Ashoka

A part of Ashokas message inscribed on rock at Erragudi in Andhra Pradesh.

THEREISNOTHINGESPECIALLYSTRIKINGabouttheclusterofrockswhichcrownsthe
edgeofalowhillyridgenearthevillageofErragudiintheAndhraregion.Fromadistance,the
clusterappearsunremarkable,whiletheridgeonwhichitsitsissomewhatbare,risingoutofa
patchworkofcultivatedfieldsandsparselydottedwithvegetation.Therocksonitstandamere30
metresorsoabovetheplains.
Cascadingdowntherocksisadramaticwaterfallofwords.Morethanahundredlinesinthe
ancientBrahmiscriptareimprintedacrossseveraloftheboulders.Largeportionsofthisscrawlare
exceedinglyclear,thecharactersboldlyetchedacrosstherockface.Somesegmentshave
deteriorated,whileafewofthelineshavebeendefacedbymoderngraffiti.Yetnoteventhe
EnglishandTeluguscribblesofcontemporaryvisitorscandiminishtheoverwhelmingimpression
ofmessagesfromantiquitycreatedbytheprofusionoftheseancientwords.Thiscopious
transcriptionispartofaroyalenunciation.Thewordsandphrasesthatcompriseitwerecomposed
byandinscribedattheinstructionsofAshoka,thesorrowlessone,thethirdemperorofthedynasty
oftheMauryas,andrulerofaterrainthatstretched,atonepoint,fromTaxilainthenorthwestto
Kalingaintheeast.
Some2,200yearsago,Ashokamadehimselfvisiblethroughthewordsthathecausedtobe
inscribedatErragudi,aswellasatscoresofotherplacesacrossIndiaandbeyond.They
representedanextraordinarydemocraticinnovationnorulerbeforehimappearstohavethought
itnecessary,orfoundthetechnology,tospeakdirectlytohisorhersubjects.Inkeepingwith
Ashokasterritorialambitions,thescaleofthisprojectwastrulyimperial.Theedictswere
inscribedandinstalledacrosshislands,ofteninmorethanonelanguage.Alargeandadept
provincialadministrationhelpedcarryhisvoiceouttohissubjects.Theymayevenhavereached
thoseonthebordersoftheempire,animportantconsiderationforamonarchwhohadundergonea
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religiousconversiononeofthemostfamousinworldhistoryandwishedtoreassureallpeople
thatthepathofhisdhammawasopentoanyonewhowishedtofollowitspreceptswiththeright
moralsandtruezeal.Hetransformedthewayinwhichthestatecommunicatedwithitspeople;in
doingso,hehopedtotransformthestateitself.
Theseinscriptionsalsorepresentakindofhistoricaldaybreak,endingalongphaseoffaceless
rulersintheIndiansubcontinent.Inapproximately600BCE,kingsemergedoutoftherealmsof
traditiontosetupandruleoverseveralkingdomsstretchingfromthehighlandsofthenorthwest
frontiertothelowlandsoftheGanges,andsouthwardsacrosstheVindhyamountainstothe
GodavariRiverontheDeccanPlateau.Therewerekingsofgreaterorlesserpower,rulerswho
wereaspirantstotheappellationchiefkingofallkings,andinfluentialconfederateclans.
OverarelativelyshortperiodoftimeroughlycoincidingwiththedominationofAthensinthe
classicalperiodalargepartofthisprofusionofpoliticalentitieswasabsorbedintoasingle
imperialrealm.FromMagadha,inthemiddleGangeticplainsofBihar,asuccessionofkingsruled
overthisempire,whichstraddledlargepartsofIndia.Thefirstofthesewastheimperialhouseof
theNandas;theywerefollowedbytheMauryas.FromthefourthcenturyBCEtilltheadventof
Ashoka,circa269or268BCE,thereweresaidtohavebeen11monarchs,nineintheNanda
dynastyfollowedbythetwoMauryakingswhoprecededAshoka:Chandragupta,Ashokas
grandfather,whooverthrewtheNandasandfoundedthenewdynasty,followedbyBindusara,
Ashokasfather.
Butthoughkingsucceededkingandonecenturyfollowedanother,theonlyevidencewehaveof
thosetimesaretheversionsofthempreservedinsurvivingaccountsbyotherssomeaccurate,
othersfanciful,andpracticallynevercontemporarytotheirlives.Theseremainingrecordsarethe
Puranas,certainBuddhistandJainatexts,andhistoriesofasortbypeoplewhoarereferredtoas
classicalauthors,mainlyliteratecompanionsinAlexandersentourageasalsothefamous
Megasthenes,whovisitedthecourtofChandragupta.Thesesourcesprovideuswithnearlyallthe
informationthatwenowhaveofIndiasrulersandstatesinthatantiquetime.
Therulersthemselvesfailedtospeaktotheirsubjects,andthereforetous.Manyoftheirnames,
andthoseoftheirprincipalities,areknown:JanakaofVideha,PasenadiofKosala,theMagadha
monarchBimbisara,PradyotaofAvanti.Buthowsuchkingsdefinedtheirdomainsandpowers,
howtheyappearedtotheirsubjects,whattheyandtheirqueensdonated,andwhatkindofworship
prevailedintheircourtstheseremainhidden,becausenoroyalepigraphsorlabelledsculptures,
nocoinscarryingroyalportraitureorthenamesofkingsandqueens,notevenpalaces,or
communicationsemanatingfromsuchplacesandpeople,haveendured.
Butinhisstonemessages,weencounterAshokahimselfspeakingabouttheseveralwatershedsof
hisroyallife,andwewitnesshowherecreatedhisownpathwhiletryingtoremouldthelivesof
peopleinhisempire,andbeyond.Candourandemotion,deathanddecimation,honestadmissions
andimperiousordersallofthesearefoundintheAshokanedicts.Sincehismessageswerenot
inscribedallatoncebutovermanyyears,itbecomespossibletoexamineAshokaspersonanotas
thatofastaticsovereign,butanemperorofuncommonandevolvingambition.
