craft induslrics was one of the earliest noticed
nianifestations of British economic control over lndia. This process has often been
referred to as the 'de-mdustrialization' of the Indian economy in Indian economic
history.
--
17.2 WHAT DO WE MEAN BY

DE-INDUSTRIALIZATION
- -
--
De-industrialization refers to the process of a continued and marked industrial

decline. The proportion of the national income generated by industry and the
percentage of population dependent on it are commonly used as quantitative
measures of industrial growth or decline. An increase in these proportions suggests
industrialization while a decrease indicates industrial decline or de-industrialization.
The entire question of the destruction of Indian industries and the ruralization of
the country received a lot of attention both in Colonial India as well as in Britain
by the various political and economic interest groups. The Indian Natignalists used
the destruction of Indian craft industries under early British rule to substantiate
their point that India was being exploited under British rule. The nascent free
trader group in Britain attacked the East Indiz Company's monopolistic control
over lndia by criticizing the destruction of the country's traditional crafts under
the Company rule.
17.3 THE PRE-BRITISH ECONOMY

The pre-British industrial sector in lndia has been described as exceptionally
vibrant and buoyant by some observers and as stagnant and technically backward
by others. The very limited quantitative data on important indicators of iadustrial
change such as output, productivity, capital investment and the size of the
workforce prevent any conclusive assessment of pre-colonial India's industrial
performance. Qualitative evidence, however, does help us in forming a fairly
reliable picture of the state of the industrial sector during this period.
In spite of a highly uneven distribution of income in Mughal India the demand in
the home market for essential manufactured consumer goods appears to have been
large in absolute terms and exhibited an increasing trend. The rich nobility
provided the market for the production of high class luxury goods.
Cotton textiles which were produced virtually all over India constituted the most
important manufacture. Dye stuffs (predominantly indigo) and sugar were the next
most important commercial industrial products. The other significant agro-based
industries included oils, tobacco, opium and alcoholic beverages. Although the
mining industry was inadequately developed, India was self-sufficient in iron. Ship
building was another important and developing industry.
In Mulghal India, unlike pre-industrial Europe, there was no sharp division between
urban centres where industries were concentrated and the countryside which
supplied primary produce. Industrial production in India continued to be a largely
rural based activity.
The Mughal economy while marked by expanding demand and organizational
developments grew very slowly. Relative stagnation in demand, a low rate of
capital formation and the absence of rapid technological inovations contributed to
the Mughal industrial economy as a whole growing rather slowly.
17.3.1
The Nature of Early Trade with Europe
Eurly European trade with India was heavily balanced in India's favour. The
seventeenth century saw Indian cotton textiles rapidly displacing pepper and other
spices to become the most important Asian, import into the west. By 1664, the
English East India Company imported more than 750,000 pieces of cotton goods
from India, which accounted for 73 per cent of the Company's total trade. In the
following two decades the figure further increased to 1.5 million pieces with cotton
textiles now contributing to 83 per cent of the total import value. (Cambridge
Economic History of India, hereafter CEHI Vol.1).
The marked expansion of lhdlan cotton textile exports substantially accelerated the
growth of the textile indrtstry 'which probably provided employment to a sizeable
wction of the population.'
This unprecedented growth of Indian textile imports into Europe was accompanied
by a steady inflow of bullion into India from the buyer nations, because lndia
continued to enjoy a positive balance of trade vis-a-vis these nations. It has been
suggested that the Indo European trade of this period, which has clearly tilted in
favoul of India could not have been sustained at the level for nearly three
centuries without the discovery of American mines. The increased European
Iiquilty became a vital prerequisite for permitting the sustained financing of this
trade with its highly adverse balance of payments.
Contemporary Western observers who were influenced by mercantalist thinking

attributed the instability in national finances of Western countries to their,
markedly negative balance of trade. The shipmen! of large quantities of treasure to
Asia by the European companies made them the focus of critiasm.
European trade with India up' to the early years of the nineteenth century was
based upon the price differential between Asia and the rest of the world. That is
European merchants bought goods at a low price in India and sold them for a
much higher price in the European, African and New WorM markets. The profits
wele based on the differeme between the purchase prke and selling price.
The main problem which the European companies faced in their trade with India
was the financing of their Indian purchases. Since there was no demand for British
or European exports in India the purchases of Indian goods had to be financed by
bullion payments.
Although mimating the magnitude of balIion exports to India by Europom
companies has proved to be problematic European trade by the first half of the
eighteenth century appears to have had r signifiwt impaot on Indian' foreign trade
and industry.
3 A) Coltoa dedag
2 B) Wnvlng
Dp-lndustrilisation in India
17.3.2
C)Loom
The Pall Out of the Early Trade with Europe
The same period witnessed the emergence of Bengal as a significant commercial

entity. European trade overtook 'cohtry trade' in importance.
I
The bdian seconda~yindustry responded by increasing localized manufactures to

meet the increased demand. However, the European traders do not appear to have
stimulated new form of commercial and industrial organizations. 'Ihey latched
themselves on to the existing institutions of commercial and industrial production.
The expansion of Lndian manufactured exports to Britain and other foreign
countries however stopped by the first years of the nineteenth century. In the
coudse of the first half of the nineteenth century India progressively lost its export
market in manufactures. The commodity composition of India's foreign trade also
underwent a radical change, with agricultural products gaining in importance anti
manbfactures declining. This becomes clear from the table below:
Tabk 1: Colmodity Cornpodtiom and pcrcclltrkrr of decled Items lm the total v a l r of Indbm
cxporla 1811 to 1858-1 (Soam CEHl p.842)
Indigo Piece goods
Raw Silk Raw
Cotton
Opium Sugar
Total
-17.3.3 Trade After Battle of Plassey

In the pre-1757 period, 80 to 90 per cent of the East India Company's exports
from India were financed by bullion imports. Gradually this situation started
changing and during the period 1795 to 1812 the East India Compapy were
importing into Bengal goods worth nearly 33 per cent of the exports they made
from Bengal.
The first six decades since the Battle of Plassey was a ~ g r i o ddominated by the
exploitation of India by merchant capital. During this period the East India
Company began t o establish control in India and monopolized all British trade
with the subcontinent.
After the assumption of the Diwani-of Bengal the pressure on the East India
Company to export bullion into Bengal to finance its investments decreased. The
Bengal plunder, profits from the duty f r e ~inland trade and the 'surplus' from
Diwani revenues were not used to finance the Company's investments. The
Conlpany progressively abandoned free competition to secure its goods in the local
markets. The producers of these goods were forced to supply their produce to the
Company at low prices arbitrarily fixed by the C~mpanv.An observation by a
contemporary commentator clearly highlights this point -- "The roguery practised in
this department is beyond imagination: but all lerminates In defrauding the poor
weaver; for the prices which the Company's Gomastqs, and in confederacy with
them the Jachendars (examiners of fabrics)fix upon goods, are in all places at least
IS per cent, and some even 40 per cent less than the goods so manufactured would
sell in the public bazaar or market upon free sale". (William Bolts
"Consideratio~ts on India Affairs", 1772).
The years between the Battle of Plassey and 1813 saw the East India Company
administration in Bengal in virtual anarchy. The English Company servants
indulged in 'private' trade and started remitting their money to Europe mainly
through foreign companies and clandestine English trade.
17.3.4 The Impact of the European Trade

The pre-1813 British exploitation' of India can be termed' as exploitation by
merchant capital in a context of mercantalism. The East India Company's
objective was to buy the maximum quantity of Indian manufactured good's at the
cheapest possible price so that substantial profits can bf made by selling' these
goods in Britain and other foreign countries. The reckless and anarchic attempts to
increase their purchases while forcing down the price adversely affected the
traditional Indian export industry, especially the cotton textile manufacture.
In the absence of reliable quantitative data on the various indices of indigenous
industrial production for this period, historians and economists have been forced
to rely largely on qualitative evidence on British egploitation of the Indian
economy and the disastrous impact that it had on the artisans and the agricultural
population.
Apart from the shortsighted, anarchic exploitation.of the country's industries by
the Company during this period, British textile manufacturers at home had begun
to force the British Government to impose restrictive import tarriffs and bans on
the import of fine Indian textiles.
As early as 1720 the British manufacturing interests had successfully prohibited the
imF)ortation-of Indian silks and printed calicoes into Britain. The duty for home
consumption of Indian calicoes and muslins was very heavy. In 1813 the
Paa'liament again imposed an increased consolidated duty on home consumption of
calicoes and muslins.
Thus we find that in the period till 1813 Indian industry, especially the textile
industry was being adversely affected in two ways. On the one hand the Company
in its eagerness to depress the purchase price of cotton manufactures in India,
virtually reduced the weavers to the status of indentured labourers, by forcing
thdm to take advances from the Company and sell their products below market
prices. By the regulation of 1789, for instance, they were forced t o pay a penalty
of 35 per cent on the advance taken if they defaulted in supplying the goods. The
rapacious private trade of the Company servants and the shortsighted policy of
making quick large profits severely affected the textile industry as well as the
economy as a whole.
On the other hand, the East India Company, which had a monopoly on the trade
with India itself became the focus of attacks from traders who had been excluded
from having a share in the Indian trade as well as from the nascent British
manufacturers who perceived the manufactures imported by the Company into
Bdtain to be threatening their own industries.
The Company's own shortsighted exploitation and the free trader inspired
sanctions against Indian manufactured imports into Britain resulted in a
priogressive decline in the share of Indian cotton piece goods in the Company's
investments from Rs,92,68,770 in 1705 to Rs.90.51.324 in 1799 and to
R$.25,50,00(i in 1810. The value of cotton piece goods exported on Company
account from Bengal declined from Rs.61.67.85 1 in 1792 to Rs.3.42.843 in 1823.
The shift in the commodity composition of Indian exports from manufactured
gmds to primary products since the early nineteenth century is accompanied by a
complimentary increase in the share of manufactured goods in Indian imports.
Ti&
2: Commodity compodtioa of selected imports into India, 182&1MO (Sourn: CEHI, p.857)
Cotton
Yarn
Value
(%)
Cotton
Piecegoods
Value
(%)
Metals
Value
Wines &
(%)
Value
Woolen
- ( C ) Value
(%)
Values Exprcsscd in millions of rupees

This general change in the composition of India's foreign trade and the resultant
itnpact that it had on the country's domestic industry led many contemporary
qb9ervers as well as later historians to describe this phenomenon as one of deindustrialization or the destruction of Ind~anindustry.
Cheek YOUPProgress I
IbAkiss'k the Correct Answers:
I ) De-industrialization reters to
aj
b;
c)
d)
usnng of computers in industry

lack of ~ndustryin a cognrry
lack of farming in a country
drcrcdse in the proporrlon ot t~ationalliliolnc generated by ir"rus!ry arltt
tit2 12crelise in pel;e,rrd.$
of papuidrion dcg)crr&nt cl11 1 ~ .
9 j D I S C O V0~1 ~~mciicar,
Y
ii~lncsclrlrlnd tile ediiy European ti,;de
a) enableti Euro;canz, to have the mcdns to Irnance thr~riThldc :L..,EPI
b) ondo;:$ Erirope4n;t ta st09 traaiar~~ i t i lladla
cj had igo ;rupatt
.ii:
d) both 5 ) and v)
..;
I~did
17.4 DE-INDUSTRIALIZATION
Early nationalist economists such as R.C. Dutt and subsequently Madan Mohan
Malaviya (in his dissent note at the Indian Industrial Commission) argued that
lndia underwent de-industrialization; their evidence was statistics of import of
manufactures, particularly import figures of Manchester made cotton cloth. For
instance Dutt showed that the value of cotton goods sent from England and its
ports east of the Cape of Good Hope mainly to India, increased in valuq from 156
in 1794 to 108824 in 1813.
In the pre-1813 period it was the excessive exploitation of the Indian industrial
sector especially the textile industry by the monopolistic East lndia Company
which led to the progressive degeneration of this industry. Forcible reduction of
,
purchase prices in India was resorted to by the East lndia Company to increase the
difference between its buying and selling price and consequently increase its trading'
profits.
The import restrictions on Indian textiles in England further weakens this industry.
The income of weavers and spinners were drastically reduced, thereby restricting
any possibility of capital accumulation and technological innovations in this
traditional industrial sector.
While India's traditional manufacturing sector was being steadily weakend under
the Company, in the sameqeriod Britain had begun its Industrial Revolution and
was rapidly expanding its industries by revolutionizing its technology as well as
organization along principles of capitalist production.
The growing British textile industry had all the advantage which were dented to its
Indian counterpart. The British industry had a rapidly developing technological
base, it had the advantages of economies of scale and finally it was carefully
protected in its formative years from foreign competition.
Some historians have put forward the view that the export of British machine
made yarn and cloth did not harm the indigenous textile industry because under
British rule the growth of political stability, better transport facilities and market
expansion led to increased per capita agricultural productivity; moreover, it is

argued that cheaper machine-made yarn strengthened the i n d i v o u s handloom
sector, while a growth in per capita real income and new economic activities
compematad for the decline in earlier enterprises. However, historical evidence
does not bear out these arguments. There is no evidence whatsoever for a growth
in the demand for cotton goods or a rise in per capita real income in the
nineteenth century. Further, as Bipan Chandra has argued, the decline in the per
unit price of cloth was much faster than that of yarn. This combined with the fact
that the ratio prevented any benefit accruing to the Indian weaver. However,
historical evidence does not bear out these arguments. There is no evidence
whatsoever fol' a growth in the demand for cotton goods or a rise in per capita
real income in the nineteenth century. Further, the decline in the per unit price of
cloth was much faster than that of yarn.
17.5 CONCLUSIONS
The above discussion and the findings of various local and regional studies, when
viewed in the context of an unequal exploitative metropoliscolony relationship,
clearly suggests that Indian industry definitely declined in the first century of
British rule in India.
Britianss deliberate policy of converting India from manufacturing country to a
-supplier of primary produce for its industries is very clearly reflected in the
following extract from a Petition of the East India Company before the Select
Committee in 1840- "this company has in various ways, encouraged and assisted
by our great manufacturing ingenuity and skill, succeeded in converting India from
a manufacturing country into a country exporting raw produce ... The peculiar
state of the relation between this country and India and the necessity for extracting
from the latter three,millions of money for Home charges ... and the altered state
of Indian industry in its being converted from a manufacturing country i n t o a
country exporting raw produce, are circwnstances which ... ought to influence the
Legislature to afford every possible protection to its agricultural produce."
Thopgh imperialist rule in the India had a generally cripling effect on traditional
Indian industries, the impact varied from industry to industry.
Ptcrafts which were practised as a subsidiary occupation in !he agricultural
slack saisons, using l d y available cheap raw material such as basket weaving
ud coir r o t k were the most immune lo competition from machine-made foreign
goo&. Minor manufacturing in v-i
by potters, smiths ud carpenters were'
only affected marginally b y f h i substitution of their products by foreign imports.
Workers in leather and cobblers were affected by the exports of hides from the
cquntry. Similarly rural crafts with wider markets were affected by the capture of
these markets by foreign goods. The traditional urban based luxury crafts were
badly hit by their customers (usually the nobility) changing over to patronising
foreign goods.
Thus the differential impact of de-industrialization may be mainly explained in
terms of
a) failure of imported manufactures to substitute certain varieties of indigenous
products,
b) the protection afforded by the lack of market integration at the village level in
many areas, and
c) finally the forced continuation of certain crafts inspite of their being
uneconomic due to the lack of more viable employment opportunities.
1 ) Write a brief comment (100 words) on the vicw of nationalisr ec3nomist.s on
dt-industrializaiiori.
.......................................................................................................
2) Why were different indusrrics affcctcd in different ways by he Rrir~shcoi::!rial

policies? Artswer in ICK) words.
17.6 LET U S SUM
UP
--
Finally on the basis of qualitative official and private observations, trade statistics,
employment data (however unreliable it might have been) and a knowledge of the
imperatives and limits of the colonial economy in India, we can safely conclude
that the Indian manufacturing sector did decline in the face of competition from
machine-made, technologically superior manufactured imports from Britain during
the first century of colonial rule in India.
17.7 KEY WORDS

N a t h d income: Income generated from all the productive activities of the
ccmamy bf a nation.
Output: By output we mean the final product of an industry.
Capital Investmenl: Money, infrastructure, machinery etc. put in to the production
process far the growth of the industry.

Bullion: Here mean gold.
Positive balance of trade: A situation where exports exceed imports.
Commedlty Composition of trade: Refers to the items of trade in export or
import.
MercamUHst: Policies and activities related to trade.
Per capita iaceme: Income per head in the country.
R e d income: The actual income after taking into account things like price size etc.
That is to say.
Productivity: The kvel of production in industry or agriculture after the input of
capital and human resources.

EXERCISES
CBcol Your Pmgms 2

See Sec. 17.4, Paras 1-5.
I)
Set Secs. 17.4 and 17.5
2)
UNIT 18 ECONOMIC IMPACT OF

COLONIAL RULE
Structure
18.0
18.1
18.2
18.3
18.4
18.5
18.6
18.7
18.8
18.9
18.10
0;;jectives
Introduction
Subordinat~onof 'Native' Capital
?omination - Market and the Producers
City and Countryside
Transfer of Funds
External Trade
Indian Railways and English Capital
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
18.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit completes our survey of the British economic impact on India. Some
major aspects of the theme have already been studied in Units 14-17. We take up
in this Unit a few questions which remain to he discussed:
a the changes in the position of the Indian traders and bankers as the English
East India Company and English private traders became dominant in India
from the 1750's;
a how this domination affected the artisans and peasants whose products were
drawn into the 'market' by the English Company and business houses;
a how famines ravaged the countryside and old cities declined;

a what was the system channelising flow of funds from India to England;
a how the pattern of foreign trade changed to convert India from being at!
exporter of industrial goods to an importer to English manufactured goods
and exporter of agricultural goods and raw materials; and
a why railways were promoted by British businessmen in England and the

government in India and what system was devised to encourage British
investors.
18.1 INTRODUCTION
\
"The government of an exclusive company of merchants is perhaps the worst of

all governments for any country whatever." That was the opinion of Adam Smith
in the Wealth of Nations in 1776.
As you know already (Unit 14) Adam Smith's criticism of the monopolist character
of the East India Company was part of an attack on its statutory privileges which
led to the abolition of these privileges in 1813 and 1833. You have also studied the
impact of the Industrial Revolution in Europe and how it led to the rise of a new
form of colonialism (Units 6 and 7). Some aspects of the consequent
transformation of the colonialism in India have been discussed in connection with
the process of commercialization of agriculture (Unit 16) and India's deindustrialization (Unit 17). It remains to be seen how some other dcvelopments,
not discussed till now, reflect the process of colonialisation of the Indian econorny.
18.2 SUBORDINATION OF 'NATIVE' CAPITAL

The European system of merchant capitalist trade provided initially for an
important role for the Indian 'native' traders: they were needed for the
procurement of goods for export. But, as the English East India Company began
to acquire political hegemony and a dominant position as the chief buyer of export
goods, the local traders' position was reduced to that of dependent agents and, in
some branches of trade, t o the status of servants of the English.
In the middle of 18th century there were flourishing native business communities in
many parts of India. These included the Hindu, Jain and Bohra merchants of the
Gujarat coast, the Khatris and Lohnas of Punjab and Sind, the Marwari banias of
Rajasthan, the Moplas and Syrian Christians and Cochin Jews of present day
K6ala. the Chettis and Komtis of Tamil and Andhra region, the Vaniks of Bengal,
etc. Some of them, e.g. those in Gujarat or Kerala region, were prominent in
overseas trade, and in various degrees all of them played in the internal economy
some important roles (iil addition to their usual trade functions), in the precolonial period.
a) They facilitated tax collection in cash by converting crops into money and
sometimes also by paying, on behalf of the landlords or tax farmers, cash to
the state in advance: often they were also guarantors of the tax collectors.
b) The traders and bankers also facilitated remittance of revenue. For example by
means of a bill of exchange or hundi the banking house of Jagat Seth paid the
annual revenue payable by the Bengal Nawab to the Mughal emperor.
c) Money-changing was an important function performed by bankers, particularly
the Sarrafs. This was an important service not only to trade but also the state
at a time when numerous regional states each minted currency of its own and
coins also came in from foreign countries through trade channels.
d) The State depended heavily on the traditional trading communities for
provisioning the army during the wars. From late 17th century, as you know,
warfare became quite frequent. For supply of food to the army on the march,
for loan of money to pay the soldiers' wages, for sale of plundered goods, etc.
the state depended on traders and banjaras (migrating dealers in foodgrains,
livestock etc.).
e) Finally the traders and bankers were vitally important to the State and the
nobility as source of loans during crises like warfare or the failure of crops, as
Gel1 as other credit requirements in normal times.
Thus in the pre-colonial period there was close interdependence between the State
and the traders and bankers. As the regional States begrln to wilt before the
onslaught of the British and the East lndia Company's tentacles began to spread in
India, some of these lines of business began t o close for Indian business
communities. For example, the banking house of Jagat Seth ceased to be the state
banker and repository of revenue in 1765 when the .Company became Dewan of
Bengal: the minting. rights of Jagat Seth were gradually taken away by the English:
that banking house and other native ones also lost their European clients to
English banks and agency houses of Calcutta.
There was much change in the position of the local traders during the late 18th
century in the trade in commodities for export. We can look at the example of
Bengal trade in cloth, the leading export item. Up to 1753 the English East lndia
Company, like other European companies and private traders, depended on the
Indian merchants to procure cloth: these merchants were called dadni merchants
since they were the agency through which dadan or advance was given by the
Company to the artisans or weavers. From 1753 the English Company began to
replace the independent dadni merchants with gomastas who were agents of the
English a* depend;nt on commission paid by the English as a percentage on
value of cloth collected by these agents. After the battle of Plassey the increasing
political power in the hands of the English enabled them to ;with over to this new
gomasta system which reduced the Indian merchants to commisioned brokers. In

1775 a variant of this system, known as the 'contract system', consolidatql the
position of the English in relation to the lndian brokers. Finally, in 1789 the
system of 'direct agency' was introduced, dispensing with lndian middlemen
altogether. Thus step by step lndian businessmen were reduced to a subordinate
position (e.g. in salt, saltpetre business) or virtually excluded (e.g. in raw silk,
cotton cloth) by the end of thp 18th century.
The dscline of export industries in the early half of the 19th century, restricted
opportunities for lndian businessmen further. In the new lines opening up (e.g.
jute and opium), a role subordinate to the English business houses was assigned to
lndian businessmen. Petty money lending, rnternal trade in agricultural and
artisanal products, the sale of imported manufacrures- these were the areas of
activity of lndian businessmen in Bengal in the first half of the 19th century.
It is true, however, that within the over all pattern of foreign capital's domination
over lndian businessman, there remained spaces for the latter to do well in
business and to accumulate capital. For example, the business in raw cotton and
opium in western lndia (commodities produced in large quantities in ihe princely
states outside of Bombay Presidency), allowed considerable accumulation of capital
in the hands of lndian businessmea; some of the Parsi businessmen in the first
half of the 19th century became major exporters of these cgmmodities. It is the
capital accumulation which led to industriai investments in Bombay and the growth
of a textile industry which challenged manctiester's hold over the lndian market in
the early 20th century
---
-.
- -- - --
----
18.3 DOMINATION - MARKET AND THE

PRODUCERS
--
-- --- - --- ---------
1-cr LI\ n w turn I'rom :he realni of traders to that of producers, the farmers and
d r ~ i \ d ~\~Cry
\ . little is known of the trentis in production that could tell us about
national income or about thc enrnings of artisans and farmers. However, we do
k n o ~about the way producrion and markcring was organised in the late 18th and
early 19th centuries. HOWwab that affected by the activities of the Er.glish East
Ind~aCompany, 11s servants engaged ill private trade and English 'free traders' and
agency hou\es'! (You habe been introduced to them in Unit 14).
The essence of merchant capitalist operation is to 'buy cheap and sell dear'. I t is
good to have a monopoly to enable one to do that. It is even better to be able ro
use coercion and state power to do that really well. This was the Seautry of the
position of the East lndia Company as a government (since 1765 in Bengal and in
some other parts of lndia where the Company extended territorial control:
(Block-3).
As you know, by the 1770's and 1780's there had developed a collective monopoly
of the English Company and its servants engaged in private trade in respect of
ccrtain commodities, particularly cotton cloth in Bengal (Unit 14). That meant that
arrisan, had no option bui to sell their products to the i'ompany and its servants.
How wa\ \uch a situation brought about? To a great ewtent this was the result of
LI\C of coercion. A classic instance is provided by the restructuration of the
relationship between the weavers on the one hand, and the Company and the
\erbrant, of the Company on the other, between the 1750's and the 1780's in
Iknpal.
'Up to the middle of the 18th century, the weavers appear to havc enjoyed
-Independence and freedom to sell their products to the Engl~sh.the French or the
Dutch or to lndian merchants. From the 1750's. the gomastas began to compel
'weavers to $ell their products to the English. The elimination of the French and
the Dutch from conipet~tionby military means helped the process. Extortion by
fraudulent undervaluation of cloth and chicanery in the English Factories became
common. The weavers were bullied and harassed by the Factors, through the
Emmmk lmjtacl of
Cohmlal Ruk
Cdonid E
agency of Gomastas, to accept advance and to produce cioth. In the 1780's this
practice became systematised as the Khatbandi system: the artisans were indentured
to sell exclusively to the Company under Regulations passed by the Bengal
government.
Thus the artisans were reduced step by step to the position of bonded labourers by
the denial of free access to the market, by the use oi coercion, and by laws and
regulations made by the Company's government. Another instance that you
already know of is the production of indigo (Unit 16): in the ryoti system the
peasant was forced to cultivate and to supply indigo at a low price by the English
indigo planters. To a lesser degree, opium was also produced under the threat of
coercion.
Now, what is the result of this system of semi-monopoly and coercion? It creates a
buyers' market, i.e. a situation where the buyer can dictate the price, the buyer
being the English Company, its servants, and later. English traders, planters and
agency houses.
It was, of course, to be expect4 that an English Factor in the later 18th century
would pay the weaver as little as possible, or t h ~ the
i English Indigo planter in
early 19th century would pay the indigo-grower ryot as little as possible, if the
Englishman had the advantage of a monopoly position or coercive power. Lower
prices paid to the weaver or the indigo farmer would inflate the profit margin of
the English trader. Thus, sections of the artisans and peasants were producing
u n d a coercion goods which did not fetch a price that would allow more than
subsistence to the producer.
Consider this situation where trading capita! gets a nice profit margin without
having to make any capital investment in the production of cotton cloth or indigo
or opiclrm. Why should the trader invest his money ir. the production process if he
is making good money merely by buying the product at a low price? And consider
the producer who obtains such a 'low price that he cannot add to his capital stock,
for he has scarcely any surp!us after feeding himself and his family. How can the
artisan or the weaver add to his capital stock, i.e. his tools'and implements. if he
is forced to sell his-product at a price so low as to make accumulation of funds in
his hands impossible? Then who will invest and add to the capital stock and
generate higher production with new tools and implements and machines? In other
words who will invest in technological development and increase in productivity?
The answer is, no one. Thus the scheme of things outlined above contains one of
the explanations of the longstanding stagnation in technology and productivity
characterising 19th century India. In fairness one must add that Indian trading and
money lending capital played the same role as that of foreign trading interests in
this regard; the only difference was that the latter received more firm backing from
state bower in the initial stages of the establishment of this pattern.
In short, capital remained outside of production process, leaving technology and
organization of production by and large where it had been in the 18th century. It
is o! dourse true that there are variations from region to region, from industry to
industry. In some cases the involvement of the capitalist was greater; e.g. in the
raw silk industry in Bengat where wage employment was not uncommon, or in the
nijabsidi system (see Unit 16) where indigo planters employed people in farms
owned by the planters. These are exceptional cases and affected only a small
section of producers.
CITY AND COUNTRYSIDE

In the absence of other measurements of the prqsperity and welfare of the people
many historians have used the frequency and intensity of famines as a means of
gaugihg economic condition of the people, particularly the condition of agriculture.
As regards intensity of famines, the number of people who died in famines could
have been a measure, but such figures are not available in most cases; further,
there is no way one can separate in these figures starvation deaths from deaths due
to epidemics which usually accompanied famines. We have, therefore, to depend

on general accounts of famines, without the aid of statistics.
From the middle of the 18th century a number of major famines occurred in
India. North India was affected by famines in 1759 (Sind). 1'183 (present day
Uttar Pradesh, Kashmir, Rajasthan), 1800-04 (U.P.), and 1837-38 (U.P.,Punjab
and Rajasthan). In Western India, present day Maharashtra and Gujarat, famine
years were 1787,1790-92, 1799-1804, 1812-13, 1819-20, 1824-25, 1833-34. Famines
visited South Indian regions in 1781-82, 1790-92. 1806-07.1824-25. 1833-34 and
1853-55. In Eastern India famines occurred relatively infrequently, but the famine
of 1770 in Bengal was possibly the most disastrous of all in this period, causing
about one crore deaths i.e. one-third of the population of Bengal.
These famines occurred due to a variety of causes not all of which can be traced
to British rule; in fact, several of the famines mentioned above struck regions
outside of British terr~iories.In the 18th and early 19th centuries an important
factor was the devastation caused by frequent warfare between the British and
various regional powers. In the part of the country ruled by the British there was a
tendency in the early days of British administratior, to push up land revenue
demand to a high lever. Moreover, the British collecied the revenue with greater
rigour than was customary in pre-British days. They also refused to reduce revenue
as a concession to farmers in a bad season. This inflexibility of revenue policy was
certainly a major cause af the Bengal Famine of 1770, apart from failure of
seasonal rains. English traders' and their agents' activities might have contributed
to the intensity of famines in some cases, e.g. speculation in grain trade by the
Company's servants in 1770 in Bengal. In the early 19th century the forced
cultivation of commercial crops for export in place of foodgrains may have been a
factor. The neglect of the British to maintcin or expand the pre-British irrigation
works, in the territories that came under their rule, exposed agriculturists to their
5. A Famine Scene
Ecunumic I m p c l at
Colonial Rule
old enemy, drought. From the middle of the 19th century the newly established
Public Works Department began to pay some attention to irrigation requirements
ip British India. The revenue policy also became more flexible and from 1880
famine relief measures were systematiscd. On balance it may be concluded that if
ability to withstand occasional crop failure without heavy famine mortality is a
measure of the prosperity and economic well-being of the agriculturist, the
dchievement of British rule in that regard was no better than that of previous
'pnenlightened' administrations.
Turning from the country side to the towns and cities. we notice two trends. the
decline and depopulation of old urban centres and, on the other hand, the rapid
growth of new cities and towns. The latter development was due to the needs of
British commerce and administration. The premier examples were the future
colonial metropolises, Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. Simultaneously, many
hitherto small towns grew in size as administrative centres or central places for the
marketing of imported manufactures and exportable agricultural goods. The
noteworthy feature was that the new urban growth was not oriented towards
industrial production, quite unlike the European pattern. Towns and cities which
ef perienced growth in the first half of the 19th century were not places where
productive activities were located - their population was engaged predominantly in
tthe service sector i.e. marketing, transport, administration etc.
There is no doubt about the evidence of decline on stagnation of older cities, e.g.
the Mughal capital cities of Agra and Delhi, or regional seats of power like
Deccan, Murshidabad, Patna, Scringapatam, H yderabad etc. This trend Was partly
due to the shift in the political centre of gravity away from them to new colonial
metropolises. It was also due to the decline in the trade marts located in them and
rd-channeling of trade to new routes and networks. De-urbanization seems to have
been particularly marked in the heartland of Northern India, the region around
k l h i . and in parts of Western India. Whether. in an all-India perspective, the
decline of population in older cities was counterbalanced by population growth in
new ones is a difficult question to answer. Perhaps the answer does nor matter in
one sense: functionally the cities remained what they were in the pre-colonial era,
vast pumping stations for the concentration of wealth from,fhe countryside. The
colonial m~etropoliseswere d~fferentonly In that these were meant to pump out a
sqsbstantial part of that wealth. That leads us to another important feature of the
colonial economy, the transfer of funds to England.
I ) Explain the reasons for the change in position of the Indian merchants in [he
colon~iiiperiod. Answer ill 60 words.
p) Did
II:I:s.
coercion play any' role in coldnial trade in goods for export'! Answer in 5
Econmnk I m p ~ rd
l
Cdonld Rule
3) Hcw ~ o u l dyou corelate the frequency of famine and the colonial rule?
Ansucr In 60 word3
TRANSFER OF FUNDS
I f you take a look a1 the 17th and cariy 18th century account books of the East
lndia Company. you would see that apart from trade goods i t used to send to
lndia large amounts of 'Treasure'. ;.e. gold and 'silver. This was to buy Indian
goods for sale in Europe. The years after the battle of Plassey (1757) and the
assumption of k w a n i of Bengal by the Company (1765). saw a sharp decline in
the impcr: of 'Treasure' into India. Yet export of Indian goods to Europe
continued. How did the Company buy these goods in India? This was possible
because the surplus revenue remaining with the company (i.e. the land revenue
coi~rc~cd
II!~~;IJS
the dues payable to the Nawatr of Bengal) began to be used to buy
goods in l r ~ d ~for
a export. Therefore the Company did not need to bring silver and
gold from England.
What d ~ dthat meaa? First, it meant that what the Company collected as a
government III the form of taxes, the Company used asa mecchant company to
Inbest in i t 5 business. Secondly, i t meant that the company was getting Indian
gi)odh for sale in Europe for nothing; or that the company was collecting a tribute
from i t s terr~toriesin india in the form of goods for sale in Europe. i t can be
called a 'political tribute' - a 'tribute' because for this India obtained nothing in
return and thus rt was not normal trade, and 'political' because i t was the
Company's political power that enabled i t to collect revenue to invest in its
business. 'This i s hou there began the 'drain of wealth' or the unilateral (one-sided)
transfer of fund>.
The Company had a word for it: 'Territorial Revenue' e.g. the revenue surplus
from tjengal. Side by side the Company's accounts showed 'Commercial Revenue',
i.e. profits ol' busilress. As the Company's territory in lndia extended (Block 3),
the 'territorial revenue' expanded. The Company was able to use the territorial
revenue from one region, e.g. Bengal. to pay fcr the military costs of acquiring
other territories. Further. the territorial revenue was used to provide the funds for
the business which raked in 'commercial revenue'. I t was a perfectly self-contained
system, needing no funds from England. In fact, the system was successful not
only in financing the Company's exports to Europe, but also to finance the
Company's investment in China to buy tea and silk. The, latter branch of busines
involved export of silver to China which caused monetary problems in this
country.
This system operated in fuIl swing from 1765 t i l l 1813 when the Company's
monopoly was abolished. i n the next two decades the business of the Company
declined sharply and 'Territorial Revenue' became their mainstay. Private traders,
both Company servants and non-officials, now took the lead in export business.
They had always beer? there, as you know (Unit 14), and had been remitting or
sending out their profits to England in the form of goods through non-English or
through the English Conlpany by means of bills of exchange. Thus. apart from the
Company's account. on private account there was transfer of funds to England.
Not all that was thus sent out to England was business profit; it included earnings
of finglishmen from plunder and lost during wars, bribery obtained from regional
principalities, and fraudulent dealings with Indian business partners or underlings.
A knowledgeable English businessman, G.A. Prinsep, calculated that between 1813
and 1820 the year!y average private wealth sent out to Eneland from Bengal alone
was about Rs. I Crore and 8 lakhs.
So, profits of business and other private earnings formed one part of funds
remiticd to England. Another part was the money paid to shipping companies,
banks, insurance companies etc. irl England. This amounted t o about Rs. 57 lakhs
1n 1813-20 annusl!y. A third channel of transfer of funds was the Company's
remittance to England. This was to Day for the salarv of the Company's employees
in England, the interest on loans taken by the Company in England, dividends to
the stockholders of the Company etc. This amount varied greatly, from one to
three crores of rupees. This became known as 'Heme charges' and was the sum
total of the money sent to England by the Company's government after it stopped
trading in 1833.
While the system, described above, to get funds out of India was being perfected,
England was undergoing the Industrial Revol~ltion.Weahh from India added to
the capital accumulation England needed for industrialisation; however, it does not
follow that this was any more than one of a vast number of factors contributing
towards England's industrialisation. At any rate, industrialisation in England
radically changed the pattern of India's trade. At least that part of India's complex
trade history we should look at, for it had important consequences.
EXTERNAL TRADE
Broadly speaking, the general trend throughout the eighteenth century was that
Indian artisanal industries found a steady market abroad, and from the early
decades of the nineteenth century there was reversal of that trend. This was
accompanied by increase in import of industrial manufactures and export of
agricuItural goods.
Let us begin with the years following the battle of Plassey. In the years 1758-61.
the average value of cotton cloth exported from India by the English EIC was
about Rs. 27.4 lakhs (416.000 pieces on the average); this was abouf 81 per cent of
total value of average exports in those years. Raw silk, pepper and saltpetre
accounted for the rest, less than twenty per cent oi exports.
Now look at the picture of export trade in 1850-51. i.e.. at the end of the period
we are studying in this course. In 1850-1851 the major export items were opium,
raw cotton, indigo and sugar (accounting for about 30, 19, 11 and 10 per cent
respectively of total exports in value). Thus l n d ~ awa, now reduced to almost
totally an exporter of raw or processed agricultural goods. Of exports only 3.7%
was cotton piece goods.
As regards imports into India. in 1850-51 large quantities of English factory
manufactures were the major items; 31.5% of total value of imports was mill
cotton cloth and 9% was cotton yarn, 5% woolen cloth, 16% metals ttc.
Particularly important to note is cotton cloth and yarn. In 1850-51 India imported
Rs. 1.13 crores worth cotton yarn and twist, and Rs. 3.37 crores of cotton cloth,
called piece goods. Now look at the ~ i c t u r eonly two decades earlier: cotton yarn
import was only Rs. 42 lakhs, and cotton piece goods only Rs. 1.18 crores. in the
ear 1828-29. Thus in about twenty years these Imports from Manchester mills had
one up about three times. In the same period, the export of Indian cloth dropped
t o ah insignificant quantity. There was a reversal of roles: India ceased heing an
txporter of cotton cloth and became an importer of cloth and yarn, while England
stopped ~mportmgcloth from lndia and acqulreu r o rxporr market of that

commodity in lndta The consequence of this process has been s!udied in an rarl~er
unit (No. 17) o n de-rndustrialization. T h ~ sreversal of the 18th cerltury pattern and
t h e establishment of the new pattern of commodity cornposlrlon r l l l n d ~ a nexteroal
trade began In the second and third decades of the 19th century TCIcarrk forward
t h ~ sprocess and t o 'open up' India. England needed railwavs
18.7 INDIAN RAILWAYS A N D ENGLISH CAPITAI,.
--
t . a h' age
.
ha\ ~ t favourite
r
phrases: or catvhwords. In 19th centtrry Eurojx i t -a
'open~ngup' India, or China, o r some other African or .\clan c w n r r y awa~tinpt h ~
uonderq to he wroughr hy European capital and commerce Open~ngup meanr
prcbar~npa countrv for trade wrth European coi~ntrieshy removinj harricrc f n
trade: kuch harriers could be :he object~onof the C'hlnece government to entry
f c r e ~ g n e r or
~ . ionflicting c l a m \ of barlous European powers. or absence o f
transporratlnn \!stem c ~ ~ ~ to
t e the
d needs of Europeans. I n India. af:errhc
abolition of rhc Companv's monc?pol? privile.ges, tlpenlng I I mrant
~
~.hrrtl\riiilu.ry
deveiopment
The objectrve5 are qulte o h v ~ c v ~Harlwavs
\.
9'i;~ld enable imported Engl~sb
manufactured good%to reach I he Interfor of rht- country. facilitate the collec.r~on
and export of raw mater~alsand agr~culruratgoods from the interior, allow an
opportun~tvfor the investment of English capital in ra~lwaycompanies operatirtg I"
India.
To'attain the first two objectives railways had to be laid in a certain pattern v i ~ .
connecting the interior commerc~alcentres with the sea ports, where imported
goods came in and from where exported goods went out. These sea ports like
'C'alcut!a, Madras. Bombay and Karachi were also the centres of European busmess
and seats of political power. To serve the first two objectives, it would also he
convenient tcr have a rate of freight charges which would allow cheap transport of
manufactcred goods from port cities to the i ~ t e r i o r .and of agricultural puclds
from the interior t o port cities. Such a freight policy and alignment of railways
became standard practice in the railway companies. Hcwever. thew were la:er
developments; in the period you are concerned with now the main rhr~rstof British
policy was towards the third of the above.said ohjectirrs.
The railway companies were set up in England as joint stock companies (see
LJnit 1.i on joint stock companies). English capitalists bought shares in these
companies in the stock marker in London. In order t o encourage them t o buy
shares in a business remote from England and to create confidence in them, the
Government of lndia offered a guarantee of at least 5% interest o n their
investments. Thus all the Indian railway companies were in reality English
coinpanies protected by a 'guaranteed interest contract'.
The outconle was not good for lndia in a number of ways.
a ) A government guarantee of interest means that irrespective of profit or loss the
interest had t o be paid out of Indian tax payers' money t o the English investors.
This encouraged over-expenditure and extravagance in raiiway construction and
management.
b) The guaranteed interest had to be paid in England in sterling, thus increasing
India's foreign exchange expenditure in England called the 'Home Charges'.

c) The English railway companies imported into India. the engines, the ra$, the
machinery and even the coal for the engines (coal was imported for a decade or
so). In most other countries railway construction had encouraged auxilliary
industries like the engineering industry, iron and steel production, mining etc. (a
chain of development called the 'backward linkage' effects). India was denied
the benefit of such auxilliary industrial development due to the policy of the
railway companies t o import almost all that was needed by them.
If the railway companies proved t o be s o expensive a burden on the finances of
India, why did the Government of India agree to sponsor them and offer
guarantees? Some of these reasons were stratrgic and political. Governor-General
Lord Dalhousie wrote in a well known memorandum approving of the railway
scheme: the railways would help the government to control the distant parts of
India, to move around the army to quell internal disturbance and foreign attack,
and t o guard the frontiers of India against Russia and other powers. There was
pressures o n the Indian and British government from interest groups who were
econohically and politically powerful; e.g. the promoters leading English capitalists
intqrebted in investing in these railway companies, the manufacturers of railway
engines and machinery seeking a market in India, business groups hopeful of
opening UP a market fo! English manufacturers in the interior of this vast country.
While! it is true that the p:rarigements worked out between the Engl~shrailway
companies and the British Indian government in the 1850's contained features
deterlmentai t o India's interest, the results included some positive features. The
railways brought modern technology and their workshops developed new technical
skills; the railways also served to unify the country and bring into existance a
national market. A contemporary observer, Karl Marx, was not altogether wrong
in thinking that the railways were forerunners of modernisation in some ways. This
may be true despite the fact that the basic objectives we mentioned In the
beginning were to promote British economic interest.
Check Your Prbgress 2
1 ) What do you understand by 'drain of wealth'?
2),Why was the English capitalist interested in the development of Indian

railways? Answer in 50 words.
'
3) What was the impact of colonial rule on india's external trade? Answer in 100
words.
18.8 LET US SUM UP

You have studled in this Unit some important trends in the late 18th and early
19th century lndian economy id:
,
8
the sphere of internal trade,

the market for the artisans' and peasants' produce,
flow of funds from lndia to England,
the pattern of external trade, and
the 'opening up' of India.
When you look at these developments in the perspective of the transition from
mercantile to industrial imperialism (Unit 14). the land revenue policy in British
lndia (Unit IS), the commercialisation of agriculture (Unit 16). and deindustrialisation (Unit 17). you can form an idea of the shape of the colonial
economy which emerged in a more developed form in the latter half of the 19th
century.
18.9 KEY WORDS

Bill of exchange: Written order by a businessmanor buainess hause (call him 'A')
to another ('B') td pay a sum of money on given date to 'B'; 'A may pay only to
'B' if the order so specifies, or to another drawerein place of 'B' if not so
specified originally.
Commoditks: Articles of trade or goods marketed.
MemntWism:
Monopoly:
F m Merchant:
See Unit 14, Key Words.
Factory:
F m Trade:
Dadai merchant: lndian traders who acted as middleman and advanced cash to
producer (e.g. the weaver) on behalf of the buyer (e.g. the East India Company).
Home Charges: A term, part of Anglo-Indian jargon, which refers t o the BGtish
lndian government's expenditure in England ('Home' to the English in Indim).

