The Affirmative misses the forest for the trees- their focus

recounting the images of oppression of the red body in

relation to the ocean obscures structure and portrays the
red body as behind in a developmental hierarchy that
reifies the structures they critique.
Tuck and Yang 14 (Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang, Assistant Professor of Educational
Foundations and Coordinator of Native American Studies at the State University of New York & Prof of
ethnic studies @ USCD, R-Words: Refusing Research, 2014)//Miro

Logics of pain focus on events, sometimes hiding structure, always

adhering to a teleological trajectory of pain, brokenness, repair, or
irreparabilityfrom unbroken, to broken, and then to unbroken again. Logics of pain require
time to be organized as linear and rigid, in which the pained body
(or community or people) is set back or delayed on some kind of path of
humanization, and now must catch up (but never can) to the
settler/unpained/abled body (or community or people or society or philosophy or
knowledge system). In this way, the logics of pain has superseded the now
outmoded racism of an explicit racial hierarchy with a much more
politically tolerable racism of a developmental hierarchy. Under
a developmental hierarchy, in which some were undeterred by pain and oppression,
and others were waylaid by their victimry and subalternity, damage-centered research
reifies a settler temporality

and helps suppress other under-standings of time.

Focusing on decolonizing the mind allows people with

privilege to relieve themselves of guilt without ever
solving the problem.
Tuck and Yang. 2012 Eve Tuck is an assistant professor of educational foundations at the
State University of New York at New Paltz. Her writing, which has been concerned with Indigenous theories,
qualitative research, research ethics, and theories of change, has appeared in the Harvard Educational
Review, the Urban Review and several edited volumes, including Ethical Futures in Qualitative Research
and the Handbook of Critical and Indigenous Methodologies. K. Wayne Yang is an assistant professor at UC
San Diego. Ph.D., 2004, Social and Cultural Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Decolonization:
Indigeneity, Education & Society Vol. 1, No. 1, 2012, pp. 1-40
Fanon told us in 1963 that decolonizing the mind is the first step, not the only step toward overthrowing colonial regimes.

another settler move to innocence is to focus on

decolonizing the mind, or the cultivation of critical consciousness, as
if it were the sole activity of decolonization ; to allow
conscientization to stand in for the more uncomfortable task of
relinquishing stolen land. We agree that curricula, literature, and pedagogy can
be crafted to aid people in learning to see settler colonialism, to
articulate critiques of settler epistemology, and set aside settler
histories and values in search of ethics that reject domination and
exploitation; this is not unimportant work. However, the front-loading of critical
consciousness building can waylay decolonization, even though the
experience of teaching and learning to be critical of settler
colonialism can be so powerful it can feel like it is indeed making
change. Until stolen land is relinquished , critical consciousness does not translate
Yet we wonder whether

