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take onerous commitments that were not even contemplated during the
negotiations
triple challenges for the government 1.securing Indias interests in the
multilateral trade negotiations; 2. explaining its negotiating position to its key trade
partners, and 3. fighting the perception battle in the media.
2013 Bali Ministerial Conference of the WTO, the post-Bali work programme is
required to build on the decisions taken at Bali on agriculture, development and
least-developed countries issues, as well as all other issues under the Doha
mandate that are central to concluding the Doha Round. It is also expected to
provide for a permanent solution to the problem of public stockholding for food
security purposes, an issue that was partially resolved at Bali through the so-called
peace clause. Director General of the World Trade Organization, Roberto Azevdo,
has repeatedly exhorted countries to focus on issues that are doable for all
members and not just for some. This has provided an escape route to the
developed countries to ward off demands for cuts in their farm subsidies. It is an
open secret that a lowering of ambition on farm subsidies is a thinly veiled attempt
at shielding the United States from taking commitments that might require it to
make changes to its recent Farm Act. Developments in Geneva suggest that the
developed countries are aggressively seeking onerous commitments from India and
China that are not part of the negotiating agenda on farm subsidies and were not
even contemplated during the entire course of the Doha Round. India has proved to
be a soft target in the past for papering over negotiating inaction by the
developed countries. The example of sectoral initiatives in tariffs is particularly
relevant. Pressuring developing countries, particularly India, to make concessions
that go beyond the negotiating mandate is a part of strategy effectively deployed
by the developed countries-the negotiating mandate is a part of strategy effectively
deployed by the developed countries. U.S. has successfully diverted attention from
its inability to cut cotton subsidies a crucial element in the negotiating template
and shifted the blame on India for a lack of progress in negotiations.
How India must respond-Agreeing to the commitments sought from it
would limit the policy space of the government in respect of certain
categories of farm subsidies. This could jeopardise the livelihood of millions of farm
households and further exacerbate the agrarian distress.
India is fully within its rights to resist pressures for commitments that are beyond
the agreed negotiating mandate. Indias response should have at least four
distinct dimensions. First, at the WTO, India should unequivocally resist requests
for concessions that are beyond the negotiating mandate. The government would
need to replicate the resolve and firmness shown by it last year during the impasse
on trade facilitation and food security issues. However, India could indicate its
willingness to show movement within the confines of the mandate, provided the
developed countries are willing to reciprocate by cutting their farm subsidies and
addressing issues of food security and farm livelihood. India should also actively
galvanize support from other developing countries for ensuring that the Doha Round
is not concluded without the developed countries making meaningful cuts in their
farm support. It should also seek simplification in the tariff structure of the European
Union, which is extremely complex and impedes farm exports of developing
countries.
Second, the Department of Commerce and the Ministry of External Affairs should
work closely to clearly articulate Indias negotiating approach to the capital-based
officials of its key trade partners. In the past, at crucial stages in the negotiations,
considerable misinformation was circulated and an impression created that India
was being rigid and difficult in the negotiations. India was also wrongly projected as
being isolated. This pattern could be repeated in the coming few weeks. This needs
to be forcefully countered. India should clearly bring out the unreasonable demands
being made on it and elucidate how the onus for slow progress in the negotiations
actually lies on the developed countries. Further, India should unequivocally convey
to the developed countries that it would not acquiesce to demands that go beyond
the negotiating modalities, while the developed countries fail to honour their side of
the negotiating mandate.
Third, the Department of Commerce should regularly brief the media about key
developments in the negotiations for ensuring that the battle of perception is not
lost. Otherwise, there is a risk that the governments perspective might get drowned
in the blitzkrieg by commentators sympathetic to the economic interests of the
developed countries.
Assuring the farmer
Fourth, the government should assure the stakeholders, particularly the farming
community, that it would not bend under unfair demands and pressures of the
developed countries. In the absence of such an assurance, the farmers may feel
apprehensive about continuity in government support schemes for agriculture.