Indentured: A person bound by a contract recorded in a document (e.g. in
Khatbaadi system the weaver in Bengal was indentured t o deliver his produce to
the East lndia Company).

Piece goods: Textile fa'brics woven in standard lengths.
Tmsun: A term used in 16th-18th century to mean bullion i.e. gold and silver.
Ryoti System: See Unit 16 on indigo cultivation.

EXERCISES
I ) Your answer should refer t o the change in the nature of trade in India, tire
increasing political power of the English etc. See Sub-sec. 18.2.2.
h a m k lmpsct of
CdoR*l Rule
Some Uaefiil Bodrs,
For.This Block
2) See Sec. 18.3.
3) Y o ~ answer
r
should include frequent warfare, excessive land revenue demands,
forceful cultivation of commercial crops etc. See Sec. 18.4.
I) See Sec. 18.5.
2) To iaciiitate transport of goods, to build up link between the city and the
country side, to invest capital for goods return etc. See Sec. 18.7
3j YoL'r answer should focus on the growing import of manufactured goods in
India, increase in export of raw materials from India, unfavourable balance of

rradr etc See Sec. 18.6.
Eric StQkes: English Lltilitdrians and India

Dharma Kunlar (ed.): Cambridge Economic History of India, VoL. 2
N .K. Sirnha (ed.): Economic History oj' Bengul. Vols. I and 3
K . K. Dutta (ed.): C'omprehen~iveHistory of Indru. 1818-57
Ramdkrishaa Muhhrrjee: Rise und Full oJ East India Company
R . P . Dutl: Inciru To-day
K.C. Dbtr: Econonic History of India, Vol. 2

D. R. Ciadgd: Industrid Evolution
01 India
UNIT 19 THE LANGUAGES OF MODERN

INDIA
Structure
19.0 0bjectives
19.1 Ihtroduction
19.2 Impact of the Transition from Mughals to British Paramountcy
19.2.1 The Adoption of a Uniform Printed Script and a Standardized Language

19.2.2 The Growth of Prose Literature
19.2.3 The Adoption of New Literary Forms
19.3 Linguistic Developments and Class Cleavages

19.3.1 Bengali
19.3.2 Gujarati
19.3.3 Tamil
19.4 Communal Polarization in Language

The Polarization of Urdu and Hindi
!i
-19,5
19.5.1 Emergence and Groqth of Urdu

19.5.2 Growth of Standard Hindi
19.5.3 Impact on Punjab
19.6 Unity in Diversity

19.7 The Growth of Prose
19.7.1 Examples of Early Prose

19.7.2 The Beg~nningof the Western Impact
19.8
19.9
19.10
19.1 1
Consequences
Let Us Sum U p
Key Words
Answers to Check Your ProgresS Exercises
19.0, OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will get to know about:
the changes in the languages of India which came in the
transition from the
'
Mughal empire to the days of British paramountcy.
how the developments in languages accompanied new polarizations which were
occurring in the Indian society.
the ways in which the developments in the languages were affected by the coming
of the Western influence, and
solie consequences the developments in the modern lndian language had on
modern Indian history.
19.1
INTRODUCTION
i
..
The languages of India went through important developments in the 18th and 19th
centuries. This had a significant impact on modern Indian history. Of these
developments, the most important was the growth of the vernacular languages. as
distinct from the classical languages. The vernacular languages acquired a standard
form and a new prose literature. As we shall see, these developments had a close
bearing upon the course of the social and cultural history of modern India, and even
Cultural Contoun
9 . IMPACT OF THE TRANSITION FROM MUGHALS

TO BRITISH PARAMOUNTCY
The language of the Mughal ruling class in eighteenth century India was Persian. It
was therefore the official language. As for the learned cohmunities of the eighteenth
centhry, they expre$sed their scholarly thought in the classical languages-the
Hindus in Sanskrit, the Muslims in Arabic, and both Hindus and Muslims in
Persian. The non-classical languages of the people of India, often called the
'verdacular Ianguages' fell into two groups-Dravidian and Indo-Aryan. Some of
these vernacular languages-Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam in the
Drapidian group and the Sanskrit-based vernaculars of Assam, Bengal, Orissa,
Hin#ustan, Punjab, Kashmir, Sind, Gujarat and Maharashtra-ihad well-developed
poetlical tradition. But prose literature in these languages was in a n embryonic state.
Thelvernacular languages were unharnessed a s yet to the expression of complex and
sciehtific thought. The replacement of the Mughal tradition by the British
parqmountcy in the time of Lord Wellesley and the policy in favour of English
education in 1835, fostered important changes in all these languages, in some earlier
thad In others: Bengali in the early nineteenth century, Marathi in the midninqteenth century, Urdu, Gujarati, Hindi, Assamese, Oriya, Sindhi, Telugu and
T a d in the late nineteenth centyry, and Kannada, Punjabi, Kashmiri and Dogri in
. the twentieth century. I n each of'these-languages vital changes were working a t
diffhrent paces.
a*
19.2.1 The Adoption of Uniform Printed Script and a Standardized

Language
M a r y dialects were intermixed in each of the linguistic regions of India and there
was a t first no standard language. Scripts were not uniform either. In Sindhi, for
instlance, in which very few books were written down in any case in earlier times,
LaYnda, Gurumukhi, Nagari and Persian alphabets had been employed
indjscrim~nately,until the British administrators of Sind devised in 1851 a n ArabicSinilhi script (Arabic plus some letters to denote sounds not known in Arabic) which
both Muslims and Hindus adopted for printing their books. Language was even
more diverse than script. T o take an example, the vernacular language of Hindustan
in t'he broad belt of territory stretching from Rajputana to Bihar was a diverse
cathgory, incorporating Marwari, Braja Bakha, Khari Boli, Awadhi, Bhojpuri,
Malithili, etc. Out of this there gradually emerged a standard Hindi. I n course of the
nineteenth century, Khari Boli, the dialect spoken around Delhi And Meerut, came to
prajvide the basis of a standard language. The emergence of these standard blocs of
language which did not exist before, has made possible the linguist~creorganization
of the states in independent India. It is important to note that the standard
verhacular languages covering entire regions arose no earlier than the nineteenth
ceatury.
1912.2 The Growth of Prose Literature

Thk standardization of script and language was closely connected with the growth of
a Orinted prose literature from around 1800. This gathered momentum as the spread
of bnglish education deepened the impact of the West on the vernacular literatures
of India. More will be said of this later.
1912.3 The Adoption of New Literary Forms

I
Th(e deepening impact of the West in turn brought to bear upon the vernacular
litqrature the strong influence of English literature. The literary forms prevailing in
Vi$torian England, such as the novel or the sonnet, had no exact equivalents in the
ve nacular literatures of India, which adopted them with great enthusiasm. A
_hi torian of Malayalam literature states that in any assessment of contemporary
literature one conclusion is inescapable: all the present forms and
owe their origin to English literature. In his opinion the whole range of
essay, literary criticism, biography, history,
the English pattern, and poetic forms also-the short
:I
I
i
,
sollrce. This is as true of the other Indian languages a s of Malayalam. Since the
break from the old to the new, the history of these literatures is the history of these
new forms and movements, though it must be added that folk literature continues in
its own channels unaffected by thc imported forms.
1. Different Scripts of Vernacular Language of Hindustan
The Langumges of
Modern India
,3 LINGUISTIC DEVELOPMENT A N D CLASS

CLEAVAGES '
L.
:v
~ h f moulding
j
of the standard languages fostered the cultural leadership of the
cated middle class and promoted political and social solidarity of a dynamic
Ire under their direction. Paradoxically, however,'it also produced some social
peltirizations that increased the distance between the new middle class and the lower
sections of the population.
3.1 Bengali
r was so right from the time when the new prose was created and in which the
llectual activity of the modern Indian Renaissance was carried on. The first such
llectual prose literature--the Bengali writings of Kaja Rarnmohan Roy (from
5 onwards)-had as its medium a cumbrous, artificial language far removed from
common speech of the people, and totally inaccessibm them. fhough capable
xpreising the most complex rational and scientific thought in his hands, and
~ g later
h
on beautified and naturalized by such creative writers as Ishwar
mdra Vidyasagar, Akshoy K u ~ n a rDutt and Bankiln C'handra C hatterjer (a
cess completed by the appearance of Bankiln's first novel Durgesh Nnndini in
5 ) . t h ~ srich literature remained outside thc reach of the common people of
al. Even while Kabindranath I'agore had begun writing the most original poetry
odern India, the weavers, artisans and peasants of Bengal, impervious to the
literature, continued to thrill to the songs of the folk singers. There was a
~ i n distance
g
between the folk dialects and the language of the middle class. The
gali language was split. in the nineteenth century, between the formal, written
.ary language (called sadhu bhrrshrr) and the spoken tongue, and though
jindranath adopted a Chalit Bhasha (a.language both spoken and written) in the
Ds, this too was the language of the middle class.
b
\
191..3.2 Gujarati
phenomenon was net confined to Bengal. In his foreword to K.M. Munshl's
Thie
hiqt~
ory of Gujarati literature (l935), Mahatma Gandhi, to whom the book was
I
deb icated, noted the distinction, in Gujarati as well as other languagec, between the
ladl:uage understood and spoken by the middle class and the language of the folk
ps which constituted the literature of the people. He characterized the written
,ature of Gujarat as the literature of the commercially minded and self-satafied
dle class, and deIiveredothejudgement that it was 'effeminate and sensuous'& ~ t s
:. He also observed in this connection that the written Gujarati literature was
uqtcwched by the language of the masses of Gujarat: 'Of the language of the people
wiknow next to nothing. We hardly understand their speech. The gulf between them
add us the,middle class. is so great that we do not know them and they know still
leds of what we think and speak.'
14.%3.3 Tamil
/
T+ take another example of what Mahatma Gandhi meant, in moderq Tamil prose.
tob,, the informal, spoken, colloquial language did not become the language of
.ature. Conversely, the formal literary language was not spoken as day-to-day
,
~rmalspeech by the Tamil speaker, not even by the educated intellectual Tamil
)ugh his Bengali counterpart did so in part). In Tamil literature there was no
a logy to the Bengali Chalit Bhasha, a languagethat was spoken and written
ultaneously by at least one section of the popblation, i.e. the middle class.
ead, as Kamil Zvelebil has noted, there was the Tamil equivalent to the Bengali
hu Bhasha, i.e. the formal, written, literary language, spoken by no one; and,then
.e were the various local and social dialects, the language of the Brahmans being
inct from the language of the rest.
I
I
The Languages of
Modem India
2. Some Words of.Major Jndim scripts
19.4 COMMUNAL POLARIZATION IN LANGUAGE

These class differences in language were accompanied by communal differences as
well, and here, the emergence of the standard language of literature widened the gulf
between the different sections of the population. Take Bengal, for instance.
Curiously, even before the standard Bengali written language was fashioned in the
early part of the nineteenth cenlury, there had sprung up, in the latter part of the
eighteenth century, a popular literature in what is called Dobhashi (Bengali heavily
mixed with Arabic and Persian words) or Musalmani Bangla. The commoh Muslim
people of small means patronized this literature. It was entirely in verse and there
was no prose in it. The subject matter was muslim theology and popular tgkes of the
old and marvellous sort. The Dobhashi (otherwise known as Puthi) literature grew
rapidly in the nineteenth century with the aid of the printing press, but it cut a
bhannel entirely separate from the literature of the predominantly Hindu middle
rlacc
It
w n c r i ~ r i n ~ i c Ilivn t n ~ i r - h p r l h v m n r l ~ r n i t vnf a n v c n r t
The ew Muslim middle class writers, such as Mir Musharraf Hussain, who started
priti g in Bengali in the latter nineteenth century, adopted the standard Bengali
langbage and not Musalmani Bangla.
Cultwl Contours
b he& was another twist t o the situation in Gujarat. The standard Gujarati language
of tqe nineteenth certtury was the product mainly of Hindu writers like
~ a r h a d a s h a n k a r .The Parsis and Muslims of the region took n o conspicuous part in
fashboning it. Instead the literary energies of the minority communities flowed into
the bew 'Parsi-Gujarati', confined to qavels and stories of the 'shilling shocker' type,
a n d t h e even humbler 'Muslim-Gujarati'. Mahatma Gandhi kgretfully noted the
,
emekgence of these separate literary streams, and the manner in which they had
tortored the language out of shape. Yet he was comtrained t o say that it was
impbssible to ignore these two streams: 'They are not wells of Gujarat undefiled. But
I no lieviewer of Gujatati literature can afford to ignore the existence of works which
hunpreds, if not thousands of Parsis and Muslims read and by which, may be, even
sha e part of their conduct.'
I'
Ardund the same time, Rabindranath Tagore, too, expressed his misgivings at the
ass rtive attempts of some Muslim writers in the new Bengali prose to Islami7e the
lan uage by adopting Arabic, Persian and Urdu words. This attempt t o distort the
lan uage (which must be distinguished from the old poetical Musallnanl Bangla of
175 -1900) was not ultimately successful. (It is Interesting to note that the Bengali
Ian uage adopted in Bangla Desh today is closer to the language of Rabindranath
tha t o that favoured by the Muslim ulama of his own day.) But the distance of the
podr Muslim community of Bengal from the Hindu middle class who created
stapdard Bengali made it vulnerable to such attacks.
I
Thb same problem appeared in the deep south and in Hindustan. There was a
polarization between the Sanskritized Tamil of the Brahman and the Dravidian
( T a h i l of the Non-Brahman. And there was the more catastrophic polarization of the
1 vednacular language of Hindustan between high Urdu and high Hindi.
1
I
I
I
1
'
'
1g.5
THE POLARIZATION OF URDU A N D HINDI
I
~ t / vernacular
e
language of Hindustan, which the ruling Muslim elite of the medieval
pepod variously referred to as Hindavi, Hindustani or Hindl, and in which some of
even composed poems a t times (e.g. Akbar's courtier Faizi was the author of
Hindi couplets), was a composite language prevailing over the whole of north I
between Punjab and Sind o n the west and Bengal in the east. It was classified
into four distinct language groups of different origin, each with several
diplects :
I ) ( Rajasthani-Mewati, Marwari, Jaipuri, Malvi, etc.
2)' Western Hindi-Bangru (Hariana), Braj Bhakha (Mathura), Khari Boli (Delhi
I and Meerut), Kanauji (lower part of central Doub), Bundeli (Bundelkhand and a
( good part of the Narmada valley), etc.
3)( Eastern Hindi-Baiswari or Awadhi, Bagheli, Chhattisgarhi, etc.
4)' Bihari-Maithili, Bhojpuri, Magahi, etc.
18.5.1 Emergence and Growth of Urdu
4 s Delhi was the headquarters of the Muslim soldiers from the days of the
Delhi
Sbltans, it was from the dialect of this district and Meerut, known a s Khari Boli
(l)terally meaning 'the rough speech') from which the lingua franca of the camp
d)eveloped.
d h e Turki word Urdu literally meant the camp, and the camp language spread into the
the Muslim soldiers moved in there. Eventually, a literary version of the lingua
of the H ~ n d u s t a n camp,
i
known as Rekhta o r Dakkani, emerged in the Muslirp
of Bijapur and Colkonda. In the Mughal kmpire, however, the ruling elite/,
wedded intellectually t o Persian, did not compose any works in the language of
It thus remained a spoken tongue in the north, there being no literature in ilt
dialects of Hindustan in which poetry was most actively composed by bot
indus and Muslims were Awadhi and Braj Bhasha, and the dialect of Delhi and th
lingua franca of the camp were not regarded a s natural vehicles of written literature and
poctry.
The situation changed when t h e Mughal Empire, which admitted only Persian as the
language of learned discourse began to decline. Wali Dakkani of Aurangabad who
was well known for his poems in Dakkani visited Delhi in 1700; about this tlme
there was a trend in favour of their own vernacular language among the learned
Muslim poets of Delhi who had hitherto only composed in Persian. They set about
enriching and purifying it with the help of Persian. The 'rough speech' in Delhi
especially that in use among the royal family courtiers, attendants and soldiers
increasingly became the language for literary composition. The poets and scholars
weeded out from this still undeveloped dialect a large number of plebeian Hindi
words and enriched it by a ceaseless process of importation from Persian.
Paradoxically the revolt agalnst Persian in favour of the mother tongue thus
resulted, not in bringing Urdu closer to the indigenous element, but in widening the
gulf between it and the popular speech.
The early Urdu poets of the first half of the eighteenth century sometimes called
their language Hindi, and sometimes Urdu. The distinction between the two was still
not entirely clear. lnsha Allah Khan composed the tale Rani Ketki Ki Kahani (1801)
in a simple, common Hindust/ani prose. When the Fort William College of the
English opened a department for teaching t k language in April 1801, it was named
the department of Hindustani, by which they meant Urdu. The department also
provided for the teaching of Braj h a s h a for the sake of contact with the Hindu
population, and its head Gilchrist made a clear distinction between Hindustani (i.e.
Urdu) as a Muslim and Hindwi (i.e. Hindi) as a Hindu language : 'Hindoos will
naturally lean most to the Hinduwee, while the Mussulmans will of course be partial
to Arabic and Persian, whence two styles anse, namely the court o r high style and
the country or pristine style...'Gilchrist's identification of Hindustani with Urdu was
somewhat off the mark, a n d as Grierson later pointed out in the Linguistic Survey of
India, Hindustani was a narrow sense the language of the upper Gangetic Doab (i.e.
Khari Boli) and in a broader sense the lingua franca of India. A s it was capable of
being written both in the Persian and the Devnagari characters, Urdu came to
denote the special variety of Hindustani in which Persian words occurred frequently,
while Hindi gradually became confined to the form of Hindustani in which Sanskrit
words abounded.
19.5.2 Growth of Standard Hindi

Gilchrist gave a n impetus t o the standardization of Hindi by directing two Bhaksha
munshis in his department, Lallu La1 and Sadal Mishra, to write prose works in
Hindi. Khari Boli, from which Urdu had also sprung, provided the basis on which
the Bhakha munshis (as the Hindi pandits were then known) were advised to dkvelop
the new prose. What the Fort William pandits created, however, was not really the
purified Delhi a n d Meerut dialect, but a new literary dialect. by taking Urdu,.
purging it of words of Persian and Arabic origin, and substituting for them words of
Sanskrit origin. Gilchrist had a preference for Arabic and Persian words. but Price
who later became head of the Hindustani department emphasized in 1824 that
'Hindee' word's were almost all Sanskrit while 'Hindoostanee' o r Oordoo' words were
for the greater part Atabic and Persian. Under English dirkction, the Hindi pandits
of Fort William created a synthetic new product, a n artificial language for quite
some time to come.
Thus Grierson noted with regard to standard o r high Hindi in 1889: 'lt has become
the recognized medium of literary prose throughout Northern India, but as it was
nowhere a vernacular it has never been successfully used for poetry. The greatest
geniuses have tried, and it has been found wanting at their hands. Northern India
therefore at the present day presents the following unique state of literature-its
poetry everywhere written in local vernacular dialects, especially in Braj, in Baiswari,
and in Bihari, and its prose in one uniform)artifical dialect, the mother tongue of no
native-born Indian, forced into acceptance by the prestige of its inventors, by the fact
that the first books written in it were of a highly popular character, and because it
found a sphere in which it was eminently useful.' Standard Hindi did become a more
living language with its own poetry later on, but it took time.
i
Urdu naturally made the gulf between
The increasing 'standardization' of ~ i n d and
them wider than ever. In 1803 Hindi had been ,recogpized along with Urdu as a court
The Lavaages of
Modern India
Cultural Cmtours
lankuage, but in 1837 this rule was rescinded and Urdu alone rema~nedthe language
of the law courts. An agitation in favour of Hindi and Nagri in the late nineteknth
cedtury created much tension between the Muslims and the Hindus. Munshi
Prqmchand who wrote his famous novels in both Hindi and Urdu said bitterly the
year before he died: 'It was all the doing of the college at Fort William, which gave
recpgnition to two styles of the same language as being two different languages. We
cajnot say whether there was some kind of politics at work even then or whether the
twb languages had dready diverged substantially. But the hand which split our
laqguage into two also thereby split our national life into two.'
3. Development o f Devnagi
14.53 Impact on Punjab

p fie repercussions were not confined
to Hindustan proper, but spread also t o the

Phnjab, where it had a n adverse impact on the growth of the Punjabi literatwe. The
'
Muslim poets of the Punjab had-formerly written great poetical works in Punjabi.
A outstanding example was Waris Shah, who wrote Hir Waris (1766) in that
la guage. The most famous modern poet of the Punjab, Muhammad lqbal, also
w ote h ~ first
s
poems in Punjabi. But then his teacher Shamsul-Ulema Mir Hasan
a vised him to write in Urdu instead of Punjabi: lqbal started writing in Urdil and
~ e r s i a n and
,
his own mother language was deprived of his genius. As communal
separation became more pronounced, by and large the Punjabi Hindus and the
Punjabi Muslims devoted themselves to Hindi i n d Urdu respectively.
Check Your ~ r & r e s s 1
I ) List briefly the main changes In the development of lndian languages in the
period of transition from Mughal to British paramountcy.
2 ) Was the development of lndian languages in this period uniform?
3)
The dialect from which both Hindi and Urdu have arisen is:
i ) Kannada
ii) Ahomiya
iii) K hari Boli
iv) Mewati
19.6
UNITY IN DIVERSITY
Despite what has been said above, the underlying pattern of the development of the
modern Indiap languages cannot be grasped unless we keep in view their basic unity.
la] Nehru said, their roots and inspiration were much the same and the
in wh' h they grew u p was similar. All of them also faced the same
from $tern
thought and influence. Even the languages of Southern
different origins, grew up in similar conditions. As Nehru put it,
each of these languages was not merely the language of a part of India, but was
essentially a language of India, representing the thought and culture and
development of this c untry in its manifold forms.
What7s often not realized is the deep interconnections between the various languages
of India both before an& after the emergence of standard or high forms in the
-nineteenth century. Guru Govind Singh, the tenth guru of the Sikhs (1675-1708),
composed his verses mainly in Hindi (Braj Bhasha), but some also in Persian and
Punjabi. Again, Dayaram (1767-1852), the greatest poet of the period of transition
from old t o new Gujarati literature, travelled far and wide, visited Gokul, Mathura,
Vrindavan, Kasi and &her famous places ~f pilgrimage, and studied Hindi, Vraja,
Sanskrit and the old qujarati Masters. He wrote many poems in Hindi, Vraja,
Marathi, Punjabi, Sadskrit and Urdu, besides of course writing in his own language.
After the emergence of the standard languages, too, the interconnection between
them continued t o be deep. Modern prose developed in ea* of them under the same
sort o f western impact, and the successful novels in each ldnguage were studied by
novelists in other languages. Bankim Chandra Chatterjee provided a n early model,
and latyr on Sarat Chandra Chatterjee's works were translated in virtually every
Indian language and sold in thousands. A 1ater.example in Rabindranath Tagore
? ...
>
......
.....
-1.
__.1_1.1..
,1.__~-^.,
_ . P . . L
___
:. ..
>L
_
_ - _r!
:_
'hc! Lanpug- of
Modem Indh
Cultwal Contours
19.b
THE GR0WT.H OF PROSE
~ h emain
i
effort of the medieval writers in the vernacular languages had gone into
poe ry. That is not t o say that prose was entirely lacking in this period. The
D r vidian languages had a long but intermittent tradition of prose writing. A few 01
the'ilndo-Aryan lan&ages also had some scattered specimens of literary prose. But
Bedgali, Oriya, Maithili, Sindhi etc., had virtually no prose literature. With some
exc@ptions,only fragments of written prose are to be found In the north lndian
Ian uages.
+
'-
19h.l Examples of Early Prose
Th$ clearest form of prose literature in the Indo-Aryan vernacular languages was the
historical chronlcle.iThese are, however. found only in a few languages: the Buranjis
of {he Ahoms (in Ahom and later o n in Assamese) the Bakhars of the Marathas (in
arclhaic Marathi), and the Janamasakhis of the Sikhs (in mixed Hindi and Puniabi).
The bardic chronicles of Rajputana were in verse, but there was one unique prose
wolrk In Marwari. This was the chronicle and gazetteer compiled in the seventeenth
ceqtury by Muhanpta Naimasi, a minister of Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur.
Thk chronicle is known as Muhanota Nainasi ri Khyata, which narrates the history
of la11 the major Rajput clans; attached to it is a gazetteer of Jodhpur state, entitled
M rwar ra Parganam ri Vigat, a scientific and statistical work, the design of which
w s apparently inspired by the great Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Falal in the previous
cebtury.
1
I
T e prose of the Buranjis, the Bakhars, the Janamsakhis and tlie Khyatas was
ar haic. There were occasional flashes of originality in such prose, but ~t was not
cabable of conveying modern, scientific thought.
be prose literature of the Dravidian languages had a longer ancestry and a Inore
character. The typical form of old l~teraturein these languages was a genre
Champu, a mixed i'orm of verse and prose, also familiar in Sanskrit. But
also more straightforward prose literature. T o take a few examples:
i)/
I
I
I
i/i)
(
I
i
jv)
I
)
1
1.
The Tamil commentaries on the classic poetical works of T a m ~ l such

,
as
Silappatigaram, were, with some exceptions, in.concise, lucid prose. Such prose
commentaries can be traced back t o the e ~ g h tcentury, and may be said to have
existed even earlier.
1
The Kannada Vaehanas were the teachings of the Virasliaiva preachers io
i
simple unadorned prose dating from the twelfth century. T ~ I was
S a popular
religious movement with a n egalitarian social message, which forms the basis of
the Lingayat community of contemporary Karnataka. Here is an example o'l' a
vachana from their founder, Basavanna: 'I have been like the bride who has
her oil bath and who has put on the most splend~drobes and worn the most
charming jewels, but has not won the heart of her husband.'
T h e Telugu ruling class who were left stranded in Tanjore. Madurai and
Pudukottai after the disintegration of the V~jayanagaraempire gave special
atteition t o developing a literature of Kavyas written in clear I r l u g u . The
Telugu poets of the 'Southern School' took as much pride in their prose works
as in their p o e t d compositions. Thus the poet Samukha Venkata Krishnappa
Nayak of eighteenth century Madura regarded his prose work, Jaimini Bharatq,
as a work of art, to be looked upon as of equal importance as his famous
poem Sarangadhara.
Finally, we may mention the brilliant Tamil d ~ a r yof Ananda Kanga Pillai. the
diwan of the French Chief Dupleix of Pondicherry, which he started wr~tingin
1736; It is a lively work written In a colloquial language distinct from high
Tamil prose and it is full of interesting commercial lore and details of life in
the French settlement.
i
will be evident from the above that Tamil, Kannada and Telugu prose had
I
ttained a fairly wide range before the dawn of modernity. All the same, the new
that developed in these languages in the nineteenth century was very different
not modelled o n these earlier examples. O n the whole, new prose in the I
. .
- - ..
. - . .
. .
.
.
The Lungumges of
Modem Inpin
scieflific thought,could be adequately conveyed. The new prose also expressed the
process of encounter between Indian culture and Western culture.
19.7.2 The Beginning of the Western Impact

The year 1800 1s regarded by Suniti Kumar Chatterjee as the pivotal one in the
development of prose writing in most lndian languages. That was the time when the
Baptist Miss~onPress of Seramporeand the Fort William College of Calcutta started
actmg in conjunction to put forth a labge volume of printed prose in several modern
lndian languages.
//
It should be noted, however, that even earlier than this there had been a long,
I missionary
C
activity especially in the south, in
though isolated, record of ~
connection with prose and printing. The Jesuit Missionaries who came in the wake
of the Portuguese navigators and traders set up the first printing press in Goa in
1566. The two most important printing establishments in the south were later set up
a t Ambalakkadu (1679) and Tranquebar (1712-13) and there was a stream of printed
works issued by Catholic missionaries in Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam in
the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centufies. They translated the Bible, wrote
Christian puranas, and compiled grammar and dictionary in the Dravidian
languages. Especially well remembered is Father Arnos who came t o Kerala in 1700,
spoke and wrote Malayalam like a n a p e , and left long poems in that language on
Christian themes, such as the Messiah Charitram; a s well as a Malayalam grammar
and dictionary now lost. The most interesting fruit of the Catholic missionary
enterprise, however, was a couple of inventive Malayalam prose works by two native
Christians who visited Rome in 1778-Malpan and his disciple Kathanar, Malpan
wrote Vedatarkkam (Logic of Religion), the first Malayalam prose work to treat of
social problems, and Kathanar wrote the even more interesting Vartamana Pustakam
(Book of News) and account of their perilous voyage and triumphant entry t o Rome
by a circuitous'route travelling via the Cape of Good Hope, Brazil and Portugal.
However, the Catholic missionary enterprise in the Dravidian languages did not
leave a permanent impact, and it was a n isolated effort.
It may be noted that there was a smaller Portuguese missionary effort at writing
Bengali prose, but it disappeared without leaving any trace on B e n y l i literature. The
beginning of a systematic Western impact on the Indian prose literatures cannot be
dated before 1800. In that year an important conjunction took place: the
establishment of the Serampore Baptist Mission Press, which was the first major
printing press in Northern India, and the founding of the Fort William College by
Wellesley with the object of teaching the Indian-languages to the officers of the East
India Company, a task made urgent by the expansion of the Company's dominions
all over India during his administration.
At the Serahpore Baptist Press, the dedicated missionary William Carey enlisted the
help of Indian scholars to translate the Bible-Ramram Basu for Bengali, Atmaram
Sharma for Assamese, Vaijnath Sharma for Marathi, etc. The Baptist Mission Press
employed Bengall, Nagri, Persian, Arabic and other characters for printing. Between
1801 and 1830 it printed works in about 50 languages, including Assamese, Bengali,
Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Khasi, Marathi, Punjabi, Oriya, Sindhi, Tamil
and Telugu.
At the Fort William College, William Carey and John Gilchrist came to head the
Bengali and Hindustani departments respectively, and they had a host of lndian
munshis under them teaching and writing in these and other vernacular languages.
Gilchrist, whose department was considered more important as it taught the lingua
franca of the country, wrote the Hindi Dictionary (1802). Carey, who turned out to
be a more versatile teacher, wrote grammars of Bengal~,Marathl, Punjabi, Telugu
and K a n ~ a d a The
.
most important part of the publishink programme of the College
was the text-books written by the munshisl for teaching the
there existed no much works, this' was a n original effort
i ~ ~ O * a nattempt
t
in the shaping of the new prose. The text-books, of the College
came to in~ludeduring its short career 20 works in
Urdu, 8 works in Hindi. 13

works in Bewgali and 4 works in Marathi. The list included Such works as Ramram
. ,_
D--r-r..A:Cua
rhPli+vll(1801. ~
~ ~biography
~ l ofi a warrior
,
Hindu , .. . - a
.-.
Culturnl Contours
version of Bhagavata Purana). rhe subjects covered tales, history, biography, letters,
dialogue$ and proverbs.
O n the ;hole, these grammars and prose works were rather artifical and they left no
perceptiqle Impact o n the future literature, and the beginning of spontaneous literary
composition in prose came later and had no demonstrable connection with the early
effolrts df the Bapt~stmissionaries and the munshis of the Fort William College.
These dfwelopments wcre connected with the growth of English schools and colleges,
the rise ,of the vernacular press, and the appearance of text book societies and
leazned a n d literary associations In the great metropolitan centres like Calcutta and
Bombag.
The firlit of the new orose literatures, that in Bengali, was the product of the growing
impact of institutions like, the Hindu College (18 17) and the Calcutta School Books
S m i e t j (I81 7), the circulation of newspapers like the Samachar Darpan (l818),
Slrmbap Kaumudi (1821) and Samachar Chandrika (1822) and serious writing of
Rammlohan Roy, lshwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Debendranath Tagore and Akshoy
Kumaf Dutt. The Aligarh Anglo-Muhammadan Oriental College (1877) of Saiyid
Ahmad Khan created a dynamic new body of Urdu prose writings that Included the
w ~ r k s l o fNazir Ahmed, Shibli Numani and Hali. The time lag between the respective
.
develqpments i n Bengali and Urdu was a consequence of the differential rate of
Westeirn influence : the new Bengali literary prose flowered forth between 18 15-1865,
while lthe new Urdu literary prose gathered momentum only in the 1870s. In between
them,( Marathi prose modernized itself, largely as a result of the impact of the new
educqtion imparted by institutions like the Elphinstone College of Bombay (1835)
an
Prabhakar (1842), and
and tpe circulation of the Darpan (1831), ~ i ~ d a r s h (1841),
Jnanbprakash (1849). The flnal classical touch came with the Nibandhamala o r
essays of Vishnushastr~Chipluukar (1874). Among the Drav~dianlanguages the
earliyst and most dynamic response to the challenge of the West was exhibited by
hlalt$yalam, which owed its new prose literature to the text-books wrltten by Kerala
~ a r h for
a the Text-book committee of Travancore in the 1870s and 1880s, and to
the hewspapers Keralamitram (1860), Kerala Patrika (1885) and Malayali (1886).
CONSEQUENCES
The developments in the modern Indian languages had significant consequences for
mopern I n d ~ a nhistory. These may be summarized as follows:
The development .of standard vernacular languages brought social leadership to the
i)
I educated middle class, because it was this new class which created the standard
language in each vernacular. By this means, the middle class could seize leadership
of the s o c ~ a land cultural movements of modern India, and later o n of political
movements as well.
i
ii), At the same time the emergence of the standard language, which was the
language ot' the middle chs, aeatetl s distance between that class and the
masses of India, who clung to spoken dialects and folk literature.
iii) There were also differential linguistic developments which accentuated the
differences between the communities-Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Parsis, etc.
ij) All the same there emerged an educated middle class which was p-h-~ndian in
its scope. In its hands, the new vernacular prose became the medium of
I
rational,, scientific thought. There sprang up a press and a public and the
I
growth of enlightened opinion through the medium of prose formed the
I
essential background to the shaping of the modern nation.
heck Your Progress 2

What was the impact of the Western attempt to develop lndian languages?
The Lmgugea of
2)
How did the growth of lndian languages have a n impact on the growth of the
National Movement?
19.9 LET US SUM UP

In this unit you saw :
that the transition from the Mughals to British period saw the Indian languages,
especially the vernacular,,benefiting from a uniform printed script and new
literary forms.
that this growth in Indian languages was also marked by new polarizations in the
kinds of language used by different classes and community groups.
that in spite of these polarizations the process under which these languages grew
up provided a degree of unity to the languages.
that in spite of differential developments the languages of India were to prove
critical as a means of communication for the rising national movement in the last
half of the 19th century.
19.10
KEY WORDS
Vernacular: The language most widely spoken in a region.

Classical language : A form of language that was used in ancient times and in no longer
used or used only in formal writing.
Cleavages : Rifts. Gaps, Differences.
Dialect: An underdeveloped form of language used by a particular group or a region..
19.11 ANSWERS TO.CXECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
1) See Section 19.2
2) See Section 19.3
3) iii)
1 ) See Sub-section 19.7.2
2) See Section 19.8
Modern India
LITERATURE IN THE INDIAN

LANGUAGES
Sbructure
20.0
20.1
20.2
20.3
Objectives
fntroduction
f h e Poetical Heritage of Old lndia
$he End of Old Poetry
10.3.1 Urdu Poetry
$20.3.2Other Languagec
20.4 'The New Poetry
20.5 Peuelopments on the Stage
20.5.1 Western Influence
h0.5.2 Maturity
20.6 'The Rise of the Novel
20.6 1 New Narratives
20.6 2 Bankim's Age
20.7 Let Us Sum Up ..
20.8 ,'Key Words
20.9 ~ n & e r sto Check Your Progress Exercises
20.01
OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will get to know:

abbut the nature of lndian literature at the turn of the 18th century,
a s t o how this literature was losing its freshness and vigour,
6
about the ways in which this nterature got fresh impetus, a'nd
how new forms of Indian literature developed under this impetus.
Unit; 19 has described the growth of the language of modern India. Here the growth
of literature in the modern lndian languages will be discussed. The development of a
stanflardized language in each of the major vernaculars of India, together with the
emergence of a well-developed language of prose in the vernaculars, had a critical
impact on the evolution of Indian literature. T o put it simply, literature in the
vernlacular languages of lndia evolved from the old to the new.
Thelvernacular languages of India had not developed prose literature in the
eighiteenth century. There was a huge literature, but it was almost entirely in verse.
Thiq old poetical literature bore the stamp of the mentality of a traditional age. The
impact of English literature on Indian literature began to be felt in the nineteenth
century. Two main consequences flowed from this. One was the development of a
newi kind of poetry, with several new forms borrowed from English poetry. The
other was the emergence of a prolific prose literature that bore the stamp of the new
ageland the modern mentality. Since it is not possible to depict the changes in
melbtality and literary creativity with the limits of a strictly defined.period, in this
unit we also look beyond, to the decades preceding and succeeding this period.
201.2
THE POETICAL HERITAGE OF OLD INDIA
Unlder the impact of the'west and of ~ n d l i s hliterature, there arose, in nineteenth
'immediately preceded it in tbe turbulent years of the Mughal decline and the English
expansion. It must be stressed, however, that the devotional literature of Bhakti and
Sufism which had flourished at a n early time had a n impohant influence on the
poets of modern India.
In the old Sufi and Bhakti poetry the figure of the Beloved stood for God. But
devotional poetry was not very characteristic of the eighteenth century which came
under the influence of a highly conventionalized style of erotic poetry. Here and
there we do, however, encounter some great Sufi and Bhakti poets and singers in
that age of turbulence: in Sind, Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit; in the Punjab, Waris
Shah; in the deep south, the Telugu composer Tyagaraja who set his thousands of
devotional poems to matchless Carnatic music.
The Sufi saint Shah Abdul Latif of Bhit and his Punjabi contemporary Waris Shah
took Hindu folk tales of their own regions, the love stories of Sasui and Punhoon
and of Hir and Ranjha; they embroidered into them a deeper Sufistic inteipretation;
and thus they produced the classics known as the Risalso of Shah Abdul Latif (died
1752) and Hir-Waris (1766). Both tapped the deep pathos of popular love stories to
give a spontaneous touch to Sufi preaching.
Hir Waris turns on an extra marital affair. The headman's daughter Hir is forcibly
separated from the cattle-herd Ranjha by her kinsfolk and married off to a husband
to whom she acts coldly. Her continuing attachment to her lover who roams the
country as a Jogi ends in a tragic series of deaths. She is killed by her relations, and
on hearing this Ranjha sighs deeply and his soul departs from his body. But as far as
Waris Shah is concerned, their souls are united for ever in heaven. He feels that true
love on earth is symbolic of the Sufi's union with God.
Shah Abdul Latif embroidered upon several folk stories of Sind. Of these, the
pathetic love story of Sasui and Punhoon, set ageinst the background of the parched
desert, is the most popular among the Sindhis. Shah Abdul Latif's treatment of the
well known theme begins when Sasui's husband, a stranger from Baluchistan named
Punhoon, is secretly taken away by his kinsfolk at night on fleet-footed camels. The
girl crosses the trackless desert of Sind, and the bare mountains of Baluchistan,
alone in search of her husband. She loses her life amidst the sands in a quest that
embodies for Shah Abdul Latif the devoted man's untiring search for God. This is
the song Shah Abdul Latif puts into the mouth of the girl before she finally
disappears in the sands :
I did not meet my love although
A hundred suns to setting sped.
0 let me yield my life when I Have
seen him, hence my journey made.
Shah A b W t a t i f s e e s in Sasui's unremitting struggle into the last the difficult path
~
to obliterate the distinction between himself and God. But he and
of the S U striving
other poets of his sort are something of an exception in that troubled age. The
eighteenth century and the early part of the nineteenth century are marked by a
conventional poetry in most of the Indian language, inspired not so much by deep
devotion as by decadent eroticism.
20.3
THE END OF OLD POETRY
The social crisis accompanying the decline of the Mughal empire left a deep imprint
on the literature of the age. A sense of decadence pervaded the literature of
practically every major language in Northern and Southern India before the new
prose and poetry emerged under the impact of Western influence. This was especially
true of the Urdu poetical literature that came into its own in the eighteenth century.
Frpm its birth in Delhi around 1700 it showed the signs of a profound moral crisis,
i n d i c ~ t i nthe
~ misfortunes of the aristocratic Muslim society which patronized the
poetry.
Literature Ln the
Indian Languages
Cultunl Contours
20.3.1 Urdu Poetry

