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Philip Mansour
Dr. Oleson
Conflict Transformation
12 May 2015
Reconciliation in South Sudan
On July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan became the worlds newest country. It
successfully seceded from the Republic of the Sudan to become its own sovereign nation. The
war for independence between Sudan and South Sudan left millions dead and setup the new
underdeveloped nation for disaster. On July 9th 2011, Salva Kiir Mayardit became the countrys
first president and Riek Machar became the countrys first vice president (Conflicts in South
Sudan). Kiir belongs to the Dinka tribe, the largest of 60 ethnic groups in South Sudan and
Machar belongs to the Nuer tribe, the second largest ethnic group in South Sudan (Copnall).
Two years later, In July 2013, Kiir fired Machar as vice-president, after Machar accused Kiir of
undermining democracy and favoring his Dinka cronies with government largesse (Bay). Tribal
conflict has been integrated in the already existing competing political interests of powerful
actors such as Kiir and Machar and the factions they represent. Tensions between the Dinka and
the Nuer heightened on December 15, 2013 when supporters of Kiir and Machar exploded into
violent fighting on the streets of Juba, the capital city of South Sudan. The violence was a result
of, Kiir supporters accus[ing] pro-Machar rebel soldiers in the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army
of attempting a coup. Machar supporters accused Kiir's Dinka-dominated presidential guard of
deliberately fomenting a dispute with Nuer soldiers and then opening fire in order to establish a
political pretext for purging Machar's political allies (Bay). Since this incident, war has raged
among the different ethnic groups in five of the ten states of South Sudan and continues to spread

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rapidly (Bay). Mass murder and ethnic cleansing has left thousands dead and millions displaced
from their homes.
Analysis
The internal conflict between the tribes in South Sudan reflects the first property of
conflict interaction according to the first chapter in Working Through Conflict. This property
states, Conflict is constituted and sustained by moves and countermoves during interaction
(Folger et al 23). This property clearly applies in this conflict because the conflict in its entirety
is not comprised of isolated events. Rather, the progression of the conflict is the collection of a
series of statements and responses in the political and social spheres. The hope for South Sudan
when it became a country was that it would be a nation founded upon democracy and that the
government would be a voice for all the people. Clearly, this has not been the case thus far
because some of the ideals of democracy have not been upheld in the executive branch. As
previously mentioned, Kiir relieved Machar of his position as vice president and others in the
cabinet of different ethnic groups when they openly spoke against him. The narrative from that
point forward reveals a series of actions and reactions that can look like this: He did X and then
she said Y and then he said Z and then (Folger et al 24). In understanding the recent history
of the conflict in South Sudan, one can conclude that this, conflict cannot be reduced to the
acts of individuals (Folger et al 25). With regards to democracy in South Sudan, the political
nature of the tribal conflict makes it impossible for democracy to thrive in a political atmosphere
like South Sudans because there is a constant power struggle among politicians. Political power
and influence is more important to South Sudanese politicians than sustaining long term
democracy. Thus, they are willing to sacrifice democracy in the short and long term for the sake
of retaining political power in the country.

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Moreover, the dimensions of face and face-saving as discussed in the sixth chapter of
Working Through Conflict give further insight on the ethnic conflict and the unsuccessfulness of
democracy in South Sudan. Brown and Levinsons theory known as politeness, conceives
face as something that can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must constantly be attended to in
interactions (Folger et al 177). This relates to the first property of conflict interaction because it
adds the layer of face-saving in peoples relations with each other. President Kiir and ex vice
president Machar and the factions they represent are constantly trying to brand their factions as
honorable and worthy of rule. They make efforts to deflect as much negative association with
ethnic massacres, rape, and other human rights violations and place that on the other.
Accordingly, a positive and constructive image to the public is maintained, while portraying the
other faction as evil and ill-willed to the public.
In addition, this theory further explains that there is positive and negative face. Positive
face refers to a persons desire to acquire the approval of others; negative face is the desire for
autonomy or to not be imposed on by others (Folger et al 177). It is interesting to note that the
components of negative face are the desired end goals by the factions led by Kiir and Machar.
Both men desire that their faction and their tribe would have complete control of South Sudan
and reign supreme over the land. The lust of power is the inherent problem that South Sudans
strongest political leaders have and is preventing the country from prospering under democratic
rule. Initially, South Sudanese political leaders may have desired a democratic nation, but this
does not seem to be the case given the actions of Kiir and Machar and the factions as a whole.
Kiirs aspiration to be autonomous and unopposed spurred his actions in the dismissal of rival
tribe members in the executive branch. Machars faction needed to save face and they did so by
means of violence. The back and forth violence by these factions to become supreme and save