into action that disrupts settler colonialism . So, we respectfully disagree with George
Clinton and Funkadelic (1970) and En Vogue (1992) when they assert that if you free your mind, the rest (your ass) will
follow. Paulo Freire, eminent education philosopher, popular educator, and liberation theologian, wrote his celebrated
book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, in no small part as a response to Fanons Wretched of the Earth. Its influence upon
critical pedagogy and on the practices of educators committed to social justice cannot be overstated. Therefore, it is
important to point out significant differences between Freire and Fanon, especially with regard to de/colonization. Freire
situates the work of liberation in the minds of the oppressed, an abstract category of dehumanized worker vis-a-vis a
similarly abstract category of oppressor. This is a sharp right turn away from Fanons work, which always positioned the
work of liberation in the particularities of colonization, in the specific structural and interpersonal categories of Native and
settler. Under Freires paradigm, it is unclear who the oppressed are, even more ambiguous who the oppressors are, and it
is inferred throughout that an innocent third category of enlightened human exists: those who suffer with [the oppressed]
and fight at their side (Freire, 2000, p. 42). These words, taken from the opening dedication of Pedagogy of the
Oppressed, invoke the same settler fantasy of mutuality based on sympathy and suffering. Fanon positions decolonization
as chaotic, an unclean break from a colonial condition that is already over determined by the violence of the colonizer and
unresolved in its possible futures. By contrast, Freire positions liberation as redemption, a freeing of both oppressor and
oppressed through their humanity. Humans become subjects who then proceed to work on the objects of the world
(animals, earth, water), and indeed read the word (critical consciousness) in order to write the world (exploit nature). For
Freire, there are no Natives, no Settlers, and indeed no history, and the future is simply a rupture from the timeless
present. Settler colonialism is absent from his discussion, implying either that it is an unimportant analytic or that it is an
already completed project of the past (a past oppression perhaps). Freires theories of liberation resoundingly echo the
allegory of Platos Cave, a continental philosophy of mental emancipation, whereby the thinking man individualistically
emerges from the dark cave of ignorance into the light of critical consciousness. By contrast, black feminist thought roots
freedom in the darkness of the cave, in that well of feeling and wisdom from which all knowledge is recreated. These
places of possibility within ourselves are dark because they are ancient and hidden; they have survived and grown strong
through darkness. Within these deep places, each one of us holds an incredible reserve of creativity and power, of
unexamined and unrecorded emotion and feeling. The woman's place of power within each of us is neither white nor
surface; it is dark, it is ancient, and it is deep. (Lorde, 1984, pp. 36-37) Audre Lordes words provide a sharp contrast to
Platos sight-centric image of liberation: The white fathers told us, I think therefore I am; and the black mothers in each
of us - the poet - whispers in our dreams, I feel therefore I can be free (p. 38). For Lorde, writing is not action upon the
world. Rather, poetry is giving a name to the nameless, first made into language, then into idea, then into more tangible
action (p. 37). Importantly, freedom is a possibility that is not just mentally generated; it is particular and felt. Freires
philosophies have encouraged educators to use colonization

as a metaphor for
oppression. In such a paradigm, internal colonization reduces to mental colonization,
logically leading to the solution of decolonizing ones mind and the rest will follow. Such philosophy
conveniently sidesteps the most unsettling of questions: The essential thing is
to see clearly, to think clearly - that is, dangerously and to answer clearly the innocent first question: what,

colonialism is comprised of global and historical

relations, Cesaires question must be considered globally and historically. However, it cannot be reduced
to a global answer, nor a historical answer. To do so is to use
colonization metaphorically. What is colonization? must be answered specifically, with attention to
fundamentally, is colonization? (Cesaire, 2000, p. 32) Because

the colonial apparatus that is assembled to order the relationships between particular peoples, lands, the natural world,

and civilization. Colonialism is marked by its specializations . In North America and other
settings, settler sovereignty imposes sexuality, legality, raciality, language, religion and property in specific ways.

Decolonization likewise must be thought through in these

particularities. To agree on what [decolonization] is not: neither evangelization, nor a philanthropic
enterprise, nor a desire to push back the frontiers of ignorance, disease, and tyranny... (Cesaire, 2000, p. 32) We
deliberately extend Cesaires words above to assert what decolonization is not. It is not converting Indigenous politics to a

is not
a generic term for struggle against oppressive conditions and
outcomes. The broad umbrella of social justice may have room underneath for all of these efforts. By contrast,
Western doctrine of liberation; it is not a philanthropic process of helping the at-risk and alleviating suffering; it

decolonization specifically requires the repatriation of Indigenous land and life. Decolonization is not a metonym for social
justice. We dont intend to discourage those who have dedicated careers and lives to teaching themselves and others to
be critically conscious of racism, sexism, homophobia, classism, xenophobia, and settler colonialism. We are asking

the pursuit of critical consciousness, the pursuit of

social justice through a critical enlightenment, can also be settler
moves to innocence - diversions, distractions, which relieve the
settler of feelings of guilt or responsibility, and conceal the need to
give up land or power or privilege. Anna Jacobs 2009 Masters thesis explores the possibilities
them/you to consider how

for what she calls white harm reduction models. Harm reduction models attempt to reduce the harm or risk of specific
practices. Jacobs identifies white supremacy as a public health issue that is at the root of most other public health issues.
The goal of white harm reduction models, Jacobs says, is to reduce the harm that white supremacy has had on white
people, and the deep harm it has caused non-white people over generations. Learning from Jacobs analysis, we
understand the curricularpedagogical project of critical consciousness as settler harm reduction, crucial in the
resuscitation of practices and intellectual life outside of settler ontologies. (Settler) harm reduction is intended only as a
stopgap. As the environmental crisis escalates and peoples around the globe are exposed to greater concentrations of
violence and poverty, the need for settler harm reduction is acute, profoundly so. At the same time we remember that, by

conscientization, is not the same as

decolonization and does not inherently offer any pathways that lead
to decolonization.
definition, settler harm reduction, like