Islamic extremism
religious stimuli is also a reason impacting the rise of Islamic extremism across the
world
Sociological divisions such as tribes and castes often predate organised religionethnicity like tribals etc.ethnicity is often comparable to that of religion. For
instance, Boko Harams main catchment area is the Kanuri tribe in north-eastern
Nigeria, as well as the three neighbouring countries of Niger, Cameroon and Chad.
Boko Harams area of operations is predominantly Sunni Muslim
Political misgovernment
Islamic tumult can often be traced back to governance issues.The system has
usually lacked participation and is marked by maladministration, endemic
corruption and repression. Many of these countries have essentially been
dictatorships backed by either armed forces or a dominant tribe.
In the Maghreb countries of North Africa such as Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt, this
phenomenon came to be called Hogra or the impunity that the ruling class enjoyed,
and was deeply resented by the rest.
Power vacuum and outreach
Somalia after Siad Barre or Libya after Muammar Qaddafi, as well as Iraq and
Afghanistan after the U.S. withdrawal, was seen as an open invitation for motley
groups to fill the political void.Geopolitical outreach is perhaps easiest to
understand. A foreign sponsor uses Islam as a Trojan horse for expansionism.
Pakistans long-standing backing for the Mujahidin and the Taliban in Afghanistan is
an obvious example of this strategy.
It is, clear, therefore, that Islamic extremism is not monolithic. During the long
Cold War, the West often painted the Comintern in similar simplistic and
exaggerated terms, making various errors of judgement in the process. Islamic
extremism is a serious threat with an impact well beyond its direct theatre of
operations. However, ignoring the nuances of the various stimuli that fuel it would
only amount to repeating history, with similar outcomes.
Manipurs Dilemma
Naga leader A.Z.Phizo: Nagaland cannot accept the Indian excess population
as our country is too small.
Northeastern states , including Manipur, outburst due to fear of losing
ancestral land to outsiders.
Manipur Regulation of Visitors, Tenant and Migrant Workers Bill,
2015 was withdrawn by the govt. after opposition from various sections in
the society-women, opposition parties and section of ruling party.
However, the opposition underscores for the imposition of Inner Line
Permit system(ILP), as in a few other northeastern states.
ILP regime
Introduced by British to protect tribal populations from encroachment
into their areas, but later to advance commercial interest.
Can India afford to introduce a quasi-visa to its citizens to enter one
state from another?
2001 census indicated the size of the migrant community was nearly as much
as that of the dominant ethnic Meiteis, so northeastern states want to curb
inward movement. But there has also been outward migration of the
indigenous people.
Industries: extract land from people, leasing-out of one sixth of total area of
Manipur oil exploration and drilling to international oil majors.
Though understandable the intentions of northeastern states hill valley divide in
the state and congestion in the state rather than huge in-migration of outsiders.
States should ensure that alien-investor-driven development does not disrobe its
people. After all, they would benefit from the growth generated out of its own
domestic resources.
Since President Maithripala Sirisena took office, positive steps were taken to
address human rights and democracy concerns, including establishing new
institutions and undertaking legal reforms but it points out several challenges
remain-high militarization of tamil region.
Invitation were given to exiled journalists to return to Sri Lanka and lifting
travel bans on foreign nationals visiting north region.
Most malnourished states of the country have witnessed the sharpest fall in
the proportion of underweight children. But when it comes to stunting (low
height for age), considered an indicator of chronic undernourishment. Little
evidence to suggest that state interventions, either in the form of broadbased programmes such as the public distribution system (PDS) for food
grains or targeted child nutrition programs such as the Integrated Child
Development Services (ICDS) , Mid-day Meals scheme played a major role in
fighting child malnutrition. A nationwide survey called the Rapid Survey on
Children (RSOC), conducted by the ministry of women and child development
in 2013-14 in league with Unicef, showed that the proportion of
underweight children in India was 29.4%, and that of stunted children
38.7%. National Family Health Survey (NFHS), had reported in 2005-06: the
ratio of underweight children at 42.5%, and the ratio of stunted children at
48%.
Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Uttarakhand and West Bengal have not issued a single
card to farmers against the targets set for them for 2015-16.
The Soil Health Card is a printed report that will be given to farmers once
in three years for each of his/her land holding. It will contain crucial
information on macro nutrients in the soil, secondary nutrients, micro
nutrients, and physical parameters. The card will be accompanied by an
advisory on the corrective measures that a farmer should take to improved
soil health and obtain a better yield. Andhra Pradesh has taken the lead in
disbursement of the Soil Health Cards to farmers. Tamil Nadu and Punjab
exceeded targets for collection of soil samples during the kharif season. Soil
Health Card portal allows for registration for collection of soil samples along
with testing in approved labs. The important aspect of the portal is that it not
only gives an assessment to a farmer about use of major fertilizers but also
micro-nutrients which are missing in his field and which must be added for a
balanced soil. Information is given for different crops.
The system envisages building up a single national database on soil health
for future use in research and planning. A total of 2.53 crore samples will be
collected and tested to generate 14 crore Soil Health Cards to farmers once in
three years.
Fertilizer Quality Control System web gives information on the quality of
imported fertilizers at ports while States check the quality of indigenously
manufactured fertilizers.
India imports 25 to 30 per cent of its requirement of urea, 90 per cent
requirement of DAP (Di ammonium Phosphate) and 100 per cent MOP
(Muriate of Potash).
Participatory Guarantee System portal provides for online registration,
approval, documentation, record of inspection and Certification of organic
products produced by a farmer.
with Talibans Qatar office. Diplomacy is often about picking the lesser evil to
serve the national interest. Among those attending were representatives of
Pakistan, China and the U.S.
All judges in the supreme court take a common oath prescribed in the
schedule 3 of the constitution-which begins as I , appointed CJ or Judge
of the supreme court of India.
A case in the supreme court challenges NJAC act that it violates basic
structure , as CJI is part of basic structure under art-124, the act relegated CJI
to one among the 6 members of the NJAC commission.
disclose particulars of the father. The ruling thus also takes into account
both the rights of illegitimate children and the unwed mothers
right to privacy.
The ruling on the rights of the unwed mother cited this case to point out that
where the child is in the exclusive care and custody of the mother, for
whatever reason, she can act as the natural guardian of the minor and all her
actions would be valid even during the lifetime of the father.
The ruling has given rise to misgivings that it would violate the
fathers right to know his child, a point made by the amicus curiae.
Long-term implications for the social norm that an ideal family unit
must consist of father, mother and the offspring. However, the Court
has held that the uninvolved parent is not precluded from approaching
the guardian court to quash, vary or modify its orders if the best interests of
the child so indicate.
If things are to change at the ground level, such rulings must receive not just
wide media publicity but must also be disseminated through informal and
popular means of communication.
right of every mother to be recognised as the legal guardian of her child in
her own right. Right of every mother to be recognised as the legal guardian of
her child in her own right.
Change (IPCC) in 2007 estimated that the Arctic will have an ice-free
summer by the end of this century. Arctics vast reservoirs of fossil fuel,
fish and minerals, including rare earth materials, are now accessible for
a longer period. But unlike Antarctica, which is protected from
exploitation by the Antarctic Treaty framed during the Cold War and is
not subject to territorial claims by any country. There is no legal regime
protecting the Arctic from industrialisation, especially at a time when
the world craves for more and more resources. The distinct possibility of icefree summer has prompted countries with Arctic coastline to scramble for
great chunks of the melting ocean. The scrambling pales the Gold Rush of the
19th century in its scope and degree. Of the eight Arctic nationsRussia,
Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark (Greenland), Finland, Canada
and the USseveral have explored the Arctic waters and found over
400 oilfields with proven reserves of around 240 billion barrels of crude oil
and natural gas. This is about 10 per cent of the worlds known
hydrocarbon reserves. They have also discovered significant deposits
of various minerals on the seabed. New reserves will be available with
further melting of the polar sea ice. The US Geological Survey estimates
that the Arctic holds up to 20 per cent of the worlds unexplored
hydrocarbon reserves, with potential oil reserves of 90 billion
barrels, natural gas reserves of 47.3 trillion cubic metres and gas
condensate reserves of 44 billion barrels. Around 80 per cent of these new
discoveries are likely to be found offshore at an easy depth of 500
metres. As a bonus, the vanishing ice also opens up two new faster
shipping routes that sharply reduce the distance between Western
countries and Asia by connecting the Pacific and Atlantic oceans.