~hakacteristicof the age was the Urdu genre of poetry called the Shaihr-i-Ash&
(La+ent of the Town) which described the decline of all the professions of a town
and ,the triumph of the mean over the noble. More specifically it conveyed the
upsqtting of the existing order of things (inqilab) and the overthrow of the formerly
great by upstarts. Significantly the word 'inqilab' in the Shaihr-i-Ashob was used not
in the sense of a revolution of creative potential, but rather in the sense of a
revalution or overturn of the right order of things. Everything, a late eighteenth
centlury Urdu poet of Patna named Rasikh said regretfully, is turned upside down. It
appkared to him that the former ruling class of Mughal mounted warriors were now
'so afflicted by poverty that they do not command even a toy clay horse'. Another
Urdlu poet of Delhi, Sauda (1713-1 780), who lived through the Iranian, Afghan and
Mafatha raids on his city, spoke in his Shaihr-i-Ashob of houses once alive with
mu& 'now ringing with the braying of asses' and of deserted mosques with no light
'ex pt the light of a ghoul'. He made fun in a qasida of the emaciated horse on
whi h the impoverished Mughal nobleman was riding off to fight the Marathas. The
syc showed it the corn bag and the servant beat it with a stick from behind, while a
me$ber of the crowd advised: 'Provide it with wheels, or attach sails to it to make it
moi/e.' When the warrior found the battle about to start, he took his shoes in his
ha d, shoved the horse under his arm-pit, ran helter-skelter through the city, and
sto ped not till he had reached his house.
Wipe (sharab) and woman (saqi, a euphemistic term for the courtesan) formed an
inseparable combination in the Urdu poetry of the age. The dissipation, luxury and
senbuality of the declining aristocratic society was reflected in the predominance of
the(figure of the courtesan in the Urdu poetry of Delhi and Lucknow. No longer
intdnt on the marriage of souls, the typical poet looked forward to a sensual union
with the beloved, as'is indeed made clear in the following verse from Insha Allah
Khbn, son of Mughal courtier of Murshidabad and a displaced young men driven to
Lubknow after the English take-over in Bengal.
I
am prepared to tolerate abuse from you

tnd blandishments and frowns,
But your saying No is wholly unacceptable.
~ h A the
t figure of the Beloved stands now not
God but for the courtesan is also
mabe amply clear by lnsha Allah Khan :
p o t the fun of it : The Shaikh was unex2ectedly embarrassed when I greeted him in the
bssembly of the Beloved yesterday.
I
Lohe in Lucknow as lnsha Allah Khan and other Urdu poets came to cultivate it in
the/ latter part of the eighteenth century was a pastime, rhe accomplishment s f a
coqrtier too sophisticated and cultured to believe in feelings. The Hindi poetry of the
age, too, exhibited symptoms that were similar. The Jagat Vinod of a Padmakar
B atta (1753-1833), composed in the rich and luxurious court of Jaipur, reflects a
w rld from which serious concerns are excluded and which exacts from those who
livk in it one duty alone, that of pursuing pleasure. Hindi poetry had undergone
sirice the middle of the seventeenth century a long-term change from 'Bhakti' to 'Riti'
(meaning on emphasis on rhetoric and poetics and also poetry of a secular and
se$suous type composed according to a carefully cultivated technique). This school
hald lost its freshness by endless repetition and was barren at the beginning of the
niheteenth century.
24.3.2 Other Languages
be 'dictatorship of the Grammarian and the Rhetorician' was not confined to the
la guage of Hindustan alone, and had affected Bengali, Gujarati, Telugu, Tamil and
0 iya as well. K.M. Munshi talks of 'a weary' lifeless age in Gujarati literature at the
close of the eighteenth century, Mayadhar Mansinha speaks of 'the dark night of the
I
0 iyas' in wdicd voluptuous and ornate poetry flourished, and Chenchiah and
B ujanga Rao describes as 'one long night' the period of Telugu literature between
1430-1850.
e fall of the Hindu kingdoms of Orissa and Vijayanagara seems to have created in
InAia t
h c ~a m p kind n f ~ n r i a and
l
rnnral rricic that the
~uh~eouent
&'
li
il
1
)
disintegration of the Mughal Empire produced in Hindustan. The Kavya style which
flourished in Telugu came to depend more on hyperbole and exaggeration : 'One
poet said that the turrets of the city seemed to kiss the sky. Another went a step
further and imagined that they pierced the vault. Yet a third outstripped these,
describing them as emerging in the court of Indra.' The moral tone of the Telugu
poetFy of the age was not high Suka Saptati related the artful way in which society
women violated their marital vows and Bilhaniya related to a sexual intrigue between
p young daughter and her teacher. The same stories were to be found in Bengali as
well presented in another garb and with spperb technique by Bharat Chandra Ray
(died 1760). The insecurity and turmoil of the age lent an underlying tone of
darkness to its poetry. A profound sense of the evening tide dominated the songs of
kali the Mother composed by Ramprasad Sen in mid-eighteenth century Bengal:
Let us play, you said, and brought me down on earth
Under false pretence: (3 Mother, the play did not
Fulfil my wish. What was to be on this playground
H a s been played out. Now at evening, says Ramprasad,
Gather up the child in your arms and let us go home.
Ramprasad Sen
The saFe sense of gloom permeated the Persian and Urdu poetry of Mirza Ghalib
(1797-1869) who lived and wrote, his incomparable ghazals in Delhi between 18271857. He was the last great poet of the old world, a poet of the Mughal twilight. For
him, living in Delhi under the last of the Mqghab,
Life is not journey with an end, there is
No rest in death,
We move not on, but slip and slide
On unsure, trembling feet.
With Ghalib, the old poetry shot forth its last ray of disappearing glory. Even while
he was turning out Persian and Urdu ghazals in the set mould of Delhi, Michael
Madhusudan Dutt and other Bengali poets of Calcutta were importing new forms
into Indian poetry by engrafting on to it from English poetry the blank verse, the
sonnet and the modern individualistic epic.
20.4 THE NEW POETRY

New forms were adopted in Bengali poetry, ~ i c h a e Madhusudan
l
Dutt (1827-1873)
gave shape to the new Indian poetry with his Bengali epic in blank verse, Meghnad
Badh Kavya (1861). Gradually every other language, includ ng t h Urdu
~
language in
which Ghalib left his heritage, was enriched by poetry of tA,new form. Ghalib's
rebellious disciple, Hali (1837-1914), was one of t h first
~ to rebel against the
convention of the ghazal. In the preface to his Flow and Ebb of Islam (Madd-OJazr-e-Ismail), better known as Musaddas-e-Hali (1879), he exposed the defectg of
the older erotic poetry pitilessly. His Musaddas, which expressed the new spirit of
Islam under the influence of the reformer Sir Saiyid Ahmed Khan, narrated the
glories and decline of Islam. While giving trenchant expression to the aims and ideals
of reformers, Hali also warned against losing one's roots in the craze for reform. He
said in one of his verses:
For washing, 0 reformer f There is good reason left,
SoJong as any stain upon the' cloth is still left;
w h the Stain with a will : but do not rub so hard
Thar nu st& upon the cloth-and no cloth be left.
While Altar Nusain Hali was establisbingthe new poetry in Urdu, Narmadashankar
Lalshankar (1833-1886) and Bhartendu Harischandra (1896-1884) were doing the
same in Gujarati and Hindi respectively. Narmad and ~ h a h n d uare remembered
today mainly as the makers of modern Gujarati and Hindi prose, but they also
brought a new spirit to the poetry in these two languages. Narmad, a-social dbel,
gave the stirring nationalist call to Gujarat-'Jaya Jaya Garabi Gujarat': (Hail, hail
Glorious Gujarat :)--in his poem Downfall of the Hindus (Hinduoni Padati, 1864).
Bhartendu Harishchandra left his poems mainly in Braj Bhasha, popularizing
nationalism in Hindi. The Balasore trio-Phakir Mohan Senapati (1843-1918),
Literature in the
Indian Languages
Radhanath Ray (1848-1908) and Madhusudan Rao (1853-1912)-did for Oriya

poetry what Madhusudan Dutt had done or Bengali Poetry. Following Dutt, they
impoited.the blank verse, the sonnet and the individual epic into Oriya, and they
expkessed their love for the heritage and natural behuty of Orissa through the new
genres. Similarly Lakshminath Bazbarua (1868-1938), the greatest figure in modern
Asspnese literature, set forth the glories of Assam in patriotic songs such as Amar
Janma Bhumi, Mor Desh and Bin Baragi. Krishnaji Keshav Damle, better knows as
Kesbava Suta (1866-1905), established the new rohantic lyric in Marathi poetry from
aroynd 1885. He was the greatest poet of nineteenth century Maharashtra. Like Hali.
Bharatendu and Narmad, Keshava Suta also expressed in his poetry a new spirit of
activism and social regeneration that contrasted strongly with the dark and
despondent tone of Ghalib earlier in the nineteenth century.
>
But it was Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941) who best represented the new spirit in
1n&. It was he who accomplished the naturalization of the humanist and rationalist
valqes of the West in Indian literature. He did not make any forced adaptation of
fordign models : instead, the influence of the Upanishads and of Kalidasa, of
VaiShnava lyricism and the rustic folk songs, were organically blended in his poetry
witfi Western influences. This achievement brought him world-wide recognition, and
in 1P13, the Nobel Prize. He was not merely a poet; he wrote novels, shog stories,
plays, essays and literary criticism, all of which reached maturity in his hands. In due
coufse his writings influenced the_various Indian languages through Qirect reading or
traxislations from the Bengali original. It may be truly said therefore that with him
modern Indian literature came of age.
' WhBt was the nlw spirit that Tagore embodied? It w a be evident a t once when we
look at his challenge to the doctrine of Maya (Illusion)-the philosophical basis of
Indk's age-old 'otherworldy' culture. It may be noted that some of the medieval
bhakti poets had not accepted the doctrine of Maya. Tagore'was indebted to that
poetic tradition; but his assertion that the world was real went much further and it
contained a scientific and humanistic core of benefits. It expressed itself in his love
of his country, but it was not narrow of patriotism. His patriotic ideal, which
embraced the whole of humanity and was inspired by the spirit of reason and
freedom, found expression in a famous poem of the Citanjali which won him the
Nobel Prize:
Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high;
Where knowledge is free;
where the world has not been broken up into fragments
by narrow domestic walls
Where words come from the depth of truth;
where tireless striving stretches its arms towards perfection;
Where the clear stream of reason has not lost its way into
the dreary desert sand of dead habit;
*here the mind is led forward by Thee into ever-widening
thought and action
lnto that heaven of freedom, my Father, let my country awake.
In al word, Tagore imparted the universal-spirit of progress and reason to the
liteqature of his country, and he did so in a uniquely Indian manner, not forgetting
GO^ and the eternal truth.
The age in which he lived and worked saw the rise of several other poets who
Indian literature with theirdistinctive poetical works. Subrmanya Bharati,
the lgreatest poet in modern Tamil, was greatly encouraged by his example. Bharati's
Kujil Pattu, a collection af songs of love, may be taken to be the counterpart to
Tag re's Citanjali; he also wrote Swatantra Pattu, an yqually influential collection of
son s of freedom. The three great contemporary Malayalam poets, Kumaran Asan,
Ulldor S. Parameswara lyer and Vallathol Narayana Menon, also exuded the same
newi spirit. Together they created what a historian of Malayalam literature calls the
'golfen age of romantic poetry' in that language.
i
1
Amlong other contemporarieh of Tagore must be mentioned Bhai Vir Singh, a Sikh
poek whose Punjabi masterpiece, Rana Surat Singh (1905), depiets a widow's
spi{itual journey in search of her dead husband; Narsinhrao Divatia. a -Gujarati poet
who wrote an incomparable elegy on his son's death (Smarana Samhita) in 1915; and
the Hindi poets of Chhayavad, ~ a Shahkar
i
Prasad, Nirala and Sumitra Nandan
pant, who were inspired by Tagore and the European symbolists to introduce a
mystic and romantic subjectively in the Hindi poetry of the 1920s.
The account of modern Indian poetry would remain incomplete without a reference
to Mohammed Iqbal, who furrowed a course 'fferent from that of Tagore. During
the prolonged crisis that overpowered the Tu ish Caliplkate in the second decade of
the twentieth century, he emerged as a poet of Pan-Islamisni in the UrduJanguage.
Later he wrote several works in Persian which gave him a certain recognition in the
Islamic world outside India. With Bal-e-Jibril (1935) he returned to Urdu again.
Although at first an outspoken nationalist, he came by 1930 to advocate a sephrate
homeland for the Muslims in India. He died in 1938, leaving behind a poetical
heritage rich in spirituality and informed by the spirit of Islamic revivalism.

1) With the decline of Mughal empire what were the changes which took place in
the Indian literature?
2) Was the new poetry able to shake off the earlier decadence?
................................................................................................................................
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................................................................................................................................
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' 20.5
DEVELOPMENTS ON THE STAGE
The stage brought a new dimension to Indian literary activity in the nineteenth
century. It did not exist before. The idea caught on when the European community
in Calcutta performed English plays on the stage. Before this, there were folk
performances of various sorts under the sky-Kathakali in Kerala, Yakshagana in
Karnataka and Andhra, Yatra in Bengal and Orissa, Ras Lila in Braj, etc.
Combining song, dance and bits of acting, these were performances without a formal
theatre. There was no drama proper,-except for survivals of classical Sanskrit drama
here and there. In certain parts of the country, for instance in Orissa and Kerala,
Sanskrit drama was still to some extent a living tradition. When plays on the stage
were first attempted in the nineteenth century, Sanskrit drama, especially Kalidasa's
Abhijana Shakuntalam, provided a source of inspiration in several provinces.
Cultuml Contours
20.5.1 Western Influence

Moweker, Western plays, wJlich caught the imagination of the Indian middle class,
made !hem acquainted with ideas of drama ruled out in the classical Sanskrit play :
especi Ily the idea of tragedy, of sad endings and violent deaths on the stage. That
tHis w s a new notion, and a vdid one, was acknowledged by G.C. Gupta, who
wrote khe first original Bengali play in 1852. Justifying the sad ending of the play, he
referr& to the great English poet named Shakespeare. 'Writers in our country', he
wrote In the preface to the play, 'used to think that if they did not cap the enacting
of a sqd event in a person's life with a happy ending, they would in verity commit a
sih'. Bbt he advocated a departure from this concept on the ground of the deeper
recondimtion and happiness reached by the plumbing of sadness.
t
I
This wbs not the Indian audience's first acquaintance with plays of Western type. A
~mssiabvisitor to Calcutta, named Gerasim Lebedeff, translated an English play into
Bmgali, and had it enacted on the stage in -1795. ~ v e nearlier than this, Christians of
~ a n t r a Kerala,
l
ever since coming into contact with the Portuguese, had produced
plays that exhibited some of the features of western drama. But these were isolated
produckions, and had on influent= on the development of dramatical literature from
around the middle of the nineteenth century.
~rnong/the first original plays influenced by Western notions were the tragic play
mentioped before, named Kirtibilas, and Taracharan Sikdar's Bengali comedy of the
sa*e y&ar(1852), entitled Bhadrajuna, which followed both Sanskrit and Western
nolionsl of comedy in developing the Puranic theme of Subhadra's elopement ~ h h
'
Arjluna. In Marathi, the first full-fledged play was Prasannaraghava (1851). The fiht
Urdu pay, Anant's Indar Sabha (1853), is said to have been enacted in Lucknow by
Nawab b a j i d Ali Shah, his courtiers and his concubines. It is based on an
inc@nse$uentialtale of a fairy's love for a man, the latter's imprisonment by god
Indra, qnd how the fairy rescued her beloved in the guise of a jogan.
These w re early beginnings, full of the shortcomings to be expected In such in~tial

efforts. he man who raised modern Indian drama to the status of literature was the
famous @engalipoet, Michael Madhusudan Dutt. His first play, Sharmistha (1859),
was basdd on a Mahabharata tale. Within a few months of this he c7rotetwo
conuemp/orary social plays of a satirical character and finally he wrote the tragic
masterpibce, Krishnakumari (1861), based on the dispute between the rival princes of
Jaipur apd Jodhpur for the hand of the peerless princess of Udaipur, who was dtiven
to commlit suicide in order to save her father's house from ruin. His contemporary,
~ i n a b a n b uMitra, wrote the celebrated play Niladarpan (1860), on the oppression of
the indigp planters in Bengal. This play created a sensation and its translator,
evere end J. Long, was sentenced to prison on the charge of sedition. Among notable
early plaps in other languages may be mentioned Ranchhodbhai Udayram's tragic
Gujarati blay, Lalita-duhkha-darsaka (1864) in which a cultured girl marridd to an
illiterate lake is driven to commit suicide; Ramashankara Ray's great historical play.
in the Odya language, Kanchi Kaveri (l880), dealing with a heroic and romantic
episdde im the career of King Purushottama Deva of Orissa; and the short social play
in Kanna a by Venkataramana Shastri, entitled Iggappa Heggadeva
Vivahapr hasana, dealing with the social evil of the sale of girls in the marriage
market. I
1
I
1
Playsl we+ enacted at first by amateur groups, usually in the mansion of some
notable fdmily. Michael Madhusudan Dutt's tragedy, Krishnakumari, was staged in
the ~pbhdbazarRaj house of North Calcutta in 1865. The first public theatre, named
the Natio a1 Theatre, was set up in Calcutta in 1872. Soon there were several rival
Calcutta t eatres and professional troupes. In Bombay, the other great centre where
the pn'ofes(siona1stage flourished, the Parsi community, realizing the commercial
possibiliti#s of the theatre, set up several companies in Bombay and soon extended
several parts of Western and Northern India. These were itinerant
on a round of the leading cities of India and attracting large
wds to gaudy and dazzling plays in which the actors acted with sweeping
a shrill declamatory style. Naturalism had no place in such theatre and
produced seldom attained the dignity of literature. The development .
24
of the professional stage had by early 20th century brought about a split between
literary drama and-popular drama in every part of India.
20A THE RISE OF THE NOVEL

The novel was a new genre in Indian literature. Along with the short story, it
emerged in the latter half of the nineteenth century under the grdwing influence of
English literature upon Indian literature. In classical Sanskrit litekature, Banabhatta's
prose romance, Kadambari, came closer perhaps to the form of the novel than other
tales. Such tales abounded, both in Sanskrit and in Persian, but these were without
the realism and the specific time-and-place context required by the novel. In the
modern Indian languages, the rise of the k v k l was contingent upon the prior
emergence of prose literature at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
20.6.1 New Narratives

As prose emerged, there was also emerged prose narratives of a somewhat new
vatiety in the first half of the nineteenth century. These formed the tentative
overtures to the emergence of the full-fledged novel. Alaler Gharer Dulal by
Pyarechand Mitra, which is sometimes cited as the first novel in Bengali, was a
saiirical social sketch published in 1858. A series of sketches built around a dissolute
young zamindar, it had a good deal of social realism, but it did not have the sort of
developed plot characteristic of the later nineteenth century novel. In 1862, Bhudev
blukhopadhyay published two romantic historical tales in Bengali. He entitled it
Aitihasik Upanyas (Historical Fiction). The word 'upanyas' later on became the
common word for 'novel' in several north Indian languages. This was the first time it
was used in the sense of a romantic work of fiction. Prose romances approaching to
the form of the novel appeared in Marathi around the same time: Muktamala (1861)
by Lakshman Moreshwar Halbe and Manjughosha (1868) by Naro Sadasiv Risbud.
Even earlier than this, didactic tales of a modern character had emerged in more
than one modern Indian language. These were tales with a social message. The
earliest tales of this variety formed part of Christian propaganda in India. Phulmani0-Karunar Bibaran (1852), written in Bengali by Hannah Catherine Mullens, and
Yamuna Paryatm (1857), a Marathi work by Baba Padamji which recounts the
sufferings of a Hindu widow who converts to Christianity, belong to this variety.
Some critics identify these two works as the first novels in Bengali and Marathi
respectively, but neither possessed any depth of characterisation, nor even a closely
woven plot. Other didactic works followed, i- itten by Christian, Muslim and Hindu
authors propagating a social message with ,.p of a story. Nazir's Ahmad's Mir atul-Urns (1969), a didactic narrative contrasting the lives of a good sister and a bad
one, is identified as the first novel in Urdu. Pandit Gauri Dutt's Devrani Jethani ki
Kabani, published next year in Hindi, had an almost identical theme. Subsequently,
the Tamil Christian author, Samuel Vedanyakam PilGi, wrote the first original novel
in Tamil, Prathapa Mudaliar Charitram (1879), in order to preach such moral
virtues as 'filial affection, fraternal affection, conjugal affection, chastity, universal
benevolence, integrity, grhtitude, etc.'
20.6.2 Bankim's Age

With Bankim*ChandraChatterjee's first original work in Bengali Durgesh Nandiii
(1865), the novel came of age in India. The first full-fledged novel in any Indian
language, it is set against the background of the Mughal Afghan war for the
in focus of interest (a
possession of Bengal, with a romantic love triangle as the
young Pajput general of the Mughal army, the' daughter of a ocal lord of the castle
whom he marries, and a noble Pathan princess who sacrifices verything for love of
him). Chatterjee's incomparable novels, set mostly in a historical context, followed
one after another. Ananda-Math (1882), set against the background of the Sannyasi
rebellion in Bengali, contained the famous nationalist song 'Bande Mataram'.
Rathasthan (1881), with the Rajput rebellion against Emperor Aurangzeb as its
theme, was another stirring historical novel. Chatterjee's contemporary&omeSh
Chunder Dutt, wrote several historical ndvels under his influence, of-which the two
~ite"ture in the
Indian Lmguagcs
Cultural Contours
most famous are Maharashtra Jivan Prabhat (1878) and Rajput Jivan Sandhya
(1979).
The historical novel came into vogue in other Indian languages, too. The reason is
that, contemporary society in the late nineteenth century afforded little scope for
love bnd heroism on account of numerous social restrictions. In consequence, tales of
nerojsm and love had to be set in a historical context. The first romantic historical
novel in Marathi, Ramchandra Bhikaji Gunjikar's Mochanged (1871), is built around
a hill fort in Maharashtra which Shivaji captures eventually. Later on, Harinarayan
Apte had great success in Maharashtra with his historical novels : Mysorecha Vegh
(189()), Gad A h Pan Simha Gela (1903), Suryodaya (1905-1908), etc. C.V. Raman
Pillai's great historical trilogy in Malayalam-Martanda Varma (189 l), and
DhNmaraja and Rama Raja Bahadur-evoked the time of troubles in eighteenth
centiry Kerala in authentic detail.
Manp of these historical novels had the heroic deeds of the Rajputs and the
M a r ~ t h a sas their theme, with Muslim characters being sometimes shown in an
tlnfakourable light. The historical novels that appeared in Urdu drew their
inspikation, by way of contrast, from the historical glories of Islam, both within and
outside India. The leading Urdu novelist, Abdul Halim Sharar, wrote several novels
exhibiting the great superiority of Islam in its heyday over non-Muslim, especially
Chribtian, powers. The first of these, Malik-ul-Aziz Vaj a n a (1888), was his rejoinder
to Scott's I'albnian, which he considered to be biased against Islam; in vicarious
reveage, Sharar had King Richard's niece, Varjana, fall, in love with Saladin's son,
Ma@-ul-Aziz. Mansur Mohana (1890) was written to exonerate Sultan Mahmud of
Ghakni from charges of looting and destruction. Flora Florinda (1897), set against
the ackground of the excesses of the Christians in Moorish Spain, portrays a
Mus im girl presented by the Christians. Sharar's stories were usually built around a
romkntic affair between a captain of the Saracen army and a high born maiden of
the imvaded land.
To wet novels successfully in the contemporary social context made greater demands
for nealism on the art of the novelists. Bankim Chandra showed the way with his two
major social novels, Bishabriksha (1873), and Krishnakanter Will (1878). These
works had a depth of characterization that set the standard for Indian fiction for
years t o come. 0. Chandu Menon's Malayalam novel, Indulekha (1888),
to combine romantic love with realistic social detail. Govardhan Ram's huge
Gujfrati novel, Saraswati Chandra (4 parts, 1887, 1892, 1898, 1900), had a romantic
and sentimental interest, but in this work the hero and the heroine decided at the
end :not to marry each other as the girl was a widow and the idealistic lovers were
unylling to hurt the skntiments of their community h r i Narayan Apte's large
Maqathi novel, Pan Lakshant Kon Gheto (1890), was a more realistic work dwelling
on the injustice and violence of Orthodox Hindu society towards widows. Mirza
Ha i Ruswa's Umrao Jan Ada (1899) a distinguished Urdu Novel with a courtesan
as t e protagonist, recounted her story in the first person with remarkable
detdchment and objectivity.
1
~
The beginning of the twentieth century accentuated the tendency towards

psydhological realism, which Rabindranath Tagore consciously projected as the main
thrdst of his weighty novil, Chokher Bali (1903); this was followed by his even
bigger work, Gora (1910), a massive novel of the new aspirations and ideals that had
stided Bengali society in his youth. The portrayal of contemporary society in
authentic detail was also the distinguishing mark of thq two widely acclaimed
novielists who started writing soon afterwards : Sarat C&-indra Chatterjee and Munski
Preinchand. Their works bore the strong imprat of the nationalist movement that
stinted twentieth century India. But it was the depth of their social and psychological
observation, climaxing with Chatterjee's Grihadaha (1920) and Premchanct's Godan
(1936), which made them the leading writers of fiction in their own time.
I
Che/ck Your Progress 2

1) What impact did Western influence have on the evolution of' drama?
2)
What was the difference between the early novels and the novels which were
written in Bankim's age?
24.7
LET US SUM UP
After reading this Unit you saw that:

The old,literature in the vernacular languages consisted almost entirely of poetry
and this old literature persisted through the eighteenth and indeed the first half of
the nineteenth century.
Over time this old poetry began to show the symptoms of an age of decline and
there was a loss of freshness and a tendency towards repetition. The declining
values appeared in the change from devotion (bhakti) to technique and virtuousity
(riti).
Under the impact of English literature, Indian poetry recaptured its freshness In
the nineteenth century. There was experimentation with new forms, such as blank
verse, the sonnet and the lyric. Above all there was the exuberance of a'new
creative spirit that changed the very content of poetry.
Another direction in which the creative spirit of the modern age manifested itself
was the appearance of the stage. The setting up of the stage gave the impetus to
the prolific growth of dramatical literature under the influence of both classical
Sanskrit drama and the Western plays, especially those of Shakespeare.
..
r Under the influence of the West, there emerged a completely new branch in
Indian literature. This was the novel, accompanied by the short story. This
brought in its wake a new social realism in lq%n literature.
20.8 KEY WORDS

Genre :A specific form of art, literature etc.
Rhetoric :The technique of writing powerfully.
.-
I
Cuttunl Contours
Poetics: Technique of understanding aesthetic experience underlying literary texts.

Renlis4 : Form of art of literature which consciously attempts to link up with reality
~ i & a c t :k Related to teaching, preaching, propagating, etc.
20.9 ( ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check your Progress 1
1) See See. 20.3
2) See Sec. 20.4
I
Check JYour Progress 2

1) See Sec. 20.5
2) See Sec. 20.6
'UNIT 21 THE SPREAD OF ENGLISH

EDUCATION
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Colonial Education
Indigenous Education
Debate Over Education Policy
Development of English Education
An Appraisal
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
21.0
OBJECTIVES
This Unit attempts to introduce you to experiment; that the British government
made in the field of education in India during 1757-1857. In this Unit you will learn
about :
the changing relationship between colonialism and education,
the characteristics of the indigenous system of education,
the debate over the education policy,
the spread of Western education, and
the significance of the new education system in modern India.
The establishment of British territorial control over India brought changes in

different spheres of life. Education was one of such areas where lot of changes came
with the transfer of power to the British. Why and how did the change come? What
was the impact of this change? These are some of the major questions that have been
discussed in this Unit.
21.2
COLONIAL EDUCATION
It is essential to understand the dynamics of relationship between education and

colonialism in order to understand the development of education under colonial rule.
Authors like Martin Carnoy and others have argued that education in a colonial
country is designed by the colonial rulers to legitimise their domination and to serve
their own econ~micneeds.
Economic and political control over the colonial country is essential for the survival
of colonial rule and education is used to achieve this goal. Attempt is made to
develop through education a new set of values and justification of the colonial rule.
Thus education loses its independent identity and becomes subordinate to political
power. Colonial education no doubt brings changes and cultural transformation in a
colonial country. New ideas and experiments undoubtedly enrich the existing
knowledge. But the colonial country has to pay a heavy price for it. The real
beneficiaries of colonial education are a selected few who had a specific role assigited
C u ~ t u mContours
~
meant ifor better control of the colonial country rather~thanits development. he

ultimate outcome of this policy might be different but the desired objective is to
'c~ntrdl'not to 'change' the Eolonial country.
In the background of this view of many social historians regarding the dyriamics of
relatiopship between colonial rule and education we shall look at the development of
English education in India. However, before we come to the beginnings of English
educatpon, let us take a look at the indigenous system of education in the early 19th
century.
25.3 INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

The itlformation that we gather from early -British records gives us a very rough idea
about indigenous system of education in late 18th and early 19th century India.
There were 'Madrasas' and 'Maktabs' for the Muslims and 'Tols' and 'Patshalas' for
.
ranged from the centres for higher learning in Arabic and
the ~ i n d u s These
Sanskkit t o lower levels of institution for schooling people in Persian and Vernacular
1angNges. Lack of scientific and secular learning was one of the major limitations of
the ceptres for higher learning in those days. However, many Hindus attended
Rrsialn schools because Persian was then the court language and there were also
~ i n d dteachers in Persian schools. Whether it was a 'Tol' or a 'Madrasa' there were
certaifi common features in the indigenous system of education.
Scfiools were generally run with the help of contribution from Zamindars or from
locbl rich men.
In !he curriculum the main emphasis was on classical language like Sanskrit,
Ar bic or Persian and subjects of classical Hindu or Islamic tradition like
G mmar, Logic, Law, Metaphysics, Medicines, etc.
Though Sanskrit learning was the exclusive domain of the Brahmans, from the
reports available of the early 19th century we find that the non-uppercastes and
tha scheduled castes had also representation in the lower level schools.
wbmen were generally debarred from the formal education system.
a l n t h e absence of printing press till 19th century oral tradition and memory of the
teqchers formed the basis of knowledge and information, supplemented with

hapdwritten manuscripts.
T+ state had little or no role in school education though kings would patronise
pepple famous for their learning.
Besides the centres for higher learning which were basically the domain of upper
aasteb there was a large number of elementary schools. Most of the villages in India
had dhis kind of elementary schools. These were each run by an individual teacher
with tthe monetary help of the village Zamindars or local elite. These schools used to
teach the students elementary arithmetic and basic literacy to meet the needs of dayto-d4y life. Students from different sections of society, except the very backward
disprkvileged castes, attended these schools.
Thuq the education system that existed in India in the early 19th century had its
own lmerits and demerits. The elementary schools provided the opportunity for basic
ceductition to rural people and its curriculum was secular in approach and responsive
to pdactical needs. Probably in the higher centres of learning (Tols and Madrasas)
too h u c h emphasis on niceties of grammar, philosophy and religion narrowed down
the sbope of expansion of secular and scientific knowledge. The colonial rulers
discqrded the indigenous system and replaced it by a system of education of theil
own. Tne potentiality that the indigenous system had as a means of mass education,
Was (iestroyed. In the following section we would see how controversies started
gmo g different groups about what should be the role of the East India Company in
the
~ ~ ~ m l n n r n nI\<n tn A . . n m + ; ~ , r
:r 1 - A : -
The Spread of
English Educstion
21.4 DEBATE OVER EDUCATION POLICY

Till the second half of 18th century the English East India Company did not face
any dilemma about its role in the promotion of education in India. It was basically a
commercial corporation, so its basic objectives was trade and profit. Before
acquisition of territorial power the Company had no role in education, however,
there were attempts by the missionaries to establish charity schools and to promote
learning. But things began to change with the British occupation of Eastern India in
the second-half of 18th century. Within the official circle as well as outside of it there
was a growing debate about what should be the role of the company in the
promotion of learning in India.
Immediately after the acquisition of political power in India the company officials
wanted to maintain,neutrality or non-intervention in the sphere of religion and
culture of the indigenous society. The reason behind it was partly the fear of adverse
reaction and opposition to their role by the local people. However, constant pressure
from different quarters, the Missionaries, the Liberals, the Orientalists, the
;Utilitarians compelled the company to give up its policy of neutrality and to take the
responsibility of promotion of learning.
The second important point around which the opinions were sharply divided was
whether the company should promote western or oriental learning. In the initial
stage the company officials patronised oriental learning. It cannot be denied that
some of the Englishmen had the genuine desire to acwire and promote oriental
learning.
In this context we may menti n the establishment of the 'Calcutta Madrasa' by
Warren Hastings (178 I), the Benares Sanskrit College' by Jonathan Duncan (17911
and the 'Asiatic Society of Bengal'by William Jones (1784). Those who were in
favour of continuation f the existing institutions of oriental learning and promotion
of Indian classical tradipon were called 'Orientalists': The argument put forward by
the Orientalists was that generally there was a prejudice among Indians against
Europeanr knowledge and science, so there might be complete rejection of western
knowledge. Some of them were also interested to explore the classical tradition and
culture of this ancient civilization. But even if we acknowledge the genuine desire of
1
I
saleuag, aqi pue , e v J p e m t ? i i n 3 1 ~aqi

, jo iuauIqsgqt?isa aqi
aqi st?& s ! q ~-arnlInD l!aqi pueislapun 01 put? Liapos snoua8!pu! aqi jo ial!la~ aql
I
I
1e lauaq aq pInoM 6aqi ~t?qios amqn3 put? aZenZut?~1 ~ 3 0 1aqi slt?!3!jjo qsfluataqi
q x a 1 01 p a ~ u t 6? ~a q ~~suo!1wap!suo3 1m!i3eld amos 6q pap!n% alaM sis!leluiauo aqi
I
The Spread of
English Education
Extracts from the Diary of

H.T.Prinsep Concerning
the Dispute between
Orientalists
When the subject came under consideration in Council, there
was a very hot argument beiween myself and Mr. Macaulay.
The issue was tlre resolution that n publislred not abolishing
'existing colleges, but requiring them to teaclr Englislr as n*ell as
rrative literature and making the fornrer obligatory, also giving
some encouragenrent to vernacular studies. but declarirrg that all
Gowrnment pecuniary aid in future should be given exclusively to
promote the study of European science tlrrough tlre medium of
English hnguage. Lord W. Bentinck n-ouldnot even allow nzy
memorandum to be placed on record. He .said it nsas qrrite ae
abuse that Secretarie.~sl~ouldtake upon themseh*e.v to itlrite
memorondnms: that it'was enough for the Court of Directors t o
IP"
Extracts from the Minute of the

Hon'ble T.B. Macaulay, dated
the 21,d February 1835
r e wh& the Members of Council chose t o p l a n on record ....

Thus ended this matter for the time. The Resolution passed on
this occasion was modified afterwards and made a little more
favourable for the old native institutions by Lord Auckland.
We now come to the gist of the matter. We have a fund

to employed as Governmerit shall direct for the intellectual
improvement of the people of this country. The simple question
study of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian is, in consequence, less is, what is the most useful way of employing it?
Allparties seem to be a g r ~ e don one point, that the dialects
cultivated than heretofore, but none of the old institutions have
commonly spoken among the natA1psof this part of India conbeen altogether abolished" (emphasis added).
but Englislr has ever since been the study prejerentially encouraged by Government in connection with ~*ernacuIarliterature. The
tain neither literary nor scientijk information, and are moreover

so poor and rude that, until they are enriched from some other
quarler, i t will not be easy lo translate any */tiable work into
thmr. I t seems to be admitted on all sides, that the intellectual
impro~~ement
of those classes of the people who hare the means
ofpursuing higlrer ztudies can at persent be eflected only by means
of some language not vernacular amongst them.
What then shall that language be? One half of the committee
maintain that it should be the English. The other half strongly
recommend the Arabic and Sanscrit. The whole quesYion .teems
10 me to be- which Imguoge is the best worth k n o w h ~ ?
1 have no knowledge of- either Sanscrit o r Arabic. But I
have done what I could t o form a correct estimate of their
value. I have read translations of the most alebrated Arabic
and Sanscrit works. I have conhrsed. both here and at home.
with men distinguished by their' proficiency in the Eastern
tongues. I am quite ready to take the oriental learning at the
valuation ef the orientalists themselves. I l u r e never found one
among them wlro could deny that a single sheu of a good
Eurnpean library was worth the whole nati~uliterature of India
and Arabia. TIre intrinsic svpcrlority of tire Western literatrrre
is in*d fully adinitfed by those members of the comntittee who
'
support the oriental plan of education.
Cultural Contours
tHat d veloped in England with the Industrial Revolution was highly critical of the
c ~ m pny's modopoly trade. Post-industrial Revolution saw little of value beyond
aodedn western culture. The Evangelicals had a firm conviction in the superiority of
dhris 'an ideas and western institutions. Two great exponents of the Evangelical view
Were harles Grant and ~ i l l i a mWilberforce.
others who did not share Evangelicalfaith also &re convinced of the superiority of
wste$ knowledge and one of the chief promoters of this idea was Thomas
Babin on Macaulay. He recommended that western learning should be promoted in
India hrough English language and this should be the objective of education policy
i s 1ndIa. James Mill, the chief advocate of Utilitarianism in India, was highly critical
of In 'an religion and culture. Instead of support to oriental institutions, he had
erlnph sised Western education. But he believed that education alone was not
siffici nt to bring desired transformation in India; legislative and administrative
relfords were also essential for this purpose.
all of these groups who may be called 'Anglicists', in general believed that
Iqdia
br? s were in a backward stage and Western education given through English
labgu ge alone was the remedy. But education was expensive. Therefore it was better
ta ed ate a group of people who would gradually educate the rest of the society.
Efiuca ion would filter down from the elites to the masses. In this way it would help
tq dev lop new cultural values and knowledge in India. This was after called the
'filtration' theory.
a
6
The dissionaries had a completely different logic for supporting the introduction of
~ h ~ l i ducation
sb
in India. The motive of the missionaries was to get access to the
inldige ous society through education and to propagate new cultural values which
would help them in conversion of people to Christianity.
The rjsponse of Indians to this debate over education policy was a mixed one. Ram
Nohay Roy and others favoured introduction of Western education with the belief
thkt it would help Indians to assimilate the knowledge of western science,
ism, new ideas and literature. This would help in the regeneration of the
Some other people believed that knowledge of Western education, specially
of English, would help them in getting jobs and coming close to the
they were in support of Western education. In opposition to this
conservatives who were staunch supporters of Indian classical
They had the apprehension that introduction of Western
to the collapse of indigenous society and culture.
were different shades of opinion among the Europeans as well as Indians
of the company in the development of education in India. Let us see
what rfiajor developments took place in Indian. education during
Check y o u r Progress 1
1 ) M ke an assessment of the indigenous system of education in 100 words.
.....I ..........................................................................................................................
i
I
'
~
34
...I. .........................................................................................................................
Write in 50 words about the attitude of Indians to the promotion of western

learning.
2)
3) Read the following sentences and mark right (4or wrong (X)
In the indigenous system of education mass education was neglected.
i)
Women in general were deprived of education in the indigenous system.
ii)
iii) In the beginning the company officisris avoided any intervention in
indigenous education.
iv) The Anglicists wanted to promote western education because they wanted
to modernise India.
21.5
DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH EDUCATION
As ,we have seen in the earlier section, the beginning of English education can be
traded only to the early 19th century. Before that the efforts made by the
missionaries or by individuals were very limited in nature. We may mention in this
connection Schwartzs schools in Tanjore, Ramnad and Shivganga, the Baptist
Missionaries in Serampore, the London Mission Society, the American Methodists
in Bombay, etc. They had pioneering contribution in modern education. These
missionary activities and the mounting pressure by some Englishmen like Charles
Grant and William Wilberforce compelled the Company to give up its policy of nonintervention in education. For the first time the British Parliament included in the
Company's charter a clause that the Governor-General in Couhcil is bound to keep a
sum of not less than one lakh of rupees per year for education. But the company
used this fund mainly to promote and encourage Indian language and literature. The
importance of the Charter Act of 1813 was that the Company for the first time
acknowledged state responsibility for the promotion of education in India.
\
8. William Carry n BnptiPt Misoinmy at Sunrupose
In 1823 a General Committee of Public Institution was set up to look after the
development of education in India. Most of the members of this committee belonged
tn t h C\r;entol;ct
~
n r n ~ ~anA
n tho\>ctrnnnlv c s A v n ~ a t ~tho
A nmmntinn n.f nrientll
The Spread bf
English Education
Cultural Contours
/
learnibg rather than the promotion of Western education. However, as we have

discudsed in the earlier section, different sections both in England and in India
creat6d mounting pressure on the Company to encobrage Western education.
Macablay, the President of the General Committee of Public Instruction and Lord
Bentifick, the Governor General, took the side of the Anglicists and Bentinck gave
his rdling that "the great object of the British Government in India was henceforth to
be th&promotion of European literature and science among the natives of India; and
that 411 the funds appropriated for the purpose of education would be best employed
on Edglish education alone."
Some of the important points of the resolution that Bentinck announced in 1835
were as follows:
Pehian was abolished as the court language and was substituted by English.
printing and publication of English books were made fred and available at a
comparatively low price.
d + r e fund was provided to support the English education, while there was
cudtailment in the fund for the promotion of oriental learning.
kuckland who came after Bentinck as the overn nor-~enehl also believed in the
nked for the promotion of English education in India. He recommended the opening
of mdre English colleges in Dacca, Patna, Benares, ~ l l a h a b a d Agra,
,
elh hi .and
~ a r r e l l l The
~ . General Committee of Public Instruction was abolished in 1841 and its
place was taken by a Council of Education. The next major landmark in the
devel4pment of English education in this period was the Wood's Despatch of 1854.
5lir Charles Wood, the president of the Board of Control, in 1854 laid down the
piolicd which became the guiding principle of the education programme of the
goverbment of India. The Despatch categorically declared :
"Tqie education that we desire to see extended in India is that which has for its
objlect the diffusion of the improved arts, science, philosophy and literature of
Eufope, in short of European knowledge."
The &jar recommendations of the Despatch were as follows

thd creation of a department of public instruction in each of the five
the company's territory,
provinces
of
the/ establishment of university at Calcutta, Bombay a& Madras,

the establishment of a network of graded schools-high
and the elementary schoo~s,
schopls, middle schools
the establishment of teachers training institutions,

t h e promotion of vernacular schools,
the(introducti0n of a system of grants-in-aid for financial held to the schools, etc.
In 1847 three universifies were established in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. The
establishment of universities and the opening of education departments in the
providces provided a basic structure to modern education in India, in fact Wood's
Despqch provided the model for the further development in education in India.
Along with this official initiative to promote western learning in India, there was
initiative by the missionaries and some individuals to promote Westerri edgcation. In
Bengai some of the important colleges were established by the Christian missionaries.
These missionary institutions did play a role in spreading western knowledge, though
their dasic object was to attract people to Christianity. Bejidesthe missioneties some
individuals played a significant role to promote English education in Calcutta. The
~ a t i v dSchool and Book Society of Calcutta was established to open schools in
Chlcuyta and to train up the teachers for the indigenous schools. The establishment
of Hiddu College (later Presidency College) in Calcutta by David Hare and a group
of local Hindu notables facilitated the promotion of secular education among
~nidianb.David Hare was against the teaching of religious ideas and Sanskrit and
Arabid languages. J.E.D. Bethune who was an ardent advocate of women's education
a girls' school in Calcutta. Among the Bengalis, Vidyasagar supported the
of women's education. All these institutions obtained a positive response
from the local people who strongly pleaded to the British for further expansion of
educational opportunities.
:Similarly in Aombay and Madras also missionary schools were established. In
Bombay notable developments were the Native Education Society and the
Elphinstone lnstitution which played a role similar to the Hindu College of Calcutta.
In Madras the Christian Coll e was founded in 1837 and the Presidency College in
853. In Uttar Pradesh the fi t English-medium college was founded at Agra in
1823. Thus by 1850s we find that in most of the provinces in India the basis of
modern education was laid down by the British.
21.6
AN APPRAISAL
The'above discussion shows how gradually the English education developed. The
government promoted this system while neglecting the indigenous system of
education in the 19th century. The spread of English education in India was a long
process and before 1857 its spread and depth were limited. Nonetheless the changes
that came in education upto 1857 deserve a close scrutiny. There was no doubt thatthe new education broadened the horizonbof knowledge. Specially the establishment
of printing press and easy availability of books removed the traditional barriers and
made education accessible to more people. The ideas of the western thinkers
influenced the younger generation of the indigenous society and they began to
question the existing traditional values. A new spirit of rationalism developed.
However, these positive contributions have to be balanced against the grave
limitations of the education system that developed under colonial sponsorship. The
English education system totally ignored the importance of mass education. In the
indigenous system the elementary schools provided basic education to a wide section
of society. But in the new education the emphasis was to educate a selected few. The
Anglicists idea of filtering down education from elites to masses did not work in
practice. This system did not provide equal access to education to all and this led to
the perpetuation of the backwardness of socially backward castes and communities.
The existing divisions in the society widened.
Secondly, in spite of advocacy of western science and technology, in the curriculum
of schools and alleges the emphasis was on western literature, philosophy and
humanities. Technology and natural science were neglected and without s'uch
knowledge the intellectual advancement as well as economic development of a
country was hampered.
Another aspect of this new education was the subordination of education to political
t Anglicist the basic object of their education
power. Whether it was O ~ e n t a l i s or
policy was to strengthen colonial rule. The Orientalists wanted to do it through
indigenisation and the Anglicists wanted to do it through westernization. The basic
purpose of the education policy was insqparable from the political interests of the
colonial government.
Thus we have seen that education became a n issue of debate among various schools
of thought. The education policy in the first half of 19th century was a product of
this clash of opinions. On the whole, the colonial administration was keen to
promote a n education policy which served its own interests.
1 ) Discuss the official policy of education between 1835 to 1857. Answer in 100
words.
The Spread of '

Englisl~Education
2)
W ite a critical note on the effect of English education in India. Answer in 100
wo ds.
21.7
LET US SUM UP
In this J n i t we have seen how gradually ths indigenous system of exiucation was
the British with a new system of ed cation. There were many
who fried t o promote oriental learni g but the Anglicists prevailed over
New schools and colleges were established to promote learning.
and economic idws came through the channel of western
policy ignored scientific and technical education.
this education was mainly the upper crust of society. S o
with the English education was very limited in nature.
21.1
FEYWORDS
I
, ,
: The Company officials who were in favour of promotion of western

in India were called Anglicists.
Is : There was a group of Protestants in England who beheved in the

of the Christ and individual initiative. They visualised the progress of
only through faith in Christ and the Christian culture.
I.ibehls : I n 19th century England a new political party emerged, called Liberal '
party] Me bers of this party who were called liberals believed in toleration and
advo ated freedom of thought-and expression.
Orientalists :The company offi&als who advocated for the promotion of Indian
culture, tradition and languages were called Orientalists.
Utilitarians : See Unit 13, Block 3.