Any risk of a link means you vote negative: neuroscience

disproves the idea that you can parse out the nonspectacular parts of the Aff- your thinking has already
been subconsciously impacted by disgust.
Livingston 12 (Assistant prof of Government @ Cornell, post-doctoral fellow in the department
of Political Science @ Johns Hopkins University, doctoral fellow at the Centre for Ethics at the University of
Toronto (Alexander, Avoiding Deliberative Democracy? Micropolitics, Manipulation, and the Public Sphere,
Philosophy & Rhetoric, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2012), pp. 269-294, Project MUSE)//Miro

thinking is distributed across

multiple registers that make possible visceral modes of appraisal
(1999, 27). It is these deep, intensive, and reactive visceral modes of
thinking and judgment that the deliberative image of thinking
overlooks. Disgust , for example, is a visceral response that makes your
stomach turn. It seems to well up inside you without your willing it. The values and beliefs of others can
Against the intellectualist image of thought, Connolly argues that

sometimes stimulate this kind of feeling, say, if they present you with a defense of cloning, or euthanasia, or gay

You cant always put your finger on what it is that

strikes you as so disgusting and morally contaminating about such proposals,
marriage, as the case may be.

but sometimes you just feel that they are plain wrong. Were unable to provide defensible reasons for our responses.

that visceral and embodied

responses like disgust, shame, and hatred come to play a role in
political decision making as they evidently do in political
deliberations about matters such as cloning, euthanasia, and gay marriageand that a
deliberative approach is poorly equipped to deal with them. Deliberative
Sometimes things just rub us the wrong way. Connollys point is

democrats either require that these sorts of affective feelings are purged from the public sphere as unfortunate distortions
of real communication, or they suggest that they can be subject to deliberation and argument just as any other sort of

Visceral
reactions are not conceptually sophisticated thoughts and as such
are not amenable to deliberation, argumentation, or verbal
persuasion. The exchange of validity claims alone is not enough to
stop your stomach from churning when you think about the right to
die. Deliberative democrats need to learn how much more there is to thinking than argument and to begin
experimenting with alternative forms of political engagement (1999, 149). Because political judgment is
so often carried out at the level of this visceral or virtual register,
belief, interest, or prejudice can be. Connolly thinks that both of these approaches are bound to fail.

deliberation cannot provide a privileged or efficacious form of participation, justification, or transformation. To corroborate

recent findings in
neuroscience that suggest a more intimate relationship between
reason, the emotions, and the body than [End Page 272] the intellectualist account assumes.
Like some other political theorists, Connolly hopes that a closer engagement with neurology
and cognitive science will provide grounds for a more adequate
account of subjectivity, reason, and ethics.3 The kind of thinking that intellectualists
these claims about the multiple registers of thinking, Connolly turns to

privilegesophisticated, conceptual, reflective, deliberative, and linguistically mediatedthoughtpertains to the activity

of the largest part of the brain, the cerebral cortex. It is through the rich and complex layers of neural activity in the

recent
findings in neuroscience suggest, however, is that cortical activity is not
autonomous and is in fact in some ways subservient to the parts of
the brain that control emotions, memory, and affect
cortex that we can perform intricate activities like planning, speaking, reasoning, and arguing. What

a. The idea that depictions of suffering are necessary to

spur action is a radical denial of agency it requires
communities to position themselves as powerless
and in need of a colonial savior.
Tuck and Yang 14 (Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang, Assistant Professor of Educational
Foundations and Coordinator of Native American Studies at the State University of New York & Prof of
ethnic studies @ UCSD, R-Words: Refusing Research, 2014)//Miro

educational research and much of

has been concerned with documenting damage, or
empirically substantiating the oppression and pain of Native communities, urban communities, and other
disenfranchised communities. Damage-centered researchers may
operate, even benevolently, within a theory of change in which harm must
be recorded or proven in order to convince an outside adjudicator that
Elsewhere, Eve (Tuck, 2009, 2010) has argued that
social science research

reparations are deserved . These reparations presumably take the form of addi-tional
resources, settlements, affirmative actions, and other material, political, and sovereign adjustments. Eve

this theory of change [is] as both colonial and flawed, because

it relies upon Western notions of power as scarce and concentrated,
and because it requires disenfranchised communities to position
themselves as both singularly defective and powerless to make
change (2010). Finally, Eve has observed that won reparations rarely become
has described

reality , and that in many cases, communities are left with a narrative that
tells them that they are broken.