These are the Northwest Passage along the northern coast of North
America and the Northeast Passage along the Siberia coast.
and a few other countries. India was then part of the British Empire.
It is still a member of the British Commonwealth. The treaty gives all
its 40 signatories equal rights to engage in commercial activities on
the islands. Norway and Russia are utilising this right for coal
mining.
Technically, we have a right to explore resources in these islands, says
Shailesh Nayak, secretary of Ministry of Earth Sciences. Asserting its right,
India opened its Arctic research station, Himadri, in the Svalbard region
of Norway in 2008. In case of a future multilateral consensus on governance
of the Arctic, this treaty gives India a major stakeholder status. Our
experience in natural gas extraction projects in Sakhalin (sub-Arctic island in
Russia) prepares us to work in Arctic conditions. Indias technological
experience in ocean floor exploration for minerals and other resources may
also be helpful while working in the Arctic.
There are experts who argue that India should follow China in seeking a share
in the exploitation of Arctic resources. But this would be short-sighted, says
Shyam Saran, a senior fellow with the Centre for Policy Research, a think-tank
in Delhi. India lacks in financial and technological capabilities to match the
countries in the forefront of the current Arctic scramble. Besides, Saran points
out, such projects ignore the much greater damage, compared to any
possible benefits, that India may have to bear if the Arctic continues to be
ravaged by unchecked human greed.
Costly, both for industry and environment.
New alliances are also being forged to extend control over the newly
accessible Arctic region or gain access to its resources. Except Russia, all the
other Arctic nations are part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO),
a security alliance. But that has not deterred them from charting out their
own strategies for the Arctic. In an unexpected strategic move, Norway and
Russia agreed to improve military relations and expand cooperation in their
Arctic territories.
Until two years ago, the countries were engaged in a four-decade-long
dispute over the Arctic boundary. Both have created special army units for
the Arctic in the past year. Russia built ice-class vessels designed to ferry
military hardware and sent extra brigades to its northernmost bases recently.
Norway plans to buy 48 F-35 fighter planes to bolster its Arctic defences.
the US, Canada and Denmark staged military manoeuvres in their Arctic
territories
Behind these high-voltage military displays, the countries are evolving new
strategies and changing national policies to govern and exploit the resources,
mainly energy reserves.
Oil is the lure
Russia, one-third of which lies within the Arctic Circle, has been the most
aggressive in establishing itself as the superpower of the emerging region.
Within a couple of months, he declared another policy, offering tax cuts on
hydrocarbons and minerals produced in the countrys Arctic territory. Now
there is a virtual stampede among oil majors to reach the Russian Arctic.
Rosneft has entered into two big-ticket agreements with Italys Eni and US
ExxonMobil.
Russias interests in the Arctic are economic, geographical, scientific and
environmental. The Russian Arctic is also a place where the geopolitical
interests of both Arctic and non-Arctic states interact owing to their
geographical positions. Though Scandinavian countries own smaller chunks of
the Arctic, they have plans in place on how to exploit the resources. Norway
has a 20-year plan to unlock the regions oil and gas reserves and deliver
them to foreign markets.
US has also indicated that it would auction the exploration blocks in the Arctic
by 2015. The Chukchi and Beaufort Seas off the coast of Alaska hold around
26 billion barrels of oil. Energy major Shell has obtained conditional approval
to drill exploratory wells in the region from 2013.
Non-Arctic nations in queue. The latest phase of the Arctic rush is being
played out in the Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum formed by the
Arctic nations and representatives of the indigenous people of the pole like
the Eskimo.