Throughthesemissives,Ashokaliterallycarvedoutapresenceforhimself.Weencounterhimon
rocksandpillarsrightacrossIndia,Nepal,PakistanandAfghanistan.Hechosetoensurethathis
administrationsentoutmultiplecopiesofhismessages.Thathewantedtobeheardinthesame
wayinAfghanistanandinAndhra,inKarnatakaandinKalinga,alsomeansthatAshokasversion
ofhislifeanddeedsistheonethatwaslikelythebestknown,certainlyduringhisownlifetime.
Thereisnootherexample,infact,ofanancientrulerwhosevoice,inthecourseofhisownlife,
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resonatedinsuchauniquewayacrossSouthAsiaandfurtherafield,articulatingtheshifting
contoursofhisimperialaspirations.
INHISEARLYYEARS,itisavirtualcertaintythatAshokawasverymuchwithintheideal
mouldofkingshipenshrinedintheancienttextoftheArthashastra.Thiswasgroundedinmilitary
successandthebuildingofavastempire.Becauseofhisconqueringambitions,andtheir
consequences,Ashoka,whountilthispointseemedremotetothepointofinvisibility,becomes
historicalandreal.ThefirsteventofhisreignthatAshokachosetomentioninhisedictswasa
majormilitaryexpeditionheled.Thiswastheassault,inapproximately260BCE,onKalinga,a
stateontheeasternseaboardofIndia,inwhatnowformspartofmodernOdishaandAndhra
Pradesh.
Hisambitionswerecultivated,andrealised,inanageofwarandterritorialaggrandisement.Take
thespecifictimeofAshokasmarch:ithappenedalittleafterRomebeganitsextendedconflict
againstCarthagewiththefirstofthethreePunicWars,which,alltold,lastedmorethanahundred
years,between264and146BCE.Some300yearsbeforeAshoka,thearmyofthePersianEmpire,
withitscentreinwhatisnowIran,crossedintoEurope,andalsostampeditsauthorityacross
regionsthatstretchedfromTurkeyinthewesttonorthwestIndiaintheeast.Persiawasthefirst
superpowerofitstime,and,abouttwocenturieslater,itsmodelinspiredAlexanderssuccessful
emulation.StartingfromhissmallkingdomofMacedon,nearAthens,hecrushedrevoltsinseveral
GreekcitiesbeforeleadinganexpeditionaryforcethatannexedkingdomsinAfricaandAsia,
extendingfromEgypttoPersia,andeventuallydefeatedadversariesasfareastasPunjab.
WhenAlexanderdiedinhisthirties,thisvastempire,difficulttoholdeffectivelyatthebestof
times,quicklybrokeupintosmallerrealms.InEgypt,oneofhisgeneralsbecamethesatrapand
founderofanewdynasty.Thefourteenkingsofthisdynasty,allbearingthenamePtolemy,ruled
Egyptforalmostthreecenturies.BythetimeofAshokasconsecration,theearlyPtolemieshad
ensuredthatEgyptwastheprincipalnavalpoweroftheeasternMediterranean.Inthosepartsof
AsiawhichlaytotheeastandnortheastofIndia,similarkindsofconsolidationwouldsoon
commence.Some15yearsafterAshokasKalingamarch,KingZheng,laterthefirstemperorof
theQindynasty,cametopower,andby221BC,afterconqueringrivalstates,hepresidedoverthe
unificationofChinaaroundacentralisedbureaucraticmonarchy.
Givenalltheseconflictsandrivalries,itishardlysurprisingthataconsiderablepartofthehistory
oftheancientworldiswrittenaboutwar.Homer,inabouttheeighthcenturyBCE,relating
incidentsaroundtheconflictbetweentheGreeksandtheTrojans,andHerodutus,inthefifth
centuryBCE,writingoftheexpandingAchaemenidempireofPersia,areprobablythebestknown
chroniclersofancientconquestHomermorepoeticandHerodotusmoregossipyandhistorical.
Whywarswerethoughtnecessaryatallisaquestionwhichstrikesusimmediatelyandforcefully,
butwedismissitoutofhandasfoolishbecauseofmanyofthepreceptsoutlinedintreatisessuch
astheArthashastrathatpowermustlieinthehandsofpowerfulandcapablemenattheapexof
armies,thatthesustenanceofdominionrequirestheexpansionofpowerviathesemenandtheir
armiesbecausethealternativeislossofdominionandenslavement.Beyondthisworldview,of
competitiveimperialismasnecessarytosurvival,lieothercauses,suchasthepredominantlymale
desiretoacquiregoodsandland,foodandwomen.IntheWarringStatesperiodofChinese
history,inthefifthandfourthcenturiesBCE,weseethatcontrollingterritorybecamecrucialto
theconsolidationofpoliticaldomination.Overmuchofancienthistory,territorialexpansionalso
ensuredenormouseconomicbenefit.TheacquisitionsoftheAssyriankingAshurnasirpalII,circa
theninthcenturyBC,areanexample.Evenamonghissmallercampaigns,thebootyincluded40
3

chariotswithmenandhorses,460horses,120poundsofsilver,120poundsofgold,6,000pounds
oflead,18,000poundsofiron,1,000vesselsofcopper,2,000headsofcattle,5,000sheep,15,000
slaves,andthedefeatedrulerssister.