Valuing Natives for their disruption of Western culture

essentializes and creates fungible use value, turning case
Vizenor 94 (Gerald Vizenor (be afraid, be very afraid). Manifest Manners. 1994. Page 24-25)
President Ronald Reagan, for instance, told university students on his official visit to
Moscow, "Maybe we made a mistake in trying to maintain Indian
cultures. Maybe we should not have humored them in wanting to stay in that
kind of primitive lifestyle." William Least Heat-Moon, the author of Blue Highways
and PrairyErth, is another cause of manifest manners and simulations in the literature
of dominance. "If there really are such things as American longings," he wrote in a foreword to
the new edition of Old Indian Trails by Walter McClintock, "surely one of them must be the wish
to put aside our modernity with all its emptiness and complex disturbances and to go
live as the Indians did before the Europeans descended here .
Perhaps even better, to join a tribe with old ways and discover whether
life with people only slightly beyond a stone-age culture is sweeter than ours, to
learn whether tribal Americans truly built their lives around a
harmony and balance between humankind and the rest of nature."
Heat-Moon assumes a surname and embraces pronouns that would undermine his own intended
identities as a postindian author. He simulates the presence of the tribal other as
"slightly beyond a stoneage culture" and denies an obvious tribal attribution with the
phrase, "sweeter than ours." In PrairyErth he creates a county with manifest
manners and no more than a romantic trace of native tribal cultures.
The tribes were reduced to curious silhouettes, not the stories of
survivance. Alas, he is amused by a character named Venerable Tashmoo, "a Canadian, with some
Ojibway blood." He said, "If Tecumseh had owned a Chevy, he'd never have said selling a county was like

trying to sell air or the clouds." Charles A. Lindbergh, the aviator and adventurer, wrote in his lucid
Autobiography of Values that his grandfather, who had emigrated from Sweden and settled in Minnesota,
"started the community's first school in his farm granary." The school, of course, is an admirable
remembrance, but the land, the stolen land and removal of tribal families to reservations, was a mere
mention in the literature of dominance. "Children of those days lived in constant fear of Indians, though the
Chippewa were friendly and even if, as grownups told them quite truthfully, there was no longer any
danger from the Sioux. Now and then, when parents were out of hearing, boys would hide in bushes and
whoop like savages to frighten sisters and their friends." The manifest manners were the tired simulations

"When the
real is no longer what it used to be, nostalgia assumes its full
meaning," wrote Baudrillard in Simulacra and Simulations. "There is a proliferation of
myths of origin and signs of reality; of second-hand truth, objectivity and
authenticity." Nostalgia, and the melancholia of dominance, are common sources
of simulations in manifest manners; mother earth and the shamans
of the other are summoned to surrender their peace and harmonies in
spiritual movements. Ed McGaa, the postindian warrior of simulations and sun dance
of savagism, at least, that his parents would not hear but in the pleasure of his memories.

ceremonies, nominated a new rainbow tribe to counter savagism and manifest manners. "The red people

wrote in Rainbow Tribe.

land was kept pure and clean. It was still very productive and was not
overpopulated." He claims that such "treasures" as "harmonious sociology,
unselfish leadership, warm family kinship, and honest justice"
proliferated in traditional tribal cultures. The simulations of his
rainbow tribe are treacherous, in one sense, because nostalgia is the
absence of the real, not the presence of imagination and the wild seasons of
peace. The rainbow tribe is a diversion, it would seem, a simulation marooned
in the romance of the noble savage and the unattainable salvation of absolute boredom
and melancholy.
had no need to consider migration from their nature-based system," he
"Their