EXERCISES
1) Your answer should focus on the major features of the indigenous system of
education, its merits and demerits, see Sec. 21.3.
2) There was a mixed reaction, some favoured western education, some were very
critical of it. See Sec. 21.4.
3) i) X ii)
iii)
iv) X

I) Your answer should include Bentinck's resolutior policy of Auckland, Wood's
Despatch, etc. See Sec. 21.5.
2) Here you have to make assessment of the positive contribution of English

education and the limitations of the English education, See. Sec. 21.6.
U N ~ T22 WESTERN KNOWLEDGE AND

THE INDIAN MIND
Stru4pre
22.1
22.0
22.2
22.3
22.4
22.5
22.6
22,7
22.8
22.9
221 10
bje tlves
ntroduction
.
After the Crisis
A New Mentality
parly Origins of the New Mentality
Western Knowledge and its Impact
New Rationalism
t h e New Romanticism
bet Us S u m Up
Fey Words
bnswers to Check Your Progress Exercises
22.0 1 OBJECTIVES
I
4n .this u n i t you will get to know about :

the h a i n concerns of the Indian mind in the colonial milieu,
the b a i n trends of impact of western knowledge, and
problems of the impact.
so&
221.1 ( INTRODUCTION
I n prevjous Units you have broadly seen how India h o v e d from the disintegration of
tha ~ u k l i a empire
l
t o the establishment of a colonial milieu. That, this process
foriced /he lndian mind to think about its culture a n d society a n d frame a response
t o the dewcorners, is the subject of this Unit
22.2 I AFTER THE CRISIS

I
Tho nedd t o respond t o the changed situatioli in the wake of the criiis of the Mughal
emfiire preated a n urge to define a n d defend identities all over India. A new political
s i t ~ a t i o hbrought problems of adjustment and definition for the Indian mind. These
problerqs had t o be dealt in the initial 'dhases from within the resources offered by
religionand tradition. This was t o throw up a number of competing sects and their
'kaders, whose public debates strengthened a n awareness of religion and cultural
identity,
Here wd have the example of Bengal where the movements of Faraizis,
Mulham/nadiyas advocated a return t o past 'purity' of Islam in different ways. Given
the wei+l position of peasant and artisan classes who were attracted to such
mouemdnts, these movements inevitably strayed into areas of economic conflict.
Heqce easant-landlord conflicts acquired a religious colour. A n important figure in
this con ext was Titu-Mir whose'rebellion was crushed when it turned antigovernqent.
~ o ~ e v eapart
f , from the politico-economic aspects, the debates and differences
betyeenthese various groups were equally important. These debates raised and
clarified the issues of religion in returning to past 'purity'. A similar role was played
by disp tations and discussions between the Namdhari and Nirankari followers of
Sikhism in Punjab. In Orissa and Madhya Pradesh the Satya Mahima Dharnia and
the Satnamis focused on the issue of purity of religion amongst the lower castes and
tribals. A section of Nadars in the south opted for an alternate religion i.e.
Christianity
for, understanding and establishing their identity.
With the exception of the Nadar Christians all other movements raised issues specific
to the core of their religion. In doing so a process of community mobilization was
attempted which included methods as diverse as community kitchens (as amongst the
Nirankaris) to mass prayets (as amongst Bengal & Bihar Muslims). Issues such as
the place of women in the society, caste or modes of worship were debated and
settled with reference to the past and a concept of 'purity'. Thus, apart from the
educated urban middle cl& reformers and thinkers (discussed below) at the level of
the common people basic issues of cultural identity were stirring into life issues often
framed in the religious idiom. ,
22.3 A NEW MENTALITY

It is widely recognised that the impact of Western education and intellectual
interchange was a critical long-term force in the making of the new, mbdern Indian
culture and mentality as it emerged in the nineteenth century. The new o r .
renaissance mentality was conspicuously different from that of the Mughal twilight.
In contrast, was the nineteenth century mentality, the components of which were
both secular and religious and which aimed at a synthesis of tradition and
modernity. The result was a new point of view, a new set of values that underscored
both religious experience and reform as well as secular literary expression. Hence a
greater and more abiding faith in a Dharma that was monotheistic, in God rather
than ritual, in love and devotion rather than religious practice. The new mood was
reflected in literature as well which tended to record keener emotional experiences,
exploits and adventures of the human spirit and a more sympathetic perception of
the relationship between man and woman. The notions of justice and reason received
wider currency as contemporary intellectuals and ideologues advocated a more just,
rational and yitical reordering of the universe. The gamut of experiences which is
often collectively described as the awakening or renaissance started in Bengal at the
beginning of the nineteenth century but later elsewhere. The chronology of the
awakening differed from region t o region but beneath the diversity, lay one common
emotional content perceptible most of all in the outcrop of regional literature.
The interrelation between western impact and the Indian Renaissance has formed the
subject matter of much debate. One line of argument is that an inert and degraded
Indian society was modernised by the civilising mission of the west. J.N. Farquhar, a
Christian missionary observed, "The stimulating force are almost exclusively Western
viz., the British Government, English education and literature, Christianity, Oriental
research, European science and philosophy, and the material elements of Western
civilization." A second line of thought is that Western ideas and administrative
practices 'could not make any great headway against hard and complex Indian
realities. The processes of change were thus partial and inconclusive. A third view is
that Western ideas and practices were the instruments of the colonisation of Indian
society with which could achieve only a false and superficial modernity.
The process was, however, more complex than what any of the above interpretations
suggest. It needs to be stressed that the Indian critical awakening was not merely a
secular cultural phenomenon but was also a religious reformation in more ways than
one. Socio-religious forms and literary-artistic movements formed one drganic whole.
Secondly, the culture of the renaissance was deeply indigenous, and modernity in
India was not a weak and distorted caricature of models from the West. It was as
Tagore saw it, synthesis in which the eternal, everchanging Indian civilization
successfully absorbed new elements. In the light of modern knowledge, India looked
back critically on her past and recreated herself by synthesising the elements which
she selected from that past and her selective borrowings from the great outside
world. The process itself was not without precedent-such introspective
readaptations like the medieval Bhakti movement had occurred in the past. Yet the
movement accommodated elements that were novel and readily identifiable as
\II~.-*P.,
The I n d h Mind and

Western Knowlcdp : Growth
of Critical Consciousnew
Culhvrrl Contours
Westerq impact on the Indian mind was a propelli~~g

force thdt drove dominant
curtents within Indian society to the surface, starting a critlcal spirit of self-enquily.
A chro~ologicalSequence of the evolution of the new mentality has thus to be
attempt&d in the context of the new political and social environment that
accompanied the establishment of th'e Company's p~liticairule. Western impact ar
What MIG. Ranade referred to as foreign manure was largely channelled through
agencies such as the educational systcm, educational and cultural societies, law
courts, hissionaiy enterprise and the press. These agencies had the direct
con$equknce of disseminating western ideas and fostering the emclgence of a new
social cqtegory i.e. the Indian middle class-in a new milieu. Besides these forn~ai
agencies1 there was the 'atmospheric influbnce' referrec! to by Syed Abdul Latif,
produceb by British administration. Btsides formal a g e ~ c i e sof change, Western ideas
had bee$ penetrating the minds of the people through byways and Western channels.
The modt important of these unseen cha#m~lswas Western lrteiature wiiicn enjcyc<i
popularity among the urban middle classes in he mid-nineteenth century.
This is;/lowever, n?t @ suggest that it was Westernimpact alone that changed
Indjan sbciety. I t M s primarily a n element that accelerated changes that were
affecting/ both Hindus and Muslims of India. As M.G. Ranade pointed out, "No
mere fokign graftings can ever thrive and flourish unless the tender plant on which
the PafQing is to be maae first germinates and sends its roots deep into it's own
indigenobs soil. When the living tree is thus nourished and watered. the foreign
marlure b a y add flavour and beauty to it."
The 1ndiPn mind did not have deep and genuine contact with Western thought until
the 182ds and 1830s when two rival social circles in Calcutta had come into
existence/-the 'progressive' circle headed by Dwarakanath Tagore and Raja
Rammopan Roy and the 'conservative' circle headed by Kadhakanta Deb. This
phase i n t h e social and intellectual history of Calcutta where the 'reb~rth'm?y be sald
to have laken place, began when Rammohan finally took up residence in Calcutta in
1816. Evpn earlier, around 1805 the Raja had published from Murshidabad his
Persian ork. Tuhfatul Muwahhiddin which elicited a great deal of d e b a t e . ' ~ h i l e
the detai s of the debate need not detain us. it is important to keep in mind that the
disputanb appealed to logic and reason. and Karninohan In particular to inductive
reason; there are many things for instance, many woderful inventions of the people
of Eiuro e and the dexterity of jugglers, the causes of which are obv~ouslynot
known, Q d seem to be beyond the comprehension of human power, but after a keen
imidht
instructions of others, those causes can be known sat ~sfactorily
." This
reason only may be a sufficient safeguard for intelligent people against
being
indud?de eived by such supernatural workings. Thus Rammohan on the way to
comprehifnding the importance of scientific observation. He questioned all revelation
that wasnot provable. The remarkable thing about these debates was that the Raja
had not yet read and accepted either Locke or NeWton.
01
The secohd and related point to note is that all disputants in the debate accused one
another ~f violating the good of society thereby implicitly adhering to the notion of
utility. Rbmmohan condemned all religious rites that were detrimental to social life
and did #ot lead to the amelioration of the condition of society. In his view, the
value of (eligion lay in the fear of punishment in the next world.
I
~atibnallslnin Bengal thus in a sense predated the lormal Western impact which was
priwrilyl c catalyst accelerating the pace of change.
0
Check Ydur Progress 1

1) Howldid religion help in overcoming a crisis of identity in the wake of decline of
~ u ~ q empire.
a l
I
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
...............................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
2)
How did rationalism in Bengal help in accelerating the pace of change?
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
22.5
WESTERN KNOWLEDGE AND ITS IMPACT
The emerging ethos of enlightened rationalism assumed in Bengal an institutional

shape for the first time in the Hindu College of Calcutta (1817). Well to do Bengalis,
some orthodox, joined with some non-official Europeans to establish the college.
Rammohan, regarded as a founding father of the college, kept himself deliberately
aloof for fear of antagonising more orthodox Hindus like Radha Kanta Deb who
became the patron of the college. But the inherent and incipient radicalism of the
liberal Bengali youth could hardly be restrained as they rallied round the college
teacher Henry Louis Vivien Derozio. The subsequent expulsion of Derozio did not
restrain the rising tide of rationalism which continued to prevail with increasing
strength.
The establishment of the Hindu College was followed by the founding of the School
Book Society and the School Society which played a key role in improving schbol
gucation in Calcutta. They printed new text books, opened new types of schools
dhich held annual examinations, laying the foundations of a new educational system.
The choice of subjects of study and their emphasis was new-English, Mathematics,
Geography and Natural sciences. The establishment of other higher institutions of
learning like the Bishop's College, Oriental Seminary, the Calcutta Medical College
and the Indian newspapers contributed considerably to the creation of a new,
rational and more critical public opinion.
In Bombay, a similar function was performed by the Elphinstone College which in
many respects was the counterpart of Calcutta's Presidency College. It originated in
the desire of the rich native citizens of Bombay to erect an apposite memorial to
their departing Governor, Elphinstone.\A fund was collected in 1821 for the purpose
of instituting a number of professorships. Two English Professors, one of natural
philosophy and the other of general literature arrived in 1835 and launched the
Elphinstone Hi& School, it assumed the name Elphinstone College. The college was
instrumental in/reating an?intelligentsia" in Bombay which sustained modern social
and political movements in Western India. Among the professionals who graduated
,.
..
...........
. *-.
- r e
The Indian Mind and

western Knowledge : Growth
of Critical Consciousness
Shah ~ k h t a Gopal
,
Krishna Gokhale and D.K. Karve. Thus it was no
that the early crop of Bombay nationalists came from the portals of
~ l p l q 4 t o n eCollege. In Madras city, the Presidency College became an important
Muslims of North India after having lagged behind for more than half a
the 1870s led by Sayyid Ahmed Khan joined forces to design and
Aligarh the Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College, a private British style
institution that would not simply be a transplant of an English model
an indigenous creation. The implications of the new educational
While on the one hand, the new institutions subsequently
c ~ t r i d u t e dto an articulation of political sentiment, there was more immediately the
creati+ of a new intellectual milieu best represented in contemporary literature as
in contemporary treatises on socio-religious matters and public
ncements. Popularisation of western literature influenced ind?genous literary
add iniellectual effort that tended increasingly to lay stress on new currents of
rations/lity and romanticism.
22.6 i NEW RATIONALISM

I
InBen
anp re
intielle
detaiI.
dn's
a1 and Maharashtra, in the 19th century rational assessment of current needs

eived traditions both indigenous and alien, became the hallmark of
ual enterprise. Rammohan's modernity is well known to be repeated here in
11 his initiatives were inspired by a liberal ideology informed with a belief in
ight to freedom. His classic statements against the practice of sati did cite
Scriptures, but the clinching arguments were grounded firmly on
and anatomy with other useful sciences', letters defending the freedom of
India were all singularly inspired by a. faith in reason and rational
his abiding concern for reason and rationality was shared by many
zio in particular encouraged his students to think for themselves as a
ch, the young western educated Bengali questioned not any particular
ligious tradition, but the tradition of belief without rational argument
Kumar Dutta, editor of the Tatva Bodhini Patrika wrote several
s where, without denying the existence of God, Dutta sought arguments
n the grand book of Nature itself. His subsequent work on Indian
a critical sociological examination of religious sects in a spirit of
nlightened enquiry. In all these deliberations, Comte's positivism and
trines constituted important influences. Tom Paine's Age of Reason
Man and Macaulay's Essays were widely read and assimilated as was
on of Women. From these were derived new notions of reason, justice
concerns of welfare. Admittedly, reasoned justice were not foreign t o
phy: reason, for instance, was integral to both Vedantic a& Islamic
t reason as imported from the West was wider than logic. Educated
appreciate that,Europe had conquered the world of knowledge
urity of its strenous exercise of reason'. Europe thus infected India
to discover the inner workings of all phenomena by observations
eason had therefore to be empirical and scientific for it was reason
the way to progress. Reason was allied to progress and progress
philosophy of life. Thus Tagore extolled a world "where the mind
is vditho t fear," and where "knowledge is freen.
Thel not on of justice which was allied with that of reason was a new characteristic of
modern Indian culture. The individual with his conscience emerged. Man owed it to
himself nd to God that he abide by the voice of individual conscience. Conscience
extdnde .from the religious sphere t6 social protest. The development of social
prolest as evident in the proliferation of plays after the Mutiny-Nil Darpan,
Janjind Dupan, etc. The sphere of protest extended as intellectuals guided by
conlcie ce re-exarn~nedthe entire foundation of traditional society and sought to
nationalism. Bankim too graduated from rational enquiry to a qrotoundly

a1 patriotism, note the passion for the motherland in Anandamath.
The ne rationality in Maharashtra was represented in the writings of several
intellec als; but it is the Nibandahmala of Chiplonkar that deserves first mention.
The in uence.of the new education was r pid and profound as the careers of the
early Bbmbay intellectuals illustrate. Sarda ,Gopal Hari Deshmukh (1823-83)
passionately advocated the necessity of pur&g Indian society of outdated ritual,
glaring inequalities and grievous disabilities imposed on women. K.T. Telang also
took a militant line on social reform. He wrote extensively on political and social
issues drawing inspiration from western ideologues like Spencer and Mill. M.G.
R a n d e and Gopal Krishna Gokhale also personified the new spirit that was
animating the mind of Maharashtra in the 1880s under the impact of British rule.
22.7 THE NEW ROMANTICISM

Romanticism like rationality was the second distinguishing current that flowed into
the modern Indian Renaissance. The popularity, appeal and accessibility of Western
literature influenced indigenous literary enterprise. The works of Walter Scott,
George Elliot etc. made a powerful impact. This was evident in both the form and
content of.vernacular literature in India. Rise of prose forms-fiction, drama,
biography and history, essays and literary criticism were perhaps the most importan.
consequences. New matter was put into these new forms: An altered nature of the
perception of man and woman, of their relationship, emphasis on the human spirit
were the distinguishing hallmarks of the new fiction thrt stemmed in the vernacular
particularly Bengali. Thus ~ a n k i m Sfirst novel Durgeshnandini (1865) had striking
similarities to Scott's Ivanhoe. However, romanticism did not remain Western in a
limited sense, as novelists began to t2Lp indigenous sources of romance. Westernconcepts merely initiated change that were eventually carried on in dgived from
changing perceptions of the new relationship of man and woman. An example is
Bankim's Kapalkundala. The great historical novels of R.C. Dutta-&laharashtra
Jivan Prabhat (1878) and Rajput Jivana Sandhya (1879) also testified to the new
spirit of the age.
From 1903 onwards, a new wave commenced with Tagore's Chokher bali that
established social and psychological realism, the dominant trend. His heroines were
special women who spoke for themselves and had an abiding sense of honour and
self sacrifice for higher ideas, the new wave gained in strength in the 20th century.
Similar trends were represented in other regional literature as well. In Tamil, the
break came with the writings of Subramanya Bharati whose Kuyilpattu were unique
expressions of love and compassion. Bharati also dedicated much of his verse to the
service of the mother land. Compassion was also the essence of the Gujarati poetry
, of Narsinhrao Divatia's masterpiece, Smarahana Samhita (1915), which was written
on the occasion of his son's compound of compassion, self surrender and sense of
union-which had inspired the bhakti movement of an earlier age. Kumaran Asan,
!he Malayali poet too in his Outcast Nun expressed the same sentiment:
It is in love that the world takes birth
Love nurses it to growth; his fulfilled bliss
Man finds in the bonds of love; love itself is lovt
The moment of death is when compassion dies.
Outcast Nun (1922)
The love inspired protest which Kumaran Asan put in the mouth of the Buddha was
restated in a message of Swami Vivekananda in his famous saying:
"Where are you looking for God when he is present in every Human being before
your eyes? One who loves others serve God."
In conclusion, one must emphasise that the development of critical consciousness in
India was as much a reformation as it was a renais ance. It was a process that
absorbed new elements adapted itself to new needs and restated itself in new terms.
The h d i Mind
~
and
rn Knowkdp : Growth
' Critlcal Comciopaness
ow did the Western educational institutions help us in the shaping of the
23.8 LET US SUM U P

I
I
In thid Unit you
got to knbw about :
in the wake of the crisis of Mughal empire the Indian mind drew upon the
resources of religion to come to grips with its identity,
hod certain new directions were provided to the Indian mind with the Western
impact,
hod diverse trends of thinking changed under the Western impact.
I
I
22.9 I KEY WORDS

~dciol#giralStudy : A study linking up a problem to the context of a society.
~dvela/tion: Knowledge made known to human by a divine act.
I
\
2i.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
CHeck your Progress I
1) Sed Sec. 22.2
2) See Sec. 22.4
Check Lour Progress 2
1) , S e Sec. 22.5
SONdE USEFUL B O m FOR THIS BLOCK

I
Kefinet W. Jones. The New Cambridge History of India, III.1 Socio-Religious

kefofrn Movements in British India
/
I
Hetukar J hai. Colonial Context of'Higher Education for India

Aparna Basu. Essajls in the History of' Indian Education
K.K. Dutta, V.A. Narain (ed.) A Comprehensive History of India Vol. XI

I
Sisir Das (ed.) Indian Literature in the Eighteenth Century

V.C. Joshi (ed.) Rammohan Roy and the Process of Modernization
'The lndinm Mind nnd

veste ern X n o n l e d ~ e: Growth
NOTES
UNIT: 22 WESTERN KNOWLEDGE AND
Structpre
22.0
Qbieotives
22.4
22.5
22.6
Early Origins o f the New Mentality

Western Knowledge and its Impact
New Rationatism
22.8 Let Us Sum Up

22.9 Key Words
22.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
4n this Unit you w ~ l get

l to know about:
the main concerns of the Indian mind in the colonial milieu,
the main trends of impact of western knowledge, and
s
m ~ r o b l e m sof the impact.
In previous Units you have broadly seen how India moved from the disintegration of
the Mughal empire to the establishment of a colonial milieu. That, this process
forced the Indian mind to think about its culture and society and frame a response
to the newcomers. is the subiect of this Unit.
The need to respond to the changed situatiori in the wake of the crisis of the Mughal
empire created an urge to define and defend identities all over India. A new political
situation brought problems of adjustment and definition for the Indian mind. These
problems had to be dealt in the initial phases from within the resources offered by
religion and tradition. This was to throw up a number of competing sects and their
'kaders, whose public debates strengthened an awareness of religion and cultural
identity.
Here we have the example of Bengal where the movements of Faraizis,
Muhammadiyas advocated a return to past 'purity' of Islam in different ways. Given
the social position of peasant and artisan classes who were attracted to such
movements, these movements inevitably strayed into areas of economic conflict.
Hence peasant-landlord conflicts, acquired a religious colour. An important figure in
this context was Titu-Mir whose rebellion was crushed when it turned antigovernment.
However, apart from the politico-economic aspects, the debates and differences
between these various groups were equally important. These debates raised and
clarified the issues of religion in returning to past 'purity'. A similar role was played
by disputations and discussions between the Namdhari and Nirankari followers of
Tbe Spmd M
Eylbh Edlmtion
I
I
critical of it. See Sec. 91.4
3) i) X ii)
iii)
iv) X
Sikhism in Punjab. In Orissa and Madhya Pradesh the Satya Mahima Dharma and
the Satnamis focused on the issue of purity of religion amongst the lower castes and
tribals. A section of Nadars in the south opted for an alternate religion i.e.
Christianity
for, understanding and establishing their identity.
With the exception of the Nadar Christians all other movements raised issues specific
to the core of their religion. In doing so a process of community mobilization was
attempted which included methods as diverse as community kitchens (as amongst the
Nirankaris) to mass prayets (as amongst Bengal & Bihar Muslims). Issues such as
the place of women in the society, caste or modes of worship were debated and
settled with reference to the past and a concept of 'purity'. Thus, apart from the
educated urban middle cla* reformers and thinkers (discussed below) at the level of
the common people basic issues of cultural identity were stirring into life issues often
framed in the religious idiom. ,
22.3 A NEW MENTALITY

It is widely recognised that the impact of Western education and intellectual
interchange was a critical long-term force in the making of the new, mbdern Indian
culture and mentality as it emerged in the nineteenth century. The new o r .
renaissance mentality was conspicuously different from that of the Mughal twilight.
In contrast, was the nineteenth century mentality, the components of which were
both secular and religious and which aimed at a synthesis of tradition and
modernity. The result was a new point of view, a new set of values that underscored
both religious experience and reform as well as secular literary expression. Hence a
greater and more abiding faith in a Dharma that was monotheistic, in God rather
than ritual, in love and devotion rather than religious practice. The new mood was
reflected in literature as well which tended to record keener emotional experiences,
exploits and adventures of the human spirit and a more sympathetic perception of
the relationship between man and woman. The notions of justice and reason received
wider currency as contemporary intellectuals and ideologues advocated a more just,
rational and ~fiticalreordering of the universe. The gamut of experiences which is
often collectively described as the awakening or renaissance started in Bengal at the
beginning of the nineteenth century but later elsewhere. The chronology of the
awakening differed from region to region but beneath the diversity, lay one common
emotional content perceptible most of all in the outcrop of regional literature.
The interrelation between western impact and the Indian Renaissance has formed the
subject matter of much debate. One line of argument is that an inert and degraded
Indian society was modernised by the civilising mission of the west. J.N. Farquhar, a
Christian missionary observed, "The stimulating force are almost exclusively Western
viz., the British Government, English education and literature, Christianity, Oriental
research, European science and philosophy, and the material elements of Western
civilization." A second line of thought is that Western ideas and administrative
practices could not make any great headway against hard and complex Indian
realities. The processes of change were thus partial and inconclusive. A third view is
that Western ideas and practices were the instruments of the colonisation of Indian
society with which could achieve only a false and superficial modernity.
The process was, however, more complex than what any of the above interpretations
suggest. It needs to be stressed that the Indian critical awakening was not merely a
secular cultural phenomenon but was also a religious reformation in more ways than
one. Socio-religious forms and literary-artistic movements formed one drganic whole.
Secondly, the culture of the renaissance was deeply indigenous, and modernity in
India was not a weak and distorted caricature of models from the West. It was as
Tagore saw it, synthesis in which the eternal, everchanging Indian civilization
successfully absorbed new elements. In the light of modern knowledge, India looked
back critically on her past and recreated herself by synthesising the elements which
she selected from that past and her selective borrowings from the great outside
world. The process itself was not without precedent-such introspective
readaptations like the medieval Bhakti movement had occurred in the past. Yet the
movement accommodated elements that were novel and readily identifiable as
Western.
I

Western Knowledp : Growth
cultural Cbntours
western impact on the Indian m i d was a propelling force thrt drove dominant
curlrend within Indian society to the surface, starting a critical spirit of self-enqui~y.
A ahro~ologicalsequence of the evolution of the new mentality has thus to be
attctmpt/ed in the context of the new political and social environment that
accromppnied the establishment of tlie Company's p~liticairule. Western impact ar
what M.G. Ranade referred to as foreign manure was largely channelled through
agencie$ such as the educational systcm, educational and cultural societies, law
popularjity among the urban middle classes in rhe mid-nineteenth century.
Rammqhan Roy and the 'conservative' circle headed by Kadhakatita Ileb. This
phase i$ the social and intellectual history of Calcutta where the 'rebirth' m?y be said
to have taken place, began when Kammohan finally took up residence in Calcutta in
18116.Eben earlier, around 1805 the Raja had published from M ursliidabad his
Peqsian work. Tuhfatul Muwahhiddin which elicited a great deal of d e b a t e . ~ h i l e
the detiils of the debate need not detain us, it is important to keep in mind that tlie
disputahts appealed to logic and reason. and Kani~nohanin particular to inductive
reabon; "there are many things for instance, many woderful inventions of the people
of Europe and the dexterity of jugglers, the causes of wh~chare obviously not
known,and seem to be beyond the comprehens~otiof liumati power, but after a keen
i*ht
pr instructions of others, those causes can be known satisfactorily." This
The secbnd and related point to note is that all disputants in the debate accused one
and did not letid to the amelioration of the condition of society. In his view, the
v a l ~ eof religion lay in the fear of punishment in thc next world.
Rationalisln in Bengal thus in a sense predated the lorlnal Western impact \vhlch \van
i catalyst accelerating tlie pace of change.
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
The Indian M i n d ar
Western Knowledge : Crowi
................................................................................................................................
2) How did rationalism in Bengal help in accelerating the pace of change?
*
I
22.5
WESTERN KNOWLEDGE AND ITS IMPACT
The emerging ethos of enlightened rationalism assumed in Bengal an institutional

shape for the first time in the Hindu College of Calcutta (1817). Well to do Bengalis,
some orthodox, joined with some non-official Europeans to establish the college.
Rammohan, regarded as a founding father of the college, kept himself delibe1
aloof for fear of antagonising more orthodox Hindus like Radha Kanta Deb who
became the patron of the college. But the inherent and incipient radicalism of the
liberal Bengali youth could hardly be restrained as they rallied round the college
teacher Henry Louis Vivien Derozio. The subsequent expuision of Derozio did not
restrain the rising tide of rationalism which continued to prevail with increasing
strength.
The establishment of the Hindu College was followed by the founding of the School
Book Society and the School Society which played a key role in improving schbol
education in Calcutta. They printed new text books, opened new types of schools
Ghich held annual examinations, laying the foundations of a new educational system.
The choice of subjects of study and their emphasis was new-English, Mathematics,
Geography and Natural sciences. The establishment of other higher institutions of
learning like the Bishop's College, Oriental Seminary, the Calcutta Medical College
and the Indian newsoa~erscontributed corisiderablv to the creation of a new,
rational and more critical public opinion.
In Bombay, a similar function was performed by the Elphinstone College which in
many respects was the counterpart of Calcutta's Presidency College. It originated in
the desire of the rich native citizens of Bombay to erect an apposite memorial to
their departing Governor, Elphinstone.\A fund was collected in 1821 for the purpose
of instituting a number of professorships. Two English Professors, one of natural
nhilnsnnhv a n d the nther nf general literature arrived in 1835 and launched the
instrumental in'creating an."intelligentsia" in Boml:
and political movements in Western India. Among the professionals who graduated
- -from the college were Dadabhai Naoroji, Mahadev Govind Ranade. K.T. Telang,
C ~ C o n t o w ,
23.6
NEW RATIONALISM
es from the Scriptures, but the clinching arguments were grounded firmly on
principles. A similar concern for rational thought informed by human value
il
politica nationalism. Bankim too graduated from rational enquiry to a profoundly

emotio a1 patriotism, note the passion for the motherland in An~mdamath.
The ne rationality in Maharashtra was represented in the writings of several
intellec als; but it is the Nibandahmala of Chiplonkar that deserves first mention.
The influence.of the new education was rqpid and profound as the careers of the
early sbmbay intellectuals illustrate. Sardak Gopal Hari Deshmukh (1823-83)
passionately advocated the necessity of purgipg Indian society of outdated ritual,
glaring inequalities and grievous disabilities imposed on women. K.T. Telang also
took a militant line on social reform. He wrote extensively on political and social
issues drawing inspiration from western ideologues like Spencer and Mill. M.G.
Ranade and Gopal Krishna Gokhale also personified the new spirit that was
animating the mind of Maharashtra in the 1880s under the impact of British rule.
22.7 THE NEW ROMANTICISM

Romanticism like rationality was the second distinguishing current that flowed into
the modern Indian Renaissance. The popularity, appeal and accessibility of Western
literature influenced indigenous literary enterprise. The works of Walter Scott,
George Elliot etc. made a powerful impact. This was evident in both the form and
content of.vernacular literature in India. Rise of prose forms-fiction, drama,
biography and history, essays and literary criticism were perhaps the most importan.
consequences. New matter was put into these new forms. An altered nature of the
perception of man and woman, of their relationship, emphasis on the human spirit
were the distinguishing hallmarks pf the new fiction thct stemmed in the vernacular
particularly Bengali. Thus ~ a n k i m $first novel Durgeshnandini (1865) had striking
similarities to Scott's Ivanhoe. However, romantidsm did not remain Western in a
limited sense, as novelists began to tabp indigenous sources of romance. 'westernconcepts merely initiated change that were eventually carried on in dejived from
changing perceptions of the new relationship of man and woman. An example is
Bankim's Kapalkundala. The great historical novels of R.C. Dutta-Yaharashtra
Jivan Prabhat (1878) and Rajput Jivana Sandhya (1879) also testified to the new
spirit of the age.
From 1903 onwards, a new wave commenced with Tagore's Chokher bali that
established social and psychological realism, the dominant trend. His heroines were
special women who spoke for themselves and.had an abiding sense of honour and
self sacrifice for higher ideas, the new wave gained in strength in the 20th century.
Similar trends were represented in other regional literature as well. In Tamil, the
break came with the writings of Subramanya Bharati whose KuyUpattu were unique
expressions of love and compassion. Bharati also dedicated much of his verse to the
service of the mother land. Compassion was also the essence of the Gujarati poetry
. of Narsinhrao Divatia's masterpiece, Smarahana Samhita (1915), which was written
on the occasion of his son's compound of compassion, self surrender and sense of
union-which had inspired the bhakti movement of an earlier age. Kumaran Asan,
!he Malayali poet too in his Outcast Nun expressed the same sentiment:
It is in love that the world takes birth
Love nurses it to growth; his fulfilled bliss
Man finds in the bonds of love; love itself is love
The moment of death is when compassion dies.
Outcnst Nun (1922)
The love inspired protest which Kumaran Asan put in the mouth of the Buddha was
restated in a message of Swami Vivekananda in his famous saying:
"Where are you looking for God when he is present in every Human being Before
your eyes? One who loves ofhers serve God."
In conclusion, one must emphasise that the development of critical consciousness in
India was as much a reformation as it was a renaissance. It was a process that
\
absorbed new elements adapted itself to new needs and restated itself in new terms.
--

Western Knowledge : Growth
of Critical C~nscio~usrtess
H e t u k a r Jhai. Colonial Context o f t f i g h e r Education for India
A parna Basu. Essays in the History of Indian Education
K.K. Dutta, V.A. Narain (ed.) A Cotnprehensive History of India Val. X I

Sisir D a s (ed.) Indian Literature in the Eighteenth Cenfury
V . C . Joshi ( e d . ) Rammohan Roy and the Process of Modernization
The Indin* Mind nnd

Nestern -Knowledge i Growth
of (:riticnI Consciousness
I
i
- -
--
UNIT 23 CONSTITUTIONAL
DEVELOPMENTS (1757-1858)
Structure
23.0
23.1
23.2
23.3
23.4
23.5
23.6
23.7
23.8
23.9
23.10
23.1 1
Objectives
Introduction
Background
The Regulating Act, 1773
Pitts' lndia Act, 1784
Charter Act of 1793
Charter Act of 1813
Charter Act of 1833
Charter Act of 1853
Government of lndia Act. 1858
Let Us Sum Up
23.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit you will :
become ramiliar with the important constitutional devqlopnlents in the first
century of Hritish rule
trace the transition from Company's rule to rule by the Crown
acquaint yourself with the stages in the evolution of the structure of Government,
and
bring out the link between the constitutional changes and the economic and
political interests behind them.
23.1
INTRODUCTION
The English East lndia Company was essentially a commercial body. Following the
principles of mercantilism and to ensure monopolistic profit the company needed
political power hence political activities which resulted in acquiring revenue-yielding
territories. After 1757 it was in a privileged position of yielding political power over
a large section of the population of India.
The authority which controlled the Company was situated far away from lndia in
Britain. The Hritish Ciovernment faced many problems from this situation and
relationship. The Company had becomea great empire combining the role of trader
and an overlord. It was now clear that the power and sovereignty of the Indian
empire was vested in the Company. 7 hr British Government decided that it could no
longer be allowed to remain outside the ambit of the state. Even Clive and Hastings
had held that constitutional relations with the Crown might be desirable.
23.2 BACKGROUND
Establishing the sovereignty of the Crown in place of the Company was yet too bold
a siep t o be taken. That would have directly put a n enormous mass of patronage in
the hands of the government. Again it would have caused much bitterness in India
and among European hations. The wise step was to subject the Company to control
on the basis of current doctrines of constitutional law.
A select committee of Parliament was appointed in April, 1772 t o enquire into the
state of affairs in India. In August the Company begged the Government for a loan
Impact of British: Rule :

Polity and Society
of 6: 1,00,000.It was surprising that although the servants of the Company collected
wealth, the Company faced serious financial crisis.
The problem before the British Government was to define the relationsh~pof East
lndia Company and its possessions with the British Government. Another problem
was td determine the way the Company's authorities in Britain were to control the
large number of officials and soldiers working for it in far away India. The question
of providing a single centre of control over farspread British possessions in Bengal,
Madras and Bombay was also causing great concern.
The form of the relationship of the East lndia Company and ~ t possessions
s
with
the British Government was most important because it was closely connected with
party and parliamentary rivalries in Britain. English statesmen were politically
ambitious and English merchants were commercially greedy. Bengal had yielded rich
resources into the hands of the Company. Fabulous wealth brought home by its
officials caused jealousy in the British natian. Mirchants, the growing section of
manufacturers and newly risen 'free enterprisers' were striving to have a share in the
profits of Indian trade and wealth coming from India. Why should East lndia
Company alone enjoy this? They wanted to put a n end to the monopoly of trade
held by the Company. With this end, they criticised the way the Company
administered Bengal.
Many political thinkers and statesmen of Britain were afraid that the Company and
its powerful rich officials would lower the standard of morality of the English nation
and increase corruption in British politics. The seats in the House of Commons were
bought by the Company for its agents. It was feared that the Company, with the
help of money brought from India, might achieve dangerous supremacy in the
British Government.
A new School of economists who were advocating free trade condemned exclusive
companies. Adam Smith in his book, 'Wealth of Nations' wrote that exclusive
companies were causing harm both to countries which estabIish them and the
countries that they govern.
The East India Company's position was unique a t home. King George-Ill patronised
it. It fought with the help of its friends in Parliament. The Parliament decided on a
compromise. A balance was worked out. The British decided t o control the
Company's lndian administration in the interest of Britain's influential elite class as a
whole. The Company was allowed t o continue with its monopoly of Eastern ttade.
The Directors of the Company were given the control of Indian administration.
- -
23.3 THE REGULATING ACT, 1773

In these circumstances. the Parliament passed its first important Act in 1773. called
the Regulating Act t o control the Company's Administration. The Act made changes
in the constitution of the Company at home; the whole of the territories in India
were subjected to some degree of control.
The provision was made in a very efficient manner for the government t o keep
supervision over the Company. Changes were made in the Constitution of the Court
of Directors of the Company. It was required that it should submit to the
Government all communications about civil and military affairs received from Bengal
and revenues of India.
In the field of executive government. the status of Governor of Bengal was raised t o
Governor General. His Council would consist of four members. The Governor
General in Council was given the power to superintend and control the presidencies
of Madras and Bombay in matters of war and peace. In this body was vested the
civil and military administration of the presidency, and government of all the
territorial acquisitions and revenues in the kingdoms of Bengal. Bihar and Orissa.
The Governors of Madras and Bombay were required t o send regularly. to the
Governor General, information connected with government, revenues. o r interests of
the Company. The Governor General in turn was under the direct control of Court
of Directors and kept it fully informed of the affairs concerning the interests of the
Company.
Constitutional
Developments ( I 757-1858)
The Act also provided for the establishment of a Supreme Court of Justice at
Calcutta to give justice to Europeans, their employees and citizens of Calcutta.
Legislative powers were granted to the Governor General and Council to make rules,
ordinances and regulations for the civil government of Fort William and subordinate
factories.
The Regulating Act did not work smoothly in practice. Its defects and weaknesses
were exposed when it was put to working. Supervision of the British government was
ineffective. The Governor General had to face the opposition of his council, who
united against him. He had no power to override them, though in case of an equal
division he had a casting vote. Disunity of the Council prevented it from solving
external and internal problems of a serious nature. They had to often face deadlocks
which impeded smooth working of the administration. The President of Madras arid
Bombay were under the general controlling power of the Governor General and
Council proved inefficient in actual working.
23.4 PITT'S INDIA ACT, 1784

Pitt's India Act was passed in August, 1784. The purpose was to remove defects in
the Regulating Act. Its essential plan was the same. Company's public affairs and its
administration in lndia were to come directly under supreme control of the British
Government. The right of the Company to territorial possessions was however not
touched, so it essentially meant a compromise.
The Act established a Board of Control consisting of six~commissioners,including,
two Cabinet ministers. The Board of Control was to guide and control the work of
the Court of Directors and the Government of India. They were to control all
matters of civil and military Government of the British territories in India.' A secret
committee consisting of three Directors was appointed to take the place of the Court
of Directors in political and military matters.
The Constitution of the Company's government in lndia was revised. The Act
established the principle that the government of lndia be placed under the Governor
General and a Council of three, so that if only one member of the Council supported
him, he could have his way. The Governor General was given a casting vote. The
Act clearly stated that the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay were to be
subordinate to the Presidency of Bengal in all matters of war, diplomatic relations
and revenue.
The Governor General and council were made subordinate to British Government.
They were forbidden to declare war and enter into any treaty without the sanction of
the directors or the secret committee.
Pitt's lndia Act is important in many aspects. The President and the b o a 4 were
destined to be the future Secretary of State for lndia and his council. It helped in
uniting lndia by giving supreme power to Governor General over the Governors of
Presidencies.
By reducing one member of the Executive Council of the Governor General his
position was strengthened. The Governor General and Governors were given the
authority to override their councils. The possessions of the Company in India came
under the supremacy of the British Parliament.
I
1
I
I
The Act laid the foundation of a centralised administration-a process which

reached its climax towards the close of the nineteenth century. Parliament's control
over East lndia Company was tightened, a trend which remained conspicuous till the
Crown directly took over the Government of lndia in 1858.
The Act had many defects too. It had divided authority and responsibility. The
Governor General had two masters, the Court of Directors and the Board of
Control. Out of this conflict of authority emerged the view of the primacy of the
man on the spot. Cornwallis accordingly stretched his authority to the widest
possible limit. The actual state of affairs were not known to the Home Government.
This gave Governor General an opportunity to act in his discretion even on matters
of importance.
.
'
Impact of British Rule :

Polity and Society
The Government of India was to be carried on till 1857 according to the framework
given in the Pitt's lndia Act. Cornwallis, when appointed Governor General, insisted
on having the power to override his council in important matters such as safety,
peace abd interests of the Crown in India. The Act of 1786 gave him the powers he
asked for. The offices of the Governor General and the Commander-in-Chief were to
be united in the same person.
Declaratory Act of 1788 gave full powers and supremacy to the Board of control.
This wa6 a step towards transfer of powers of the Company to the Crown.
I)
Why dtd the Rntish Covcrrin:cnt decttie that the a!fat15 of the 1 a\t
Company should no .longer remain okt\lde thc~rcontrol)
::l(i~d
2) Which weaknesses of the Regulating Act were removed by the Pitt's India
Act?
Answer in five lines.
23.5 CHARTER ACT OF 1793

The Charter was to be renewed in 1793. Henry Dundas, President of the Board of
Control, was in favour of renewing the Charter and allowing the Company to retain
its political privileges and responsibilities. Cornwallis also supported this stand. The
Charter of the Company was renewed for 20 years and it was declared that it would
be allowed to continue with the possession of all territories for the next 20 years.
The Governor General's and Governors' powers to overrule their council were
emphasiked and explained. This power had been given specially to Cornwallis in
1786. Governor General's control over the Presidencies was strengthened. He was
allowed /to issue orders and directions to any Government and Preside'ncy of lndia
during his absence from Bengal without previous consultation with his council. He
could exercise all executive power vested in the Central Government.
A regular code of all regulations that could be enacted for the internal Government
of the BFitish territory in Bengal was framed. The Regulation applied to the rights.
persons and property of the Indian people and it bound the Courts to regulate their
decisioni by the rules and regulations contained therein. It also required that, "all
laws relqting to the rights of the person and property should be printed with
translation in Indian languages and prefixed with statements of grounds on which
they were enacted, "so that the people should become familiar with their rights.
privileges and immunities.
The Act of 1793 thus laid the foundation of government by written laws and
regulations in British lndia in place of the personal rule of the past rulers. The
interpretation of regulations and written laws was to be done by the Courts. The
concepts of a civil law. enacted by a secular human agency and applied universally,
was an important change.
Indians were not given positions where they could share the influence o r authority.
Indians were excluded "to satisfy the demand of English men for lucrative jobs."