HowmuchofthisWeltanschauungformedthementalhorizonsofAshokacannotbespecifically
known,butconquerorsandkingsfromtheWestwereverymuchpartofpoliticalhappeningsin
SouthAsiaatthetimehisgrandfathercapturedpower.Sothepossibilityofthisemperorhaving
beeninfluencedbytheworldbeyondSouthAsiaisveryfarfromremote.Plutarch,inhis
biographicalhistoryofAlexander,writesthatChandragupta,whenamerelad,sawAlexanderin
person.WhenhebegantorulefromPataliputra,embassiesfromtheWesternpowerscametohis
court;later,inBindusarasyearsassovereign,theywerepresentagain.(Acharmingstorytold
abouthimandAntiochusIofSyriahighlightsthis:theIndianmonarchaskedforsweetwine,dried
figs,andasophistateacherintheclassicalGreektraditiontowhichAntiochussreplywasthat
whilefigsandwinewouldbesent,itwasforbiddenbylawtosellasophist.)
AshokasexpeditiontoKalingawasprecededbymassiveandcarefularrangements,from
ascertainingthestrengthoftheenemysforcesandunderstandingtheterrainthroughwhichthe
armywouldmovetodecidingontheseasonbestsuitedtotheoperation.Inaterritoryashotas
Kalingawasformostoftheyear,winterwasconsideredthebesttimetobegin.Thiswouldensure
theoptimaluseofanimalssuchaselephants,anintegralpartoftheMauryanarmy.Wedonot
haveAshokasversionofthesizeandcharacterofthefightingforcethatheled,butifour
knowledgeofChandraguptasforcesisextrapolatedtoassessthegrandsons,Ashokasarmyhad
unitsofarchers,footguardsarmedwithspears,combatcommanders,horses,andlargenumbersof
elephantsunderthecontrolofmahouts.Weaponryandwarparaphernaliamaces,catapults,
spears,swords,bowsandarrows,giantstonecatapultingmachineswerelikelytohavebeen
transportedinbullocktrains,whichwouldalsohavecarriedprovisions.Imperialarmiesmoved
slowly,andgiventhesizeofthecontingentandtheterrainthedailydistancecoveredbyAshokas
armyisunlikelytohaveexceededanaverageoftwentykilometres.FromPataliputratoKalingais
adistanceofsome900kilometres,sojustgettingtothetargetgroundwouldhavetakenfiveorsix
weeks.
ModernhistorianshavevariouslyimaginedhowthearmyreachedKalinga.Wasthebattlefield
approachedalongaroutethathuggedtherightbankoftheGanga,throughBengaltoMidnapur,
fromwheretheMahanadiDeltaiseasilyapproached?Thishadbeen,forcenturies,apilgrimpath
welltroddenbythedevoutmakingtheirwaytotheshrineofJagannathainthecoastaltownof
Puri.OrdidthearmycrossChhattisgarhtoreachtheGanjamSrikakulamcoastalbeltonthe
southernedgeofKalinga,thishavingbeenthelineofmovementofthelaterSamudragupta(c.
32878CE,anotheremperorfromPataliputra)tothisstate,whichheinvadedashemarchedto
conquerthesouthernregions?
Thesizeandstrengthofthedefendingforceisalsoverymuchintherealmofspeculation.The
accountofitsbrutaldecimationsuggestsitwasconsiderable.Thescaleoftheslaughter,deathand
deportationresultingfromthewarisvividlydescribedintheepigraphwhichrecordsthecarnage:
Onehundredandfiftythousandinnumberwerethemenwhoweredeportedthence,onehundred
thousandinnumberwerethosewhowereslainthere,andmanytimesasmanythosewhodied.
ManywhoperishedfoughtfortheKalingaruler.Others,rathermoreordinaryandoutsidethe
arenaofwarwerebadlyaffectedtooinnocentcivilianswhoselives,describedasprincipledand
virtuous,wereviolentlyinterruptedbythebloodbath.Theepigraphspeaksofthesehaplessvictims
aswell,anddeploresthecollateraldamage.ReconstructedinEnglish,itreads:
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(To)theBrahmanasorSramanas,orothersectsorhouseholders,whoarelivingthere,(and)
amongwhomthefollowingarepractised:obediencetothosewhoreceivehighpay,obedience
tomotherandfather,obediencetoelders,propercourtesytofriends,acquaintances,
companionsandrelatives,toslavesandservants,(and)firmdevotiontothesethenhappen
injuryorslaughterordeportationof(their)belovedones.
Or,iftherearethenincurringmisfortunethefriends,acquaintances,companionsandrelatives
ofthosewhoseaffection(forthelatter)isundiminished,althoughtheyare(themselves)well
providedfor,this(misfortune)aswellbecomesaninjurytothose(persons)themselves.
Thisissharedbyallmenandisconsidereddeplorable
Thisisonlypartofalongeraccountwhichmarksafamouschangeofheart.Ashokasutter
uniquenessisthatinthis,theoneandonlyrecordthathecausedtobemadeofasuccessful
war,theconventionsofstatepropagandaareturnedontheirhead.Thetriumphisrecordedasa
disaster.Defeatissnatchedfromthejawsofvictory.Achronicleofimperialmisfortuneis
concoctedindefianceoftheestablishedpracticeofallprecedingtime.Theemperorweeps
whenheoughttoswagger.Thisreversalisnowsowellknownthatwehardlyseeitanylonger
forwhatinessenceitwas,andremains:astaggeringoverturningoftheveryconceptionof
kingship.
TheaccountgraphicallycapturesAshokaspainandrepentanceinhishourofvictory.
Remarkably,itisalsotheonlysurvivingcontemporarydescriptionofthecatastrophe.Such
narrativesarescarcelyknowntohaveenduredfromancienttimesdowntoours;theoriginal
recordsofthosewhoaccompaniedandrecordedAlexanderscampaigninIndia,forinstance,have
disappeared.Againstthis,thenarrativeofthekillingfieldsofKalingawascreatedwithinafew
yearsofthebattle,andcanstillbereadinthescriptandlanguageinwhichitwasfirstcomposed.