The council discusses issues related to the environment, sustainable
development and scientific research in the Arctic, and does not deal with
matters related to military security. Six non-Arctic nationsthe UK, France,
Spain, Germany, Poland and the Netherlands sit in the council as observers.
More countries, including China, India, Brazil, Japan, South Korea, the EU and
several individual European states, are now seeking observer status in the
council. The status would not only keep them apprised of the fast-changing
geopolitics in the Arctic, it might help them gain access to the region in
future. However, India and China are emerging as the two strong candidates
to join the ranks of the observers.
Road to Arctics bounty is not without obstacles.
There are environmental concerns that call for restricting industrial activities,
challenge of building infrastructure in extreme weather conditions, which
may hinder exploration activities and affect the economic viability of projects.
Even the existing projects may face the heat. They are built on permafrost,
and in the event of its thawing the same infrastructure would have to be
rebuilt. The pristine Arctic nature has not been researched yet, and launching
any production in the Arctic offshore would kill the natural habitat
There are also fears of oil spill, which can seriously damage the ecology.
There is a wide technology gap. There is no equipment and infrastructure to
remove a massive oil spill in icy conditions, and there are no sanctions on
companies in case of an accident.
When permafrost melts, it releases carbon into the atmosphere.
there is approximately double the amount of carbon in the permafrost than
there is in the atmosphere today. Depleting snow cover also leads to low
reflection and higher absorption of sunlight. This will increase
atmospheric temperature of the Arctic and induce further melting.
The debate over whether to exploit the Arctic now revolves around two
perspectives. The Arctic nations want to reap the riches, while the non-Arctic
nations want the pole to be preserved as a global commons, such as
Antarctica or international sea. But so far there have been no substantial
global initiatives to decide how to govern the Arctic. This could be due to two
major reasons. One, the Arctic has hydrocarbons. Two, its geographical
location is unique.
Under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, all eight countries
bordering the Arctic have territorial claims over the ocean waters. Since
researchers have confirmed that the rising temperatures will open up a
treasure trove of natural resources in the Arctic, most Arctic nations have
submitted claims for extending their jurisdiction in the Arctic territory. Until
the convention finalises the claims in 2014, one cannot say how much of the
Arctic will come under the international law. A similar situation of many
contested claims existed for Antarctica before the Antarctic Treaty of 1961
came into force. But a provision in the treaty made the claims non-actionable
to avoid future conflicts.
growing steadily, from about 1.5 crore in 1992 to a little less than 4
crore in 2012, constituting 7% of the total cattle population in 1992
and 21% in 2012. Taking these out of the total cattle population, the
population of the indigenous cattle has declined from a little less
than 19 crore to a little over 15 crore (a decline of 20.15%) over the two
decades. This decline has been mainly due to the decline in the
population of indigenous male cattle. The total male cattle population
declined slightly, from 7.75 crore in 2003 to 7.67 crore in 2007, but
significantly to 6.19 crore by 2012. The number of the male indigenous
cattle, mainly bullocks, declined by 1.56 crore during these 10 years.
The reason is straight and simple-decline in size of landholdings
The average size of cultivated landholdings in India has significantly
declined over time. Today more than three-fourths of the cultivated
landholdings in the country are of less than 2 hectares in size and
more than half of this is of less than 1 hectare. (The average size of
holdings of the small farmers is 0.67 ha or 1.78 acres.) It has become very
difficult for most small farmers to maintain even one bullock, not to
speak of a pair. They tend to hire the bullocks and ploughs from
others for the main ploughing work or, increasingly, hire tractors,
small or large, for the purpose. The larger farmers use tractors
rather than keep bullocks. The bullocks are sold, ostensibly to
traders who sell them to butchers. These Hindu farmers know the destiny
of the cattle they sell, but cannot help it. Keeping them will mean both their
cattles starvation and their own in the end.
While the decline in the number of the male indigenous cattle has
already started, that of the cows is also on its way. During the five
years, 200712, the number of adult cows has not increased (there has
been, indeed, a very small decline for the first time).