Enquiries into the Company's affairs were ordered before another renewal of the
Charter due in 1813. In 1808, the House of Commons appointed a Committee of
investigations. Its report on judicial and police arrangements was submitted in 1812.
The government decided to allow British subjects access to lndia with their ships.
The Home Government had specifically directed the Government of lndia not to
follow the policy of conquests. But aggressive policies in lndia resulted in acquisition
of territory. Lord Wellesley and Marquis of Hastings followed an imperialistic
policy. The Company's power had spread t o the whole of lndia except Punjab,
Nepal and Sind. Company requested for financial help from the Parliament due to
overspending in wars and setback in trade. There was also a lot of agitation against
continuance of commercial monopoly by the East lndia Company. Independent
merchants demanded ending of the same. They wanted a share in the trade with
India. The teachings of Adam Smith and his school were by then dominating the
politics of Britain. Benthamite Reformists, the Evangelicals a n d the Traditionalists
tried to influence British politics and policies towards British India. Their foremost
interest was to safeguard the stability of the Empire.
The Act of 1813 renewed the Company's Charter for 20 years, but it asserted the
sovereignty of the British Crown over the lndian territories held by the Company,
Company was allowed t o have territorial possessions for another 20 years.
The Company was deprived of its monopoly of trade with India. It was allowed to
continue with its monopoly of trade with China for 20 years. The lndian trade was
thrown open to all British
merchants.
-

The Industrial Revolution had made Britain a manufacturer of cotton textiles and
other factory goods. A vast country like lndia could consume a large number of
manufactured goods and provide raw materials as well. Industrialists were keen to
conquer the vast lndian markets. The East India Company served the ends of British
imperialism. Their restrictive policies had led t o the ruin of indigenous industries.
Laissez Faire had become the basic philosophy of the new industrial policy in
Britain. There was a popular desire to free trade from restrictions and monopolies.
When it wastime for the renewal of the Charter in 1833 there was widespread agitation for
abolition of the Company and take over of administration by the Crown. A
Parliamentary enquiry was held.
The political atmosphere in Britain was full of enthusiasm for reforms. The well
known Reform Act was passed in 1832. The country was enjoying the prosperity
achieved with the Industrial Revolution. It could afford to adhere t o the policy of
free trade. Slavery was abolished in the whole of the British empire.
The Act of 1833 was a great landmark in the constitutional history on India.
The monopoly of tea trade with China was abolished. The Company was t o have
only political functions. lndia was t o pay the Company's debts. Its shareholders were
guaranteed a dividend of 10.5 per cent per annum. The union of the trader and the
sovereign was finally dissolved. the lndian possessions of the Company were t o be
held in trust for the British Crown. The President of the Board of-Control became
Constitutional
L)evelopments ( 1757-1858)

Polity and Society
the minister for lndian affairs. The Directors were to act as expert advisors of the
President of the Board of Control. The Board of Control was invested with authority
to superintend, direct and control the affairs of the Company relating to the
Government or revenues of the lndian territory which vested in the Company in
trust for the English Crown.
Governor General of Bengal became the Governor General of India. The Governor
General in Council was to control, superintend and direct the civil and military
affairs of the Company. Bombay, Bengal, Madras and other regions were subjected
to complete control of the Governor General in Council. Central Government was to
have complete control over raising of revenues and expenditure. Expenses of
Provincial Governments, creation of new offices, and obedience of all members of
the Government of Bombay, Madras were under strict control of the Central
Government.
By the Act of 1833, the Governor General in Council were given the power to
legislate for the whole of the British territories in India. These laws were applicable
to all persons, British or lndian foreigners or others and to the servants of the
Company. They were enforceable by all cou'rts in India.
The Act added one more member to the Executive council of the Governor General.
the Law Member, whose work was fully legislative. He had no vote in the Council
and he was to attend meetings, on invitation. But he practically became a regular
member of the council. Lord Macaulay, the Law member, influenced't he educational
policy of the government for a number of years.
The number of members of the Presidency Councils was reduced to two. Bombay
and Madras were to keep their separate armies under the Commanders-in-Chief.
They were to be under the control of the Central Government.
The Act provided for the codification of laws in India. There were several type of
laws before 1833. There were the English Acts, Presidency Regulations, Hindu Law,
Muslim Law, Customary Law etc. By this Act the Governor General was empowered
to appoint the Law Commission to study, collect and codify various rules and
regulations prevalent in India. The lndian Penal Code and Codes of Civil and
Criminal Law were enacted by the efforts of lndian Law Commission.
Section 87 of the Act declared, "that no native or natural born subject of the crown
resident in lndia should be by reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent,
colour or any of them be disqualified for any place in the company's service." It was
a momentous declaration. Lord Morley later described it as the most important
lndia Act passed by the British Parliament till 1909. This was not of much practical
importhnce, since nothing was done and Indians remained excluded from higher
posts in civil and military service.
The Charter Act of 1833 made no provision to secure the nomination of Indians to
the covenanted services of the company. Yet the clause proclaiming on
discrimination was of great importance for it became the sheet-anchor of political
agitation in lndia towards the end of the century.
I ) Which important source of profit did the East lndia Company lose in 1833'?
Write in five lines.
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
2 ) What were the main clauses of the Charter Act of 1793? Write in ten lines.
Constitutional
Developments (I757-1858)

Politically conscious Indians made efforts to bring to an'end the reactionary
government of the East lndia Company. Raja Rammohan Roy went to Britain and
represented India's case before the Parliamentary Select Committee. The Bombay
Association and the Madras Native Association sent petitions on similar lines. But
there was strong opposition to it from leaders of different parties, ministers,
president of the Board of Control and Company's Directors. They favoured the
renewal of the Charter.
By the Act of 1853, separation of the executive and the legislative functions was
carried a step further by the provision of additional members of council for the
purpose of legislation.
The Law Member was made a full member of the Executive Council of the
Governor General. The consent of the Governor General was made necessary for all
legislative proposals. In this framework the central,legislature was completed.
Central Legislative Council was to consist of one representative each from the
Provinces. Measures concerning a province were to be considered in the presence of
representatives from that province. The Chief Justice of Supreme Court of Calcutta
was to be the ex-officio member of the Council. Two more civilians might be
nominated by the Governor General, but this authority was never exercised.
The Council in its legislative capacity was to consist of 12 members. These included
the Governor General, Commander-in-Chief, four members of his council and six
legislative members. .
All vacancies in lndia were to be filled in by competitive examinations. Lord
Macaulay was appointed the President of the Committee.
The number of Directors was reduced from 24 to 18. Six of them were to be
nominated by the Crown.
The Company was allowed to retain possessions of the Indian territories " i ~trust for
Her Majesty, her heirs and successors until Parliament shall otherwise provide."
The "Legislative Councillors" were neatly distinguished from the "Executive
Councillors" and by doing so, legislation was for the first time treated as a special
function of the government requiring special machinery and special procedure. The
business of the Council was conducted in public. The procedure it adopted for
transaction of business was much the same as in the British Parliament. Questions
were put, papers were demanded and information was asked for and Government
was criticised for its lapses and excesses.
Certain misgivings were raised in the minds of Home authorities lest a representative
system might not pave its way into the fortress of their autocratic machinery. The
authorities in Britain felt when the Council which consisted of British officials only,
showed boldness and inquisitiveness and pried into the field of the Executive. Its
petitions for redress of grievances were presented as defiance of the parental
authority of the Home Government and public rejection of certain bills offended the
authorities in Britain. No Indian element was associated with the Legislative
Councils.
Impact of British
Rule :
Polity and Society
In practice the Legislative Council threatened to alter the whole structure of the
Indian Government. It had developed into "an Anglo-Indian House of Commons."
23.9
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ACT. 1858
As the Charter Act of 1853 did not give the East lndia Company the right to
govern lndia for another 20 years, it gave an opportunity to the Home Government
to step in and take the place of the East lndia Company in India. This process was
hastened by the happenings of 1857, or the s o called 'Mutiny'.
Whigs and Tories had joined hands to complete without delay the process of
extendihg crown government over India. Lord Palmerston, the British Prime
Ministdr, declared his Government's decision to assume directly the Government of
lndia by the British Crown. John Stuart Mill prepared-a dignified and weighty
petition which was presented by the Company against the Government decision t o
both the Houses of Parliament. But no petition could any longer stem the tide of
mounting criticism against the Company's administration. Lord Stanley. President of
the Board of Control introduced a bill for the 'Better Government' of lndia which
became an Act of Parliament in August 1858.
The Government of lndia passed from the hands of the English East lndia Company
to the crown. The armed forces of the company were transferred t o the crown.
The Board of control and court of Directors were abolished. Their place was taken
by the Secretary of State of lndia and his lndia Council. They were to govern lndia
in the name of her majesty. The Secretary of State was t o sit in Parl~ament.He was
a cabinet minister of England and as such was responsible t o Parliament. Ultimate
power over lndia remained with Parliament.
The Act created a n lndia council of fifteen members. It was t o advise the Secretary
of State who could overrule its decisions. Approval of the Council was essential in
financial matters. Most of the members of the lndia Council were those who had
retired from Indian services.
The Secretary of State was given the power of sending and receiving secret messages
and despatches from the Governor General without the necessity of communicating
them t o the lndia Council. The Secretary of State was t o present t o the House of
C o m q o n s periodically report on the moral and material progress of India.
The Government of India in its dealings with England was guided by the directions
laid down by the Secretary of State in Council. All matters concerning legislation.
land revenue. public works, railways, jobs, new expenditure and policies were rigidly
scrutinised and controlled by the Secretary of State. The Rules and Regulations made
in lndia by the secretary of state were t o be laid on the table of the House of
Commons.
The Governor General became known from now as the Viceroy or Crown's
representative. In matters of policy and its execution the viceroy was increasingly
reduced to a subordinate position in relation to the British Government. The
Govetnrnent of lndia was finally directly controlled from London.

I ) T o what extent wab the revolt of t857 responbible lor the takeover of the I n d ~ a n
dovernment by the Crown !' Write in five line.\.
...................................................................................
2)
What were the power5
of
Gnvernrnrnt i > t Indtn Act
the Secretary ol State and the Viceroy under the

of 1858 '7
Constitutional
Developments (1757-1858)
23.10 LET US SUM UP

The need for constitutional change arose after the East lndia Company became the
political power in 1757. The British Government was no longer willing t o allow the
Company's affairs t o continue unsupervised. Pressure from merchants and
manufacturers t o end the monopoly of the Company mounted. Public opinion was
critical of corruption in the Government in Bengal. Free enterprise became a popular
slogan.
The Regulating Act of 1773 accordingly put a check -on the powers of the Company.
Its administration was subjected t o supervision by the British Government. The
setting u p of the Supreme Court at Calcutta was t-he first step towards establishing a
new structure of Government.
Pitt's lndia Act further strengthened the powers of the Government vis-a-vis the
Company. In lndia authority was centralised in the person of the Governor-General
who was answerable to the British Government through the Board ef Control.
The Charter Act of 1813 ended the prized monopoly of the Company over trade
with India. With this a n era begun in 1600 ended. The Company's control over
revenue. administration and appointments was untouched. Its monopoly of the
China trade continued.
The Charter Act of 1833 ended the Company's monopoly of the China trade. The
Act also declared that n o Indian subject would face discrimination o n the grounds of
creed, descent, colour etc.
The Charter'Act of 1853 was a holding measure. The Government of lndia Act of
1858 vested authority in the Secretary of State and the Viceroy. They became the
twin pillars on which the structure of Government rested. The rule of the Crown was
finally established in place of Company's rule.

EXERCISES
I ) See Section 23.2
2)
Read Sections 23.3 and 23.4 before writing your answer.

1) See Section 23.7
2) See Section 23.5

I) See Section 23.9
2) See Section 23.9
'
UNIT 24 ADMINISTRATION AND LAW

Structure
24.0 Objectives
24.1 lntroduction
24.2 The Background
24.2.1 British Thinking on Administration
24.2.2 British Interests
24.3
institutional Framework
24.3.1 Judicial System
24.3.2 Administrat~veSystem
24.3.3 Extent of Indian Part~cipation
24.4 Let Us Sum Up

24.0 OBJECTIVES
In the previous Unit (No 23) you got a summary of the const~tutionalprovisions
which were made by the British rulers in lndia from 1717 till the end of company's
rule. This Unit will take the story further and talk about how the structure of
administration and judiciary were gradually being built up by the British. This would
involve looking at the ideological orientation and specific requirements of the rulers
on the one hand, and the various changes and innovations made in the field of
administration, on the other. In this Unit you will study:
various ideas and elements that went into the making of the British administrative
policy
the institutional framework that evolved in accordance with that policy, and
an assessment of the administrative and judicial system introduced by the British
in India.
24.1 INTRODUCTION
You have seen in the earlier Units how the British gradually controlled the entire
country through a series of conquests. The East lndia Company was transformed
from b mere commercial body into a political force. Mere conquests could not
possibly hold the empire together for a long time. It had to be sustained by evolving
a comprehensive system of administration. This Unit, is therefore, concerned
exclusively with ideas and institutions. We discuss the British ideas on how to govern
India, and than go on to describe thckind of administrative institutions which were
evolved in order to govern and control India.
24.2 THE BACKGROUND

The vast territories of lndia were controlled by a massive administrative structure,
and various branches of which were held together by a set of laws. Before we go into
the details of this structure, let us look at the background to these administrative
innovations. These changes in the field of administration and law were a product of
certain ideas which had gained currency in 19th century Britain. These administrative
change also catered to certain British interests in lndia. Let us look at both these
aspects.
24.2.1
British Thinking on Administration
The administrative and legal system introduced by the British did not take shape
overnight and did not evolve in a vacuum. It was spread well over eighty years, was
implanted through a series of measures and acts, and was based on the initiative
taken by many British administrators and thinkers. A number of its provisions and
schemes continue even today. It did not evolve in a vacuum but should be seen
against the background of intellectual movements in the late 18th and early 19th
century Britain, which looked upon the British administration of lndia as on one of
its major concerns.
Administration and Law
One of the earliest influences that can be seen is the idea of improvement. This
influence, evident at the earliest in Cornwallis, looked a t the creation of English style
aristocracy in land a s the best means of developing India. This aristocracy, identified
by Cornhallis as the Zamindars was looked upon as trustees who would encourage
the growth of trade and production under them. This coupled with English style
institution of law and administration-where the object was t o separate revenue and
judicial function of administration would effectively ensure the improvement of lndia
under the landed aristocracy. (See Block 4 and Section 24.3 below.)
,Whereas Cornwallis worked mainly with the ideas and perceptions which came
before utilitarianism, Macaulay was a liberal who had grown up in interaction with
both the missionary zeal of evangelicalism and the emerging pragmatism of 1830s
and 1840s. Thus we see him take up the codification of laws (see sec. 24.3) with
vigour. However, though he approved of this aspect of institutionalism, he did not at
all agree with their goal of reforming India.
Between the concern of Cornwallis and Macaulay,came the intellectual current called
.
'utilitarianism' (you have read about it in Unit 13 of Block 3) with James Mill,
Jeremy Bentham, David Ricardo, John Stuart Mill a s were its major exponents
showed a special interest in the lndian question, and were largely responsible for the
kind of administration and judicial system that came into being in India. The
ufilitarians reflected on how to govern and control lndia and their ideas gradually
gained acceptance in Britain perhaps because they represented and combined the
interest of the British merchants. manufacturers and missionaries. What were their
ideas on lndia and prescription for the lndian problem ?
lndian society was seen by them as completely devoid of the values of rationalism
and individualism, which were seen as the essential principles for building a
modern society.
A traditional and decadent society like lndia could be improved through proper
legislation, which would impart "human justice" as against "divine justice"
practised in traditional societies. This meant that "British administration with its
principles of justice and uniformity could convert lndia into progressive and
dynamic society.
However in this scheme the instrumentality of education was rejected by Mill.
And s o was the lndianisation of the Government structure. Given their character,
Indians were seen unfit in the task of their over 'modernisation'. Mill therefore
dismissed the idea of giving any power and responsibility to Indians. Utilitarians
prescribed a modern machine of government, run by the British.
In other words, from the 19th century onwards when information about lndia
began trickling into the European societies, there began a debate among thinkers,
scholars and administrators on the lndian problem and its solution. Among them the
utilitarians. with their well defined structure of ideas, a set of followers, their
keenness on India, and the readymade applicabilities of their concerns (of taxation,
forms of government and administration of justice) to India, proved t o be the most
outspoken and effective. In 1819, James Mill was admitted into the executive
government of the East lndia Company. This made it easier for the utilitarian ideas
to be implemented in the lndian situation. Their ideas can be summed up in the
format of problems and prescribed solutions.
Problems
'
Indian society was backward, decadent, retrograde and despotic. There was
degradation of the many by the few and absence of any security for the individual
and his rights.
This resulted in poverty, therefore crime
Servility and superstition was (characteristic of Indian people)
15

Polity end Society
Solution
Advancement of society through'the establishment of a good government with
good laws and sound administration.
This would lead to freeing of individual initiative from despotism, customs and
communal ownership (which Mill saw a sign of a primitive society and inhibiting
the making of a civil society).
T h i s would give a free and full scope for capital and labour and place due
emphasis on individual rights and ownership (as against communal ownership,
characteristic of Indian society).
Towards the same and it was necessary to legally define and protect individual
right in land.
To put it briefly, the utilitarian thinking was a n advocacy of a 'Rule of Law'. Laws
were to be scientifically defined and embodied in a written form in codes. They were
to be implemented through the creation of a body of local courts to make law
accessible to every man. Only this could create an individualist competitive society.
24.2.2 British Interests

By now you must have become familiar with British ideas on law and its relationship
with the society. But at the same time, it would be wrong to overlook the interests,
which here also at work behind the introduction of British administration and law in
India. It suited the British requirements in lndia to have a uniform system of
adminibtration. And the British need for a new administration and laws varied with
the changes in the British interest in lndia and the combination of interest groups in
Britain.
As you are aware, the imperial interest in lndia did not remain the same throughout.
They changed during the different stages of the British rule. They also represented
the interests of different social groups in Britain in different stages. During the first
stage of the British rule in lndia till 1813, British interests lay mainly in
the East India Company's monopoly of trade with India, and the elimination of
other European competitors,
the control over financial resources, through taxation,
Both these objectives could be fulfilled without having to disturb the existing
institutions and administrative apparatus. British rulers at this stage were not very
different from that of traditional rulers, interested mainly in the appropriation of
agricubural surplus. No attempt was, therefore, made to create a uniform
administrative structure or even to renovate the old one at fhis stage. No basic
changes were introduced in the judicial system and administration. Whatever little
changes were made in the field of administration were only made a t the top of the
structure of revenue collection and were linked to the objective of smooth revenue
collection. A modern judicial system or a uniform administrative structure for lndia
was ndt seen as necessary at this stage, since it was not considered relevant for the
fulfilmlent of British objectives during the first stage of british rule in India.
This saenario changed considerably after 1813. As you are aware, the British
economy and society were going through a major transformation, caused maiqly by
the Industrial Revolution. The mercantilist trading corporations were now giving
way to the Industrial bourgeoisie which had became the dominant force in the British
society. The East lndia Company was gradually losing its monopoly over lndian
trade. The British interests in India no longer represented the interests of the
company but of the Industrial capitalist class. The interests of the British
industrialists by in using India as
a mlarket for their manufactured industrial good,
a source of raw material (like Jute, Cotton etc.) for their industries, and
foodgrains, opium etc. for export.
All this required much greater penetration into Indian economy and society and
controll over Indian trade not only with ~ r i t a i nbut
' with other countries also. India
was now expected to play a new role. It was perhaps not possible to perform the
new r ~ l ewith the traditional administrative institutions. They had to be changed and
I,
t4
transformed t o suit the new requirements. And hence started the process of
transforming Indian administration the details of which you will study in the next
section. Similarly, the entire legal structure had to be overhauled to promote modern
business, create a market economy, free commercial relations and t o regulate the
various economic transaction smoothly with the help of modern laws. And hence
started the process of the transformation of Indian administration and judiciary, the
details of which you will need in the following section.
Check Yoilr Progress 1
were the problems o l the Indian society, and
1 ) What according to util~tar~ans,
what was the way out? Write in ten lines.
2)
Why did the British g o in for administrative reforms in the 19th century'?.IWrite
....
in ten lines.
24.3 INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK

Having discussed the dominant British ideas on the question of law and
administration, let us now look at the framework of administrative institutions that
evolved in the 19th century, and the extent to which the ideas discussed above, were
incorporated into this framework.
24.3.1
'
The Judicial system
The building up of an adequate structure of administration started taking shape from

1793 under Cornwallis, and continued, with interruptions. down the 19th century.
During Cornwallis Governor Generalship important changes were made in all the
branches of administration including the judicial system. These changes involved a
divorce of revenue from civil administration. i.e.. the separation of judicial from
executive functions and the multiplication of judicial courts.

Polity and Society
The separation of civil and revenue administration meant, that the collector hitherto
the holder of judicial and revenue responsibilities was now deprived of his judicial
functions and concerned mainly with revenue. The collection of revenue and the
administration of justice were now to be carried out by separate officials appointed
for that purpose. There was now a coltector responsible for the collection of revenue
and a judge Magistrate with civil and criminal jurisdiction, Broadly the structure of
the new judiciary was something like this
Civil Courts
Sadar Diwani Adalat
Provincial Court 1-1V
District Courts Presided over by a District Magistrate trom Civil Services
Registrar's Court
Subordinate Courts (Presided over by lndian Judges called Munsif and Amins)
Criminal Courts
Sadar Nizarnat Adalat (Sadar Fauzdari Adalat in Madras, Bombay)
Court of Circuit (Presided over by Civil servants)
Local Courts (Presided over by Indian Magistrates, called Principal Sadar
Amin in Madras)
This system of a hiera;chy of courts was tried and implemented first in Bengal which
had assumed the states of a Laboratory for the British rule where they could make
experiments in the field of administration, and they extend it to the rest of the
country. Before we proceed further, let us try and understand the chart above. The
Sadar Diwani Adalat and Sadar Nizarnat Adalat formed the top of the pyramid and
were situated in Calcutta. Below these were the provincial courts of appeal (in the
case of civil courts) and the courts of circuit (in the case of criminal courts) which
were established in the towns of Calcutta, Dacca, Murshidabad and Patna. Below
these were the registrar's courts and all those were presided over only by the
Europeans. The participation of Indians was confined to subordinate positions such
as Munsifs. Amins; the Qazis and the Pandits who merely advised the judges on the
existing Mohammedan and Hindu laws.
Thus was laid the foundation of a new judicial structure in India. In years that came
this structure grew and evolved. Many changes are made in it and it was
subsequently applied to other parts of India. Let us at this stage look at some of the
important characteristics of the judicial structure developed in lndia in the 19th
century.
One important feature of the system of law that was erected was that enough
tolerance was displayed toward the existing traditional and religious laws. The
criminal courts did not altogether abolish the Muslim criminal law but applied it in a
somewhat modified form, so as to make it less harsh. Similarly the civil courts also
did not do away with the customary laws which had been followed by the local
people. Evidently at this stage the East lndia Company was not bent upon an
overhauling of the system. Only a partial modification was attempted. The existing
institutions of justice and also revenue appropriation were not dismantled.
Another feature of the new judicial system was the establishment of a whole network
of laws through the process of enactment of laws and codification of old laws. This
was well in keeping wifh the 19th century British passion for the codification of laws.
The traditional system had been based on I) customary laws based on traditions and
social practices, 2) religious laws based on Shastras and Shariat, and 3) laws flowing
from the will and authority of the rulers. As against this, the British created a new
system of laws. They introduced regulations, codified the existing laws and
systematised and the laws were now open to judicial interpretations and subsequent
amendment. Through the Charter Act of 1,833, all law making authority was vested in
the Governor General-in-Council. In the same year, a Law Commission was
appointed. Headed by. Lord Macaulay, it prepared the Indian Penal Code which was
applicable throughout the country. Thus there came into being, for the first time, a
set of laws which included into its fold every Indian.
The two main theoretical principles underlying the entire judicial system were the
notions of the Rule of Law and Equality before law.
The Rule of Law for lndia was a n integral part of utilitarian thinking on Law. They
posited the Rule of Law as the possible solution t o the three main problems :
1) Tremendous discretionary power in the hands of the individuals who were likely
t o misuse it;
2) lack of definition of individual rights, and
3) the existence of a large body of unwritten laws without any clear direction.
The Rule of Law meant that the administration was now to be carried out strictly
according to certain laws which defined the rights, privileges and obligations of the
people, and not according to the personal desires of the rulers. It also meant that in
theory at least, nobody was above law. Even the official. and those who supervised
law, were in theory, accountable to the same set of laws and could be brought before
a court of law for violating any law. The law once formulated, could place
restrictions on the actions of the rulers. However, the laws formulated and
interpreted were such that they contained enough space for the oppression of the
people. As it happened, various bureaucratic misdeeds, did not require a violation of
law, they could be done well within the legal rights of the officials. Qespite the
theoretical principle of "rule of law", there remained domains of action. e.g. by the
police o r army, which remained unaffected by restrictions which should have
followed from the principles. A great deal of extra-legal continued to be exercised by
the police and civil-servants. In fact, under the Rule of Law, legality itself became a n
instrument of power and oppression.
Equality before law meant that in theory all the citizens irrespective of their caste,
status etc. were now placed at a n equal footing in the eyes of the law. The concept of
equality before law did not of course, include Europeans into its fold. Separate
courts and laws were set up for them. In criminal cases they could be tried only by
the European Judges. In reality total equality before law could not possibly be
implemented. But it did bring about a national equality among.lndians.
l
-
In practice, the Indian people had t o pay a heavy price for the undeniably laudable
principles of the Rule of Law and Equality before Law. Justice became very
expensive and therefore out of reach for most people. Now the stamp fee had t o be
paid which was very costly. It cost Rs. 1,000 t o start action in a court on a property
worth Rs.50,000. Moreover, the new laws were quite complicated and most people
could not understand or interpret them. Lawyers, therefore, had t o be employed and
that added t o the expenses. T o seek justice people now had t o come t o the district
towns or the provincial centres. Also the legal process generally became very lengthy
and sometime law suits dragged on for years. T o take one example a zamindari in
~ a d i a went
s
into litigation in 1832 t o settle some inheritance and d2bt suits. The
Judgment was finally delivered only as late as in 1896 i.e. after 64 years.
However, the judicial system introduced in India did have the merit of saving in
motion the process of the unification of India. Now it was possible t o conceive of
India, in judicial terms at least, as one unit. The British formulated and used the idea
of legality as a n instrument of controlling India. But later, in the 20th century, the
same instrument of Jegality was t o be used by the leaders of the national movement
to defend civil liberty and right t o challenge government authority within the limits
of law.
24.3.2 Administrative System

The main aim of the British administration in lndia was the maintenance of law and
order and the perpetuation of the British rule. A fairly adequate body of written laws
had already been created t o facilitate the tasks of the administration. The three main
pillars of the British administration in lndia were
the civil service
the Army, and
A h i n i s t r a t i u n and Law
Impact 01 British Rule :

Polity and Society
the Police.
Let us briefly see the composition and functions of each of them.
The Civil Service
The main job of the civil service was to translate law into action and the collection
of revenue. The term 'civil services' was used, for the first time by the East lndia
Company mainly to demarcate its civilian employees from their military and
accesiastical counterparts. The service was initially only commercial in nature but
was late transformed into a public service.
From the very beginning it was a graded post-the gradations being-Apprentices,
writem, factors. junior merchants then finally senior merchants. It was from senior
merchants that appointments for higher services including the Governor were made.
This iystem of grading continued till 1839.
The appointment to these services was the sole prerogative of the court of Directors
of the East lndia Company. These nominated civil servants indulged in corruption.
bribery and illegal private trade. Cornwallis tried to check this corruption. arising
out of apolicy of patronage practised by the court of Directors. He imposed certain
restrictions on the civil servants (like forbiding private trade) but increased their
salaries as a compensation. For instance. the collector of a district was to be paid
1500 a month, besides one per cent commission on the revenue collected from his
distri~t.At this stage, the company's service was perhaps the highest paid service in
the World.
All this, however, failed to solve the twin problems of corruption and inefficiency.
Lord-Wellesly. who arrived in 1798 took significant stepts in this direction. He
introduced the idea of a suitable training for the civil servants in India. He felt that
the foundation of the training of the civil servants should be laid in England and
further training imparted in India. This was founded the Fort William College in
Calcutta on 24 November 1800, where the civil servants were to reveive training in
literature. science and languages in India. After five years, an East lndia College was
established at Hailybury for imparting two years, training to young officers for the
civil services. Indian Civil Services for the next fifty years or so remained the
product of the Hailybury College.
The method of recruitment. however. remained through the system of patronage in
the hands of the court of Directors who were free to nominate their sons and
nephews for the services.
The idea of 'competition' for recruitment (as against nomination practised earlier)
was introduced for the first time by the Charter Act of 1833. But it was to be a very
limited competition and could be termed as nomination-cum-competition for
recruitment. The Court of Directors were to first nominate four times the number of
civil servants required. These nominated candidates had to go through a competitive
examination. through which one fourth could ultimately be selected to join the
coveted Civil Services.
But gradually the demand for open Public competition started gaining ground. The
Charter Act of 1853 ultimately took away the power of the court of Directors to
make nominations and made a provision for open competition. For regulations
regarding age, qualification and subjects for the competitive examination a
committee was appointed headed by Macauly which was to submit its
reconimendations to the Board of control. Subsequently the college at Hailybury was
abolidhed in 1858 and the competitive examinations became the sole responsibility of
the Civil Service Commission. This competitive examination was to be held annually
in England and it was therefore, virtually impossible for an Indian to compete in it.
In late 19th century there began a demand that the competition examination should
be held in India.
The afficers of the civil serviCes were employed both in the control officer and the
district. The chief Officer in the district was the collector who was initially
responsible exclusively for the collection of revenue. He had t!le authority to decide
all disputes related to the boundary and the rent. He was assisted by a Tehsildar who
was ah Indian. After the reforms of 1831 the offices of the Magistrate (you have
head about him in sub-section 24.3.1) and the local chief of Police were also
transferred to him. This gave him total authority in the district. Given the large size
of some of the districts, a post of Deputy Collector, placed between the Collector
and the Tehsildar in the hierarchy was also created after 1831. This was soon
converted into an uncovenanted post which meant that experienced lndians could be
employed as Deputy Collectors.
The lndian Civil Services in years to come, developed into one of the most efficient
and powerful civil services in the world. Its members played a very crucial role in the
framing of the British Policies in lndia and also in maintaining and running the
mighty British empire in lndia. After 1947, independent lndia inherited this system
of Civil Services, which continue in its essentially original form even today.
The A m y and the Police

Very little need be said about the other two pillars of British administration. The
bulk of the Company's army consisted of lndian soldiers. In 1857 the lndians
constituted about. 86% of the total strength of the Company's army. The main reason
for this large share of Indians, lay in the expenses involved in maintaining an
exclusively British army. Also, given the Company's expansionary policy company's
need to maintain a large army. How Company to rely on an army largely India.
However, the officers of the army, as in other branches of administration, were
exclusively British. The highest an lndian could reach was the post of a Subedar.
The army played a crucial role in the expansion of British dominions over the lndian
rulers. However, after the conquest over lndia was over and the rivalry with foreign
powers eliminated. Keeping lndia under subjection became the main task of the
army. A secondary task was to fight England's wars with the Russian, or the French
or with lndian neighbouring countries.
Police, the third Pillar of the British administration was created by Cornwallis. So
far, the function of the Police was performed-by Zamindar through their armed
retainers. They were now stripped off their power, their armed retainers were
disbanded and in its place, a police force was set up. This force was entirely at the
command of the government of the. East lndia Company. This force was grouped
into Thanas, headed by a Daroga who was an Indian. These thanas were initially
under the general supervision of the District Judge. Later the post of District
Superintendent of Police was created to head the police organisation in the district.
Finally the organisation of the police force was handed over to the civil service and
the collector in the district also controlled the police. The main task of the police
was to handle crime and also to prevent conspiracy against the British rule. Later, in
the 20th century the police was employed in a big way to suppress the growing
national movement.
24.3.3 Extent of Indian Participation

(One noticeable feature of the judicial and adminjstrative reforms introduced by the
British was the absence of lndians from responsible offices. This was well in
harmony with the utilitarian thinking on the lndian question represented mainly by
Mill. Moreover Cornwallis, the initiator of these reforms in lndia did not seem to
have much faith in the efficiency and sincerity of the Indians. The field for their
employment was therefore. 'narrowed to subordinate positions such as the Amin and
Police Daroga. This policy of excluding lndians was applied to almost every branch
of the government like army. Police, Civil Services, judiciary and engineering. In fact
it had officially been laid down in 1793 that all higher posts in administration worth
a salary of 500 a year or more could be held only by an Englishman. This was so
mainly because the British were convinced that an administration based on British
ideas, institutions and practices could be firmly established only by Englishmen. The
dominant British thinking of that time seemed to be in favour of providing good
administration for the Indians, not one run by them.
However, after 1813 under Hastings, there started the process of the gradual
lridianisation of the lower branches of services, mainly the judiciary. As the judicial
system was made more extensive, more lndians were included in it. The argument
given was that if justice had to be made locally available then local people should be
involved in it. Bentinck advocated the inclusion of lndians on the grounds of
'
or~ehtingadministration t o the local needs, which could only be defined by the

Indians themselves.
Impact o f British Rule :

Polity and Society
A major reason for lndianisation was the expenses involved. The wars fought under
Hastings, especially the Anglo Burmese war produced a financial crises. This crises
was compounded with the need to make administration more extensive. The
extension of the covenanted services (services held by the Erigl~shmen)was virtually
impossible. So, on the one hand there was the need to make the administration more
extenslve. And on the other hand, was their inability to bear the cost of the extensive
administration, by British standards. The only way out was to recruit lndians in
large numbers to fill subordinate posts as they were cheaper and easily available
compared to Englishmen. This did not threaten the British aspirants for the lucrative
Indians posts, as they did not want to compete for the subordinate jobs in India.
It was mainly for this reason that the claims of the Indian people for a share in
administration were being publically recognised, and the British Government was
also providing the justification in terms of justice, moral*obligation, and local needs
etc. A regulation of 1831 placed in the hand of the Indian Judicial officers a large
share of the judicial responsibility. Bentinck was succeeded by Auckland who
increased the power and salary of the Indian Judges.
But it must be remembered that the top posts, involving decision-making authority
wert reserved strictly for the British till the late 19th and early 20th centuries when
the lndians started making a n entry into the coveted civil services.

I ) Write five lines on each of the following
i) Rule of Law.
...........................................................................
ii) ~ ~ u a l i t y ' b e f o rLaw.
e
.........................................................
.........................................................
.........................................................
.........................................................
iii) Police
....................................................................................
....................................................................................
....................................................................................
................................................................................
>....,
....................................................................................
iv) Army
.....................................................................................
........................................................................................
..............................................................................................
.......................................................................................
....................................................................................
2)
Read the following statements and mark right ( d ) or wrong ( X
i)
Under the new judicial system, the civil and revenue adminlstrat~onwere'
separated from each other.
ii)
The existing traditional and religious laws were abolished from the very
beginning under the new system.
iii) The lndian Penal Code was applicable only in Bengal.
iv) lndian participation in the British Services was confined to lower ranks only.
2-4.4 LET US S U M UP
P
In the 19th century India started a process in which new legal and administrative
institutions came into being, grew and took a definite shape. This process was a
product of certain British ideas on the Indian problems from the early 19th century
onwards, as well as certain changes in British interests pressing for administrative
reforms. The result was network of laws applicable throughout the country and a
vast administrative structure to implement the laws. This structure was truly modern
i'n nature and pan-Indian in its spread. Its impact, clearly visible only in the 20th
century was somewhat ambivalent in nature. To the British Government it provided
the channels for control over the Indian people, and for greater penetration into
India. To the Indians on the other hand, it provided the ground on which a protest
could be launched and the authority of the British could be challenged.

EXERCISES
1) See Sub-sec. 24.2.1
2) In your answer you should refer to thechanges in the British interests thereby
necessitating a comprehensive administrative structure in the 19th century. See
Sub-sec. 24.2.2.
I) i) and ii) See Sub-sec. 24.3.1 iii) and iv) See Sub-sec. 24.3.2
Admiriisrmtion and Law
UNIT 25 SOCIAL POLICY A N D INDIAN

RESPONSE
Structure
25.0 Objectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 Historiography of Colonial Policy Formation
25.3 Early Social Policy of the British
25.4 Changes in Colonial Social lntervention
25.4.1 lntanticide
25.4.2 Sati
25.4.3 Shvery
25.5 The British Policy and the lndian Response : An Assessment

25.6, Let Us Sum Up
25.0
OBJECTIVES
Aftdr reading this Unit you will learn :

the factors which shaped the colonial social policy
the early social policy of the British in lndia
svbsequent British intervention in lndian social practices, and
the impact of British social policies, and the lndian response.
25.1 INTRODUCTION
Tha latter half of the 18th century saw the English East lndia Company emerge as a
victorious commercial military power in Bengal after its victories a t the Battles of
Plassey and Buxar. The remaining decades of the 18th century and the early 19th
century witnessed the slow and halting transformation of the British Company from
trader-conquerors t o rulers. This shift necessitated the establishment of institutional
inftjastructures and a definite policy perspective for governing the subject population.
This process was marked by an initial dependence on pre-colonial institutions and
mekhanisms of rule, followed by ad hoc modifications in them, finally culminating in
reordering af the institutions of government.
Economic and intellectual developments in-Britain, combined with the requirements
and limits of the newly established colonial government of lndia provide the context
for the formulation of state policies i n colonial India.
25.2 HISTORIOGRAPHY OF COLONIAL POLICY

FORMATION
T h t study of colonial policy becomes important t o understand the state's
intervention in society. Early British administrators and subsequent lndian
nationalist economists like R.C. Dutt, who commented on British policies in lndia,
in spite of their opposing views shared certain common assumptions. Both viewed
the colonial state as a monolithic entity which had the power t o effect
transformations in lndian society if it chose to. Following from this assumption it
was logical t o focus on the upper levels of the state machinery to understand the
direction and nature of state policy.
Later, Marxist writers such as R a j n ~Palme Dutt in their study of British policy
formulation focused o n the requirements of the metropolitan economy. Another
noticeable stream in the historiography of this subject has focused on the multiple
ideological influences on colonial policy makers as the dominant determinant of
policy formulation. More recent studies at the regional and district levels have tried
to counter the earlier preoccupation with the monolithic colonial state as the prime
variable in the framing of policies. These works attribute great significance to local
power configurations in determining the final outcome of state policies.
25.3
EARLY SOCIAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH
The term social policy covers wide range of policies pertaining to law. education, ,
family, criminality, status ranking, social information gathering and various other
similar kinds of state intervention for the collective life of the governed population
with the object of regulating it. Given the extremely wide coverage of the term 'social
policy' and the fact that some of these areas have already been covered in earlier
Units, we shall concentrate in this Unit on British attitudes towards certain lndian
attention and action in early colonial period. It may be mentioned at the outset that
most of our discussions refer largely to Bengal. Being the headquarters of the
Company's government in lndia and its early subjugation to British rule, Bengal
provided a laboratory where the government developed many of its early state
policies. Bengal was also the region where there existed a substantial number of
educated middle class people who played a role in evolving a social policy. The
economic activities of the British in Calcutta and the spread of western education
among its upper classes contributed to the exhilaration of social and cultural life in
the city. he' Western educated Bengali elite, therefore. actively discussed and
responded to British policies. apart from trying to shape its formulation.
Warren Hastings, the first Governor-General of lndia, was in favour of creating an
English bureaucracy, which would be well versed in lndian languages and responsible
to lndian traditions. In 1784 Hastings noted that "Every accumulation of knowledge
and especially such as is obtained by social communication with people over whom
we exercise dominion founded on the right of conquest, is useful to the stage : it is
the gain of humanity ......" For Hastings the mastery over traditional lndian
languages provided the key to understanding lndia and communicating with the
subject population. With this end in mind he drafted a proposal for creating a
professorship in Persian at Oxford. Civil servants were encouraged to learn Persian
and Hindustani before coming to India. Since the Company took official action on
the issue of language training only as late as 1790, Hastings as an immediate
solution. gathered around himself a group of civil servants who we're dedicated to the
study and translation of lndian texts on law and jurisprudence. To encourage such
activity. Hastings offered attractive financial inducement for translation exercises.
Under his patronage Bengali became the first Sanskrit based vernacular to be studied
systematically by Englishmen. Nathaniel Halched, a close aide of Hastings compiled
and translated into English a set of Hindu customary and religious laws. In 1788 he
published a Grammar of the Bengali Language.
Hasting's efforts at reproducing Company documents in lndian languages promoted
the beginning of printing and publishing in Calcutta. Warren Hastings was also
instrumental in founding the Asiatic Society which was to help in 'rediscovering' the
early traditions of Indians. The establishment of the Calcutta Madrassa was another
step in this direction.
The cultural and social policy during Hasting's governor generalship has often been
explained as one inspired by the ideology of British Orientalism. It must be kept in
mind that this ideology also fitted in with the requirements and limits of the British
empire in India. Knowledge about the subject population, their social customs,
manners and codes were essential prerequisites for developing. Permanent
institutions of rule in lndia, Hasting's policy to rule the conquered in their own way
and resist anglicization reflected a combination of Orientalist conceptions and
elements of political pragmatism. Early British oficial reports on the conditions of
the Malabar on the West Coast exhibit the above discussed tendency to view native
social practices sympathetically even when they differed from Western norms. For
instance late 18th century reports describe the Nair custom of matriliny and
polyandry without contempt. Company officials reported on polyandry amongst Nair
Social Policy and

lndian Response
women. explaining it as a consequence of the marital profession of the Nayar males.