AlonglitanyofkingsafterAshokahadtheirmilitaryaccomplishmentseulogisedindramaticverse
andprose,foregroundingthemeveninrecordstowhichtheymayhavebeentangential.Inthefirst
centuryBCE,KharavelaofKalinga,evenwhilerecordingdonationstotheJainacommunity,
describesatlengthhowheforcedvariousrulersintosubmission.Rudradamanssecondcentury
CEaccountoftherepairofadaminJunagadhsimultaneouslysketches,insomedetail,allthe
variousterritories,rangingfromSindhuSauviratoSaurashtraandAparanta,thathevalorously
gained.Bycontrast,inAshokasedict,thecompassionateandcaringkingisborn,andproclaims
himself,asthewriterHGWellsrecognised,forthefirsttimeinworldhistory.
THERESULTOFTHEKALINGAWARradicallyredirectedAshokasentiresubsequentlife
andcareer.Thepersonalupheavalwas,perhapsinadvertently,alsoapowerfulandnewpolitical
idea:byreplacingsubjugationwithcompassionasthefundamentalprincipleofmonarchy,it
introducedtheearliestglimmeringsofaruleoflaw,inwhichordinaryfolkandthecitizenry,rather
thanonlytheelitesandroyalty,wereconsequential.Ifonewere,foramoment,tovisualisethe
scenariosymbolically,itcouldtaketheshapeofAshokacallingforacopyoftheArthashastraand
settingitonfireinfullpublicview.
Thereceptionofanymessage,andmostcertainlyaroyalone,hasagreatdealtodowiththe
circumstancesofitsarticulation.HowwasAshokasvoicelikelytohavebeenunderstoodbythose
whoheardandreadhiswords?AstherearenoreferencesorreactionstoAshokasedictsinany
classofIndiasancientliteratureofthefirstmillenniumBCE,ourreconstructionhastoberooted
inhistoricalconjecture.MuchBrahmanicalwritingofthelatecenturiesBCEdealswithcodesof
conduct,paraphernaliapertainingtorituals,normsofsocialbehaviour,andthelaw.Eventssuchas
5

thecompositionofkinglycommuniqusandcitizensreactionstothemwerenevergoingtofind
mention.NorweretheBuddhisttextsofthetimeprimarilyconcernedwithkingswhopatronised
Buddhism.TheywerepreoccupiedwiththeBuddhasdiscourses,hispreviousbirths,anddosand
dontsformonksandnuns.Noaccountbyanyambassadorfromaneighbouringkingdomofthat
erahasyetturnedup.
IfanIndicahadbeenwrittenaroundAshokasreign,containinginformationofthekind
MegasthenesrecordedaboutChandragupta,publicreactionstotheemperorsmessagesmaywell
havefeatured.Allthesame,someglimpsescanbearrivedatbyjuxtaposingthemessagewiththe
culturallandscape.Ashokasempirewasspreadoutoverthousandsofsquarekilometres,and
administeringthisentityrequiredregularcommunicationwithitsprovinces.Thesewerefrequently
governedbyprincesoftheroyalfamily.AshokahimselfhadservedasBindusarasviceroyat
Ujjayini,andseemstohavemaintainedthepracticeofdelegatingclosemalekintorunthe
provincialbulwarksofhisempire.Directionsandorderswerefrequentlygiventotheselocal
functionariesthroughedicts.Theircentralitycanbegaugedfromthefactthatdirectivesforboth
peaceandwarappearwithintheseproclamations.Thedecreesalsoincludecommandsbytheking
concerningpunishmentandfavour,giftsandexemptions,authorisationsforissuingordersand
carryingoutcertainrequiredworks.TheArthashastraconsidersitnecessaryforsuch
communiqustobewrittenwithclarity,andprescribestheemploymentofliteratescribeswith
beautifulhandwritingwhoshouldlistenwithanattentivemindtothecommandofthekingand
setitdowninwriting.
Theimportanceofroyalcommunicationsisininverseproportiontowhatremainsofthem:no
messagesofanykindfrombeforeAshokahavesurvived.Theusualmaterialsusedforwriting
werepalmleaf,birchbark(orbhurjapatra),cottoncloth,andpossiblywoodenboards.Theseare
mentionedinseveraltextualsourcesand,beingallhighlyperishable,specimenshaveneverbeen
discovered,baranexceptionrelatedtothesettlementofSringaverapuranearthebanksofthe
Ganga,wherewoodcharcoalofsomebhurjapatrafromtheearlyfirstmillenniumBCEwasfound
inanarchaeologicalcontext
ItislikelythatsomeofAshokasofficialcommunicationswererecordedontheproductofsuch
barkandleaf.Thestoneinscriptions,then,wereamajorpostKalingarevolutionin
communication.Thesehavesurvivedremarkablywell:foundsome2,200yearsaftertheywere
carved,severalappearinmuchthestatetheywerewhencreated.Thesurvivalofanancient
documentintheshapeandtheplaceitwasoriginallyinscribedisinitselfunusual.Afterall,
availableaccountsaboutAlexanderdatetomorethan300yearsafterhisdeath,eventhoughwe
knowhewenttogreatlengthstoensurehewasremembered,evenappointinganofficialhistorian
forthepurpose.
GlimpsesofthemessagesthatAshokafirstsentouttohisprovincestobeinscribedonhis
instructionscanstillbeseenatalargenumberoftheiroriginallocations,becausetheywere
engravedonimmovablerocksandboulders.Thereismuchvarietyinthekindsofsurfaceupon
whichtheywereinscribed.Someareonflattishhorizontalrockfaces,asatRajulaMandagiriinthe
KurnooldistrictinAndhraandnearSrinivaspuriinDelhi.Others,suchasthoseatMaskiand
NitturinKarnataka,areengravedonverticalsurfaces.Therocksaresometimeseasilyaccessible,
asatBairatintheJaipurdistrictofRajasthan,wheretheboulderisatthefootofahill;andinthe
caseoftherockfaceonwhichtheErragudiedictintheAnantapurdistrictofAndhraPradeshis
engraved.Somearemoredifficulttoreach,suchastheinscribedslabatSasaram,locatedontopof
thehillintheRohtasdistrictofBihar;andtheoneatPalkigundu,intheKoppaldistrictof
Karnataka,whichcrownsahighandfairlyinaccessibleridgeandcanonlybereachedafter
negotiatingaverysteepelevation.