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face will never allow democracy to have a foothold in South Sudanese government.
Critique
In the past year and a half, South Sudan has been able to initiate a reconciliation strategy
that includes a truth and reconciliation commission for the nation as a whole. Although it is in its
grassroots, South Sudan is taking the right steps in the journey towards reconciliation. The three
government constituted bodies mandated to work on peace and reconciliation in the country are:
the South Sudan Peace and Reconciliation Commission, the Specialized Committee of
Parliament on Peace and Reconciliation, and the Committee for National Healing, Peace and
Reconciliation (UNDP in Africa). The three bodies released a joint statement outlining their
strategy in the following:
Support for the dialogue process facilitated by the IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority
on Development) leaders working with our leaders to come to an agreement to end the
violence, commitment from the fighting groups and their leaders to declare an immediate
and unconditional ceasefire and cease armed combat, commitment from the leadership to
resolve differences exclusively through dialogue and engage each other with respect,
dignity and humanity, recognition and commitment from the leadership to embark on a
long-term and in-depth process towards national healing and reconciliation, express
solidarity with the victims of the conflict and offer our condolences to the families who
have lost loved ones, livelihood and belongings, appeal to the local and international
humanitarian organizations to double their efforts to assist the people of South Sudan
working in concert with local partners and with understanding of local sensitivities.
(UNDP in Africa)
The TRC is at the forefront of the reconciliation strategy and the hope is that it will be supported

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by the political leadership.

In April 2015, the first stint of the TRC was taking place in Kuajok, the capital of the
Warrap state in South Sudan. 75 peace mobilisers from all ten states of Southern Sudan
completed a four week training program before beginning work with the communities in Warrap.
The peace mobilisers include a diverse group of people coming from different geographic, tribal,
gender, occupation, and age backgrounds. Some of these people are diplomats, spiritual leaders,
community leaders, directors of womens empowerment organizations, lawyers, and paralegals.
A total of 550 peace mobilizers will be utilized in a three year nationwide reconciliation process.
They will facilitate and document dialogue at the payam (village) level to ensure that the
reconciliation journey is driven and shaped by the peoples experiences, knowledge, and needs.
The hope is that a narrative from the people of South Sudan since it gained its independence will
come to life (CNHPR). It will be imperative that most, if not all victims of tribal conflict
participate in the dialogue in order to build a proper narrative of the past. David and Elizabeth
Deng write that, providing a public platform for victims to tell their stories and perpetrators
to confess their wrongs and seek forgiveness will allow for the process of forgiveness to
begin towards reconciliation. Lastly, part of the TRCs mission is to adequately preserve the
memory of past transgressions so they are not forgotten and repeated.
In Forgiveness and Reconciliation, there is a great deal of insight about moral forgiveness
and the characteristics of successful TRCs. In Rodney L. Petersons piece, A Theology of
Forgiveness, he says that, the victimwhether poor, marginalized, or subject to active
violencehas been more clearly brought into view. To consider the victim as a person is to take
the victims rights seriously and elicit forgiveness as warranted (Helmick and Peterson 13). A
victims pain and suffering needs to be unearthed in order for truth telling to form a