Later in the nineteenth century matrilineal inheritance came to be viewed as
'unnatural' and Nayar female polyandry was condemned as 'concubinage' and
'immoral'.
Polity and Society

1) What are the various trends in historical writings on colonial policy formulation?
Write in 50 ~ c ~ r d s .
2)
Wha: u a s the cultural a n d social policy of the Hnt~shduring Warren Hastirigs

Governor (jeneralship'? Write in ten line>.
25.4 CHANGES IN COLONIAL SOCIAL

INTERVENTION
Sinct the end of Hasting's tenure as governor-general the attitude and policies of the
lndian Government slowly and hesitatingly but progressively moved in the direction
of cautiously intervening in lndian social institutions. Orientalism which was the
characteristic feature of Hastings period now came to be criticized by a variety of
ideological streams which shared the belief that lndian society needed urgent
modernization and westernization. The Evangelical challenge led by William
Wilberforce and Charles Grant (who later became the President of the Company's
Board of Control) asserted that Hinduism was based on superstition. idolatory and
the tyranny of the priests. Their avowed objectives were to modernize lndians by
Christian missionary proselytization. The 'Radicals' headed by Jeremy Bentham.
James Mill and John Stuart Mill based their ideas on utilitarian nations of reason
and science. They advocated happiness of the greatest number rather than liberty as
the aim of good government. The protection of individual life and property were
seen as the means to achieve this goal.
These contending ideologies provided the ideological determinants of policy
formulations. Pragmatic considerations of not provoking widescale resentment and
revolt acted as severe constraint in the wRolesale application of Western ideals on
India. We shall now turn tb detailed study of some specific instances of
governmental intervention in social practices.
25.4.1
Infanticide
The first traditional social custom which was suppressed by the British lndian
government was the practice of infanticide. Female infanticide was prevalent in many
parts of India. The difficulty and expenses incurred in marrying girls amongst the
Rajputs, the Jats, the Mewatis and the Rajput Rajkumars of Benares gave rise to the
practice of killing female infants by starvation or poisoning. Jonathan Duncan, the
Resident of Benares was the first official who tried to curb this social evil. Instead of
unilaterally abolishing infanticide by legislation Duncan met the local Rajkumars
and convinced them that the killing of female infants went against the tenets of
Hindu scriptures. Duncan knew that in the prevailing social system female children
were an economic liability to their families and he promised monetary compensation
by the Government if the Rajkurnars abandoned this practice.
Reverend Ward in his book A View of the History, Literature and Religion of the
Hindoos provides a detailed description of the practice of infanticide in Bengal.
William Carey, a missionary in the College of Fort William vehemently argued for
abolishing these customs. A member of the Governor General's Council who was
sympathetic to the Serampore Missionaries pointed out these social evils to
Wellesley. Carey after consulting Hindu pundits submitted a petition to the
government for immediately suppressing these practices. Around the same time the
Calcutta magistrates sent a letter to the Vice-President-in-Council stating that
infanticide had never enjoyed sanction under the Mughal or the British governments.
They also mentioned that no public opposition was encountered when the police
prevented infanticide.
Ultimately a law banning infanticide was enacted as Regulation V1 of 1802.
The abolition of infanticide which appears to have been effective in Bengal did not
result in any significant opposition by the public. Probably its limited practice in
Bengal and the absence of religious sanction allowed the British to stamp it out
easily. The banning of infanticide in other parts of India does not appear to have been
effective, as this practice continued even after its prohibition.
In the case of suppression of infanticide the initiative for change came for local level
officials and missionaries. The Governor General gave his assent only after
ascertaining the views of the Hindu pundits and the unlikely possibility of such a
measure causing public hostility.
25.4.2
Sati
The next significant state intervention in Indian social life was the suppression of
widow burning or sati. This practice was widespread in all the three Presidencies at
the beginning of the 19th century with the larger number of reported incidents being
in the lower districts of Bengal.
OFFICIALLY REPORTED INCIDENTS O F SAT1 IN THE LOWER PROVINCES
. 1815-1823
No. of incidents
Calcutta
Dacca
Murshidabad
Patna
Benares
Bareilly
Total
Widow burning was practised not only by the Brahmans but also other castes.
However, in proportion to the total population the incidence of Sati was very
limited. For example during the 1825 cholera epidemic when more than 25,000
people died, the total number of widow burnings amounted to only 63 in Bakarganj
district of Bengal.
As early as 1795 Colebrook tried to demonstrate that this practice constituted a
departure from the authentic Vedic tradition. Though Sati had been a vogue from
very ancient times in India, a number of Indian rulers including Akbar, Jahangir,
Guru Arnardas, the Maratha chief Ahalya-bai, the Peshwas, the King of Tanjore and
the Portuguese in Goa tried to discourage this practice.
Social Policy and

Indian Response

Polity and Society
No sustained and systematic effort was made to suppress this inhuman practlce till
the 19th century. While the other European companies in Bengal had banned widow
burruing 'in their territories, the Calcutta Supreme Court disailowed it only in one
part of the city.
The Igovernment's early attitude towards this practice can be seen when in 1789,
Brooke, the collector of Shahabad disallowed an act of Sati. Referring the case of
Governor-General Cornwallis, he noted "The rites and superstitions of the Hindu
religion should be allowed with the most unqualified tolerance, but a practice at
which human nature shudders cannot permit without particular instruction"
Cormwallis replied asking him not to employ coercive methods and try and persuade
the people to stop this practice. In 1797 the Midnapore District Magistrate who
stopped the burning of a child widow was asked by the Governor General to avoid
coercion and use persuasion.
Led by William Carey, the Serampore Missionaries conducted a survey on widow
burqing in the vicinity of Calcutta. Carey got the pundits employed by the college of
Fort William to collect Hindu shastras containing information on Sati. After
studying these he concluded that whereas Hinduism did not forbid it, it did not
make it -obligatory either. Carey then sent a memorial to Wellesley for curbing Sati.
In 1805 Wellesley asked the Judges of the Nizamat Adalat to find out to what extent
the practice of Sati was based on Hindu religion. The Pundits of the court declared
that forcible burning of widows was not permitted. The court also noted that %ti
being widely practised and popular among Hindus, any measure to abolish it would
result in considerable dissatisfaction amongst them.
In 1813 after some vacillation the governmen't fixed the minimum age for a widow to
become Sati at sixteen years and declared that a mother of a child less than three
yearb could not become Sati unless another person undertook to look after the child.
In 1819 and 1821 two Judges of the Supreme Court pleaded for an immediate
suppression of Sati arguing that such a measure would not result in any serious
public resentment. This plea was rejected by the government. In 1821 Lord Hastings
refused to authorize the total abolition of Sati fearing it would incite religious
fanalticisms. Hasting's successor Lord Amherst was against the prohibition of Sati
becaluse he feared that such a measure would have immediate adverse repercussions
on the sepoys of the army. The Bombay government and Charles Metcalfe in Delhi
were also not in favour of immediately suppressing this custom.
While the government dithered over this issue the Westernized Bengali intelligentsia
led by Rammohan Roy actively agitated for the abolition of Sati. In 1818 he sent a
petition to the government urging them to abolish this practice and counter
orthodox Hindu demands against prohibition. A vigilance committee was organized
to slirictly implement the age restrictions on the practice of Sati. Rammohan engaged
in a polemical debate with the supporters of Sati such as Kasinath Tarkavagish
(18 IY), wrote pamphlets and newspaper articles to mobilize public opinion against
this customs. He used his journal Sambnd Kaumudi to further his campaign, with
papers like Samachar Darpan and B q a d u t supporting him. The Samachar
Chandrika became the organ of his orthodox Hindu opponents.
Meanwhile the Christian missionaries attracted English public attention to the evils
of %ti and the urgent need for its prohibition by the government, in Britain. The
Parliament instructed the Indian government to publish all the available information
on %ti.
In spite of the mounting demand for its abolition in India and Britain the
parljament, and the company authorities in England did not want to take any
decision themselves, not knowing what reaction it would produce in India. Finally it
was left to Bentinck, the Governor-General to legislate against Widow burning in
December 1829.
The abolition of widow-burning by the government did not result in any visible
disaffection or resentment among the Indians. As in the case of infanticide, the
initiative for banning widow burning came mainly from the Western educated Indian
intelligentsia, Christian missionaries and individual administrators. The marked
procrastination by the Company's government in abolishing it was mainly due to its
extreme fear of inciting a violent Indian reaction.
25.4.3
Slavery
Social Policy and

Indian Response
Slavery was another institution which came under attack in British India. Slavery as
a system of labour exploitation was prevalent in lndia till its abolition in 1843. The
extent and economic significance of the slave labour in general economic terms,
however, varied greatly from region to region. In Bombay and Calcutta slaves
constituted an article of trade; Arab traders brought slaves from Arabia and Africa
for sale. In order to survive famines, such as the one in 1803, a large number of poor
offered themselves in the slave market.
In Madras. unlike the other two presidencies, predial slavery was very important.
This form of slavery was very significant in the region's agricultural production.
Malabar. Coorg and Canara were the chief areas where widespread predial slavery
existed.
Procrastination was once again the most evident feature in the Government of lndia
attitude towaqds the abolition of slavery. As early as 1774 the Government was
concerned about this practice. Evangelical propaganda against slavery led by
Wilberforce helped in focusing public attention in Britain on the evils of slavery in
India. Though Britain abolished slave trade in her dominions in 1820. the Company
in lndia acknowledged the legality of slavery on the grounds that it was a traditional
practice with religious sanction.
The Charter Act of 1832 directed the lndian Government to ameliorate the condition
of slaves "assoon as extinction shall be practicable and safe, and should prepare
drafts of laws and regulations for the purposes aforesaid."
This led to the appointment of the lndian Law Comm.ission of 1835. Though its
primary task was to frame a Penal code. the law commission drew up an anti-slavery
Report in 1841. The Law Commission requested the government that some of.its
members be permitted to conduct local level enquiries into the practice. The
government refused this request.
In 1839 the Law Commission submitted a Draft Act whereby inflicting corporal
punishment on slaves was made a penal offence. Before taking any action on the
Draft Act the Commissioners discussed the possibility of such a measure exciting
public disaffection. Regulation X of 181 1 (prohibition of import of slaves by land),
Regulation IV of 1832 (prohibition of inter provincial movement of slaves) and the
practical abolition of slavery in Delhi were reviewed and seen to have had no hostile
repercussions. Several members of the commission were against immediate passing
of the Act and letters were sent to ascertain the views of the Bombay and Madras
governments on the issue. The Bombay government did not feel the need for any
special law and the Madras administration also doubted the expediency of such an
Act.
Under pressure of parliamentary opinions. the law commission was again asked to
frame a new Act which after considerable delay on the part of the lndian
Government was passed as Act V of 1845, abolishing slavery in lndia.
The impact of the Act suppressing slavery was however very limited. The most
crucial provision in the Act merely stated that no claim to the labour of a slave was
to be recognized in a British court of law and that a government official could no
longer force a slave to return to his master.
The more important factor in the decline of slavery was the generation of souices of
alternate employment in the later 19th-century in plantation and public works.
25.5 THE BRITISH POLICY A N D THE INDIAN

RESPONSE : AN ASSESSMENT
The above discussion suggests significant shifts in British attitude towards lndian
traditions and culture. The changing servitor role of the lndian colony and the
pragmatic political considerations of the lndian government produced the context
which defined the direction of state policies in India.
Impact of British Rule

Polity and Society
The conscious attempts at state intervention in India's social practices and customs
were extremely limited in their impact. However, the colonial government by altering
the political configuration of precolonial India did trigger off significant structural
social changes. The British consciously denied political power and privileges to the
precolonial ruling Indian groups while recognising their social and caste status.
Education was also an important instrument of social changes, perhaps more
effective than legislation. (See Unit 21).
The small Western educated Bengali intelligentsia epgaged in debates with the state
on policy matters, responded to policy changes and independently tried to bring
about social changes in Bengal. This groups of intelligentsia which included
personalities like Rammohan Roy and Keshub Chandra Sen were impressed by
Britain's progress and convinced that Indian society needed urgent social change. At
the same time the resisted anglicization as well as Christian missionary attempts to
convert Indians.
Intellectuals like Rammohan Roy offered to their countrymen a reformed Indian
religion, vedantism, free of superstition and priesthood. The Brahmo Samaj, which
was their organizatienal form coupled Hindu reformation with an adoption of
progressive Western values. Unfortunately the Brahmos and the Bengal reformist
groups could mot extend their campaign beyond the restricted Western educated'
urban Bengali population. The message of social reform, however, spread gradually
to many parts of India and brought about reform movement under Indian initiative,
independent of governmental support. (See Units 26 and 27).
It may therefore be reiterated that the pragmatic considerations of the British Indian
government acted as a strong check to the translation of reformist ideas into state
policies in India. Social and religious institutions were an area in which the
government intervened with great caution. Even the policy of limited state
intervedtion in social affairs, surveyed above, suffered a total reversal in the period
after the 1857 revolt. From then onwards social reform was left mainly to indigenous
initiative.
I ) What were the reasons for the changes that took place In the colon~al\dciai
policy in the period after Warren Hastings?
2) Write on the development and the impact of British policies with refsre~lceto
Sati, Infanticide. and slavery.
Some Useful Books

for this Block
25.6
LET U S S U M U P
After reading this Unit we hope that you have grasped the various ideological and
material factors which provided the direction for British social policy in India. The
Government of lndia cautiously intervened in Indian social practices under pressure
from individual administrators. missionaries and Indian social reformers. However,
the impact of these policies (except in the field of education) was extremely limited
and did not provoke any significant lndian response. In the post 1857 period even
these limited efforts at social changes were consciously abandoned by the colonial
government.

EXERCISES
\
I) See Section 25.2

2) See Section 25.3
I)
You should gather your information from Section 25.3 and 25.4 and then
compare the two.
2) See Section 25.4

Datta K.K.(ed.), A Comprehensive History of lndia Volume XI.
Chandra, Bipan, Modern India.
Kopf. David. British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance
Stokes. Eric, English Utilitarians and India
UNIT 26 REFORM MOVEMENT - I

Structure
26.0 Objectives
26.1 Introduction
26.2 Eastern India
26.2.1
26.2.2
26.2.3
26.2.4
Ideas of Rammohan Roy

Young Bengal
Debendranath and Keshab Chandra
Vidyasagar and Vivekananda
26.3 Wester4 India:

26.3.1 Early Phase of Nineteenth Century
26.3.2 Later Phase of Nineteenth Century
26.4
26.5
26.6
26.7
26.8
Northern India
Southern India
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
26.0 OBJECTIVES
After studying this Unit you should be able to learn about:
the purpose of development of new ideas aiming at multi-dimensional change of
society,
the 19th century Indian thinkers and'their ideas on various asp x t s of sociocultural life, and
the overall impact of these new ideas on the existing socio-cultural-rdigious
beliefs in India.
I
I
Nineteenth century was a very significant phase in the history of modern India. It was
during this period that the country witnessed the emergence of many intellectual
currents for national regeneration in all its aspects: religious, social, cultural,
economic and political. Although the intellectual endeavours aimed a t achieving allsided improvement, the main emphasis was accorded to social and religious aspects.
Despite the vision of the movement being multi-dimensional, social and cultural
problems acquired predominance over economic and political ones in thinking. In a
word, socio-cultural reform formed the major plank of the nineteenth century Indian
intelletual movement
During the first decades ofqthecentury, the movement, however, was a very small
affair of a limited number of individuals whose passion for fighting social
obscurantism could not pose a major challenge to the advocates of orthodoxy. The
movement, however, maintained its morhentum and reached its peak during the
second half of the nineteenth century. In this Unit we will look beyond the strict
chronological limits of this course and also consider developments in the later decades
of the 19th century in order to present a total picture.
It is proposed to study here the basic features of the intellectual, social and religious
movements oriented towards Reform in India during the nineteenth century. We
would first try to study in brief the ideas and activities of individual intellectuals (Unit
26) before making generalisations about the movement in the context of the country
as a whole (Unit 27).
The emphasis is not, however, on the biographical sketch of individual thinkers and
reformers, but on their ideas which formed the ideological backdrop of the
.movement.
I
I
2d.2 , EASTERN INDIA

In ~ a s t k r nlndia the first significant step to eradicate the social evils was taken by
~ a i n m d h a nRoy. The process of reform that started with Rammohan was carried
forward by men like Derozio, Debendranath Tagore, Vidyasagar, Keshab Chandra
Sen an others in the 19th century. Here, we would discuss the ideas of these
refdrme s on various socio-religious issues and the differences in their approach.
26.1.1 ( Ideas of Rammohao Roy

~ a h x p o b a nRoy has been aptly described as the Father of Modern India. A multifacdted personality as he was, he touched upon nearly every aspect of national life and
for the regeneration of Indian nations. He learned several languages and
scholar of his times.
He published his tint philosophical work, Tuhfat-ul Murahhiddin in 1805 in which he
analyseq the major religions of the world in the light of 'reason' and 'social comfort'.
that religion was merely a matter of faith outside reason and attempted to
myth of miracles associated with it.
Ranhmo$an's reform activities were accelerated after tie settled down in Calcutta in
1814. Hd started the Atmiya Sabha and carried on consistent struggle against the
religiousand social malpractices. He denounced idolatry and advocated monotheism.
He blamed the Brahman priests for perpetuating religious evils by keeping people
ignorant iabout the true teachings of the indigenous scriptures. To educate the people
'he pbblisped the Bengali translation of some of the scriptures and profusely wrote in
defeoce df monoth]eism. His translations into and writings in the vernacular
promote4 the growth of Bengali language.
I
R a m m o b n Roy remained a rationalist during the entire period of his intellectual life.
In ~phfatlhis. rationalism was 'in 'full bloom. Even in his later writings reason retains
its rightf~lplace as the touchstone of reality. Although later he sought the support of
the scriptbres, that was to promote reform of Hindu society.
In 18128 hk established a new society, the Brahma Sabha which later came to be known
as the Brdhma Samaj. His primary purpose was to rid Hinduism of its evils and to
preadh mbnotheism. It incorporated the best teachings of other religions and acted as
a powerful platform for the advocacy of humanism, monotheism and social
regenerat{on.
R a m h o h F was extremely pained at the prevailing social degeneration. In particular
he wqs copcerned with the pitiable plight of women in socieyt. He launched a crusade
against thie evil practice of Sati, the burning of a widow on her husband's funeral
pyre. His pgitation bore fruit finally in 1829 when Lord William Bentinck, the
GoverslorrGeneral of India, enacted a law against that practice. However, the solutign
which he iput forward for the living widows was not widow-marriage but ascetic
widowhodd.
I
He condehned polygamy, early marriage and opposed the subjugation of women and
their infedor status in society. He related their p;oblems to the root cause of absence
rights. To him, female education was another effective method to free
from social stagnation.
I
He propadated the introduction and spread of modern education which could act as a
majorl vehicle for the dissemination of modern ideas in the country. For its promotion
he providdd enthusiastic support to David Hare who, along with many Indian
notables Calcutta, founded the famous Hindu College in 1817. He also ran an
English Sc/~oolin Calcutta at his own cost. In 1825 he founded the Vedanta College
which offeled both Indian and Western learning.
01
~amrriohablaid stress on India's need for Western scientific knowledge, Mathematics,

Natural ~ f l i l o s o ~Chemistry,
h~,
Anatomy and other useful sciences. He understood
the causes nderlying the development of Western intellectual progress and wanted
Indiads to cquire the fruits of Europe's progress. His goal was the fusion of the best
in the kastland the West.
Ramnioha took up not only social and religious problems but also political and
economic issues of the times. He stood for the Indianisation of services, trial by jury,
separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary, freedom of the press,
and judicial equality between Indians and Europeans. He criticised the Zamindari
system for its oppressive practices.
Rammohan was a progenitor of nationalist consciousness, and ideology in India. His
every effort of social and religious reform was aimed at nation-building. Through his
reform he wished to lay the foundations for the unity of Indian society, divided into
divergent groups. In particular he attacked the rigidities of the caste system which,
according to him, had been the source of disunity among Indians. He held that the
monstrous caste system created inequality and division among the people on the one
hand, and 'deprived them of patriotic feeling' on the other.
Rammohan was an internationalist, libertarian and democrat in his orientation. He
took active interest in international affairs and wanted amity among nations. His
concern for the cause of liberty, democracy and nationalism led him to cancel all his
social engagements when he came to know of the failure of the Revolution in Naples
in 1821. By giving a public dinner he celebrated the success of the Revolution in
Spanish America in 1823.
Whatever his limitations, Rammohan Roy was certainly the first luminous star on
the Indian intellectual firmament of the nineteenth century. In 1833 this great Indian
passed away leaving behind his ideas and the message of modernisation for others to
pursue.
1. Rnmmohnn Roy
26.2.2 Young Bengal

About this time new and radical ideas began to be propagated by a band of young
Bengali intellectuals known as the Young Bengal. This movement was largely initiated
by an Anglo-Indian teacher of the Hindu College, Henry Vivian Derozio (1809-1831).
A free thinker and a rationalist, he helped promote a radical and critical outlook
among his students who questioned all authority, loved liberty and worshipped truth.
His followers known as the Derozians attacked old and decadent customs and
I
Social and Cultural Change
tiaditlons, and began to question the whole fabric of Hindu society and religion. The
Derokians, the followers of Derozio, were staunch rationalists; they measured
everything with the yardstick of reason. DerozTo was disinissed from the Hindu
col1eg)e in 1831 because of his radical views, and shortly afterwards he died of cholera
a$ the1 young age of 22.
2. Henry Vivan Derozio
16.2,3 Debendranath and Keshab Chandra

Ih tha meanwhile the impetus to reform given by Rammohan had lost much of its
mom$ntum. Debendrsnath Tagore, father of Rabindranath Tagore, again put life into
it. In1839 he established the Tattvabodhini Sabha to carry on Rammohan's ideals
independent of the Brahma Samaj. It aimed at counteracting the rapid progress of
Chridtianity in India and advocated the development of Vedantism.
Under the aegis of the Tattvabodhini Sabha emphasis on indigenous language and
cultuke became much more pronounced. Bengali texts in all subjects were published.
A TaJttvabodhini Press was established and in 1843 the Tattvabodhini Patrika, a
journal of the organisation was started for the propagation of ideas. Debendranath
Tagare became a Brahmo in 1843 and he reorganised the Brahmo Samaj in the same
year.
'
Another great intellectual associated with the Brahmo Samaj was Keshab Chandra
Sen. Keshab laid stress on female emancipation. He emphasised universalism as
against Debendranath's stress on national Hindu identity. Despite doctrinal
diffelences among themselves the Brahmasamajists collectively contributed to the
propagation of Rammohan's ideas and changing bengal's society. They denounced
prieqtly intermediation in religious matters and stood for the worship of ohe God.
They supported widow-marriage, monogamy and women's education.
26.2.4 Vidyasagar and Vivekananda

The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed the emergence of Pandit Ishwar
Sanskrit scholar. Vidyasagar became the principal of
Chandra Vidyasagar the $anskrit College in 1-851. He introduced the study of western thought in the
SanQkritCollege and opened its gates to non-Brahmin students. He wrote a Bengali
Priqer and helped evolve a distinct moderr, prose style in Bengali.
re re at
His (great contribution, however, lay in the field of female emancipation. Widowmarkiage was the specific social issue he devoted his entire life to. His agitation for
legabising the re-marriage of widows fetched support of the enlightened sections from I
varipus parts of the country and finally such a law wab enacted. Under the supervision
of \lidyasagar the first legal Hindu widow-marriage among the upper castes in India
was celebrated in 1856. Through his endeavours nearly 25 widow marriages were
'
solelmnised between 1855 and 1860. This was certainly a major breakthrough in the
hist(ory of radiCal social reform, and was a great advance from Rammohan's idea of
ascetic widowhood. He promoted the higher education ofwomrn for their general
uplift. As Secretary to the Bethune School, founded in Calcutta in 1849, he was
instrumental in leading the movement for women's education. He also campaigned
against child-marriage and polygamy.
The last of the great thinkers of 19th century Bengal who created a Stir in Hindu
society was Narendra Nath Datta, known as Swami Vivekananda. His guru or
spiritual preceptor was Ramakrishna Paramhansa (1834-1886). Ramakrishna stressed
universalism in religions and denounced religious particularism. However, his primary
concern remained with religious salvation and not social salvation.
His message was popularised inside and outside India by his famous disciple, Swamy
Vivekananda (1863-1902) Vivekananda condemned the caste system and people's
obsession with rituals and supe~titions.In 1896 he founded the Ramakrishna Mission
to carry on humanitarian and social work. The main motto of the Mission was to
provide social service to the people, and it carried on its mission by opening schools,
hospitals, orphanages, libraries, etc. in different parts of the country.
3. Inhwar Chandra Vidyasngar
M Your Progress 1
1) Explain in 100 words Rarnmohan Roy's views on religion a d tjrt zmd&m,d
women in India.
2) Write short note on each of the following. in three sentences.

Young Bengel Movement.
'social and ~ " l t u r a Change

l
:.
..I...................................................................
~ r g h m oSamaj
.-
........................................................................
Tqttvabodhini Sabha
WESTERN INDIA
In western India the main focus of reform movement was on social ideas rather than
religious and philosophical. Throughout nineteenth century there developed a general
awareness among the various lower castes against many forms of social
discrimination. Thinkers like Vishnubawa Brahmachari, Jyotiba Phule, Ranade and
others played very significant role in the development of this social awareness.
26.3.1 Early Phase of Nineteenth Century

The first soundings of intellectual revolt in Maharashtra were heard in the early
decades of the 19th century. Among the early intellectuals who initiated and led the
movement, the most prominent were Bal Shastri Jambhekar (1812-l846), Dadoba
Pandurang Tarkhadkar (18 14- 1882) and Bhasker Pandurang Tarkhadkar (18 16-1847)
Gopal Hari Deshmukh better known as 'Lokahitwadi' (1823-1882) and Vishnu
Qhikaji Gokhale (1825-1873), popularly known as Vishnubawa Brahmachari, for he
remained a life-long bachelor.
Jambhekar was the pioneer of the intellectual movement in Maharashtra. He laid its
foundations through his numerous writings, in the early 1830s. Dadoba gave it an
orgaqisational shape; he founded the Paramhansa Sabha in 1840, the first reform
organisation of nineteenth century Maharashtra.
Bhaskar Pandurang distinguished himself as the militant nationalist critic of the
colonlial rule in India. It was he who first articulated the exploitative character of the
British rule in India. He wrote in 1841 a series of eight long letters in the Bombay
Gazette, one of the oldest newspaper in the Presidency, and exposed nearly every
aspect of colonial domination.
The main contribution of Lokahitwadi was in broadening the scope of the movement
In th$ Prabhakgr, a Marathi Weekly, he wrote his hundred letters, the famous
'8hatbpatren', between 1848 and 1850. This constiltuted the magum opus of the early
.
letters taken together are allintellectual endeavours in ~ a h a r a s h t r aThese
encompassing in dimension; there is hardly any aspect of the society which is left
yntovched.
Brahinachari was against caste distinctions and believed in the oneness of
humqnity. Although himself a Brahmin, he employed a Muslim cook and ate food
served by anyone. He thus openly challenged the rigidity of the caste system and
workled for an equitable social order.
4n Belngal the movement had begun with a religious and philosophical note, in
Mahqrashtra strictly social issues came to occupy a prominent place in the scheme of
ieforin. The early intellectuals of Maharashtra were not essentially religious thinkers,
~oncdrnedwith the philosophical subtleties. Their approach was much practical in
I
nature. For example, the Paramhansa Sabha's principal objective was the demolition
of all caste distinctions. Each new recruit to the Sabha had to undergo initiation
ceremony, and take the pledge that he would not observe any caste distinctions. He
had to eat a slice of bread baked by a Christian and drink water at the hands of a
Muslim. The Sabha was, however, a secret society; its meetings were conducted in the
strictest secrecy for fear of facing the wrath of thq orthodox. The challenge to the
caste system and other social evils thus remained limited to the participation of its few
members only.
26.3.2 Later Phase of Nineteenth Century

The reform movement gained strength during the second half of the century. A host
of towering pers~nalities~emerged
on the intellectual scene. The most notable among
them were Vishnu Parashram Shastri Pandit (1827-1876), Jyotiba Phule (1827-1890),
Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar (1837-1925), Narayan Mahadev Permanand (18381893), Mahadev Gobind Ranade (1842-1901), Vishnushastri Chiplunkar (1850-1882),
K.T. Telang (1850-18932, Ganesh Vasudev Joshi (1851-191l), Narayan Ganesh
Chandavarkar (1855-1923) and Gopal Ganesh Agarkar (1856-1895).
Pandit began his public career with the advocacy of widow-marriage. He was a
leading figure in the sphere of the agitation for female emancipation. He started the
Vidhava Vivaha Uttejaka Mandal (Society for Encouragement of Widow Marriage) in
1865 and worked as its Secretary. He set an example by marrying a widow in 1875.
Phule, born in the Mali caste, emerged as a champim of the depressed sections of the
society. He was the first Indian to start a school for the untouchables in 1854. He also
championed the cause of the liberation of Indian women. 1.n 1851 he and his wife
started a girls' school at Poona.
By his profound scholarship Bhandarkar earned the title of 'Maharshi' for himself: In
the teeth of conservative opposition he allowed and arranged the marriage of his
widow-daughter in 1891. He was one of the very few to strongly advocate Hindu
Muslim unity. Paramanand, writing under the pen name of the 'Political recluse', was
one of the constructive critics of the British administration, besides being a great
social reformer.
Ranade was a man bf many-sided activity. A product of the Elphinstone College,
Bombay, he was Judge of the Bombay High Court during 1891- 1901. He held that the
caste distinction was the main blot on Indian social system. He realised that social
reform movement could not move the people unless it assimilated religious reform.
Under his guidance the Paramhansa Sabha was reorganised in 1867 under the name
Prarthana Samaj. He guided the movement in Maharashtra with intellectual strength
and pragmatism till the end of his life. The Prarthana Samaj preached monotheism
and denounced priestly domination and caste distinctions. Its activities also spread to
South India through the efforts of the Telugu reformer, Veeresalingam.
t
t
Chiplunkar started his famous Nibandhmala in 1874, a monthly Marathi magazine,

devoted to the cause'of social reform. He died very young at the age of 32. Telang was
instrumental in introducing compulsory primary education in Bombay. He was the
first Indian Vice-Chancellor. Joshi greatly identified himself in the $here of politics.
He provided a brilliant critique of the economic policy of the British government. He
was, however, one with other intellectuals in emphasising education to be the most
effective agent of social change.
Chandavarkar, basically a philosopher, was a great leader of the Prarthana Samaj.
Agarkar was an iconoclast and uncompromising rationalist. He was very pungent in
his denunciation of any blind dependence on tradition or false deification of India's
past.
Other reforders in Bombay were Naoroji Furdonji, Dadabhai Naoroji and
S.S. Bengalee. In 1851 they started a religious association called the Rehnumai
Mazadayasan Sabha. It stood for the modernisation of Parsi religion and social
customs. It launched a struggle for the introduction and spread of.education among
women, grant af a legal status to them and for uniform laws of inheritance and
marriage for the Parsi community.
Reform Movement-1
26.,4 NORTH INDIA

The social and religious reform in ~ o r t hIndia was spearheaded by Swamy Dayanand
Sardswati (1824-1883) who founded the Arya Samaj in 1875. Swamy attacked idolatry,
pol$theism, Brahmin-sponsored religious rites and superstitious practices. He stood
for adult and inter-caste marriages and female education. Yowever, his bent towards
the Vedas which he regarded as infallible gave his teachings an orthodox hue.
The Arya Samajists played a progressive role in furthering {he cause of social reform
in North India. They worked for the improvement in the condition of women,
advGcated social equality and denounced untouchability a n d caste-rigidities. Although
the Vedas were venerated as infallible, the reforms advocated were the product of
modern
rational thinking.
,
The movement for reform arose relatively later among the Indian Muslims only
aftefi the 1860s. Sayyid Ahmed Khan (1817-1898) urged the Muslims to reject the
decadent medieval thought, and to imbibe modern scientific knowledge and outlook.
He condemned the custom of polygamy, and advocated removal of purdah and
spread of education among women. He taught tolerance and urged the people to
devehop rational outlook and freedom of thought.
He was greatly concerned with the promotion of modern education fot which he
worked throughout his life. In 1875 he founded the Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental
College in Aligarh for the spread of Western education. Later this developed into the
~ l i g b r hMuslim University.
He viewed the Quran as the most authoritative and rational religious text fdr the
Muslims. He respected all religions and spoke against religious fanaticism ahd
bigotry. Some of his followers desisted from joining the emerging national movement
and believed that the two communities might develop along separate paths.
26.5 SOUTH INDIA

In the South of India a leading light of the social reform movement in the early stages
was Kandukari Veeresalingam (1848-1919). Unlike many of his contemporaries in the
sociql reform movement in Calcutta or Bombay, Veeresalingam was born in a poor
family; by profession he was a sdhool teacher for the major part of h k life. prolific in
writihg, he produced a large number of tracts and pamphlets on social reform in the
Telugu language. Hence he is claimed to be the father of modern Teluguprose
literature. His missionary zeal on issues like re-marriage of widows, female education
and generally on the upliftment of women and removal of social vices, made him the
fathdr-figure of the later generation of Andhra social reformers.
In what was then called the Madras Presidency the response to the all-India wave of
social reform was given a distinctive hue by the presence of caste associations and
caste mobility movements of various kinds. By the turn of the century a number of
caste association began to play a significant role in 'reform movements' which were
often not unconnected with the social elevation of the caste concerned. This was to be
obsetved in the case of, for example, the Kongu Vellala Sangam of the Gounder Caste
in Tamil Nadu, the Vokkaliga and Lingayat Associations in Mysore, the S.N.D.P.
Yogqm of the Iravas of Kerala, etc. The caste leaders of the caste movements formed
an elite, often in non-traditional careers, who stressed a common heritage of caste
members and pushed forward changes in social and ritual practices. A notable feature
was lhat caste associations, originally concerned with internal reforms, slowly
gradbated into the form of strong poutical forces. We cannqt pursue here this course
of development which matured in the 20th century.
Chedk Your Progress 2
1 ) Discuss the major trends of socio-religious reform movements in Maharashtra
during the 19th century. Answer in 100 wo'rds.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I
.....................................................................
'
Refonn Movement I
2) Read the following,statements and mark right ( J ) wrong ( X ) against them.

A) The Arya Samajists denounced untouchability and caste rigiditiei.
B) The Arya Samajists did not advocate inter-caste marriages.
C) Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan was in-favour of religious tolerance and advocated
freedom of thought.
D) Veeresalingam, the key figure of Andhra social reform movements, was not
in favour of female education.
E) The caste associations in South India did not play any role in socio-religious
reforms.
26.6 LET US SUM UP

To sum up, the identification of the socio-cultural evils constituted an important
starting point for the nineteenth century attempt at social renewal. The degraded
position of women, child-marriage, sati,
enforced widowhood, caste
system, untouchability, idolatry, polytheism, ritualism, priesthood and other
superstitions prevalent in the society were brought under severe intellectual attack in
varying degrees.
The identification of the existing defects was interwoven with an attempt to renovate
the social order. The upliftment of the position of women, abolition of infant
marriage, monogamy, widow-marriage, elimination of caste distinctions, monotheism,
spiritual worship and the end of social bigotry and superstitions were the goals of the
reformers by and large, although each individual mentioned above did not promote
'each and every one of the goals. The underlying concern was the all-round progress of
Indian society on the foundations of a reformed socio-cultural system.
26.7 KEY WORDS

Monotheism : Belief in one God.
Rationalist : Person who judges all religious belief and practice in terms of reason and
logic.
Universalism : No discrimination on the basis of caste, creed or community.

EXERCISES
1) Your answer should include preaching of monotheism, abolition of idol worship,
emphasis on rationalism, abolition of sati, female education, property right to
women, etc. See Sub Sec. 26.2.1.
2) See Sub Secs. 26.2.2 and 26.2.3.

1) , You have to write about ideas of different thinkers on socio-religious evils and to
focus on the development of a new consciousness in Maharashtra against upper
caste domination and untouchability. See Sec. 26.3.
2) A)
B) X
C)
D) X
E) X
UNIT 27 REFORM MOVEMENT - I1
27.4
27. i
27.2
27.j
27.1
Objectives
Introduction
Vision of the Future
Method of Reform
Nature of the Movement
27.4.1
27.4 2
27.4.3
27.4.4
2745
2716
27,7
2718
Social Questtom
Religious Ideas
Use of Scriptures
Link with the Past
Limitations
Prelude to Nationalism
Let Us Sum Up
27.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit should be seen in continuation with the previous Unit. After you have gone
thlrough it you would learn: '
*'
the methods advocated by the 19th century intellectuals to implement their ideas
of reform,
the issues and ideas which were raised during the reform movement,
*I
the constraint which existed during this time, and
*I
the limitations and weaknesses of their endeavours.
37.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous Unit you were introduced to a set of ideas on the culture and society
in India, articulated by the intellectual reformer of 19th century India. You have also
become familiar with the impact of these ideas, also referred to a s the reform
Movement, on the existing social milieu. This Unit takes the story further and talks
about the aims of the movement and the method through which a new social order
was to be effected. The nature and limitations of the intellectual endeavour of the 19th
Fentury and its contribution to the development of nationalist thinking during the
Subsequent period would form the major areas of examination in this Unit.
27.2 VISION OF THE FUTURE

rThe ultimate object of the reform movements as a whole, was the attainment of social
'happiness, the well-being of the people and national progress. For social salvation the
intellectuals emphasised truth, equity and justice to be the governing values of future
Indian society. M.G. Ranade wrote:
"The evolution that we seek is a change from constraint to freedom, from
credulity to faith, from status to contract, from authority to reason, from
unorganised to organised life, from bigotry to toleration, from blind fatalism to
a source of human dignity."
27.3 METHOD OF REFORM

L
The intellectuals placed a very high premium on knowledge. Ignorance was viewed as
a curse and attributed to as the root cause of the prevalence and doggedness of
superstitions and obscurantism in Indian society. Illiteracy in general and among
women in particular was held responsible for national degeneration and

backwardness. The spread of education was, therefore, accorded a primary position in
the scheme of reform. Nearly all the intellectuals held education to be the panacea for
all problems. The conviction in the instrumentality of knowledge as the most effective
agent of social transformation and national regeneration was a significant feature of
nineteenth century thought.
The principle underlying the British educational policy was mainly guided by the
needs of the British colonialism. The educational institutions that developed during
the nineteenth century under the British emphasised a classical and arts curriculum,
not science or technology. The British educational policy was not geared to the needs
of the material advancement of the country. Consequently, science education was
given a very low profile. The educational programme of the intellectuals, on the
-contrary, aimed at the material development of the country.
They stood for the extinction of the privileges of the higher castes in the existing
educational arrangement. They were opposed to the monopoly of learning by certain
upper castes and class&, and proposed the spread of knowledge to all the segments of
society. Their constant concern remained how to make popular education an
actuality. To realise the objective of mass education Parmanand advocated free and
compulsory education up to the primary level.
Nearly all the reformers laid stress on the growth of Indian vernaculars. It was
deemed necessary to realise the goal of popular education. They held that English as a
medium of instruction could not be an effective instrument of any meaningful
advance. The role of English education, therefore, be confined to aiding and enriching
the indigenous languages. In other words, it was to be an aid and never an instrument
of social change. Ranade took the colonial policy to task for its neglect of the Indian
vernaculars.
Another significant concern of the intellectuals was female education. It was
emphasised as the 'root of all reform' and social advancement. Illiteracy among
women was viewed as one of the major causes of their pitiable plight and the general
backwardness of the society. They advocated not only primary education among the
nineteenth century intellectuals who first conceived of educating women for
employment and professions, and stressed the expanding of women's role outside the
home.
In retrospect, the educational programme of the intelleftuals was diametrically,
different from the British educational policy. The latter was administration-oriented,
while the former was people and society-oriented.
The fact of increasing poverty among the masses caused by the colonial rule itself,
ruled out the possibility of realising the idea of mass education into a social reality.
The scheme of mass education received little support and initiative from the new
Indian middle class.
27.4 NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT

The targets of the severest intellectual attack were the existing socio-cultural evils and
malpractices such as obscurantism, superstitions and irrationality imbedded in the
society.
The intellectuals did not, however, attack the social system as a whole; their attack
centred only on the perversions and distortions that had crept into it. They did not
advocate a sharp rupture in the existing social structure of the country. They did not
stand for structural transformation; changes were sought within the framework of the
very structure. In a word, they were advocates of reform and not exponents of
revolution.
The upliftment of the position of women, late marriage, monogamy, widow-marriage,
elimination of caste distinctions, monotheism, etc., did not signify any revolutionary
chahge in the society. Even they themselves were not unaware of the reformist nature
of their ideas and endeavours. The course they delineated for transformation was to
be evolutionary, and not revolutionary. Nearly all believed in the gradual
Reform Movement-11
transfortmation of society. Thus, change and continuity both constituted the basic
elementp in their scheme of social transformation.
The intdllectual movement in India was an urban phenomenon; it originated and
greatly bperated in the urban areas only. The main means used for the propagation of
ideas add for the creation of favourable public opinion were the urban
commupication channels such as the press, lectures, and sabhas, propaganda
networN.
Despite being a localised affair, it was, however, not region'al in its inspirations and
aspiratibns. Although their activities remained confined to certain urban pockets, the
int&llecdualsextended their vision to comprehend the problems of different regions
and thecountry as a whole. Moreover, they made conscious attempts to undermine
the notibns of provinciality and regional distinctions.
.,
27.4.1 Social Questions

Nearly $11 the intellectuals came tc~a common conclusion that the condition of women
in India was deplorable and wretched. Their plight was viewed as a highly pressing
probleni of the time.
4. A scene of Sati
The intellectuals held that the practice of enforced widowhood and polygamy signified
cruel crimes against humanity. it was based on human degradation and denoted
barbarity and low level of social development. Lokahitwadi lashed:
\
"Ehforced widowhood is a murder of a living human being. It involves the

killing of human passions, feelings and emotions. You are butchering your own
dhbqhters in cold blood. Should not your blood boil with rage?"
Rammoban, lambhekar and Lokahitwadi stood somewhat distinct from others on the
question of women's emancipation. Rammohan singled out the absence of property

rights to them as the root cause of their subordinate position in society, and
demanded the grant of such rights to them. Jambhekar and Lokahitwadi sought a
permanent solution to their problems not in monogamy and widow-marriage but in
equal distribution of rights to women on par with men. the demand for the equal
rights to women on par with men. was one of the most significant aspects of
nineteenth4centurythought. Nearly all the intellectuals emphasised the spread of
education among women to be a necessary precondition for their liberation. The
question of women was viewed on humanistic grounds. Their emancipation was,
therefore, not the emancipation of simply the women but that of the humanity.
However, their humanism was coupled with the concern for national and social
development. According to them, the subordination of women signified social
degeneration and national backwardness. The amelioration of their condition was,
therefore, viewed as essential for the prDgress of the society and the country as a
whole.
- Caste was another issue under attack. It was seen as a divisive factor 'weakening the
bonds of humanity' and deterring the growth of national consciousness in India. It
was viewed as a contributory factor in causing social stagnation and retardation of
progress. They, therefore, tried to build a social order free from caste rigidities.
The social degeneration was greatly attributed to Brahmin bigotry, their attempt to
perpetuate the kondition of ignorance among the people. Denouncing the Brahmin
dominance Phule and Chandavarkar in particular advocated the upliftment of the
lower castes and depressed classes. The battle against Brahmanism was, however, not
confrontationist in nature. They consciously tried to avoid caste-hostility.
There was a common realisation among 19th century reformers that without social
reform as the basis society could not progress, social reform was considered a
stepping-stone into political independence, economic development and the attainment
of national strength and vigour. It had a'broader objective of 'removing all obstacles
towards developments in all departments'.
27.4.2 Religious Ideas
I
t
5
I
As we have seen in Unit 26 some of the 19th century thinkers denounced idolatry,
polytheism and priestly intermediation in the religious matters of the people.
These intellectuals'attack on the existing Hindu belief system was, however,
diametrically different from the attack of missionaries on the Hindu faith. The
intellectuals denounced religious malpractices for the purpose of reformation; the
missionaries denounced Hinduism essentially for that of proselytisation.
Raqmohan Roy challenged the intellectual rationale of conversion into Christianity.
He argued that if Hindu religion was corrupted or lacking in rationality, so was
Christianity. He pointed to some practices in the Christian faith such as adoration of
idols, crucifixes, miracles and the notion of Trinity. He came to the conclusion that on
comparison the monotheism of the Vedanta was superior to Trinitarianism in
Christianity. Dadoba also attempted to expose the contradictions inherent in the
Christian faith. He wrote:
"The Christian doctrine of Holy Trinity does not reconcile with the unity of
God, which all the Christian missionaries so promptly proclaim to the heathens
in India. I could no more believe in the mystery of a Trinity in Unity or of a Tripersonal God, as it is called, than I could believe in three apples in one apple,
the very notion being paradoxical on the very face of it".
Vishnu Bawa Brahmachari used to give lectures on the sands of the Chaupati in
Bombay on what he thought were superior features of Hinduism compared to
christianity; he opposed proselytisation by Christian missionaries.
We are not concerned here with the truth or falsity of these doctrines, but we must
note one thing: these intellectuals' attack against conversion and Christian influence
' was theological in nature, and not communal. It was not directed against the
Christian community nor was it intended to create communal tension or animosity.
~ e l i g i o nhad, in fact, a very significant place in the nineteenth century thought. It was
the realisation of the interconnection between religion and society and the significanck
of the former to the healthy evolution of the latter that the intellectuals emphasised.
Reform Movement-I1
I
I
Religidus reform was therefore taken to be the precondition of progress and enduring
social Qhange. Chandavarkar held that the material life and religious life were the two
interrelated aspects of the same existence, and a healthy social growth was not
possiblle if it was not counterbalanced ;by an inlightened religion.
This, hbwever, does not imply that the social reform in the nineteenth century was
secondbry to the 19th century thinkers' religious concern.
These jntellectuals believed in an organic connection between religion and social life
and advocated the renovation in the entire society. Ranade wrote:
"Growth is structural and organic, and must take slow effect in all parts of the
organism. . . . The whole existence requires renovation. The liberation that has
tq be sought is not in one department of life, but it is an all-round work. You
cannot have a good social system when you find yourself low in the scale of
political rights nor can you be fit to exercise political rights and privileges unless
ypur social system is based on reason and justice. If your religious ideas are low
ahd grovelling, you cannot succeed in social, economic or political spheres. This
ioterdependence is not an accident but is the law of our nature."
It woulb be erroneous, therefore, to call the intellectual awakening a religious
movement and to view the intellectuals as religious reformers. In fact, it was their
concerd for the promotion of social and material advancement of the society that
distingaishes the nineteenth century movement from the medieval Bhakti one. In the
Bhakti movement religion weighed supreme; in the nineteenth century awxkening
society gained pre-eminence.
Check t o u r Progress 1
1 ) Read the following statements and mark correct (
i)
J ) or incorrect ( X ).
) The educational programme formulated by the 19th century intellectuals was

in total harniony with the British educational policy.
ii) : T h e reforms did not stand for a structural transformation, they sought
changes within the structure of the society.
iii) The rncans uscd for the propagation of ideas by the reformers were essentially
thc urban communication channels.
,
iv) ' ' 1 . h rclormcrs