Increased milk supply from exotic, cross bred cows-1/5 th of total
cattle population
The increased milk supply is being taken care of by the growing
number (and proportion) of the exotic/cross-bred cows (besides another
major milch animal, the buffalo) who now constitute more than a fifth of the
total cattle population of India. Gradually the number of the indigenous
cattle, both male and female, will decline. Indeed. the total population of
cattle will decline, since the exotic and the cross-bred, in combination with
the growing buffalo population, will meet the demand for more milk. And
bullocks will become very expensive to maintain, leading to a decline in
their numbers.
Regional Differences
Odisha: which had the highest growth rate of cattle population in the
country half a century ago and has for half a century a law banning slaughter
of any cattle; there has been an extensive export of cattle (illegally) from
Odisha, Bihar and West Bengal (as well as some other north and
even west Indian states) to Bangladesh. Bangladesh imports nearly
two-thirds of the cattle annually slaughtered in that country. Its
main export is leather, hides and skin as well as leather goods. There
is also some restriction on the manner of transport of cattle in
Odisha. Odishas cattle economy at present, therefore, appears to be an
example of what a more progressive cattle economy in another state can
become if the farmers are prevented by law from disposing of their
unproductive cattle.
situation in Gujarat was quite different from that of many other states
Gujarat: which has recorded the highest growth in the total number of
cattle, 25.2% (one of five states; the other four states being: Rajasthan
9.94%, Uttar Pradesh 3.57%, Chhattisgarh 3.41% and Assam 2.65%); This is a
major milk producing state and has traditionally a breed (Gir) that is
better milk yielding. But the important point to note is that while the
female cow population greatly increased, that of the male drastically
declined. If this had not been permitted, what would have happened?
Tamil Nadu: that has recorded the highest decline in the cattle population.
shows a pattern of change that all other states are likely to show, if not
hindered by ban laws. The introduction of exotic and cross-bred cattle
started in this state much earlier than elsewhere. By 2007 the exotic and
cross-bred cattle constituted nearly two-thirds (66%) of the total
cattle population of the state. By 2012 their share went up to 72%.
What was more important was that the population of all categories of
cattle recorded a decline: the cross-bred, both male and female,
declined from 1.12 crore to 88 lakh (by 21.2%). The decline was much
larger in the population of the indigenous, by 35.4%.
Dim Prospects for the Indigenous
indigenous milch cattle has little chance of survival and growth. Long
ago the Brazilian government imported Gir cows and bulls from
Gujarat and Ongole cattle from Andhra Pradesh. Over years, through
systematic selective breeding, they have developed an extremely high
milk yielding Gir species and a very high quality beef cattle of the
Ongole variety, which they are also exporting. Until now nothing had
been done to improve the stock of our indigenous cattle in India.
Very belatedly, an attempt has been started with a few breeds. But the
ban on slaughter of cattle threatens to sound the death knell of any such
Solar Energy
The failure of solar installations in India is not primarily due to poor
maintenance or lack of money, materials and skilled manpower as argued in
"Solar Energy for Rural Electricity in India: A Misplaced Emphasisreport
Solar is still not a visible product for the consumer. Rather than see the failure
of solar installations in terms of a rural-urban divide, the author could have
done well to locate his arguments in the context of the "new economy-old
economy" divide. It questions the relevance of promoting solar
photovoltaic (PV) systems for lighting in rural areas of India. It has also
been presented as a special case of the so-called ruralurban divide, and the
inequality hypothesis of a spatial kind.
RuralUrban Gap
The differences between rates of electrification and consumption in urban
and rural areas. It shows that, though electrification rates in urban and
rural areas show a converging trend, there is divergence in terms of
the monthly per capita consumption of electricity. It highlights the
country. The Jawaharlal Nehru Mission itself should grow as a part of a large
national agenda of energy security. In such a massive agenda, the
conventional programmes, as directed by the government, should play only
a catalytic role. The key role should come from private enterprises,
which, in turn, will capture the market signals clearly and will respond to
them instantaneously.