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VENEZUELA
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As in the East China Sea, the United States should avoid taking a
position on the merits of Venezuelas legal claim. Yet the U.S.
arguably has an interest in making a strong stand in support of the
integrity of national borders, and in this case Guyanas security against
Venezuelan attempts at intimidation.
This should include reinforcing the right of Guyana to manage
Stabroek (the offshore oil block under dispute) and the countrys other
offshore oil blocks, as well as its maritime territories and land. Through
this effort, the U.S. must also emphasize that any change to the
internationally-recognized status quo can only be re-negotiated through
international legal and diplomatic means.
If not strongly condemned by the international community,
Venezuelas aggressive rhetoric and actions will have troublesome
implications for the stability of the region. Would the states of the
region be equally silent if Colombia began to threaten Nicaraguan
fishermen operating near San Andres Island, based on its discontent
with the 2013 International Court of Justice (ICJ) decision? Should
Chile have a similar right to declare a maritime defense zone in parts of
its maritime frontier with Peru, awarded to the latter by the ICJ in
2014, if Chile were to decide that the award was unjust?
If there was ever a dispute in which the Organization of American
States (OAS) should play a role in resolving, it is this one. Venezuela
has sought mediation from virtually every organization except for the
OAS in the matter, including the United Nations and CELAC
(Community of Latin American and Caribbean States). Yet the OAS is
the only one of these organizations that is both representative of the
regions political and legal traditions, has the bureaucratic structures to
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resolve disputes of this nature, and includes the United States, which
was a key party to the 1899 arbitration decision at the heart of the
present dispute (ironically, the U.S. argued for Venezuelas claim, at
the time).
Standing by Guyana against Venezuelas present pre-emptive actions
and attempts at intimidation also advances the U.S. agenda of
democracy and rule of law in the region. On May 11, 2015, Guyana
held elections that were broadly characterized as free and fair by
international monitors from at least 10 nations. In those elections, the
multi-ethnic A Partnership for National Unity (APNU)Alliance
for Change (AFC) coalition successfully defeated the indo-Guyanese
Peoples Progressive Party (PPP) that had ruled the country for 23
years.
While it is too early to really assess the new APNU-AFC government
in Guyana, to date President Granger has shown himself to be a
statesman and a democrat, responding with dignity and restraint to the
accusations and insults of President Maduro. This is welcome in a
region undergoing a dramatic transition, including the re-integration of
Cuba into its economic and political structures, the unfolding collapse
of Venezuela, and the expansion of Chinas presence throughout the
region.
As with Chinas heavy-handed attempt to impose its territorial claims,
embodied by the nine dash line, in the South China Sea, Venezuelas
assertion of rights over two-thirds of Guyanas territory and associated
waters must be resolved by diplomacy and international legal
mechanismsnot by military, diplomatic and economic intimidation.
In standing up for Guyanas freedom from coercion, the United States
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2015 LatinAmericaGoesGlobal
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