~
at1;icli on thc' cuisting Hindu bclief system was the same as that
of the Christian missionaries.
2) Write ten lines on the method for reform advocated by the intellectual of the 19th
ccntury .
27.4.3 Use of Scriptures

The intdllectuals, particularly during the second half of the 19th century, tried to seek
the support of scriptural sanction for reforms. They cited and reinterpreted the pages
of Hindu scriptures to justify the reform they advocated on scriptural grounds.
Agarkat was perhaps the sole exception to this general trend.
K. T. Tdlang wrote:
" r h e Shastras have silently seen changes occurring in the society against their
I
regulations. As to the caste system, we havq departed from the rules of our own
old scriptures. They (scriptures) recognised only four castes at first. In our
present circumstances, the number of castes into which the Hindu community is
divided is four thousand more than four."
Thus we find that on the one hand the intellectuals sought the support of the
scriptures where desirable for the reforms they advocated and, on the other,
reinterpreted the very scriptures to Austify deviations from them. In fact, the scriptures
were sagaciously used by them according to the need and desirability felt for
furthering the cause of reform.
,*
-1
Their links with the past was, however, not revivalist in nature. Ranade clearly stated:
27.4.4 Link with the Past

A noteworthy tendency in intellectual thought was to view the existing social evils and
practices as later deviations, and distortions. The Vedic period of Indian history was
viewed by many thinkers of 19th century as the ideal type of society free from the
socio-cultural anomalies of the present times. Some of them wrote that widowmarriage and monogamy formed part of Vedic Social life.
"In politics no one would now advocate a return to the autocracies and personal
despotism of former days; nor again the industrial sphere would it do to stick to
the old primitive methods in our attempts to improve the old or start new
industries. So, too, neither in the social sphere would mere revival meet our
requirement."
I
I
I
In other words, they did not stand for an outright replication of the past but its
revision in accordance with the needs of the present. Chandavarkar wrote:
"I too venerate the past, for without it we would not have had the present. But it
is the vital past that we must care and not break away with from. Nothing that, is
of the past has a right to live if it stunts our growth and numbs our calibre. We
cannot break from the past if it is vital. But what is wanted is not just a word for
the past. Rather we have to put in a word for the present. The ideal of authority
is one of our social ideals that need to be revised, not revived."
In terms of impact, extent and achievements the 19th century intellectual endeavours
we have described could not achieve any spectacular success. Caste distinctions
remained strong and the religious and social practices did not die away.
Child-marriage and enforced widowhood remained as pressing a problem as ever.
Reform in practice in any case affected a very small minority. The masses remained
nearly untouched by the ideas of the intellectuals. There was certainly a kind of mass
approach in their writing in the vernaculars. But despite their best endeavours to
appeal to the masses, their appeal for all practical purposes remained confined to the
urban middle classes, particularly the educated sections.
t
1
Given the situation of widespread illiteracy in the rural areas and because of the
absence of modern and diversified communications network, they were doomed to
have a very limited audience, mainly urban-based. ~ h u ' seven in terms of its practical
appeal the movement remained urban, besides its other limitations.
Moreover, they had undertaken the most difficult task of cbntemporary public life,
that is, the problem of socio-cultural reform. In cultural issues feelings and trad~tions
are involved to a very large extent. Traditions die very hard. Caste and customs proved
to be hard to eradicate from Indian cqnsciousness. In political and economic matters
logic is and can be an 'instrument of power', but where feelings and traditions are the
authorities, logic is almost impotent. t t is really very difficult to bring about changes
in the long established customs and traditions and deeply rooted prejudices.
Above all, the growth of the awakening during the period of colonial domination
posed certain inherent limits on the success of the movement. British rule did not
create a wider social audience capable of appreciating the basic modern~tyof their
ideas. The fact of widespread illiteracy remained a great obstacle to the realisation of
Reform Movement-Il
their goal. Their intellectual ideas and activities could not, therefore, stir the minds of
the general ppblic.
I
Bhandarkar prote, 'the lamp has been'lighted but the light is flickering'. Their
contribution lies in lighting the lamp; it flickered for reasons beyond their control.
Assessing their own role Chandavarkar said in 1886:
"It is ehough for us, it should be enough for us, if we are able to say that we
have nQt remained idle or inactive, but tiave done something, even if that
somethling be very little to carry the work of social reform a little further than
we fouhd it and helped our successors to carry it further."
The intellectuals did have certain concrete gains to their credit. It was greatly due to
their cotlstaqt endeavours that abolition of Sati and legalisation of widow-marriage
were achievep during the nineteenth century. There was much intellectual fervour,
prolonged agitation and acute discussion during the controversy over the age of
Consent Bill, Such debates, even if they failed to bring about any concrete change
immediately, raised the level of consciousness. Their attempt did set afoot the process
of the undermining of the hold of superstitions and bigotry in the society, however
slow the proress was.
Another significant contribution of the intellectuals lay in the realm of female
education. The pace with which the number of girls was increasing inthe schools
indicates thd onset of the trend of women emerging out of social seclusion imposed
upon them. Female education was no logner deemed dangerous by the increasing
number of people. The significance of such development can be ascertained by the
fact that duriing the subsequent period women started taking part actively in public
and national life. In fact, Mahatma Gandhi could bring them into the vortkx of the
national movement in the twentieth century mainly because the groundwork was
already pregared by the nineteenth century intellectuals.
The ideas ahd activities of the intellectuals were directly or indirectly re1,ated to the
task of nation-building and national reconstruction. The social reform movement, as
a matter of ifact, was not an isolated phenomenon; it was loaded with wider national
political and economic considerations.
At the cultural level they attempted to distinguish the essential from the secondary,
the positive from the negative, the progressive from the reactionary in order to locate
and define what may be called a 'national culture'.-It is generally within culture that
we find the first seed of opposition which leads ultimately to the structuring and
developmeqt of the liberation movement. Intellectuals like Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee and Bhaskar were among the first to provide a critique of the colonial rule.
~okahitwadiwas the first to look for Swaraj. He pointed out as early as the late
1840s:
"The British rule in India is not eternal; we shall also become wise by learning
Western science and technology, and we should endeavour to excel and beat
them bn their own ground. It is only then that we shall begin gradually to
demapd power. In order to remove our discontent the British might part with
some Ipower. The more power they give the more will it whet our appetite for it
and tbe British may begin to oppose our demands. If they do so we may perhaps
have to do what the Americansdid when the drove away the English from their
land."
Here Lokahitwadi's political far-sightendness is noticeable in his chalking out in a
way the actual course of the Indian National Movement which was not yet born.
Check Yout Progress 2

I ) Write ken lines on the limitations of the reform activities undertaken by the Indian
itellecqual in the 19th century.
Reform Movemenl-I1
2) In what sense did the reform movement prepare the ground for the national
movement? Answer in about 50 words.
27.7 LET US SUM UP

You have, thus, observed in Units 26 and 27 how significant developments were
taking place in the 19th century India. These ideas contained, in themselves, the
possibilities of the reconstruction of the Indian society. They dealt with a variety of
social, cultural and religious issues and practices. Education was assigned a very
major role in the spread of these ideas. The upliftment of the position of women,
restructuring the linkages between religion and society and retaining an important
link with the past were some of the major characteristics ofthe reform movement.
However, in terms of its spread and penetration, the movement failed tb reach out to
the large sections of the rural population and remained confined to the educated
urban middle class. There also existed certain inherent constraints in the society and
polity, which prevented these ideas from an irresistible social force.
Limitations apart, one significant achievement of the reform movement lay in its
contribution towards nationalist thinking. Although the reform movement did not
directly focus on the political issues, it created a space for them and for the
subsequent Indian National Movement.

EXERCISES
1 ) i) X ii) J iii)
iv) X
2) In your answer you should talk about the primacy that the reformers assigned to
education. See Section 27.3.

I) While answering the queskion, you should embasize a) the inability to affect
sections other than the urbxn educated; b) continuation of certain social and
religious practices, in spite of attacks by the reformers; and c) constraints of
widespread illiteracy and absence of wider social audience;
See Section 27.5.
2) See Section 27.6.
--
UNIT 28 SOCIAL DISCRIMINATION AND

DISPRIVILEGED GROUPS
28.0
28.1
28.2
28.3
28.4
28.5
28.6
28.7
28.8
28.9
28.10
Objectives
introduction
Pre-Colonial Social Discrimination and the Colonial Impact
Pegional Variations.: South India
hestern India
Northern and Eastern India
bontinuity and Change in Colonial India
A New Consciousness : Some Regional
Examples
bet Us Sum Up
Key Words
28.0 , OBJECTIVES
After sthdying this Unit you will be able to:
leain about v a ~ b u forms
s
of social discriminations in different parts of-India,
understand the impact of Colonial rule on the existing social system a d how the
changes came in it, and
explain the growth of a new consciousness among the disprivileged groups and
hoy did they try to change the existing social order.
28.1 INTRODUCTION
In$an dociety being based on caste system gave birth to different kind of social
discrimi~nationand created two broad social orders - privileged and disprivileged. In
this Unit we have tried to idtroduce you to_various forms of social discrimination and
disprivilleged groups in different parts of India. Social discrimination existed in India
long bebre the beginning of the colonial ruie. But the establishment of colonial rule
brought changes in economic and administrative system which to a great extent
inflbencled the existing social system in India. How 'and to what extent the change
came in Indian social system have been discussed in this Unit. Here we have also
touched upon the process of social mobility among the lower and intermediary castes
and also the challenge by some disprivileged groups to the agelong Brahmanical
domination in the society.
28.2 PRE-COLONIAL SOCIAL DISCRIMINATION AND

THE COLONIAL IMPACT
There is no doubt that social backwardness and disprivilege emanating from social
discrimihation predates colonialism. The hierarchical division of society with assigned
ranks, functions and distinctions under the vama system constituted the structural
framewbrk which regulated economic and ritual relationship. Viewed from the
economiic angle, the jatis were hereditary, closed occupation groups and was
probablk related to efforts to eliminate competition and ensure security of
employment and income. Moving up within this hierarchical structure was not
cornpleteli ruled out but it was rare. Two fixed points marked the extreme ends of the
hierarcqical orders Brahmans on the one end and untouchables at the other. Most of
the rnareinal groups belonged to the lower orders and were forced to live a precarious
exisltenct.
By the time colonial rule made its presence felt in the second half of the eighteenth
century, the situation had become somewhat fluid, though not to the extent of
eliminating social discrimination. But as India became a colonial appendage to a
',capitalist world economy, new economic relationships began to take shape. The policy
of de-industrialisation deprived the rural artisans of their hereditary occupations and,
in course of time, undermined the basis of a non-competitive and hereditary system of
economic organisation at the rural level. The service castes found it difficult to get
their payments in the way they got under the jajmani system. In its efforts to maximise
the revenue collection , the company resumed various forms of rent-free tenures
resulting in the impoverishment of those service groups who were dependent on them.
The insistence on contract, enforced by law and law-courts, meant that those who had
access to the new system could thereby mdnipulate its levers and consolidate their
position in society. Viewed in this light, the colonial rule denied many of the
subordinate social groups their means of subsistence and, in course of time relegating
some of them to the degraded level of '.criminal tribes'. But at the same time, by
undermining the old economic basis of social organisation colonial rule fuelled an
already developing tendency towards mobility. It also indirectly rendered possible the
growth of lower caste protests in future. While pliable elements among the rural elites
were successfuIly accommodated within the framework of the British revenue system,
the intransigents were rendered powerless by the destruction of forts and disbandment
of local militias uhder British rule. In course of time the dominant groups in different
parts of India consolidated their position by manipulating the institutional framework
of the coloniaf rule.
28.3 REGIONAL VARIATIQNS :SOUTH INDIA

What then was the position of subordinate groups who were subject to social
discrimination? The nature of discrimination differed from region to region in the
early years of the nineteenth century. In large parts of the Madras Presidency the bulk
of the agricultural labourers, belonging to low caste grohps, were said to have been
reduced virtually to conditions of slavery. This was evident from the first major
survey of the conditions of agricultural labourers undertaken by the Madras Board of
Revenue (1818). The Madras Presidency was divided in three,major areas. Of these,
the Telugu region was relatively frde from bondage system. But in the Tamil country especially in the wet districts - and in the Malabar and Kanara.region, a large portion
of the labouring class lived in a state of bondage. In districts like Chingleput and
Tanjore, the condition of the untouchables castes called Pallans or Paraiyans was
really deplorable. Here the old Hindu institutions were reinforced by the British legal
system, giving a fresh lease of life to power and influence of certain higher castes.
There was a group of Brahman landowners, forbidden most types of manual labour
by the rules of their'caste, who were letting their lands to tenants or employing hired
labourers to do the task they could not do themselves. What is interesting in all this is
that what some historians call agricultural servitude was sanctioned by caste system.
Likewise, in Malabar the Cherumans, corresponding to the Paraiyans in Tamilnad,
were almast exclusively treated as slaves. Buchanan, in course of his travels in early
years of the nineteenth century, found that in Palghat by far the greater parts of the
work in the fields was performed by Cheruman slaves. They could be sold, mortgaged
and rented out. From Malabar Buchanan moved to Kanara where he found an
equally harrowing situation. Men of low caste occa~ionallysold their younger
relations into slavery in discharge of debts. In short, available evidences on South
India suggest that agrarian bondage was quite widespread in the early years of the
nineteenth century.
Case-studies of some select subordinate groups outside the agrarian sectors show the
same'process of social discrimination at work. A recent survey of the Nadars of
Tamilnad demonstrate that in the early nineteenth century they were counted among
the most oppressed caste. They were economically differentiated between higher
ranking Nadars and lowely Shanars or toddy-tappers. Various disabilities were
heaped upon the Shanars. They were, of course, forbidden entry into temples. Wells
were strictly forbidden to their use: they were denied the right to carry an umbrella,
to wear shoes, golden ornaments, to milk cows, to walk in certain streets: and their
women were forbidden to cover their breasts. Indeed. a Nadar could not even
Social Discrimination and

Disprivileged Groups
as Minorities in areas north of Tirunelveli, confronted even more humiliating

conditions. They were even denied the service of barbers and washermen used by the
'cashe Hindu of the villages. Gradually, among the main body of Shanars emerged a
mobile body of traders who traded couptry liquor and jaggery sugar. When the
Poligar Wars ended in 1801 both the trading and toddy-tapping Shanars moved on
northwards to the Maravar country and settled in 'Six Nadar Towns of Ramnad'. But
the llocally dominant castes of the region, the Maravars, Tevars and Kallars associated
theh with the lowly, polluted, toddy-tapping Shanars. It is not surprising that the
Nadars constituted a fertile ground for conversion to christianity. They would be in
the rorefront of the later day anti-Brahman movement in the region.
2844 WESTERN INDIA

Farther up the western coastline of India there was another striking instance of
institutionalised social discrimination in South Gujarat. Recorded in the early
nineteenth century British records as Halipratha, it was a formalised system of lifelong
andoften hereditary attachment of the low-caste Publas to the Anavil Brahmans who
owned the best and the largest lots of land. In some regions the attached farm
servlants also included a section of Kolis called gulam Kolis. The condition of service
was not contractual. It usually began wtien an agricultural labourer wished to marry
and found a master ready to pay for it. The debt thus incurred attached the servant to
the master for life. It increased in the course of years thereby rendering repayment
virtually impossible. The Haks were not sold though their service could be transferred
to abother master. The ritual domination of the high caste Brahmans over low caste
Dubbas was consolidated in an exploitative relationship of an all-encompassing nature.
The master had the right to the labour of the servant and his wife as maid in the
household.
In Maharashtra the idioms of dominance and discrimination were no less
prohounced. In eighteenth century Maratha kingdom, Brahmanical dominance was
backed up by the state power of the Peshwas. There was a strong connection between
Marjatha polity and caste system through the regular requisition of forced labour from
artisans and menial castes by the authorities. In the directly administered (swarajya)
regions of the eighteenth century Maratha kingdom, the state took an active role in
maintaining and enforcing ritual and economic~aspectsof caste society. In 1784 the
government formulated rules of worship at the holy places of Pandharpur which
explicitly stated that the untouchables were not allowed to go near their own shrine
close to the main temple. "The place is SO narrow and crowded that the visitors are
touahed to one another and the Brahmins are opposed to this. Therefore the
untouchables should perform worship from near the stone lamp (in front) of the
image of Chokhmela or from a nearby untouchable hamlet. . ." In another instance
the bahars of the Konkan region demanded some Brahman priests of the place to
offi4iate their marriage ceremony. Despite the support from the local officials this
dedand was turned down with a heavy hand. The state offered the untouchables to
have their marriage officiated by their own priests and warned, "if they trouble the
Brahmin priests in future, no good result will come out." In other words, the Maratha
state power mediated caste relationship in the region and ensured the Brahmanical
hegqmony in soeiety. Baji Rao 11, himself a Chitpavan Brahman, distributed generous
sump of money to large number of Brahman scholars in Pune, to enable them to
devdte their time to religious scholarship.
Wh&nthe Company took over the administration after the fall of the Marathas, the
state's active support of the Hindu religious values was withdrawn. Ttiis, of course,
did hot immediately signify any major change in the condition of the lower castes. As
the Company's adminisiration engrafted itself on the Indian society, it depended on
Indihn subordinates at the lower levels. The upper castes, in view of their earlier
accqss to educational opportunities, gained a strategic mediatory position between the
Company's government and the larger masses of western Indian society. This
effectively buttressed their already dominant position in society. But the relatively
stagDant position of the lower castes and untouchables made them fertile grounds for
misdionary propagation. In western India in the nineteenth century the missionaries
did their utmost to persuade their audiences that the Hindu religion had deprived
the*, as shudras, of their real rights in matters of education and religion. There was a
I
preponderance of higher castes in general and Brahmans in particular in

administration, far in excess of their numerical proportions in the population as a
whole. "Far from breaking down inequalites in western Indian society, British rule
looked as though it might reinforce them by adding to the older religious authority of
Brahmans, a formidable new range of administrative'and political powers." Critical
observers like Jotirao Phule and his followers drew the natural inference that a
rejection of the religious authority of the Brahmans and of the hierarchical values on
which it was based, formed the precondition for any real change in their condition.
28.5 NORTHERN AND EASTERN INDIA

The foregoing survey of sdcial discrimination in some selected region is not meant to
suggest that elsewhere in India the condition of the lower orders of society was any
better. Our purpose was to highlight some glaring instances of domination. In fact,
some recent surveys of the Chandals in Bengal, the Doms in Bihar, the Bhuinyas in
south Bihar or the C h a m h in large parts of northern India show how these groups
were subjected to similar processes of rigorous discrimination. The Namasudras of
Bengal, earlier known as Chandals, formed marginal groups, relegated to the level of
Antyaja. The barbers, washermen and sometimes even the scavengers refused their
services to them. In the social feasts, they were required to sit at a distance from the
rest and clear up their own dishes. It has been shown that their lowest position in the
purity-pollution scale corresponded to their inferior ekonomic status via-a-vis men of
the higher castes. The Maghaiya doms, like the Lodhas of south western Bengal, were
marginalised to such an extent that they were ultimately branded as criminal tribes.
The Bhuinya oral traditions which record the memory of their subordinates to the
mostly Brahman maliks, remember their incorporation in the Hindu caste hierarchy
as a ritually impure caste. ?hey were initially treated as Kamias providing labour
services to the high caste Maliks ultimately ending up as a kind of bonded labour. The
Chamars, including Mochis are found in every part of India, though they are most
numerous in the U P and in the bordering area of Bihar on the east and of the
Punjab on the north-west. They occupied an utterly degraded position in the village
life. Apart from their customary profession, they were often called upon to- perform
begar services by the landlords.
In concluding this section let us recapitulate its basic points. First, there was a very
strong linkage between caste and ritually governed entitlement to resources. This
obviously implied that lok ritual status went together with precarious existence.
Moreover, this was an existence wrapped up by m;ltiple badges of low status. Second,
while most of these practices predate colonial rule, the latter, in turn, precipitated
certain changes in the positidn of subordinate social groups on different parts of
India. Notable among these was the disintegration of the relatively non-competitive
structure of the village society.
1) Write in brief the various forms of social discrimination existed in South India?
Answer in 100 words.
.......................................................................
.......................................................................
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.......................................................................
.......................................................................
.......................................................................
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Social Discrimination and

Disprivileged Groups
2) 'P+litics has a positive role in the continuation of the caste domination'. Explain
statement in 100 words in the light of the caste system existed in Western
........................................................................
I
'
..
I
......................................................................
I
........................................................................
..
I
......................................................................
3) #ad the following statements and mark right ( \/ ) or wrong ( X ).

i) Mobility within the caste system is not possible.
I
ii) The colonial rule by undermining the old economic basis oPsocial
organisation helped the social mobility.
I
iib) Lower status in the caste hierarchy did not deprive the lower castes from
taking part in ritual ceremonies with the higher castes.
I
ih) Agrarian bondage was quite widespread in South India in the eariy years of
the 19th century.
28.4 CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN COLONIAL INDIA

~ i e w b din retrospect, the first century of the british rule may be termed as a period of
gestabion. During this period two apparently contradictory developments were taking
placel. Social discrimination which prevailed in myriad variety of formi in different
$arts of India, initially got a new lease of life. The upper caste elites consolidated their
$osition in many different ways. After some initial reverses in some areas, they
adjudted themselves with the new revenue system. They adroitly utilised the new
oppdrtunities for administrative and political power by the use of their skills. A high
qlegr e of literacy rendered them extremely useful to the new regime. Their growing
tami iarity with the Anglo-Indian law and the functioning of the law court$ gave them
advahtage over their low-caste subordinates. Those who could master the language of
the c urt of law found a new opportunity waiting for them. Finally, the early British
attityde of studied non-interference in social matters of the Indians precluded the
possibility of any major structural change in society through legislative and other
beads backed by state-power.
1
P
But during the same period a very different kind of development was taking shape
which, in course of time was to undermine the ritual and social hegemony of the
uppel caste elites. The caste system allowed for mobility at the intermediate levels
while/ preserving the top and bottom levels fixed. The fact that upward mobility was
not ebtirely ruled out gave a certain strength and resilience to the system as a whole.
I
Interbtingly, however, in course of the first century of the British rule, the bottom
level also began to stir. Some of the idioms of social and ritual dominance which the
lower orders had, under the weight af tradition, internalised over time, came to be
serid sly questioned. Initially, of cburse, there was predictable opposition from the
dom nant upper castes. But the material basis of the caste bound systzm of
Biscr mination began to change. The penetration of market forces at the rural level
~ f f e rd some opportunities in some regions which ran contrary to the occupatibnbase jati system. In some regions it was even possible for members of submerged
caste to emerge as zamindars, taluqdars or subinfeudated tenure holders. Thmwasa
mar ed tendency among many of them to "sanskritize" their behaviour. It has been
$oin ed out that acquiring symbols of sanskritization need not be taken as meek
tion of.the upper castes. It also meant the appropriation of certain symbol and
1
I
certain codes of conduct which had been the exclusive preserves of the upper castes.
In some communities missionary activities opened up new possibilities of educational
and consequently material advancement. In the changing perspective, the ideology of
hierarchically divided society failed to carry conviction especially among the victims
of social discrimination. There were indications of the emergence of a new
consciousness as a result of which what had earlier been implicitly accepted as 'duty'
came to be construed as 'disprivilege'.
28.7 A NEW CONSCIOUSNESS : SOME

REGIONAL EXAMPLES
The articulation of this new consciousness, however is a complex phenomenon and
therefore can hardly be reduced to simple formulations. Reference has already been
made to the growth of sanskritizing tendencies among some caste groups. There were
others who found in Christianity a means to escape from the grim realities of their
'precarious existence. In Travancore education and ~ h r i s t i a n ihad
t ~ given the Nadars
hope of a release from their sufferings under the dominance of the Nair landlords. In
response to pressures from the Christian Nadars and the missionaries, the government
issued a proclamation in 1829, permitting native Christian women to cover their
breasts in the manner of the Syrian Christians and the Mopla Muslims. This triggered
off the famous"breast cloth controversy' which culminated in the Royal Proclamation
of 1869.
This has been regarded as the first major movement among the depressed classes to
remove the badge of servility. But regions and among the sociky groups where
pmelytisation was not quite successful, the missionary polemic against Hindu social
practices informed the ideas of many of the indigenous reformers. Moreover, the
humanist content in some Indian social reformers' critique ofbhideboundHindu
society raised the level of general social consciousness. What was historically more
important though was the spirited attempt on the part of some lower caste groups to
improve their position by themselves. Although'most of such attempts lie beyond the
time frame of this paper, some early indications may still be noted. Despite regional
variations in the mode of expression and mobilisation, there were some common
features. A relatively prosperous group among some of the submerged castes took the
lead in regulating the social behaviour of their caste brethren. Having done that, they
then began claiming higher ritual status which was generally resisted by the upper
castes. It is at this stage that the ground was prepared for an imminent caste conflict.
Occasionally one finds certain sects promoting caste solidarity and thereby helping the
process of mobilisation. The gradual introduction df electoral politics and the census
operations from the last quarter of the nineteenth century gave a distinctly political
touch to the lower caste movements.
A prosperous section among the Namasudras of Bengal, comprising mainly of
landowners and rich peasants, initiated the move to sanskritize the3r caste behaviour
and asserted the claims of a higher status. This was predictably thwarted by higher
castes. Undaunted by this rebuff, the Namasudra leaders displayed an attitude of
defiance to the social authority of the higher castes, organised their caste brethren
within the Matua 'sect and embarked on a policy of protest. Interestingly, while
challenging the moral authority of the higher castes, the Namasudras were effusive in
their protestations of loyalty to the Raj. In due course the Namasudra protest
developed a distinctly 'separatist' overtone. In Tamilnadu, the mercantile upper
stratum of Ramnad Nadars set up 'common good funds', which was used, inter alia,
for the welfare of the community. They also began to sanskritize their manner of life
and asserted a high kshatriya status. Towards the close of the nineteenth century they
became powerful enough to challenge the ban on temple entry and in 1895 forced
their way into the Sivakasi temple. This was followed by retaliatory attacks on them
which was ultimately taken to the courts. Although the judgement went against the
Nadars, they gained a good deal of sympathy. Moreover, through litigation and
intermittent rioting a sense of communal solidarity was fostered. This solidarity was
to yield good dividend in the present century. In Travancore, the low caste Iravas had
long been subjected to higher caste domination. By the end of the nineteenth century
there emerged a sizeable number of educated youth who were deeply satisfied with the
treatment meted out to them. Influenced by Sri Narayana Guru and the SNDP
thdd Dkhnbatioaa d
Dlspri*ilegcd Groups
.........................................................................
discrihnination, it was probably too late to attempt to restore the older intercaste
equaqions. In many parts of India submerged castes were smarting under multiple
disabflities. But there were others in other areas who had begun to form their own
identities on the basis of.radica1 redefinitions of their own
in the system. In
Btwing castes.
~ P o U a t i o :oIt is an abstract notion which considers certain activities, objects. and

occupations ritually purer, for example Vegetarianism is considered purer than nonVegetarianism. Both these concepts are necessarily relative to each other.
SaarWthtio~~
: Adoption of social and religious practices of the upper castes by the
tower castts in order to move up in caste hierarchy is called Sanskritization.
Sod.l Mobility :Movement'or changing of position of any social group in social
hierarchy is called social mobility.

EXERCISES
1) Your answer should focus on deplorable condition of the agiicultural labourers,
various social disabilities imposed on lower castes, etc. See Sec. 28.3.
2) You have to write in this answer that how the upper caste domination was backed
by the state power, how the Maratha policy ensured the Brahmanical hegemony
in the society, etc. See Sec. 28.4.
3) i) X ii) 4 iii) X iv) 4
Chedr Your Progress 2

1) Your answer should highlight how the Colonial rule on one way helped the
continuation of caste system and on the other provided avenues for upward social
mobility, etc. See Sec. 28.6.
2) You have to write about the process of mobilisatio,~by disprivileged groups along
caste lines and how through socio-ritualistic reforms they tried to move up in the
caste hierarchy. See Sec. 28.7.
SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCKS

Kenneth W. Jones: The New Cambridge Histary of India. ZZZ, Z, Socio-Re1igiou.c Reform
Movements in British India.
S.G. Malik (ed.): Dissent, Protest, and Reforms in Indian Civilization.
David Kopf: British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance, the Dynamics of Zndian
Modernization, 1773-1835.
Robert L. Hardgrave: The Nadars of Tamilnadu :The Political Culture o f a Community
in Change.
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay : Bengal: 1872-1937 Caste, Politics and Raj.
Soclal Discrimination Pad

Dlsprfwlleged Croup
PEASANT AND TRIBAL

UPRISINGS
Structure
29.0
29.1
29.2
29.3
Objectives
Intrpduction
Peasant and Tribal Uprisings: Origins
Some Important Uprisings
29.3.1
29.3.2
29.3.3
29.3.4
29.3.5
29.3.6
29.3.7
29.3.8
The Sanypi Rebellion, 1763-1800

Peasant Uprisings of Rangpur, Bengal, 1783
The Uprising of the Bhils, 1818-31
The Rebellion at Mysore, 1830-32
The Kol Uprising, 1831-32
The Fara~ziDisturbances, 1838-51
The Mappila Uprisings, 1836-54
The Santhal Rebellion, 1855-56
29.4 Nature of Popular Movements Before 1857

29.4.1 Leadership
29.4.2 Participation and Mobilization
29.5 Let Us Sum Up

29.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit you will get to know:
the background to the tribal and peasant movements which took place before 1857,
the issues around which these uprisings took place, and
the nature of popular participation and mobilization in these uprisings.
29.1 INTRODUCTION
Earlier in this course we have studied the process of establishment of colonial rule in
India and the transformation that came with it in the field of economy, law,
administration and other spheres of life. What was the reaction of the common people
to this new Raj and the changes that it brought? Was the revolt of 1857 and isolated
event or was it preceded by protest movements of like nature? An attempt has been
made in this Unit to show how the peasants and tribes reacted to alien rule in the late
18th and 19th centuries,, till 1857. This Unit covers~somehajorpeasant and tribal
uprisings and the origins and character of such uprisings.
29.2 PEASANT AND TRIBAL UPRISINGS: ORIGINS

In pre-colonial India popular protest against the Mughal rulers and their officials was
not uncommon. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries witnessed many peasant
uprisings against the ruling class. Imposition of a high land revenue demand by the
state: corrupt practices and harsh attitude of the tax collecting officials, were some of
the many reasons which provoked the peasants to rise in revolt. However, the
establishment of colonial rule in India and the various policies of the colonial
government had a much more devastating effect on the Indian peasants and tribes. In
Block 4 we have discussed in detail how the Indian economy was transformed by the
British to suit the East India Company's needs and to enlarge the profits of their own
countrymen. Some of the changes in Indian economy brought during this period were:
Promotion of British manufactured goods in Indian markets leading to destruction
of Indian handloom and handicraft industries.
Popular Revolts
and Uprisings
Huge transfer of wealth from India to England (Drain of Wealth).

British land revenue settlements, a heavy burden of new taxes, eviction of peasants
from their lands, encroachment on tribal lands.
growth and strengthening of exploitation in rural society along with the growth of
intermediary revenue collectors and tenants and money-lenders.
Expausion of British revenue administration over tribal territories leading to the
loss of tribal people's hold over agricultural and forest land.
The overall impact of these changes on the peasant and tribal society was very
destructive. The appropriation of peasants surplus by the company and its agents, the
increasing burden of taxes made the peasants completely dependant on the mercy of
the revenue intermediaries and officials, the merchants and the money-lenders.
Moreover, the destruction of indigenous industry led to migration of large scale
workers from industry to agriculture. The pressure on land increased but the land
revenue and agricultural policy of the government allowed little scope for the
improvament of Indian agriculture.
While the British economic policy led to pauperization and impoverishment of the
Indian peasantry, the British administration turned a deaf ear to the peasants
grievances. British law and judiciary did not aid the peasantry; it safeguarded the
interest of the government and its collaborators-the landlords, the merchants and
the money-lenders. Thus being the prey of colonial exploitation and being deprived of
justice from the colonial administration the peasants took up arms to protect
themselves. The grievances of the tribal people were not different from those of the
peasants. But what made them more aggrieved was the encroachment by outsiders
into their independent tribal polity.
29.3 SOME IMPORTANT UPRISINGS

The simmering discontent of the peasants and tribal people broke out into popular
uprisings in different parts of India at different points of time in the first hundred years
of BritiGh rule. Whatever may be the immediate cause of each uprising by and large
these protest movements were monlded by a shared experience of oppression in
various forms, including colonial oppression. We would discuss in brief some of the
important uprisings of this period.
29.3.1 The Sanyasi Rebellion, 1763-1800

The East India Company's official correspondence in the second half of the eighteenth
century referred many times to the incursion of the nomadic Sanyasis and Fakirs,
mainly in northern Bengal. Even before the great famine of Bengal(1770) small
groups(of Hindu and Muslim holymen travelled from place to place and made sudden
attack$ on the store houses of food crops and property of the local richmen and
government officids. Though the Sanyasis and Fakirs were religious mendicants,
originally they were peasants, including some who were evicted from land. However,
the growing hardship of the peasantry, increasing revenue demand and the Bengal
famine of 1770 brought a large member of dispossessed small Zamindars, disbanded
soldiers and rural poor into the bands of Sanyasis and Fakirs. They moved around
different parts of Bengal and Bihar in bands of 5 to 7 thousand and adopted the
guerilla technique of attack. Their target of attack was the grain stocks of the rich and
at later stage, government officials. They looted local government treasuries.
Sometimes the wealth looted was distributed among the poor. They established an
independent government in Bogra and Mymensingh. The contemporary government
records describe these insurrections in their own way, thus:
,"A set of lawless banditti known under the name of Sanyasis and Fakirs, have
long infested these countries and under the pretence of religious pilgrimage,
have been accustomed to traverse the chief parts of Bengal, begging, stealing
and plundering wherever they go and as it best suits their convenience to
practice. In the years subsequent to the famine, their ranks were swollen by a
crowd of starving peasants, who had neither seed nor implements to
recommence cultivation with, and the cold weather of 1772 brought them down
upon the harvest fields of lower Bengal, burning, plundering, revaging in bodies
Peasant and
Tribai Uprisings
I . Sanyasi Rebels: A Sketch
One noticeable feature of these insurrections was the equ'al participation of Hindus
and Muslims in it. Some of the important leaders of these movements were Manju
Shah, Musa Shah, Bhawani Pathak and Debi Chaudhurani. Encounter between the
Sanyasis-Fakirs and the British forces became a regular feature all over Bengal and
Bihar till 1800. The British used its full force to suppress the rebels.
29.3.2 Peasant Uprising of Rangpur, Bengal, 1783

The establishment of British control over Bengal after 1757 and their various land
revenue experiments in Bengal to extract as much as possible from peasants brought
unbearable hardship for the common man. Rangpur and Dinajpur were two of the
districts of Bengal which faced all kinds of illegal demands by the East India Company
and its revenue contractors. Harsh attitude of the revenue contractors and their
exactions became a regular feature of peasant life. One such revenue contractor was
Debi Singh of Rangpur and Dinajpur. He and his agents created a reign of terror in
the two districts of northern Bengal. Taxes on the Zamindars were increased which
actually were passed on from Zamindars to cultivators or ryots. Ryots were not in a
position to meet the growing demands of Debi Singh and his agents. Debi Singh and
his men used to beat and flog the peasants, burn their houses and destroy their crops
and not even women were spared.
Peasants appealed t o the company officials to redress their grievances. Their appeal
however remained unheeded. Being deprived of justice the peasants took the law in
their own hands. By beat of drum the rebel peasants gathered large number of
peasants, armed with swords, shields, bows and arrows. They elected Dirjinarain as
their leader and attacked the local cutcheries and store houses of crops of local agents
of the contractors and government officials. In many cases they snatched away the
prisoners from the government guards. The rebels formed a government of their own,
stopped payments of revenue to the existing government and levied 'insurrection
charges' to meet the expenses of the rebellion. Both Hindus and Muslims fought side
by side in the insurrection. Ultimately the government's armed forces took control of
the situation and suppressed the revolt.
29.3.3 The Uprising of the Bhils, 1818-31

The Bhils were mostly concentrated in the hill ranges of Khandesh. The British
occupation of Khandesh in 1818 enraged the Bhils because they were suspicious of
outsiders' incursion into their territory. Moreover, it was believed that Trimbakji,
rebel minister of Bari Rao 11, instigated the Bhils against the British occupation of
Khandesh. There was a general insurrection in 1819 and the Bhils in several small
Popular Revolts
and Uprishgs
groups ravaged the plains. There were similar types of insurrection quite often by the
Bhil chiefs against the British. The British government used its military force to
suppress the rebels and at the same time tried to win them over through various
conciliatory measures. But the British measures failed to bring the Bhils to their side.
A
29.3.4 The Rebellion at Mysore, 1830-31

After the final defeat of Tipu Sultan the British restored Mysore to the Wodeyar ruler
and impo$ed on him the subsidiary alliance. The financial pressure from the company
on the Mysore ruler compelled him to increase revenue demands from the Zamindars.
The increasing burden of revenue ultimately fell on the cultivators. The corruption
and extortion of local officials added 'to.the existing miseries of the peasants.
The growing diicontent of the peasants broke out into an open revolt in the province
of Nagar, one of the four divisions of Mysore. Peasants from other provinces joined
the rebellious peasants of Nagar and the rebel peasants found their leader in Sardar
Malla, the son of a common ryot of Kremsi. The peasants defied the authority of the
Mysore rvler. The British force regained control of Nagar from the rebel peasants
after strong opposition and ultimately the administration of the country passed into
the hand$ of the British.
29.3.5
The Kol Uprising, 1831-32
The Kols of Singhbhum h r long centuries enjoyed independent power under their
chiefs. They successfully resisted all attempts made by the Raja of Chota Nagpur and
Mayurbhanj to subdue them. British penetration into this area and the attempt to
establish British law and order over the jurisdiction of the Kol Chiefs generated
tensions among the tribal people.
As a result or British occupation of Singhbhum and the neighbouring territories, a
large number of people from outside began to settle in this area which resulted in
transfer of tribal lands to the outsiders. This transfer of tribal lands and coming of
merchants, money-lenders and the British law in the tribal area posed a great threat to
the hereditary independent powe; of the tribal chiefs. This created great resentment
among the tribal people and led to popular uprisings against the outsiders in the tribal
area. Tht rebellion spread over Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Palamau and Manbhum. The
target of attack was the settlers from other regions whose houses were burnt, and
propert9 looted. The insurrection was ruthlessly suppressed by the British militia.
29.3.6
The Faraizi Disturbances, 1838-51.
The Faraizi sect was founded by Haji Shariatullah of Faridpur. Originally Faraizi
movemdnt was fuelled by the grievances of rack-rented and evicted peasants against
landlords and British rulers. The Faraizis under Dudu Miyan, the son of the founder
of the sect, becaine united as a religious sect with an egalitarian ideology. His simple
way of teaching and belief that all men are equal and land belongs to god and no one
has right to levy tax on it appealed to the common peasants. The Faraizis set up
parallel radministration in some parts of Eastern Bengal and established village courts
to settlethe peasants disputes. They protected cultivators from Zamindar's excesses
and asked the peasants not to pay taxes to the Zamindars. They raided the Zamindars'
houses and cutcheries and burnt indigo factory at Panch-char. The government and
ZamindBrs1forces crushed the movement and Dudu ~ i ~ a n ' w imprisoned.
as
29.3.7
The Mappila Uprisings, 1836-54
~ r n k the
n ~various peasant uprisings that posed serious challenge to the colonial
rule the Mappila uprisings of Malabar occupy an important place. Mappilas are the
descendants of the Arab settlers and converted Hindus. Majority of them were
cultivating tenants, landless labourers, petty traders and fishermen. TheBritish
occupation of Malabar in ihe last decade of the eighteenth century and the consequent
changes that the British introduced in the land revenue administration of the area
brought unbearable hardship in the life of the Mappilas. Most important change was
theltrarlsfer of 'Janmi' from that of traditional, partnership with the Mappila to that of
an independent owner of land and the right of eviction of Mappila tenants which did
not exiit earlier. Over-assessment, illegal taxes,\eviction from land, hostile attitude of
government officialswere some of the many reasons that made the Mappilas rebel
against the British and the landlords.
Peasant and
Tribal Uprisings
The religious leaders played an important role in strengthening the solidarity of the
Mappilas through socio-religions reforms and-alsohelpeain the evolution of
anti-British consciousness among the Mappilas. The growing discontent of the
Mappilas broke out in open insurrections against the state and landlords. Between
1836 and 1854 there were about twenty-twduprisings in Malabar. In these uprisings
the rebels came mostly from the poorer section of the Mappila population. The t -get!
of the rebels were generally the British officials. Janmis and their dependents. The
British armed forces swung into action to suppress the rebels but failed to subdue
them for many years.
29.3.8 The Santhal Rebellion, 1855-56