6

ThemediumthatcametobeusedforinscribingroyalepigraphsinearlyIndiadependeduponthe
messageandtheaudienceaddressed.TwodemiofficialepigraphsofMauryantimes,onefrom
MahasthangarhinBangladeshandtheotherfromSohgaurainUttarPradesh,recordedinstructions
forthedistributionofgrainduringdroughtandfamine.Thecommandswereintendedfor
mahamatras,acategoryofadministratorsassociatedspecificallywithurbancentres,andwere
inscribedonplaques.Morecommonaredonativeepigraphs,engravedintowhatwasbeing
dedicated,aswiththefirstcenturyBCEkingKharavelasdedicationoftheHathigumphacavesas
quartersforJainmonks.Ashokasearlyedictswereaddressedtohisadministratorstoo,butwere
notmeantonlyforthemfromtheverybeginning,themessagesweremoredemocratically
motivated,forcommunicationtohissubjectsingeneral.Itseemslogicaltoassumethatthe
officialsengravedtheemperorswordsonrockslocatedinareasthatwerefrequentedor
commonlyaccessedatthetime.
TheepigraphsweremainlyintheBrahmiscript,whilethelanguageusedwasmostlyanamalgam
ofPrakritdialects,alanguagewithwhichadministrativefunctionarieswouldhavebeenfamiliar.
Prakrit,however,wasnotlikelytohavebeenthelanguagespokeninregionssuchasKarnataka
andAndhra.Sowhenthesemessagesweretransmittedtothepeopleinsuchregions,forthe
meaningofthemessagetobeintelligibleitwastranslatedintothelocallanguage.
Theedictsalsodemonstrateasecondinnovationincommunication:eachmessagethatAshoka
sentouttohisadministratorsinthescatteredpartsofhisempirewasinaformmoreorless
identical.Inthemodernworld,whereitispossibletopresentthesametexttolargenumbersof
peoplewithinaveryshorttime,thenoveltyofthismaynotbeimmediatelyobvious.Inancient
India,wherethetechnologyformultiplereproductionsdidnotexist,thestatecouldnotreachout
andexpressitsdesiresanddirectivesinthewayitdoesnow.Sotheemperorsmethodwasan
attemptattextbasedmasscommunication,akindofforcemultiplierwhichensuredthatthe
messagereachedfarandwide.Usually,whenwethinkofcultureinancientIndiaastextcreated,it
isformalisedreligiousiconographythatcomestomindimagesthatdepicttextualnarratives,
suchasthethemesandcharactersoftheRamayanaportrayedindifferentplacesinIndiainthe
firstmillenniumCE.Here,bycontrast,arulerattemptstocreateanimageofhimselfviahiswords
thesameimage,withasingularityofvoice.
Themessagewouldhavebeencomposedontheordersoftheemperor,atpointsintimewhenhe
waspossiblyontour,firstwrittenoutonmaterialswhichhavesinceperished.Itwasthen
dispatchedtovariousadministrativecentres.Ineachinstance,itislikelythatthemessagewassent
toaprincewhowastheviceroyoftheprovince,andwho,inturn,readdressedandconveyeditto
officialsinhisterritoryforonwarddissemination.Weknowthisbecauseinoneinstance,where
threeversionsofanedictarefoundwithinafew
kilometresofeachother,thesubsidiaryinstructionsandgreetingsfromtheprovincialheadhave
alsobeeninscribed.ThesethreeformaclusterintheChitradurgadistrictofKarnataka,at
Brahmagiri,Siddapura,andJatingaRameshwara.Allofthemnotethattheprince,describedasan
aryaputraadesignationsuggestingthatthemanaddressedwasAshokasownsonandthe
officials,themahamatrasfromSuvarnagirithecapitalofthesouthernprovinceoftheempire
wishedthemahamatrasatIsilagoodhealth.Themessagethatfollowsismuchthesameas
elsewhere.Transcribingtheaddressbythedispatchertotherecipientwasobviouslyamistake
madewhentheedictswereengraved.However,thankstothisancienterror,wehavearare
glimpseintothemodeoftransmissionofthemessage.

THEPROVINCIALFUNCTIONARIESandengraverswhoweremostmateriallyresponsible
fortransmittingAshokasmessagesareshadowyfigures.Oneexceptionisacharacterwhosigned
offonthethreetextsinChitradurga.Presumably,hewasthelipikara,orwriterclerk,who
preparedtheexemplarfromwhichtherockengravingsweremade.ThescribesnamewasCapada,
somethingthatismentionedinallthreeedicts.Itdoesnotnecessarilymeanhewastheengraver,
whoismorelikelytohavebeenaliterateworkman;evenmorelikely,thejobinvolvedseveral
workmen,forthoughthethreetextswereinscribedwithinafewkilometresofeachotherthe
engravinghandsaredifferent.InsteadofBrahmithescriptusedinthemainpartoftheedict
Capadachosetouse,forhisownsignature,Kharoshthi,alanguagefrequentlyusedintheareaof
Gandhara,aroundtheupperIndusandSwatvalleysinpresentdaynorthPakistan,bordering
Afghanistan.CapadamayhaveusedKharoshthitoshowhisdexteritywithscripts,andalso
perhapstosignalthatheeitherhailedfromorwasinsomewaylinkedwithnorthwestIndia.The
engraversinscribedhissignaturealongwiththeemperorsmessage,andsoimmortalisedhisname.
Whileotherclerksorengraversarenotvisibleinthesameway,sometimesthestyleofengraving
attractsourattentiontotheparticularityoftheirskill.Onesuchpersonwastheengraverofthe
ErragudiedictinAndhra.WheninscribingAshokasmessage,hemadepartofitbidirectional.