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narrative that would otherwise be suppressed. When victims are given the opportunity to voice
their past experiences freely, it allows them to regain some of the humanity that they have lost.
As a result, victims are given the opportunity to respond in forgiveness to past transgressions
while setting the stage for perpetrators to seek forgiveness. This is an important component of a
TRC that the South Sudanese have taken seriously and hope to implement in their own TRC.
Also, Donald W. Shriver Jr. discusses the importance of memory in forgiveness in his
piece, A Bridge across Abysses of Revenge. He points out that, Readiness to remember the past
is of a piece with readiness to counteract it (Helmick and Peterson 156). The saying, forgive
and forget is damaging to a world seeking reconciliation. An important element of forgiveness
is remembering because it allows perpetrators to take responsibility for their evil actions and
allows victims to truly forgive and be heard. In South Sudan, it is of high importance that
nothing is forgotten from the painful past of many of the people there so that perpetrators are not
given the opportunity to act unjustly to their fellow citizens again. Thus, the narrative being
collected in South Sudan will be comprehensive enough so that there is no ambiguity in the
future about what happened in the past. Essentially, forgiving and not forgetting is a defense
mechanism for the future with the hope that, a truth revealing/memorization process will give
communities a chance to rebuild trust and relations and learn to live together and build their
country (D. and E. Deng).
Lastly, the legitimacy and success of the TRC in South Sudan rests upon the leadership of
the committee and the leadership involved in the committee. Audrey R. Chapman writes about
this topic in her piece, Truth Commissions. She writes that,
the legitimacy of a truth commission and the acceptance of its findings will depend on
whether key groupsarchitects of the violence, victims, perpetrators, and bystanders

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believe that the truth commission proceeded in an unbiased and objective manner, using
appropriate methodologies and considering valid sources of evidence. (Helmick and
Peterson 261-262)
Fundamentally, not every TRC will be successful by name. Any TRC or anything similar to it
needs to maintain its authenticity in order for it to produce the necessary healing that comes out
of truth telling and a truthful record of the past. This aspect is still yet to be made clear because
the TRC in South Sudan has recently piloted consultation. The hope is that effective and efficient
training of peace ambassadors will ensure a fruitful TRC in South Sudan.
Moreover, Chapman points out that a TRC can be more beneficial than court trials in
revealing accounts of past atrocities and allowing for more accountability. She expands this point
in writing, A truth commissions purpose is to provide a narrative of a specific period and/or
regime, determine the major causes of the violence... in a less divisive manner than a trial
(Helmick and Peterson 258). Besides that, Once victims accounts are verified, official
acknowledgment of abuses can support the credibility of their suffering and help restore their
dignity (Helmick and Peterson 259). This allows for coming to terms with the past while
promoting a new political culture and commitment to a shared future. Also, it is vital for people
not to allow their pride to stand in the way of publically apologizing for past wrongs. Denial of
past transgressions and suppressed, painful memories will not allow future reconciliation to take
place. This is why political leaders in South Sudan need to whole-heartedly participate in the
TRC in their country and be held accountable for the injustices that they have done. Nonetheless,
this can only take place if perpetrators in leadership confront their injustices and sincerely
apologize and ask for forgiveness from those they have harmed first.
Comparison

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In comparison, South Sudans TRC vision compares with some of the reconciliation
process in Canada in the same way that perpetrators publicly acknowledging injustices they have
committed and apologizing for them. In the 19th and 20th century, Canadian churches created
residential schools for the indigenous youth of Canada to attend. The objective of the schools
was to completely assimilate these youth into Canadian culture and to fully strip them of their
cultural identity. The indigenous life culture was perceived to be savagery by the Canadians and
they thought that they were doing them a favor by ridding them of their savage way of life.
Physical and sexual abuse took place among other human rights abuses in these residential
schools. Many of the indigenous youth who attended these schools ended up being jaded and
severely hurt mentally, emotionally, physically, spiritually, etc. It was not until recently that
many of the Canadian churches took ownership of their transgressions against the indigenous in
Canada and publically acknowledged the atrocities that they had committed. They came to the
realization that it was time to apologize and ask for forgiveness from the indigenous people and
work with them to mend the relationship for the future. Similarly, the TRC in South Sudan has a
goal that all the perpetrators, namely those in political power would take ownership of their own
corruption and the effects that it has had on the citizens of South Sudan. The political elites in
South Sudan have been and continue to use people as pawns in their own quest for power. They
have allowed ethnic cleansings that have killed tens of thousands to take place for the sake of
their own tribal superiority. In addition, they have allowed their own people to be massacred for
retaining political power in the region. As a result, most people are living in poverty and there is
no opportunity to escape poverty. The nation is practically in ruins with no plans of progressing
infrastructure. The TRC in South Sudan plans that one day, these political figures will take
responsibility for running their own country to the ground at the expense of their personal luxury.