The Santhals were inhabitants of the districts of Birbhum, Bankura, Murshidabad,
~ a k u rDumka,
,
Bhagalpur and Purnea. The area of maximum concentration of
.
Santhals was called Daman-i-koh or Santhal Pargana. When the Santhals cleared the
forest and started cultivation in this area the neighbouring Rajas of Maheshpur and
Pakur leased out the Santhal villages to Zarnindars and money-lenders. Gradual
penetration by outsiders (called dikus byYtheSanthals) in the territory of the Santhals
brought misery and oppression for the simple.living Santhals. In Calcutta Review of
1856 a contemporary writer depicted the condition of the Santhals in the following
words :
"Zamindars, the police, the revenue and court alas have exercised a combined
system of extortions, oppressive exactions, forcible dispossession of property,
abuse.and personal violence and a variety of petty tyrannies upon the timid, and
yielding Santhals. Usurious interest on loans of money ranging from 50 to 500
per cent; false measures at the haut (weekly market) and the market; wilful and
uncharitable trespass by the rich by means of their untethered cattle, tattoos
(small ponies), ponies and m e n elephants, on the growing crops of the poorer
race; and such like illegalities have been,prevalent."
--
2. Tilka Mahi: A Santhal Renbel
'
Popular Revolts
and Uprisings
The oppression by money-lenders, merchants, Zamindars and government officials

forced the Santhals to take up arms in order to protect themselves. Initial protests of
the Santhals were in the form of robbery and looting of Zamindars and money-lenders
houses. But violent suppression of these activities and harassment of Santhals at the
hands of police and local officials made them more violent. The rebel Santhals found
their leaders in two brothkrs, Sidhu and Kanu, who were believed to have received
blessingp from the gods to put an end to the ongoing oppression of the Santhals and to
restore "the good old days". Several thousand Santhals armed with their traditional
weapons of bows, arrows, axes assembled and took the decision to give an ultimatum
to the Zamindars and the government officials to stop oppression immediately. They
decided to get back control of their lands and to set up their own government. The
authorities however paid no serious attention to this ultimatum: Ultimately the
grievances of the Santhats flared up in open armed insurrection against the local
governaent officials, Zamindars and money-lenders. The insurrection spread rapidly
in the whole~anthalPargana. Large numbers of low caste non-Santhals also came out
in suppwt of the Santhals.. The government and Zamindars started counter-attacking
the insurgents. The heroic struggle of the Santhals ultimately failed because of British
superiority of arms.
1) Can you point out some general reasons for the peasant and tribal uprising in this
period? Answer in 100 words.
..........................................................................................................
2) What was Dudu Miyan's message to the Bengal peasantry? Answer in 5 lines.
.........................................................................................................
.........................................................................................................
29.4 NATURE OF POPULAR MOVEMENTS

BEFORE 1857
Peasant and tribal movements have been interpreted differently by different schools
of historians. The historians wit$ sympqthies towards the British and the established
order often regarded these uprisings as a problem of law and order. The range of
problems faced by these tribals and peasants from the pre-colonial to the cnloflial
times (see above) were often overlooked as possible causes for these uprisings. The
rebels were often portrayed as primitive savages resisting "civilization". The
Nationalists tended to appropriate the peasant the tribal hgtory to the purposes of the
anti-colonial struggleignoring certain other facets of the oppressed people's struggle.
Those more sympathetic to the cause of the tribals and peasants howeve~tended to
negate very often the logic of peasant and tribal protest in terms( of the people's own
experience. It is also necessary to understand the domain of peasant and tribal action
in its own terms. This effort has scarcely begun yet.
29.4.1 Leadership
In the movemen'ts we have studied above the question of leadership, i.e., who led
these movements becomes important. Movements in this phase of our history tended
to throw up leaders who rose and fell with the movement. The context in which these
movements arose gave very little scope for a leadership to make an entry from outside
the immediate context of the rebellion. This is quite in contrast to the times of the
national movement where leaders from various sections of upper strata consciously, on
certain ideological premises, made an intervention into the peasant and tribal
movements.
The leadership of these movements often devolved upon men or women who were
within the culturakworld of the peasants they led. They were able to articulate the
protest of the oppressed. The Faraizi rebellion illustrated how holymen as leaders
were on the one hand trying to return to a past purity of their religion and on the
other, also addressed the peasants problems. Thus the notion that all land was god's
land the everyone had an equal share in it, mobilised the oppressed peasants and also
invoked the sanctity of 'true' religion.
29.4.2 Participation and Mobilization

Some features of the peasant and tribal protest movements demonstrate a certain
level of political and social consciousness. For example, it has been pointed out that
the rebels against Debi Sinha ih 1783 attacked Kacharis in a definite recognition of
where the political source of the peasant's oppression lay. Similarly the Kols in 1832
did not attack the tribal population in a clear recognition of who their allies were. In
zourse of the development of a movement it sometimes broadened its ambit to include
issues beyond the immediate grievances which started off a protest movement. For
example the Moplah rebellions in the nineteenth century Malabar started as struggles
against the landlord but ended up as protest against British rule itself. Protest of the
oppressed also often involved redefinition of the relationship of the oppressed to the
language, culture and religion ?If the dominant classes. This may take the form of
denial of the convention of respect and submission in speech or the destruction of
places of worship or of symbols of domination or oppression. Thus protests took
myriad forms in many spheres, from everyday life to organised insurgency.
In so far as protest movements, took on the character of public and collective acts, the
peasants and tribal participants methods have some specific features. Being public
and open these rebellions were political actions, different from crime. Inspite of the
attempt of ~ r i t i s hofficials to portray them as criminals, the rebels mode of action tell
another story. For example the Santhals gave ample warning in advance to the
villages they attacked. The legitimacy for such public declarations often came from a
higher authority. The Santhal leaders Sidho and Kanho for example'claimed in fact
that it was the 'thakoor' (local god) who himself would fight the white soldiers. It was
this public legitimacy which allowed the Rangpur rebellion's leaders to impose a
dhing-kharcha (levy for tnsurrection) on the peasantry. The public legitimacy
ultimately allowed puhl~cconference, planning, assembly and attack. As S ~ d Santhal
o
put it "all the pergunnaits and manjees consulted and advised me to fight". Similarly
the legitimacy to fight expressed itself in the grand ceremonies of a rebel march. For
example the leaders of the Santhal rebellion were carried in a palanquin and their
followers worc festlve red clothes. Then the public character was reinforced by
drawing on the corpcrate labour activity. For example the Santhal tribals for whom
shikar or hunti~l; was the main community activity for obtaining food, often
charactr.nscu a rebellion as a shikar. But now the shikar gathering was used for wilder
political purposes and this was reflected in activities like burning, wrecking and
destruction of identified targets tn make a political point.
What was the underlying bond uniting the rebels against the perceived enemy? These
often existed in varying degress of tensions between class, caste or ethnic and religious
groups. In Mapilla rebellion for example religion forged a bond between the poorer
and more affluent sections of the peasantry to create grounds for a fight against
landlord oppression. Similarly ethnicity created bonds of solidarity. For example in
1852 the Dhangar Kols of Sonepur who were the first to rise in that region were
promptly given support by the Larka Kols of Singhbhum where no disturbances had
Populer Revolts
and Uprisings
mobilization, forcing the vaccillators to join the rebel ranks and a harsh attitude
towards the traitors.
Protest movements of the oppressed peasants and tribals did not emerge in a
full-blows form. In the early stages they are form of social action which the state many
look upan as plain crime. Most often in the British official records this transition from
crime to rebellion is ignored and thetwo are seen as the same. Also obscured is the
fact that crimes ranging from starvation, thefts to murder spring from the violent
conditions of living in the countryside. Often an insurgency was preceded by the rise
in the rate of rural crimes. For example in 1854, a year before the Santhg rebellion, a
number of dacoities were committed against the local money-lenders. The Santhal
leaders later justified them on moral grounds to the British court saying that their
complaiirESgainst the money-lenders were never heeded by the officials.
The regional spread of rebellions of tribal and peasant communities was influenced, if
not determined, by that community's perception of the region they belonged to, the
geographical boundaries within which that community lived and worked as also the ties
of ethnicity. For the Santhals it was a battle for their 'fatherland' which had been
grabbed by the outsiders. Their fight then was for this land which belonged to them ip
the good old past and was now snatched away from them. Sometime ethnic bonds
extended the territorial limits of a tribal group as we saw in the case of Larka and
Dhangar Kols who came together in'rebellion.
Likewise the peasants and tribal people's conception of their past went into the
making of the consciousness of the rebellious and the insurgent. We have already
seen that their notions of their own pas: inspired rebels to struggle to recover
conditilons that prevai)ed before they fell upon bad times, before their oppressors
acquired domination bver them. The Faraizi and Santhal rebellions provide
particularly apt examples. This did not necessarily mean that the protest movements
were bhckward looking; it represents an effort to construct and ideal to strive for.
Check YOUP Progress 2
1) Write five lines on the nature of the leadership in the movement, described <ibo\.e
2) Do the peasant and tribal movements of our period demonstrate certain Ic\ cl ot
cohsciousness'? How?
29.5 LET US SUM UP

It has been argued that the peasant and tribal movements we have briefly surveyed
above were highly localized and isolated. While many of these movements drew
strength from ethnic or religious ties, that fact itself became a constraint. Their
isolation, due to failure to develop a higherorder of integrating consciousness,
limited the impact of these movements at the national level. The isolated nature of
these episodes of rebellion, besides the technical superiority of the British armed
forces and the law and order machinery supporting the established social order,
ensured British success. Nevertheless, as the first expression of the protest of the
oppressed in the colonial period, these movements are highly significant, At the end
of the period you have studied the revolt of 1857 marked a watershed. It was a
movement which was fuelled by peasant discontent under British rule as well as the
reaction of some other sections of society against British rule; it cut across ethnic and
religious and caste boundaries; and it posed a real challenge to British Raj in many
parts of India simultaneously. We shall study this revolt of 1857 in the next two Units.

EXERCISES
1) See-.
29.2
2 J See sub-sec. 29.3.6
Check Your Progress2
PePsaot and
Tribal Uprisings
UNIT 30 REVOLT OF 1 8 5 7 C A U S E S AND

NATURE
Structure
30.0
30.1
30.2
Objectives
Introduction
Background of the Revolt
30.2.1 The Army
'30.2.2 The Colonial Context
30.2.3 Land Revenue Settlements
30.3
30.4
30.5
Annexations
Religion and Culture
The Nature of the Revolt : Debate
30.5.1 Sepoy Mutiny?
30.5.2 National Struggle or Feudal Reaction?
30.6
30.7
30.8
30.9
30.10
30.11
'Web of Motives'
Against Generalisation
Elitist Movement or Popular Resistance?
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
30.0 OBJECTIVES
The purpose of this unit is to briefly discuss the background of the revolt of 1857 in its
core areas and the conflicting interpretations of the nature of the revolt. This Unit
should n a b l e you to:
know the grievances of the sepoys,
see the revolt in the context of the colonial economy,
examine the impact of the land revenue settlements in the core areas of the revolt,
undetstand the resentment against annexations,
assess the role of religious sentiments in the revolt, and
undertstand the nature of the revolt and the shifting issues of debate.
30.1 INTRODUCTION
The discussion of tribal and peasant uprisings in Unit 29 has given you evidence of the
resistance offered at each stage of the colonization of Indian society and economy
from the mid-18th to the mid-19th century. In 1857 in much of northern and central
India, thle linkage of the revolt of the army with that of the people proved to be a
dangerous combination for colonial rule. The causes of the revolt have therefore to be
studied:
- to locate the roots of the revolt in the army and rural society,
- to understand the links between the two, and as well as the manner in which
resistlance found expression.
The background Sections (30.2 to 30.4) will help us for the second part of the Unit
(30.5 to 30.(3),which touches upon questions regarding the nature of the revolt that
have prepccupied historians from the centenary year of the revolt, down to the 1980s.
30.2 BACKGROUND OF THE REVOLT

The following Unit (30) will reveal the rapidity with which the revolt had spread
between May and June 1857. It was the action of the sepoys of the BritishHrmy that
precipitated the revolt of the people. Here we focus first on the grievances of the
sepoys of the Bengal Army, the impact of colonial rule and then the details of the land
revenue settlements, to establish the extent to which they explain the revolt of 1857.
30.2.1 The Army

O n 29th March 1857 in Barrackpore near Calcutta, there took place a disturbance
when a sepoy, Mangal Pandey killed one of the European officers. This disturbance
was easily suppressed but in the next few weeks disturbances in the army gathered
momentum. The mutiny of the Meerut sepoys who killed their European officers on
10 May 1857 and crossed over to Delhi on the 11th to appeal to Bahadur Shah 11, the
pensioner Mughal emperor, to become their leader, led to the revolt of 1857. Almost
half of the 2,32,224 sepoys of the East India Company rebelled. The bulk of the
sepoys were upper caste Hindus from the North Western Provinces and Awadh.
Nearly one-third came from Awadh, thus forming a homogeneous group within the
army. Over the years the upper caste sepoys had found their religious beliefs in
conflict with their service conditions:
In 1806 the replacement of the turban by a leather cockade caused a mutiny at
Vellore.
in 1824 the sepoys at Barrackpore refused to go'to Burma because crossing the sea
would mean loss of caste,
in 1844 there was a mutinous outbreak of the Bengal army sepoys for being sent to
far away Sind. Crossing the Indus was perceived as causing loss of caste.
3. Mangal Pandey
4. Bahadur Shah I1
Closer to the revolt of 1857 there had been reports of bone dust in the atta (flour)
ration. The cartidges of the Enfield rifles (introduced around January 1857) phich
had to be bitten off before loading were reportedly greased with pork and beef fat.
This seemed to confirm fears about their religion being in danger.
In addition there was professional discontent:
an infantry sepoy got only seven rupees per month,
and a covalry sawar 27 rupees, out of which he had to Day for his uniform, food and
the upkeep of the mount
there was racial discrimination in matters of promotion, pension and terms of
service,
annexations had deprived the sepoys of batta (extra pay) for foreign service
there were fears of being edged out by new recruits from Punjab.
Poprrhr Revolts
a d u-lP
30.2.2 The Colonial Context

T o analyse the revolt bf 1857 it is important that we shift our focus t o the natbre of
colonial rule as it had an adverse effect on the interests of almost all levels of society.
Indians were excluded from well paid, higher administrative posts. Racial
discrimination in this regard was mentioned in several rebel proclamations.
Artisans and handicqaftsmen were hit both by the promotion of British
manufa~turedgoods and the loss of patronage due to the annexations of Indian
states.
The land revenue settlements meant loss of estates to the landholders and heavy
revenue assessments for different strata of rural society.
Every pear theXproprietaryrights oflandlords and peasants came under sale laws
for arrears of revenue or even simple contract debts.
In several places these
rights were bought up by banias who were
mostly outsiders.
There wa$ thus antipathy towards the revenue as well as the judicial systems
introduced by the colonial government as will become evident from our consideration
of the pattern of the revolt of 1857.
\

1) Mark which of the following statements is right ( d )or wrong ( x )
a) Enfield was the name of a place
b) Sepoy recruits came mostly from Punjab.
c) There were sepoy mutinies even before 1857
d) Annexations affected only princes.
e) Bania purchasers of rural property were not resented.
2) Sum up sepoy grievances in 5 lines.
3) Mention any 3 aspects of colonial rule.
30.2.3 Land Revenue Settlements

Much of the controversies regarding the nature of the revolt of 1857 rcholve on the
outcome of the land revenue settlements of the North Western Provinces and Awadh
and the conditions of the talukdars and peasants in both areas. Let us now examine
them.
North Western Provinces
A key figlure of the settlement in this region was Holt Mackenzie, Secretary in the
Territorial Department. His proposals embodied in regulation VII of 1822 had a bias
against talukdars and favoured direct settlements with village zamindars and pattidars
in order to preserve village communities. In the 1840s his proposals were worked
upon by R.M. Bird, Head of the Revenue Board and James Thomason, Lt. Governor
of the North Western Provinces. The bias against talukdars continued in what came to
be called the Thomasonian Settlement. With the precise definition of property rights
f r o 6 around 1840 there was increasing investment in them by outsiders thus leading
to the transfer and partition of joint holdings.
The outaome of the revenue settlements in the North Western Provinces can be
summedup thus:
due to the anti-talukdar bias almost all talukdars found themselves stripped of the
bulk of their estates within less than a decade. This left many lineage taluqs
dismantled.
Even the village zamindars (individualljoint), the intended beneficiaries, pressed
with heavy assessments, if not reduced to tenants, were on the brink of bankruptcy
and at the mercy of creditors. Even as late as 1852-3, 104,730 acres were'sold for
arrears in one year in the North Western Provinces.
Awadh
In Awadh which was annexed in February 1856 the summary settlement of 1856-7 was
made on the Thomasonian pattern mentioned above and produced the following
results:
While the overall assessment was reduced (in places by 37O/0), there was
overassessment in pockets, varying from 28 to 63%.
Some talukdari'estates were reduced by about 44-55%.
Before British annexation there was a system of grainsharing of the peasant with
the talukdar, after the former's subsistence needs were satisfied; the British
introduced a system of fixed revenue demand in money terms which sometimes
meant overassessment, and particularly so in years when harvests were bad or price
were low; thus peasants suffered.
It may be mentioned that there were about 14,000 petitions from the Awadh sepoys
about the hardships relating t o the revenue system.
30.3 ANNEXATIONS
By 1818, with the defeat of the Marathas and the conclusion of subsidiary alliances
the East Indian Company made claims to the status of paramount power. During
Dalhousie's tenure several states were annexed through the enforcement of his
doctrine of lapse: Satara (1848), Nagpur, Sambalpur and Baghat (1850); Udaipur
(1852) and Jhansi (1853). The failure of the Rani of Jhansi to get him to reverse the
decision despite her offer to keep Jhansi 'safe' for the British, ranged her against the
Company in 1857.
In February 1856 when Wajid Ali Shah refused to hand over the administration to the
East India Company, Awadh was annexed on grounds of misgovernment. However,
British presence since 1765, had already begun the drain and dislocation of the
Awadh economy. Company and European traders siphoned away its economic
resources, thus eroding Awadh's administrative viability.
The British had seen Awadh not just as a source of additional revenue but a field for
the investment of private capital for the cultivation of indigo and cotton and as a
potential market. There was widespread outrage against the annexation of Awadh
because:
the king had been deported to Calcutta,
there was wholesale disarming of the talukdars and demolition of their forts,
the disruption of the court meant unemployment for retainers and the army and an
end to patronage of artisans producing luxury items,
the land revenue settlements intensified this discontent.
Significantly, rebel propaganda was directed against British annexations in north and
central India.
30.4 RELIGION AND CULTURE

Before the revolt of 1857 there had been a growing suspicion among orthodox Hindus
and Muslims that the British were trying to destory their religion and culture through
social legislation. Examples of this were seen in the abolition of sati, the legalisation
of widow remarriage, the 1850 law enabling a convert to Christianity to inherit
ancestral property, etc.
Revolt of 1857
Caum and Nature
popahu Revolts
aduprisbom
This anxiety was expressed explicitly in several rebel proclamations. A proclamation

issued in Delhi indicated that the English designed to destroy the religion of the
sepoys and then force conversion to Christianity on the people. Thus the preservation
of religion became a rallying cry in the revolt which was seen as a war of religion by
the sepoyslas well as those in the countryside.
This does dot mean that religion was all there was to the 1857 revolt but it
undoubtedly shaped the expression of grievances. The defence of religion and the
fight against the British were seen as being closely linked to each other and a struggle
in which bpth Hindus and Muslims had an equal stake. Bahadur Shah's proclamation
emphasizqd the standard of Mohammed and the standard of Mahavir.
1) Sum up the essence of the Thomasonian settlements in five lines.
2) Comment briefly on the changes in agrarian society in the North Western Pro\.liIIces
and Awadh on the eve of the revolt.
............................................................................................................
............................................................................................................
........ ...................................................................................................
1
3) Why did religion become a rallying cry of the revolt?
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
..........................................................................................................
...........................................................................................................
30-5 THE NATURE OF THE REVOLT :DEBATE
Between the 1950s and 1960s historians focused much of their attention on whether
the revolt was a sepoy mutiny, national struggle or a manifestation of feudal reaction.
Let us slum up the essential argaments of this earlier debate.
30,.5.1 Sepoy Mutiny

AnxioUs.tominimize Indian grievances, for many years, British historians had
maintained that the revolt had been nothing more than a sepoy mutiny. Hence the
name. Such accounts generally narrated:
details of the greased cartridges,
the activities of rebel sepoys,
andithe British campaigns of 1857-8 that suppressed the revolt.
Not only was the rebellion of the people made light of, but the civil rebellion was
attributed to merely the selfish interests of landholders and princes. In essence, this
interpretation ignored the colonial context in which the revolt had occurred and of
which it was a reflection.
l+ltorlasr
30.5.2 National Struggle or Feudal Reaction?
Caused and Natarc
With the emergence of nationaEsT agitations against the colonial government the
revolt of 1857 came to be looked upon as part of that struggle and the focus shifted
form the greased cartridges to the oppressions of the British. V.D. Savarkhr's The
Indian War of Independence of 1857 published anonymously in 1902 remained banned
in India almost till the end of ~ r i t i s hrule.
However, several works coinciding with the centenary year of the revolt argued
variously:
that the absence of a general plan of rebellation went against such an
interpretation,
that the leaders were not imbued with national sentiment and 'would have put the
clock back',
that 1857 was not the inauguration of a freedom movement but 'the dying groans of
an obsolete aristocracy'.
On the other hand there were objections to the restrictive use of the term 'national'
and the implicit minimization of the anti-imperialist content of the revolt and of the
evidence of the Hindu-Muslim unity during 1857-8.
More recently it has been noted that though the rebel mission may not have been
'national,' their political horizon was not restricted to their ilaqas. Also that the aim
of the rebels was not so much an attempt to establish a new social order as to restore a
world that was familiar i.e. the traditional world of hierarchy, lineage, patronage and'
deference.
30.6
'WEB OF MOTIVES'
By the 1970s historians had moved away from the debate about whether to name it a
'sepoy mutiny' or 'national revolt' etc. to examining the social roots of the revolt of
the North
1857 through detailed areawise studies, most of which concentrated
Western Provinces and Awadh. Some studies have discounted the relation between
the land revenue settlements and the revolt by arguing that
03
talukdar participation in the revolt cannot be attributed to the Thomasonian

settlement alone, because, for example, some enterprising talukdars who had
made good their loss of land from commercial crops (cotton and indigo) showed no
te'ndency to rebel.
also the resentment against the bania (who profited from enforced sales) was rarely
the sole or even primary cause of rural rebellion. In fact the principal elements of
revolt in Saharanpur and Meerut came from castes and areas where the mahajan
hold was lightest and the land revenue heaviest.
Participation of the talukdars in 1857 has been explained thus: the unexpected anarchy
created by the revolt provided a convenient area in which pre-existent caste (Rajputs
vs Jats and vice versdAhirs vs Chauhans and vice versa) and family antagonisms were
fought afresh. In other words the institutional innovations of the Thamasonian era
were but 'a single strand in the web of motive' that led some talukdars to remain loyal
andothers to rebel.
30.7
AGAINST GENERALIZATION
It has also been suggested that the roots of the revolt lay (a) in the pockets of relative
poverty caused by ecological factors such as poor and thirsty soil d ( b ) severe'
revenue assessments which assumed tbat all occupied land was capable of arable
cultivation. Those hardest hit by tlps combination, for example, the Gujars and
Rajputs in the North Western provinces, were more predispos5d to rebel. Also that
resistance came from groups such as Gujars of Saharanpur and Rajputs of Etawah
and Allah~badwho had preserved their social cohesion. Less homogeneous village
bodies remained passive.
However, the focus of variegated political response in different geographical
sub-zones led to the argument that the revolt of 1857 was 'not one movement but
many', that!it is impossible to generalise.
Popular Revolts
and Uprkhgs
30.8 ELITIST MOVEMENT OR POPULAR

RIESISTANCE?
In this section we will deal with the question of elitist or conversely, popular character
of the revolt. Some historians are of opinion that during the revolt, the talukdars were
the decision makers and that much of the shape of the revolt was determined by the
presence or the absence of a thriving magnate element committed to British rule. For
example, in Aligarh the heavily assessed Jats and Rajputs were held back by resident
magnates. No such,brakes could be applied by the absentee magnates in the Doab
below Kanpur. Likewise the talukdars who rebelled carried their peasants with them.
Probably this overstates the role of talukdars and underestimates mass participation.
It has be'en pointed out that initiative could and did come from many quarters other
than landed magnates. There were instances of non-magnate leaders such as'ghairati
Khan, Shaq Ma1 and Maulvi AhmadullahShah being accepted as leaders. Admittedly
more work is required on the role of rural society below that of the village elite.
However, it is.clear that peasants and clansmen could, and often did, act outside
magnate initiative and in several areas they insisted on continuing with the revolt even
after their ualukdars made peace with the British.
In the case of Awadh there was united action between talukdars and peasants (based
on commoaality of interest preceding the annexation of Awadh) which explains the
revolts popular character. There was near universal participation by big and small
talukdars (34% fought the British in south Awadh). 60% of the fighting force was the
general rurJ population. Probably 314 of the adult male population of Awadh
participated in the revolt. The depth of the popular resistance is evident from the
number of Spears, swords and firearms seized from even ordinary homes.

1) Sum up in 10 lines the debate regarding the nature of the revolt of 1857.
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2) Comment on the motives attributed to talukdar participation.
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3) What was the nature of the 1857 revolt? Answer on a separate sheet.
Revolt of 1857
Cmlses and Nature
30.9 LET US SUM UP

-After going through this unit you should be able to delineate the details of sepoy ar~d
civil grievances in the context of colonial policies:
to notice the link between revolt of the sepoys and the rebellion of the people.
the controversies rcgarding the nature of the revolt are meant to initiate you to the
writing of the history of the revolt as well as introduce you to the dimensions of
popular participation.
30.10 KEY WORDS

Bania
Ilaqa
Lineage
Pattidar
Talukdar
Money-lender
,
Area of land
Ancestral
Joint ownership of village
Holder of a taluk (estate in which the holder is responsible for
revenue collection from a number of dependent villages).
30.1 1 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
-

1) (a) x (b)
(dl x (el x
2) See Sub Sec. 30.2.1
3) See Sub Sec. 30.2.2
Check.Your Progress 2
3) See Sec. 30.4
1) See Sec. 30.5
2) See Sec. 30.6
3) See Sec. 30.5 to 30.8
UNIT 31 REVOLT OF 1857-COURSE AND

AFTERMATH
I
Structure
Objectives
Introduction
Course
The Revolt of the Army
The Revolt of the People
Rebel Institutions
Suppression
Aftermath
I
31.7.1
31.7.2
31.7.3
31.8
31.9
31.10
31.1 1
Landlords
Princes
The Army
British Policy
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
-
--
31.0 OBJECTIVES
Having analysed the causes and the nature of the revolt of 1857 in the previous Unit
we now chart out the course of the revolt and its aftermath. After going through this
Unit you should learn about:
the progress of the revolt between May and June'57 and the months thereafter,
the intensity of the revolt even after the fall of Delhi in September 1857,
the institutions that the rebels evolved,
the efforts that went into its suppression,
the post-'57 restructuring of agrarian relations, and
colonial policy towards'princes and Muslims.
31.1 INTRODUCTION
Between May and June 1857 it was only some beleaguered cities like Agra, Lucknow,
Allahabad and Benares that kept alive evidence of British presence in north India. By
then the revolt had spread to Awadh, Rohilkhand, Bundelkhand, Bihar and many
parts of central India.
This Unit introduces you to the pattern of the progress of the revolt, its manifestations
not only in terms of the destruction of symbols of colonial authority but rebel
institutions that followed the outbreak.
Though British victory became clear in early 1858 it was only in the end of theyear
that the revolt was fully crushed with a combination of military strategy and,
reinforcements from England. This Unit provides an useful base for an understanding
of British policy in the decades that followed regarding social classes, Indian states
and Muslims.
31.2 COURSE
In 1857 there were some 45,000 European and some 232,000 regular troops in India.
The bulk of European units were concentrated as an army of occupation in the
recently conquered Punjab. Thus between Calcutta and Delhi there were only 5
European regiments.
5. Rebels Gathering at Delhi
On May 11 the Meerut Mutineers crossed over to Delhi and appealed to Bahadur Shah
11, the pensioner Mughal emperor to lead them and proclaimed him
Shahenshah-Hindustan.
By the first week of June mutinies had broken out in Aligarh, Mainpuri, Bulandshahr,
Etawah, Mathura, Lucknow, Bareilly, Kanpur, Jhansi, Nimach, Moradabad,
Saharanpur etc.
By mid-June and September 1857 there had been mutinies in Gwalior, Mhow and
Sialkot and in Bihar, in Danapur, Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Bhagalpur, and Nagode
and Jabalpur in central India.
By September-October it was clear that the revolt would not spill across the Narmada.
North of the Narmada the main axis of the revolt was represented by the river Ganga
and the GrandTrunk Road between Delhi and Patna.
31.3 THE REVOLT OF THE ARMY

It is important to note that a mere chronology of the mutinies conceals their pattern of
diffusion.
The mutinies travelled down the Ga~ga.fromMeerut and Delhi with a time gap
between the various stations required for news to travel from one place to another.
There were rumours that 30th May 1857 was the day fixed for a total destruction of
white men all over north India.
Just as news of the fall of Delhi had precipitated the revolt of t h e a m y and civil
population, the fall of Lucknow in end of May set off uprisings in the district stations of
'Awadh.
There is evidence of a certain element of coordination and communication (response

to preappointed signals etc.) among the mutinous regiments and in their actions
though the coordinators themselves remained anonymous.
The transmission of rumours (about rebel and British activity) and panic (about
religion), which acted as springboards of action was facilitated by the fact that many
soldiers were recruited from the same region. Awadh.
The pattern of the mutinies was the destruction of houses used or lived in by the
British and the government treasures and jails.
In Awadh the sepoys claimed that Te!inga Rai (sepoy Raj - see Key Words) had
arrived.
31.4 THE REVOLT OF THE PEOPLE

Chapatis were passed from village to village during the winter of 1856-7; it had
different meanings for different people. Though by no means a cause of the
disturbance, it was perceived as a message of an imminent holocaust.
Popwnr geVopp
d u e @
Rumours of greased cartridges, flour polluted with bone dust, and forcible conversion
to Christianity transformed popular grievances against the British into a revolt.
In several places people collected, conferred and planned their attack on gove~nment
and bahia property. People of neighbouring villages, after connected by kinship and
caste ties, got together to make such attacks. Sadar stations were often attacked by
peopla from anything between 30 to 60 villages.
The pattern of attack was the same everywhere. Scores were settled with tax
collecqors, court officials, policemen and banias. Treasuries were looted, prisoners set
free and bungalows set on fire.
Clearly the rebels gave priority to political considerations and did not hesitate to
destroy economic resources. For example, the coal mines in Kotah were damaged,
canal Pock were destroyed to prevent a British battalion reaching ~ulandshahrby
boat. Similarly numerous attacks were also made on railways and factories by the
United Provinces' rural poor who were dependent on them for their livelihood.
In the course of the suppression of the revolt what struck the British was the
remarkable solidarity among rebels. Most often pecuniary rewards could not induce
betrayal, nor could they play off Hindu against Muslims.

1) Comment briefly on the geographical extent of the revolt of 1857. Answer in 5
links.
..........................................................................................................
2) Mark the main rebel centres on a map of India.
31.5 REWL INSTITUTIONS

Thatthe revolt of 1857 went beyond overthrowing the British is borne out by the
orga~isationaleffqrts of the rebels:
immediately after the capture of Delhi, a letter was sent to rulers of all the
\
neighbouring states of present day Rajasthan soliciting their support,
inDelhi, a court of administrators was set up. Of the 10 members 6 were fr&n the
aIimy and four from other departments. Decisions were taken by majority vote.
\
Such attempts at organization were made at other centres too. We have supportive
details from Awadh where Birjis Qadar, a minor, was crowned price by consensus,,
immediately after the British &feat at the battle of Chinhat on 30th June 1857. The
rebels laid down conditions such as:
orders from Delhi were to be obeyed
the wazir would be selected by the army and
officers of the army would be appointed after the consent of the army.
ThelAwadh rebel executive structure comprised two separate decision-making bodies:
one consisting of bureaucrats and court officials to see to organization and
payments,
the 'military cell' composed of sepoys or rebel soldiers and a few court officials
It is significant that at this early stage of the revolt, around July757,there was no
talukdar in any important decision-making body. In fact orders-were issued to
talukdars and zamindars, with promises of land or revenue, asking them to join the
revelt to end British rule.
Notwithstanding occasional divisions in the rebel ranks, as for example between the
folllowers of Birjis Qadar and Maulvi Ahmadullah in Awadh, it is the efforts to
maintain a semblance of organisation that is remarkable.
Guidelines were laid down for sepoys and commanders for their operations. Efforts
were made for the regular payment of rebel troops either by the conversion of
ornaments into coins or granting remission of revenue to talukdars to enable them to
pay the troops.
31.6 SUPPRESSION
6. Sepoys ~ u r d e r i n g
to the British
Isolated outbreaks that had occurred in as distant places as Peshawar, Singapore,

Kolhapur, Chittagong and Madras were put down with ease.
.By early July with the core area 01the revolt emerging clearly, the British meved into
mop it up. About 39,000 troops were shipped, on request from London to &d the
suppression operation. By the end of November37 troopships crammed the Hughh.
By mid-August the mutineers were driven out of Arrah, Gaya, and Hazaribagh in
Bihar. Delhi fell'on 21st September after an attack with heavy casualties. Thereafter
many rebels shifted to Lucknow.
In Awadh, Lucknow was the chief focus of fighting. Rebels were supplied with
ammunition from the districts and a workshop was set up in Faizabad to repair heavy
guns. Many talukdars fought personally. According to one estimate 100,000 of the
150,000 who died in Awadh were civilians. After the fall of Lucknow in March 1858,
the rebels dispersed into the countryside and enclaves of resistance emerged to the
south and south-east and the west and north-west of Lucknow. Till
September-October 1858 the rebels believed that one combined, well planned attack
could still dislodge the British from Awadh and tried to cdordinate campaigns in this
direction.
'
Prominent amongthe leaders of the revolt were

the Rani of Jhansi who died fighting in June 1858,
Nana Saheb, the adopted son of the last Peshwa, Baji Rao 11, who led the mutiny
at Kanpur and escaped to Nepal in the beginning of 1859,
Kuer Singh of Arrah who had carved a base of himself in Azarngarh and Ghazipur
and died fighting in May 1858.
Begum Hazrat Mahal who escaped to Nepal,
Maulvi Ahmadullah who carried on the revolt around the borders of Awadh and
Rohilkhand till his death in June 1858,
Tantia Tope, uprooted from his base on the Jumna at Kalpi, reached Gwalior in
June 1858, crossed the Narmada in October and was captured and put to death in
1859.
For more than a year the rebels had struggled with limited supply of arms and
ammunitions and a poor system of communication. Many sepoys were amazed at the
resources of the British and had expected that the British would need French help to
put them down. On their part, the British surrounded Awadh, tackled Delhi and the
Jumuna area, and then concentrated on Awadh.
Revolt of 1857
Course MKI Aftermath
Popuhr Revolts
and Uprisings
7. ~ b t i Tope
a
8. Rani Lekshmi Bai of Jhnnsi
9. Nana Sahib

1) Give two examples of rebel institutions with brief details.
..... .I. ..................................................................................................

2) To what extent does the defence of Lucknow indicate the intensity of the revolt?
Answer in 50 words.
31.7 AFTERMATH
The suppression of the revolt of 1857 was accomplished by a two pronged approach of
militark strategy and the submission of talukdars. The reassertion of British control
was thqreafter reinforced with princely support based on an assurance of
non-interference in adoption question.
31.7.1
Landlords
In the North Western Provinces the British made widespread confiscation and
redistijbution of land. Some incomplete figures show that land assessed at Rs. 17
lakhs was confiscated and land assessed at Rs. 9 lakhs was given in reward. In making
land rewards it was the larger landholders who were preferred.
After the fall of Lucknow aprocramation was issued confiscating proprietary right in
i the whole of Awadh except six specific estates. Some 22,658 out of 23,543
land m
villages were restored to talukdars in return for submission and loyalty in the form of
collection and transmission and loyalty in the form of collection and transmission of
information.
Villaqe proprietors in Awadh were to remain under-proprietors or tenants-at-will.
There was, however, fierce opposition to the talukdari settlement among the villagers
in sevieral Awadh districts in 1859-60. Faced with agrarian strife the government had
to lirdit the rental demand of the talukdars against inferior holders to a fixed amount
(1866). It was also decided that underproprietary rights enjoyed at any time during 12
years prior to annexation were to be protected.
31.7.2
Princes
It may be recalled that the British policy of annexing states had been one of the many
accumulating grievances as is evident both from the leadership provided to the rebels
by the Rani of Jhansi, Nana Saheb and Begum Hazarat Mahal, and the proclamations
of the rebels.
At one point during the revolt Canning had observed that had it not been for the
'patches of native government' like Gwalior, Hyderabad. Patiala, Rampur and Rewa
serving as 'break-waters to the storm of 1857' the British would have been swept away.
Therefore, the Queen's proclamation of 1858 declared that the British had no desire
to extend their existing territorial possessions. To perpetuate dynasties Canning
dispensed with the doctrine of lapse and allowed all rulers the right of adoption.
Territorial and monetary awards were bestowed on princes who had remained loyal
i.e. those of Gwalior, Rampur, Patiala and Jind.
r
I
I
1
i
In 1861 a special order of knighthood, the star of India, was instituted, of which the
recipients were the rulers of Baroda, Bhopal, Gwalior, Patiala and Rampur.
However, if the princes were given security from annexation it was made clear that in
the event of 'misgovernment' or 'anarchy' the British would step in to take temporary
charge of a native state.
31.7.3
The Army
A despatch from Charles Wood, Secretary of State for India to Canning in 1861 sums
up the thrust of British policy towards the army in the post-mutiny years. 'If one
regiment mutinies I should like to have the next regiment so alien that it would be
ready to fire into it.'
Soldiers from Awadh, Bihar and Central India were declared to be non-martial and
their recruitment cut down considerably.
Sikhs, Gurkhas and Pathans who assisted in the suppression of the revolt were
declared to be martial and were recruited in large numbers.
Briefly, community, caste, tribal and regional loyalties were encouraged so as to
obstruct the forging of the solidarity that was evident among the sepoys from Awadh
in 1857.
31.8 BRITISH POLICY

In 1858, as a consequence of the revolt of 1857, a Government of India Act abolished
the East India Company. India was to be governed directly in the name of the Crown
r
royal proclamation gave out:
of England. The ~ o v e m b e 1858
8
8
8
that those who laid down arms by 2 January 1859 would be pardoned except those
directly involved in the murder of British subjects,
that official service would be open to all and
due regard would be given to ancient usages and customs of India.
To the British, the appeal to Bahadur Shah I1 to head the revolt was confirmation of
the theory of a Muslim plot to restore the Mughal regime at Delhi. This belief in
official circles in fact explains the official attitude towards the community in the
post-revolt years.
So marked was the anti-Muslim attitude that Saiyid Ahmad Khan felt the need to
write a pamphlet titled 'who were the Loyal Musalmans?' In that he quoted numerous
instances of Muslim collaboration with the British.

1) How did the British tackle the landlords rebels? Answer in 5 lines.
2) Comment on the change in British policy towards the native states after the revolt.
Answer in 50 words.
I
3) Explain British attitudes towards the Muslims after the revolt. Answer in 50 words.
31.9 LET US SUM UP

This Unit tdied to establish that
the core area of the revolt was to the north of the Narmada,
there was a pattern in the diffusion of the revolt down the Ganga,
the pattern of revolt in the army and of the people,
0 all was not chaorwhen the rebels took over,
it took the British a year to suppress the revolt.
After 1858 the British saw themselves with a 'halo of permanence', ruling with the
strength of having overcome a revolt of the dimensions discussed above.
31.10 KEYWORDS
Telinga Raj - originates from the practice of calling sepoys Telingas from the time
Cliva brought Telugu speaking sepoys from Madras in 1756-7.
-

SXERCISES
- -

1) See Sec. 31.2
2) In an outline Map of India mark the places
1) See Sec. 31.5
2) See Sec. 31.6
1 ) See Sub-sec. 31.7.1
2) See Sub-sec. 3 1.7.2
3) See Sub-scc. 31.8.2

A.R. Desai (ed.) : Peasant Struggles in India.
Ranjit Gupta (ed.) : Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India.
R. Mukherjee :Awadh in Revolt 1857-1858:A Study of Popular Resistance.
S.B.Chaudhuri : Civil Rebellion in the Indian Muslims.

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EHI-05 India from Mid-18th to Mid-19th

Block-2 Capitalism and Imperialism [2]

Block-3 British Conquest and Consolidation [6]

Block-4 Colonial Economy [5]

Unit-14 Mercantile Policies and Indian Trade

Block-5 Cultural Contours [4]

Unit-19 Literature in the Indian Languages

Block-6 Impact of British Rule : Polity and Society [3]

Block-7 Social and Cultural Change [3]

Block-8 Popular Revolts and Uprisings [3]

UNIT 1 INDIAN POLITY IN THE MID-18TH

Internal Weaknesses : Struggle for Power

The Emergence of Regional Polities

The Rise of British Power

From Trading Company to Political Power

Rise d Regional Powers

18TH CENTURY: A DARK AGE ?

DECLINE OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE

Internal Weaknesses: Struggle for Power

1.3.2 External Challenge

1.3.3 Decline: Some Interpretations

1.3.4 Continuity of Mughal Traditions

Continuity of Institutions Vs. Change in Structure

lndbm polity in the

Read the following sentences and mark right (d)

THE EMERGENCE OF REGIONAL POLITIES

1.4.1 Successor States

Rise of Regional Powers

1.4.2 The New States

Indian Polity in the

The mid-18th century witnessed the emergence of Mysore as a significant power in

1.4.4 Wedcnesses of Regional Polities

4) Write ten lines on the weakness of regional polities.

lndino PaUty in the

THE RISE OF BRITISH POWER

1.5.1 From Trading Company to Political Power

1.5.2 Anglo-French Struggle in South India

The Second Carnatic War

1 S . 3 Conquest of Bengal : Plassey to Buxar

Reorganisation of the Political system

Introduction of Western Institutions

Check Your Progress 3

Write your answer in 50 words.

1.6 LET' US SUM UP

Indian Polity in the

1.7 KEY WORDS

1.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

Check Your Progress 2

Murshid Kuli Khan and Bengal

Bengal : Towards Subjection

Plqssey and After

Awadh : Towards Autonomy

Shadat Khan and Awadh

Awadh : Towards Subjection

Nature a f the Regional Polity

Bengal and Awadh

BENGAL AND AWADH: UNDER THE MUGHALS

The emergence of Awadh and Bengal as autonomous independent states in the

BENGAL: TOWARDS AUTONOMY

Murshid Kuli Khan and Bengal

2.3.2 Shujauddin and Bengal

2.3.3 Alivardi Khan and Bengal