Thissegmentisboustrophedonicusingaformofwritingoftenfoundinremainsinancient
Greece,inwhichthelines,ratherthanfollowingonedirection,turnrighttoleftandlefttoright.
Wasthisunnamedpersonusingtherocksurfacetosuggestthathewasfamiliarwithotherwriting
systems?Kharoshthiwastheonlyregionalscriptwrittenfromrighttoleft,sowastheengraver
indicatingamorecosmopolitanknowledgeofscripts?Andwhydidhegiveupwritinginthisway
afterafewlines?Therestofthetext,infact,wasratherhaphazardlyputdownontheremaining
space,withnoconcessiontoreadabilityatall.Thereisnoclearanswertowhyhedidthis.Whatis
certainisthateveryofficialwhoexpectedtoreadortranslatethisengravingwould,insteadof
marvellingattheengraversskill,haveroundlycursedthefellowforhisrottencursive.
Boustrophedonisnotexactlyeasyontheeye.
Theemperorhimselfevidentlyimaginedthathissubjectswouldrecognisehimbyhistitlesalone.
Inmostedicts,hewasalludedtoonlyasDevanampiyadeartothegodsorDevanampiya
Piyadasideartothegodsandonewholooksaffectionatelyoramiably.Insomeprovinces,
though,theadministratorsinchargeofpropagatingtheemperorsmessagesaddedhisnametoit.
InMaskiinKarnatakaandGujjaraincentralIndia,heismentionedbynameasAsokaand
Asokaraja,respectively.Inalllikelihood,thelocaladministratorbelievedthatthepeople
hearingorreadingthewordsneededclarityontheidentityofDevanampiya.
Thequalityandthequirksofwritersandengravers,andwhatwasinadvertentlyorconsciously
addedtotheepigraphictextbylocalofficials,representonlyonepartofthestory.Evenif
Ashokasmessageswereinscribed,theirdisseminationwasprimarilyoral,andtheresponsibility
ofspeciallydesignatedofficialswhoconveyedthemthroughpublicreadings.Thatoralitywas
centraltothesespectaclesisevidentfromhowfrequentlyweencountertheproclamatoryphrase,
Devanampriyaspeaksthus.Itdrawsattentiontothefactthatwhathadbeenwrittenhadfirst
beenspoken,andthatthespeaker,beingtheemperor,hadtobecarefullylistenedto.Livingin
farawayPataliputra,themonarchwascompensatingforhisabsence.
WecannotbecertainwhetherlocaladministratorsadaptedtoAshokaschangesbyappointing,for
example,officialswiththerhetoricalskillsnecessaryforreadings.Weretheremanyofficialswho
couldbothreadwellandrecitepowerfully?ConsideringtheoralcultureofearlyIndia,itisvery
possiblethatevenifdoingbothwasanovelexperienceforMauryanfunctionariestheymayhave
attemptedtorenderapublicdiscoursebytheemperorinastylesimilartothatdeployedbypoets
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addressinganaudience.Thedifferencebetweenanoralperformancebyapoetentertaineranda
functionarycarryingouttheordersoftherulerwouldhavebeenmainlyinthecontentapolitical
ratherthanliteraryagendawiththemannerofaddressperhapsmoredeclamatoryandofficiousin
tone.Inanycase,theedictsmusthaverepresentedasignificantchangeinthesocialand
administrativeinteractionsbetweenthepeopleandthestate.Itwasapoliticaltransformationthat
wasdeeplyinformed,andoccasioned,bythegreatintellectualandspiritualtransformationofthe
emperorhimself.
ASHOKASEARLIESTPUBLICCOMMUNICATIONhassurvivedintheveryforminwhich
itwasputdowninthethirdcenturyBCE,onarockatRupnath,anditgivesusagoodideaofhow
theemperorsetaboutthebusinessforwhichheisbestknown.TheRupnathedictgivesagood
senseofwhatAshokathoughtworthyofrecountingandcommunicatingtohissubjects:not
mattersofstate,butthestateofhismind.FollowingthebattleofKalinga,hehasbecomea
Buddhist.Thiswas,asweknow,aconsequenceofapersonalupheavalfollowingthescaleof
killinghewitnessedthere.Hismetamorphosisneedstobeunderstoodandemulated.Soitisthe
processandtheconsequencesofhisconversionthathehighlights.Theedictreads:
Devanampriyaspeaksthus.
Twoandahalfyearsandsomewhatmore(havepassed)sinceIamopenlyaShakya.
But(Ihad)notbeenveryzealous.
Butayearandsomewhatmore(haspassed)sinceIhavevisitedtheSamghaandhavebeen
veryzealous.
Thosegodswhoduringthattimehadbeenunmingled(withmen)inJambudvipa,havenow
beenmade(byme)mingled(withthem).
Forthisisthefruitofzeal.
Andthiscannotbereachedby(persons)ofhighrank(alone),(but)evenalowly(person)is
abletoattaineventhegreatheavenifheiszealous.
Andforthefollowingpurposehas(this)proclamationbeenissued,(that)boththelowlyand
theexaltedmaybezealous,and(that)even(my)borderersmayknow(it),(and)thatthissame
zealmaybeoflongduration.
For,thismatterwill(bemadebymeto)progress,andwill(bemadeto)progressconsiderably;
itwill(bemadeto)progresstoatleastoneandahalf.
Andcauseyemattertobeengravedonrockswhereanoccasionpresentsitself.
And(wherever)therearestonepillarshere,itmustbecausedtobeengravedonstonepillars.
Andaccordingtotheletterofthis(proclamation)(You)mustdispatch(anofficer)everywhere,
asfarasyourdistrict(extends).
(This)proclamationwasissuedby(me)ontour.
256(nightshadthenbeen)spentontour.