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Millions of people are suffering at the hands of these political figures and they need to take
action to reverse the cycle of poverty and ruin among the marginalized and the oppressed. They
need to be forgiven by their people and them to get past tribal conflict and move in the direction
of prosperity.
Additionally, the TRC in South Sudan models the TRC in South Africa in several
different ways. One example of this is the distinction between truth and reconciliation. In From
Truth to Reconciliation, Jennifer Llewellyn makes the argument that, truth and reconciliation
are not one and the same. Distinguishing the two also makes clear that while truth may be
necessary for reconciliation, it alone is not sufficient. There is a road toward reconciliation and
truth is a fundamental part of the journey, but there are other steps to be taken along the way
(Castellano et al 187). Reconciliation in South Africa was not a guarantee simply because truth
telling was taking place. Facts were being presented and analyzed, however it is not enough to
simply know of what atrocities happened. Acknowledgement of atrocities needs to take place and
the stage for forgiveness needs to be set by both the perpetrator and the victim involved. Then,
repairing the relationship can enter a process with the eventual goal that the perpetrator and the
victim can become holistic friends. In the same way, the TRC in South Sudan has adopted this
mentality and method in its own reconciliation strategy. It is clear that the TRC in South Sudan is
dedicated to the same path of reconciliation as South Africa. There is an understanding that the
trajectory of the future depends on transforming past suffering with the purpose of constructing a
progressive society.
Conclusion
The political power struggle and the ethnic conflict in South Sudan is a toxic combination
that has left thousands dead and millions displaced in poverty. The future of South Sudan will

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look terribly similar to its current state unless those in political leadership take a new approach in
dealing with the turmoil in the land. Speed Leas outlines several conflict management styles in
his book, but there is one style that needs to be utilized. The collaborative conflict style is
essential for political actors like Kiir and Machar to couple the efforts of the TRC. This style
requires mutual problem solving from both parties to produce win-win solution. It requires
patience and commitment because people like Kiir and Machar have to work together even
though they greatly disagree and there seems not to be much common ground. This style will
only be successful if both parties are willing to engage in meaningful dialogue with each other
and to leave personal vendettas and agendas out of the conversation. It will require both men to
let their pride down and not consumed by their ethnicities and past conflict. If they desire the
common good for the people of South Sudan, then there is hope with a collaborative conflict
style to lead to political and ethnic reconciliation in South Sudan.

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Works Cited
Bay, Austin. "South Sudan Needs Another Reconciliation Process." On Creators.com. 2014. Web. 09
May 2015.
Castellano, Marlene Brant, Linda Archibald, and Mike DeGagne. From Truth to Reconciliation:
Transforming the Legacy of Residential Schools. Ottawa: Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 2008.
Print.
"Change Starts with Me: First Training of CNHPR Peace Mobilisers, Warrap." CNHPR. 2014. Web. 10
May 2015.
"Conflicts in South Sudan." Enough Project, 01 Oct. 2014. Web. 08 May 2015.
Copnall, James. "South Sudan: The Impact of War and the Importance of Peace." Conflict and
Development. The Guardian, 26 Nov. 2014. Web. 11 May 2015.
Deng, David, and Elizabeth Deng. "South Sudan Talks Must Make Provision for Justice and
Reconciliation." African Arguments. 08 Jan. 2014. Web. 10 May 2015.
Helmick, Raymond G., and Rodney Lawrence. Petersen. Forgiveness and Reconciliation Religion,
Public Policy & Conflict Transformation. Philadelphia: Templeton Foundation, 2002. Print.
"Joint Statement by South Sudan's Peace and Reconciliation Bodies." UNDP in Africa. 09 Jan. 2014.
Web. 11 May 2015.