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Thisfirstedict,madewhenAshokawasinhisforties,isalsoamonghisshortest.Itisnotpartofa
setofedicts,asthoseinscribedinlateryearswere.Theglimpseoftheemperorsinnerlifeis
linkedtoarangeofpronouncementsabouthismission.Themessageispartlyconfessional,
presentinghisselfrealisationandorganisingitinachronologicalpatternofdevelopment.Thetext
wasdispatchedbytherulerinthemidstofalongtour,ithavingbeensurmisedthatthepresenceof
thenumber256inallversionsofthismessageindicatesthedaysornightsforwhichAshokahad
beenawayfromtheroyalcapital,Pataliputra.Thisdatealsoshowsthatallofthesemessages
weredispatchedmoreorlesssimultaneously.
PerhapsbecauseitcapturesanimportantmomentinthelifeofAshoka,thebrevityandcrowding
areunderstandable.Theybetrayanimpatienceinwantingtosharewhatthemetamorphosismeant
forhimasaruler,andthereforeoughttomeanforhisempireatlarge.Thereweregoodpolitical
reasonsaswellforsharingtheinformation;itwasmorereasonabletoexpecthissubjectstotryand
emulatehimiftheyunderstoodthecontextofhistransformation.Letustryandunderstandthe
informationandinstructionscontainedinthisimperialmessage,andseehowtheyareinterlinked.
AshokamadegrassrootscontactwithhispeopleonlyafterhebecameaBuddhist,therebeingno
epigraphsshowingthiskindofintentduringhispreBuddhistphase.Heappearedasazealous
BuddhistruleracrossalargepartofhisempireinthenorthBairat,Delhi,Ahraura,Ratanpurwa
andSasaramincentralIndiaGujjaraandRupnathandintheDeccan,where,infact,themost
frequentarticulationofhispersonaasaroyalBuddhistconvertcametobesetdownthismessage
beingengravedintenseparateplacesthere.HedeclaredattheoutsetthathehadbecomeaSakya,
meaningaBuddhist,aftertheBuddhaswellknowntitleSakyamuni.Elsewhere,insomeversions
ofthismessage,hedescribedhimselfasalayfollower,orupasake,oftheBuddhistfaith.
Ashokahadbecomealayworshippersometwoandahalfyearsearlier,hetoldhislisteners,
althoughhefeltthatinitialformaladherencetothenewfaithwasnotsufficientlyardent.This
seemstomeanthatAshokadidnotatfirstfeelgreatinterestinthemoralityofthereligion.
InstrumentalinmakingAshokaazealousBuddhist,herevealed,washisassociationwiththe
Sangha,theBuddhistmendicantorder,ayearandahalfafterhebecamealayfollower.Such
congregationsofmonksandnunswere,bythethirdcenturyBCE,knowntoexistinmanypartsof
India.PreciselywhichbranchoftheSanghaenchantedhimisnotknown,buttheMahabodhi
branch,intheplacewheretheBuddhaissaidtohaveattainedenlightenment,isadefinite
possibility.WelearnfromalaterAshokanepigraphthattheemperorvisitedMahabodhiinthe
tenthyearofhisconsecration,whichcanbeinferredtocoincidewiththedeepeningofhisreligious
beliefs.Theotherpossibilityisthathisconstantinteractionwithmonasteriesinandaround
Pataliputracausedhimtofeelmoredeeplyabouthisnewreligion.
FortheSangha,theconversionoftheregionsmostpowerfulmantoareligionwhichthestatehad
hithertolargelyregardedasaphilosophyofdissentagainsttheBrahmanicalfaithwasacoupof
unimaginablemagnitude.TheclosestparalleltothisintheWestisperhapstheconversionofthe
RomanemperorConstantineinthethirdcenturyCE,whoseadoptionoftherelativelynewreligion
ofChristianitycoincidentally,aswithAshokaandBuddhism,roughly300yearsafterthebirthof
thereligionhassometimesbeendescribedasthetransformationoftheimperialstateintothe
sacredstate.ConstantineoccupiesthesamepositioninChristianecclesiasticalhistorythatAshoka
doesintheSanghasversionsofkeymomentsinBuddhismstrajectory.
Ashokasnewfoundardourwasdemonstratedintwomainways.First,hedrewattentiontothe
eightmonthsorsothathehadspenttouringleadingonetothesurmisethatheissuedthisfirst
edictwhileontour.Second,whereasinprecedingtimeshumansandgodshadnotmingled,nowin
JambudvipaAshokasnameforhisempirethekingtookcreditformakingtheirintermingling
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possible.Thiswasawayofsayingthatbycreatingasharedmoraluniverseforhispeoplewith
theirgods,theemperorhadmadeJambudvipaalandofgreatermorality.
Inassertingthis,AshokausedamotifthatoccursofteninBuddhistliterature,onethathemust
havepickedupduringhisinteractionwiththeSangha.JohnStrong,ascholarofBuddhism,
maintainsthatimplicitinthefirstedictwastheideaofadoubleutopia,inwhichgodsand
humansmingledonearthorlaterinheaven,andthatthiscomminglingresonatedwithwhatthe
Buddhahimselfissaidtohavecreated.WhetherthenotionwaspickedupbyAshokafromsuch
texts,orwhetherthiswaspluckedoutbytheBuddhisttraditionfromAshokaswords,Strong
pointsout,isnoteasytoanswer.Whatseemslikely,though,isthatAshokausedanideawell
understoodbypeoplefamiliarwiththefaithoftheBuddha.Iftheyhadnotunderstoodwhatthe
comminglingofgodsandhumansimplied,hewouldhavetakensomepainstoexplainwhathe
meant,ashedidwithsomuchelse.
Theemperoralsosuggestedthatthismoralpathwasavailabletoallthosewhofollowedhis
example,fromthemosthumbletothosewhooccupiedhighrank.Inemphasisingthepossibilityof
equalaccesshewas,quiteevidently,followingtheBuddhahimself,inpositioninganewmoral
universefundamentallydifferentfromthestratifiedhierarchyoftheBrahmanicalorder.The
culturalmilieuofthefirstmillenniumBCusuallyemphasisedsocialdifferentiation:thefour
varnasBrahmans,Kshatriyas,VaishyasandShudraswerepositedtohavedifferentinnate
characteristicsanddifferentialaccesstoavarietyofsocialgoods,fromoccupationtojustice.This
wasarelativelyabsolutistsystemofreservations,supposedlyordainedbyaprimevaldivinityand
thereforeinviolable.Theindividualactingagainst,oragainstthegrainof,hisstatus,wasthus
supposedlydisobeyingasacredordinanceanordinancewhichhadofcoursebeencreatedand
perfectedbythepowerfulandimposeduponthelowly,andlargelyinternalisedbothbythelowly
andbysocietyatlarge.
Moderninterpretationandanalysishasexposedthissystemasamongtheworldsmosteffective
hegemonies,becauseofhoweffectivelyitdeployedgodsandgoddesseswithingreatliterary
storiesaccordedthestatusofreligioustexts.NotwithstandingtheeffortsofAshokaand,in
modernIndia,ofBRAmbedkarthecreationofthissocialandculturaluniverseofsupposedly
sacredacts,examplesandordersfromheavenlybeingswhodescendtotheworldofmenpartly
inordertoreinforcethevarnasystemhasneverbeenseriouslyundermined.TheBuddhaandhis
bestknowndisciple,Ashoka,seemtohaverecognisedthatcombatingasystemaspowerfulas
BrahmanicalHinduismrequiredtheuse,fordifferentends,ofsomeofthesamestorytelling
techniques.ThismeantensuringthattheBuddhistmessage,whileassertingasociallyinclusive
viewboththelowlyandtheexaltedcouldoccupythesamemoralplane,andachieveheaven,or
svaga,equallywasdeliveredlargelyinwaysthatfellinlinewithprevailingnotionsofthe
sacred.Inotherwords,itwasnewwinemadeheadierbybeingpouredoutofanoldand
recognisablebottle.
Ashokafurthersuggestedthat,hisownsubjectsapart,peopleonhisborderslearnaboutwhat
movedhiminthisnewdirection.Soweseethatfromthetimehebegancommunicatingthrough
edicts,hepresentedhimselfasarulernotmerelyprovidinganexampletohisexistingsubjects,but
equallytopotentialconvertsbeyondthelimitsofhisempire.Therewasnothingtentativeabout
thismission;indeed,asAshokaputit,themissionwill(bemadeto)progressconsiderably.
Ashokamadesurethatthepartofhislifesetoutinstonewasrecordedtobeexemplary.Thiswas
centraltohismissionaryintent.
Thiswaslifehistoryasmodelandprototype;thenewhegemonicenterpriseshinesthroughinhis
firstedictasmuchasinthosethatfollow.Implicitly,though,Ashokawasinterpretinghisownlife
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andbehaviourinawaythatwouldhaveremindedknowledgeableobserversofcrucialincidents
withinanearlierhistoricallife.Onecannotescapethestrongfeelingthatthereisintheemperors
autobiographicalvignettesomeechoofSiddharthaGautama,whobecametheBuddhainthesixth
centuryBCE.Siddharthasdecisiontorenounceworldlylife,hislaterbiographersunderlined,was
relatedtoapersonaltrauma.AshokadoesnotmentiontheKalingawarandhispostwarcrisisin
hisfirstedict,butwecannotescapereadingeventhispithytabletinthelightofitstransformative
impactontheconqueror.Again,whiletheBuddhamovedfrombeingtheheadofhisroyal
householdtoawanderinglifeinsearchoftruth,thekingstraditionalcallingasheadofhis
household,thestate,changestoamoralmission.LikethewanderingBuddha,whotaughtashe
travelled,theconvertedBuddhistkingembarksonhismissionbytouringhisempire.Hisinclusive
moralpathispatentlytheBuddhas.Aboveall,justastheBuddhaneverfailedtorevealpersonal
experienceasbeingthebasisofhisteachings,Ashokaslifeandhisnewkinglycallingare
inextricablycombined.TheBuddhaacquireddisciples;Ashokasdiscipleswere,inasense,the
peopleofhisadministrativeapparatus.
Akingwasnotpronetoconfidinginhispeople.Asawarriorandprotectorofhisrealmand
subjects,asalsoasupremearbitratoroftheirdisputes,hewasmeanttoprojecthimselfas
powerful,notspiritual.Thepeoplemayhavehadtobeforgiveniftheywereconfusedbyaking
who,insteadofproclaiminghisstrengthviagrandiloquenttitles,alludedtohimself,relatively
humbly,asbelovedofthegods.Theverythoughtofsuchamanbeingtheirrulerwouldhaverun
contrarytothenormalthoughtprocessesofthepopulace,which,ontheoddoccasionthatit
thoughtofhimatall,perhapsonlyfearedhimasakindofgodattheapexofataxextracting
administrationbackedupbyanarmyadreadlord.Villagersandtownspeoplewouldnormally
havebeenfamiliaronlywithlocalfunctionaries,notwiththemonarch.Now,throughthisnovel
intervention,therulerhadbroughthimselfwithinthedirectambitoftheirworld.Thesituationwill
haveseemedbewildering,theimperialinitiativewithoutprecedent.
AdaptedfromAshokainAncientIndia,publishedthismonthinSouthAsiabyPermanentBlack,
andoutsideSouthAsiainAugustthisyearbyHarvardUniversityPress.
NayanjotLahiriteachesarchaeologyattheUniversityofDelhi.Shehasauthoredseveralbooks
includingFindingForgottenCitiesandTheArchaeologyofIndianTradeRoutes.Sheisamember
oftheDelhiUrbanArtCommission.

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